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Police/Law Enforcement and Psychology

Eric Ostrov, J.D., Ph.D.

The number of areas of interface between psychology and law enforcement has grown sharply in the past few decades. At the same time the field of law enforcement-related psychology has acquired increased knowledge and so- phisticalion based on extensive research and practical experience. Areas of interface between law enforcement and psychology include selection of police oflcer candidates; Jitness-for-duty evaluahons; prevention and treatment of stress-related disorders; hostage negotiation; psychological profiling of terror- ists and mass murderers; and eyewitness testimony. Trends and developments in these areas are surveyed in this article.

INTRODUCTION

In 1967 the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and the Adminis- tration of Justice wrote a comprehensive report on police organizations and personnel in the United States (President’s Commission, 1967). That report mentioned the role of psychology in only one context: selection of police recruits. As described in that work even that role was limited. In 1955, a survey showed that only 14 cities with a population over 100,000 had formal programs for psychiatric or psychological testing of police applicants. Selection methods used were heterogeneous, ranging from clinical interviews to administration of Min- nesota Multiphasic Personality Inventors (MMPIs) to group Rorschachs. A 1961 survey showed that only about 15% of the local agencies contacted screened their candidates for emotional fitness routinely (President’s Commission 1967). In 1965, 27% of surveyed agencies conducted some kind of psychological evaluation of police applicants.

In 1973, the National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals advised that every police agency should “employ a formal process for the selection of qualified police applicants.” Based on a nationwide survey, Goldstein (1975) reported that 42 of 46 responding states used some form of psychologicaI screening for police hiring.

In 1985, psychological screening of police officer candidates was made man-

Eric Ostrov, J.D., Ph.D. is Director, Police Evaluation Project, Section on Psychiatry and The Law, Rush-Presbyterian-St. Luke’s Medical Center, Chicago and Associate Professor Psychology, Rush Medical College. Correspondence and reprint requests should be addressed to: Eric Ostrov, J.D., Ph.D.. Isaac Roy Center, 104 S. Michigan Ave.. Suite 1220, Chicago, IL 60603.

Behavioral Sciences & the Law, Vol. 4, NO. 4, pp. 353-370 (1986) 8 1986 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. CCC0735-3936/86/040353-18$04.00

354 Ostrov: Police Law Enforcement and Psychology

datory in California. A Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Commis- sion regulation stated, “Peace officer applicants shall be judged to be free from job-relevant psychopathology . . . as diagnosed by a qualified professional . . .” (Hargrave & Berner, 1984). POST regulations state that, “psychological suita- bility shall be determined on the basis of objective psychological test score information which has been interpreted by a qualified professional” (Hargrave and Berner, 1984). According to Behrens (1985), 11 states currently mandate police and correctional officer screening by statute.

Fabricatone (1979) details legal cases such as Allen v . The City ofLos Angeles and Bonsignore v. the City of N a v York (from 1976 and 1981, respectively) which held that a municipality may be responsible for ascertaining the potential for dangerous behavior of any its employees including police officers. In 1978, the United States Supreme Court held that municipalities are responsible for the wrongful actions of their employees (presumably including unwarranted police actions) under some circumstances. According to Meredith (1984), there were more than 20,000 cases pending against municipalities for police officer unwarranted violence and its consequences with the result that “some cities are refusing to write policies that protect the police financially against . . . judgements.”

While the role psychologists play in augumenting police officer selection was expanding, there was an increase in the number of other areas of interface between psychology and law enforcement. As will be shown in this article these areas of interface range from psychotherapeutic interventions on behalf of police officers to profiling the psychological functioning of mass murderers. In addition, the field of police psychology or law enforcement-related forensic psychology has been maturing as a separate discipline. The Federal Bureau of Investigation has played a key role in these developments, both through independent contri- butions and sponsoring conferences that foster the professional growth of the field. The National Symposium on Police Psychological Services and the World Conference on Police Psychology sponsored by the FBI in 1984 and 1985, respectively, are notable examples. Topics covered in these conferences ranged from police officer selection to peer counseling. In 1985 the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) sponsored a meeting in Skiathos, Greece that fo- cused on law enforcement-related psychological issues such as hostage negotiation techniques and eyewitness testimony research. In recent years the Police Psychology Section of Division 18 of the American Psychological Association has become increasingly active and well organized. The International Association of Chiefs of Police formed a standing Police Psychology Committee in 1985. Attempts are being made to write standards for psychological practice at the interface between law enforcement and psychology (Inwald, 1984). It is under- standable why Robert Loo, Chief Psychologist of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, wrote, “the field of police psychology is relatively new, but is maturing rapidly since its birth in the late 1960’s.” (Loo, 1986). Psychologists and other mental health professionals have become involved in almost every aspect of law enforcement. The growth of the branch of psychology concerned with law en-

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forcement has been marked by widening application, increased and better research, and rapidly growing expertise.

APPLICATIONS OF PSYCHOLOGY TO LAW ENFORCEMENT

Selection of Law Enforcement Personnel

The Task Force on Police of the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement stated, “The emotional stability to withstand the stressors of police work must, of necessity, be a primary requisite of police personnel. Officers must rationally cope with violence, verbal abuse, resentment, and emergency. The emotionally unfit cannot meet these stressors.” The Task Force concluded, “Psychological tests, such as the MMPI, and interviews to determine emotional stability should be conducted by all departments” (President’s Commission, 1967).

The history of the involvement of psychology with police recruit selection has been one of increasing refinement and skill not just increased extent of utilization. Reviews of the use of psychological tests to screen police candidates are found in Burbeck and Fumham (1983, Poland (1978), and Hargrave and Berner (1984). Early attempts at psychological screening involved a wide variety of approaches backed by a minimum of validational research. Thus, an attempt was made to use the Humm-Wadsworth Temperament Scale as a selection device for screening police recruit applicants (Humm & Humm, 1950). Little validation data had been brought to bear regarding use of this test. Similarly, interviews used in the early days of psychological evaluation of candidates, have been criticized as having little empirical backing (Hargrave & Bemer, 1984). Projective tests such as the Sentence Completion Test (Johnson, 1983) and the Rorschach (Blum, 1964) have been used in police selection with mixed results (See also Burbeck & Furnham, 1985). While intelligence is certainly a factor in being a good police officer, use of I.Q. tests to screen recruits presents the danger of adverse impact on minority group members (Gordan, 1969).

Experience with psychological evaluation of police recruit candidates has brought increased sophistication to this field (Green, 1982; Hargrave & Kohls, 1984). Researchers are now aware that when trying to validate selection procedures a complex model must be used that addresses factors such as (1) outcome criteria, (2) possible disparate impact of selection procedures on various groups- particularly minorities and other “suspect” classifications (Hargrave & Hiatt, 1986), and (3) restriction of range problems due to not hiring candidates who perform most poorly on the selection procedures and, therefore, are not available when outcome data are gathered (Spielberger, Ward, & Spaulding, 1979). The outcome criteria problem is a particularly difficult one. Supervisors’ ratings, for instance, may reflect nonjob factors such as friendship patterns (Poland, 1984). Other difficulties concern the fact that test validation studies must be specific to the situation of candidates’ being screened for employment; other groups (for

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instance, officers already in the field) would have a different set while taking the tests for instance, and would be less likely to “fake good” (Burbeck & Furnham, 1984; Snibbe et al., 1976; Saccuzor, Higgins, & Lewandowski, 1974; Thurber, 198 1). Psychological screening can be directed toward identifying potentially successful officers (Baehr, Furcan, & Froemel, 1968; Fabricatore et al., 1978) or toward eliminating aberrant individuals (Burbeck & Furnham, 1985). Picking the potentially most successful officer is particularly difficult in large departments in light of the diverse nature of police work and police roles available in these settings. Increasing recognition will have to be given to the fact that police work is not homogeneous, with forces being rural or urban and ranging from a few persons to many thousands; within a large urban department police work can involve investigations, aggressive street work, or filing papers in addition to many other roles (Burbeck & Furnham, 1985). Different tests or at least different criteria may be appropriate for all these different types of departments and positions.

The state of the art in police selection currently involves using the most highly validated tests or procedures in conjunction with an analysis of the cost require- ments of the hiring agency. The most comprehensive survey conducted thus far (Hargrave & Berrfer, 1984) indicates that the MMPI and the California Psycho- logical Inventory (CPI) are the most validated psychological tests for police candidate selection. The MMPI is also the most frequently used and probably best-validated non-projective test (Butcher, 1979; Burbeck & Fumham, 1985; Johnson, 1983). Recent studies supporting the validity of the MMPI for police selection purposes include those by Sachs (1980), Bernstein, Schanfeld and Costello (1982), Beutler, et al. (1985), Inwald and Shuman (1984), and Hargrave (1985). The validity of the CPI has been studied by Hortsman (1977) and Hogan and Kurtines (1975). The 16 PF also has been identified as a valid test for psychological screening purposes (Fabricatore et al., 1978). A test developed more recently for the specific purpose of selecting law enforcement officers, the Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI) (Inwald, Knadz, & Shusman, 1983) has begun to accumulate a great deal of substantiating validational research (Inwald & Shusman, 1984; Inwald, Shusman & Landa, 1984; Brobst & Brock, 1984; Ostrov & Cavanaugh, 1986). It should be pointed out, however, that there have been some dissenting voices raised about the effectiveness of psychological tests in the screening of future police officers (Levy, 1976; Lester et al., 1980). Mills and Stratton (1982) concluded that the MMPI is not a useful predictor of success in law enforcement based on a comparison between MMPI scores at time of hire and a variety of subsequent performance measures. “There was no evidence to support the MMPI as a predictor of police performance.”

Aside from psychological tests, interviews, polygraphs, and situational tests are effective and useful (Brobst & Brock, 1984; Dunette & Motowidlo, 1976; O’Leary, 1975; Reinke, 1977; Landy, 1976; Filer, 1979; Mills, 1976; Kent, Wall, & Bailey, 1974; Pugh, 1985; Chenoweth, 1961; Gaines & Lewis, 1982; Mills, McDavitt and Tomkin). But, these are more expensive than are objective psychological tests and proof of the necessity of their use as a supplement to



objective tests awaits further empirical validation. Presently, a small department hiring at most a few officers a year could justify the cost of obtaining the extensive cross-validational information provided by using a wide variety of assessment methods. Large departments hiring as many as several thousand recruits in a year might conclude that using a wide variety of methods is prohibitively expensive and that use of psychological tests in addition to only a few other assessment techniques, such as a background investigation and an interview, is sufficient.

Fitness for Duty Evaluations

Suprisingly little has been written about one of the key functions of the police psychologist; the mandatory fitness-for-duty evaluation. A mandatory fitness- for-duty evaluation involves a clinical assessment that has been ordered by the police department or other responsible officials (Ostrov, Nowicki, & Beazley, 1985). The evaluation is conducted against a background of concern or claims regarding an officer’s ability to function adequately on full active duty.

Fitness-for-duty evaluations present difficulties for all parties involved (Saxe- Clifford, 1986). From the administrator’s point of view, the officer being eval- uated may pose a serious risk to the public, fellow officers, or himself. The officer, if he is maintaining that he is not impaired, may feel his career is at stake or, if he is claiming serious impairment, may feel that he may not receive the help he needs. Issues of potential liability surround this evaluation. If an administrator delays obtaining the evaluation of an officer showing signs of emotional disturbance, the department could engender liability if that officer later acts in a destructive way. If the officer is ordered to undergo an evaluation and is found unfit for duty he could litigate, claiming unfair deprivation of his right to earn a living. If he is found fit for duty despite his contending he is too emotionally ill to work, he could litigate under Workman Compensation laws or through claims centering on rights to medical benefits.

For the mental health professional conducting these evaluations the challenge is to make a recommendation that is fair, adequate, and specific in the face of often conflicting claims on the part of the officer and other parties such as his supervisors, the department, and various citizens. As Saxe-Clifford (1986) points out, this task is not made any easier by the fact that often a judgement concerning future behavior or dangerousness is involved, a judgement that “is not common or comfortable for most practitioners.”

An effective fitness-for-duty evaluation requires procedures that go beyond those that might be sufficient for conducting an ordinary clinical diagnostic interview (Ostrov, Nowicki, & Beazley, 1986). One notable distinction between the mandatory fitness-for-dury evaluation and the ordinary clinical diagnostic interview involves the motivation and knowledge of the evaluatee. In the ordinary clinical interview, the client presumably is motivated to share his concerns and symptoms openly in order to maximize the possibility of obtaining help. Cli- nicians usually deal with persons who are not specially trained in investigation

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techniques. Very often these clients have or are accompanied by documents that attest to a long history of mental illness. In contrast, the mandatory evaluation may reflect a departmental attempt to rule out the possibility that the officer is malingering and trying to take advantage of medical benefits. In the more usual case the department is raising the possibility that the officer is unfit while the officer is vigorously maintaining that he is not unfit. In either case the assessor must entertain the possibility that the officer is motivated not to fully share his feelings or fully describe his behavior. The officer-evaluatee is often highly trained in investigation and knows what can or cannot be learned through interviews or other sources of information. Often the only records available are sketchy or arguably biased work records.

To meet the challenge posed by mandatory fitness-for-duty evaluations, Os- trov, Nowicki, and Beazley (1986) recommend using multimethod assessments including a structured psychiatric interview, diagnostic psychological testing, interviewing persons who know the officer in a variety of contexts (e.g., su- pervisor and spouse), and extensive review of all existing departmental and psychiatric records. In this model the fitness-for-duty evaluator takes on the role of an investigator who aggressively seeks out information about the evaluatee with the hope of obtaining convergence of information across the assessment methods used in order to best serve the interest of the public, the department, and the individual officer himself. It is important to note in this context that, while the fitness-for-duty evaluation is often conducted at least initially in the context of possible conflicting interests and potential litigation, the end result is often recommendations for treatment. The usual outcome of a fitness-for-duty evaluation is that an impaired officer is referred for, and reinstated after, a period of treatment.

Despite broad agreement regarding optimal procedures, at this time there are many unresolved issues regarding the best way to conduct fitness-for-duty evaluations. One issue concerns the personnel who should be conducting these evaluations. In the New York City Police Department, for instance, (Archibald, 1984) psychologists who provide treatment and support services for police officers also conduct mandatory fitness-for-duty evaluations for the department. In the Chicago model the professionals who conduct mandatory evaluations for the department are part of an organization that purposely provides no treatment for officers. In turn, the professionals who provide treatment for officers are part of a facility that conducts no mandatory fitness-for-duty evaluation. The benefit of the New York City model is the balance and perspective obtained by delivering services that are helpful and therapeutic as well as at times potentially adversarial. The advantage of the Chicago model is the avoidance of possible confidentaility and conflict of interest problems that dual roles can create. To illustrate the Chicago advantage, under the New York City model a psychotherapist would always have to be wary about using information in a mandatory evaluative context that was gathered in treatment. The information in question could have been obtained from an officer who was in treatment who is later referred for mandatory evaluation or it could pertain to information gathered from an officer in treatment

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about another officer who is later referred for mandatory evaluation. Once such information is obtained an ethical dilemma would be presented since using it could break therapeutic confidentiality while not using it could undermine the primary goal of the mandatory evaluation which is to protect the department and the public (Weiner, 1984). It also could be argued that emotionally and profes- sionally, due to his usual empathic stance toward troubled officers, a psychotherapist might have difficulty being sufficiently aggressive in seeking out the truth regarding conflicting claims about an officer’s functioning. In any event, the relative newness of this field is demonstrated by the lack of accepted standards in this area. To date no such standards have been published.

PSYCHOTHERAPEUTIC, GROUP AND SYSTEMS INTERVENTIONS

Causes and Consequences of Police Stress

A vast amount of literature has been generated in the last two decades describing the stress of police work and its consequences (Singleton, 1978; Reiser, 1974a; Reiser, 1974b; Blanch, 1977; Kroes & Hurrell, 1975; Kroes & Hurrell, 1975; Moore & Donahue, 1978; Stratton, 1978; Ellison, 1978; Hageman, 1978; Moore, 1976; Ward, 1979; Bracey, 1979; White, et al., 1985; Symonds, 1970; Honig & Reiser, 1973; Sandy & DeVine, 1978; Violanti & Marshall, 1983; Alkus & Padesky, 1983; Loo, 1984; Pemer & Toner, 1984; Violanti, 1983; Stratton, 1984). Several bibliographies describing police stress have been published (Duncan & Kravitz, 1979; Wojtyna, 1978). A magazine devoted in its entirety to police stress was founded in 1977 by the International Law Enforce- ment Stress Association, not surprisingly called Police Stress.

Sources of stress could be broken down into organizational, operational, and situational components. Organizational sources of stress center upon shift ro- tation, lack of supervisory support and lack of career development opportunities (Kroes, 1979; Donovan, 1978; Kroes & Hurrell, 1975; Lester, 1982; MacGuire, 1979; Potts, 1982; Reiser, 1974a; Reiser, 1974b; Gaines & Jermier, 1983; Farmer, 1980; A!dag, 1978; Hilton, 1973; Blum, 1970; Kroes & Hurrell, 1974; Black- more, 1978; Stotland, 1978; Reiser, 1976; Denyer & Thompson, 1975; Hillgren, Bond, & Jones, 1976). The stress of being passed over for police promotions has been described by Shaefer (1983).

Operational sources of stress include the life endangering nature of much police work; civil liability; tensions between patrol officers and the community in which they work; and adverse affects of police work on the police officer’s family life with the result that the officer experiences an increasingly lack of support at home (Picture, 1980; Reiser & Seitzinger, 1978; Stratton, 1975). Another factor is boredom and inactivity (Picture, 1980).

At a situational level, the extreme stress of being shot by or shooting a citizen has been described by Singleton, 1978; Symonds, 1978; Carson, 1982; Stratton, Parker, & Snibbe, 1984; Kroes, 1979; Hill, 1984; & Cohen, 1980). Durham,

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McCammon, and Allison (1985) have described the psychological effect of being among rescue personnel responding to a disaster.

While there has been an enormous emphasis on stress in the literature, not all authors agree that police work involves more stress than do other occupations. Thus, Lester and Gallagher (1980), studying stress in police officers and department store managers, did not find that the police experienced greater stress. Evidence contraindicating greater stress among police officers also is presented by Lester and Mink (1979) and Fabricatore and Dash (1977). Other articles indicate that individual personality variables-not necessarily job-related envi- ronmental stress-are primarily correlated with various kinds of symptomatology and adverse behavior Diskin, Goldstein, & Grencik, 1977; Watson, 1969; Kruse, 1972; Weichman, 1979; Jacques & Matchnick, 1979; Adlam, 1982; Gudjonsson & Adlam, 1983; Mulloy & Mays, 1984; Lawrence, 1984).

The effects of stress have been broken down into two categories: internalized and externalized (Dallas Police Department, 1979). Internalized stress involves psychosomatic problems such as migraine headaches and gastric disorders. Ex- ternalized stress involves impulsive behavior, overreactions and other forms of negative or problematic interactions with others.

Internalized, physiologic manifestations of stress among police officers have been described by Reiser (1976), Blackmore (1978), Wallace (1978), and Vul- cano, Barnes and Breen (1984). Haynes (1978) states that stress-related disorders commonly found in police officers include cardiovascular disease, digestive dysfunctions, hypertension, and headaches. Farmer and Monahan (1980) cited heart disorders and ulcers as being caused by police work-induced stress. Ac- cording to Kroes and Hurrell (1975), police officers have relatively high rates of stress-related digestive and circulatory disorders. Danto (1979) cites evidence that police officers file work-related physical complaints six times as often as other government employees. These complaints reportedly include impaired con- centration, slowed reaction time, irritability, exhaustion, and increased need for sleep and food.

Still at an internalized but more psychological level, consequences of stress that have been cited include alcoholism, barbiturate and amphetamine use, chronic suspiciousness and cynicism, emotional detachment, and psychiatric symptomatology such as rapid mood changes, sleep disturbances, depression, anxiety and overhostility (Fanner, 1980; Kirkham, 1976; Hageman, 1977; James, 1975; Walrod, 1978; Skolnick, 1972; Stratton, 1978; Haynes, 1978; Stratton, 1978; Stratton, 1984; Nordlict, 1979; Violonti & Marshall, 1983; Violoni, Marshall, & Howe, 1983). Adverse effects on the police officer’s family life in particular have been described by Kroes , Hurrell, and Margolis ( 1974), Lester and Karsevar (1980), Hageman (1978), Kirkham (1976), Kroes and Margolis (1974), Stratton (1975), and Stratton (1984). Another often-mentioned effect of police stress, though fortunately an extremely rare one, is suicide (Davidson, 1978; Donovan, 1978; Kroes, 1974; Blanch, 1977). Goes and Hurrell(1975) and Heiman (1977) report an excessive number of suicides among police officers.


Ostrov: Poke Law Enforcement and Psychology 361

Treatment of Stress-related Disorders

In addition to detailing the possible consequences of police stress, psychologists have also proposed and implemented a wide variety of prevention and treatment programs dealing with stress among police officers. According to Rios, Parisher, and Riley (1978), many police departments list personal and family counseling for police officers as well as workshops regarding special problems of police officers as a priority in terms of their need for psychological services.

Preventative programs often involve crisis intervention training and instruction for police officers in stress management techniques (Newfield & Reish, 1975; Pitcher, 1980; Reiser, 1983; Stratton, Tracy-Stratton, & Alldredge, 1982; Strat- ton, 1975; Esbeck & Halverson, 1973; Hightshoe & Hightshoe, 1978; Farmer & Monahan, 1980; Novaco, 1977; Potter, 1978; Sarason et al., 1979; Durner et al., 1975; Reiser, Rossey, & Seitzlinger, 1978; Newfield & Reisch, 1975; Blanch, 1977; Reiser, 1974; Esbeck & Halverson, 1973; Fowler, 1984).

Programs for treating police officers with psychological problems are described by Hilgren and Spradlin (1975), Sarason, et al. (1979), Ward (1979), Wagner (1976), Reese and Bright (1982), Mann (1971), Meredith (1984), and Stratton (1984).

Use of stress reducing methods as diverse as biofeedback (Anderson, 1975) physical fitness programs (French, 1977; Kent and Price, 1977), transcendental meditation (Maris and Maris, 1979), and specially designed workshops (Kulis, 1976; Kulis, Meliker, Powell, & Ragnetti, 1982) have been implemented. One important approach involves use of peer counselors for treating psychological problems or stress-related symptomatology among police officers (Donohue, 1977; Vullard, 1980; Klyver, 1983).

It is important to note that interventions sometimes take place at a systems level, with psychologists helping to ameliorate organizational tensions that presumably lead to stress (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1978; Burkhart & King, 1981; Lieber, 1978). Stratton and Tracy-Stratton (1986) described another area of positive interventions by psychologists; a specialized program for helping widows of police officers deal with their loss.

OTHER PSYCHOLOGY-LAW ENFORCEMENT INTERACTIONS

Hostage Negotiation and Terrorism

Psychologists have begun to help law enforcement officers negotiate with hostage takers more effectively and be better able to handle a hostage situation. An indication of the assistance psychologists can provide to law enforcement personnel in dealing with hostage negotiations is provided by Fowler, De Vivo, and Fowler (1985). The role of behavioral sciences in helping to solve the problem of terrorism has been described by Soskis (1983) and Yonah and Gleason (1981).

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Undercover Work

Girodo (1984a, 1984b, 1985) has described specialized work in selecting and preventing stress among undercover agents. The study of the special problems caused by long periods of association with criminals without continuing direct organizational or family support has just begun.

Criminal Profiling

The Federal Bureau of Investigation has taken the lead in developing profiles of various kinds of criminals such as serial murderers and rapists (Ault & Reese, 1980; Hazelwood, 1983; Hazelwood & Douglas, 1980; Hazelwood, Dietz, & Burgess, 1982). The promise of these studies is that they will enhance early detection and apprehension of criminals, reducing their chance of perpetrating further crime.

Crisis Intervention and Dealing More Effectively With Mental Patients

A literature has developed describing techniques for training police personnel to make more effective crisis interventions (Adleman, 1977; Glauberman, 1977; Pearce & Snortum, 1983; Lovitt, 1976).

Psychologists have also become involved in increasing police officers’ awareness and sensitivity to mental patients living in the community (Drucker & Goldstein, 1983; Mathews, Gardner, & Leak, 1982; Parker, 1974; Mathews, 1964; Janus et al., 1980; Godsohalx, 1984).

Development of More Valid Performance Ratings

Another important area of the psychology-law enforcement interface involves the development of more reliable and valid performance ratings for police officers, with psychologists providing technical consultation. Recommendations concerning use of peer ratings has formed a particularly important aspect of recommendations by psychologists in this area (Love, 1983; Landy, et al., 1976; Balch, 1974; Saal & Landy, 1977; Rosinger, Meyers, & Levy, et al., 1982; Lee, Malone, & Greco, 1981; Love, 1981; Carson, 1976).

The Study of Women in Law Enforcement

An overview of the problems of women in law enforcement has been provided by Lawrence, Boxley, and Seymour (1985). Women have had difficulty entering what has been a male-dominated culture characterized by forceful display of physical strength, aggressive behavior and intense solidarity (Bittner, 1980; Toch, 1970; Remmington, 1983). Indications are that policewomen are often viewed in stereotypical ways. These views include women as being passive, physically weak, and overemotional (Remmington, 1983). While women have entered police forces in increasing numbers (Townsey, 1982), indications are (Sherman,



1973; Bell, 1982) that matters have not changed greatly since 1967 when the Task Force on Police (President’s Commission, 1967) stated that the role of police women was what it always had been, namely primarily clerical and youth work. According to International Association of Chiefs of Police (1978), female officers may experience greater stress than their male counterparts due to hostile or stereotypical male attitudes. The difficulties encountered by women in the law enforcement field have been documented by Koenig and Juni (1981), Don- ovan ( 1979), Hernanliez ( 1982), and Pendergrass and Ostrove ( 1984). Rem- mington (1983) has described the various ways in which women try to cope with the unique stress of being a female in the law enforcement field. There is evidence that policewomen increasingly identified with male officers with the result that they feel alienated from nonpolicewomen and civilians generally. Psychologists help by defining the problem more clearly and suggesting ameliorative interventions. To illustrate, stress reduction techniques for female officers in particular have been described by Kroes and Hurrell(l975). Interventions to improve male- female-officer relations almost certainly will follow.

Studies of Eye Witness Testimony

Psychologists and other criminal justice professionals have made a major contribution to the study of the accuracy of eye witness identification (Paul & Loftus, 1985; Dodd & Bradshaw, 1980; Hain, 1976; Loftus, 1979; Loftus, 1975; Christiaanson & Ochalek, 1983; Sobel, 1972; Wall, 1965; Yarmey, 1979; Woocher, 1977; Starkman, 1979; Clifford & Bull, 1978; Yarmey, 1985). Generally studies indicate that the wording of questions, the inclusion of subtle and possibly misleading information, and the status and demeanor of the interrogator all influence a witness’s recollection of an event (Hams, 1973; Schweitzer and Ginsberg, 1966; Marshall, 1966; Smith, 1973).

A recent concern has been the role of hypnosis in enhancing the credibility of eye witness testimony (Hibbler, 1984; Ault, 1983; Reiser, 1976; Hibbard & Womng, 1981; Rafky & Bernstein, 1984). The consensus seems to be that hypnosis must be used circumspectly and only with the use of special precautions.

CONCLUSIONS

The involvement of psychology in law enforcement clearly has intensified and expanded into new areas. The fields have benefitted one another, with psychology bringing scientific knowledge and methodology to the field of law enforcement and law enforcement challenging and giving research and practice opportunities to psychology in a number of applied areas. As a result both professions have experienced an increase of knowledge in areas as important as police selection, police stress, and the accuracy of eye witness testimony. It is clear that coop- eration between psychology and law enforcement will grow in the future. Of particular importance will be research directed toward better establishing the validity of police selection techniques and improving the efficiency of selection

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methodology. In addition, research establishing the cost-effectiveness of various forms of psychological interventions on behalf of police officers both at an individual and systems level will be performed. Future developments also should include greater knowledge of stress-prevention techniques, for example, the use of physical fitness programs, and how to conduct mandatory fitness for duty evaluations in ways that maximally preserve the right of the individual officer and serve the interest of the police department and the public. Further advances in the study of minority police officers in general, not just women, as well as eyewitness testimony can be expected. Generally psychology and law enforcement is a growth industry, this journal issue being an excellent example of its development.

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