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Lookatus:CollectiveNarcissisminCollegeStudentFacebookPhotoGalleries
InTheNetworkedSelf:Identity,CommunityandCultureonSocialNetworkSites,ZiziPapacharissi(Ed.),2010,Routledge.
By
AndrewL.MendelsonTempleUniversity
&ZiziPapacharissi
UniversityofIllinois–Chicago
Contact(firstauthor)DepartmentofJournalism
2020N.13thStreet,Room316TempleUniversity
Philadelphia,PA19122215.204.5020
215.204.1974(f)[email protected]
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Lookatus:CollectivenarcissisminCollegeStudentFacebookPhotoGalleries
Inrecentyearsthepopularityofsocialnetworksites(SNSs),suchasFriendster,
MySpaceandFacebook,hasexpanded,enablingacultureofremoteconnectivityforyoung
adultsmaintainingavarietyofsocialtiestoprimaryandsecondarygroupsofcontact.Thisis
especiallytrueforcollege‐ageadultswhouseSNSstostayconnectedwithfriendsandfamily
dispersedacrossremoteornearbylocations.Thesenetworkedplatformsofsociallyoriented
activitypermitanintroductionoftheselfviapublicdisplaysofconnection(boyd&Ellison,
2007;Donath&boyd,2004;Papacharissi,2002a&b;2009).Asubsequentnetworked
presentationoftheselfinvolvesperformativeelements,usingavarietyoftoolsandstrategies
topresenttastes,likes,dislikes,affiliations,andingeneral,personality.Suchaperformative
paletteonsiteslikeFacebookmightincludelistingsofinterestsandfavoritemusic,films,and
books,linkingtogroupssharingpointsofvieworinterests,postingofcommentsand
responses,and,relevanttothispaper,postingandlabelingofphotographsofone’sselfand
one’sfriends.Thepurposeofthispaperistoexaminetheuseofphotogalleriesasan
instrumentofselfpresentationandameansofvisualautobiographyonline.
Photographshavelongservedasignificantfunctionofpreservingbiographical
memories.Albumsofphotographs‐‐fromtintypeandcabinetcardalbumsinthemidandlate
1800stodigitalgalleriesinthe21stcentury–areusedtotellandretellexperiencessharedby
membersofone’sfamilyandbyone’swidersocialcircle.Thesephotographsserveas
mnemonicdevicesforthemomentsthatbondustogether,sparkinglargerconversationswithin
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families(Chalfen,1987).Further,theyallowsus,asBarthes(1981)suggests,tosearchthrough
thepastandrediscoverthetruthofourlovedones.Similarly,themannerinwhichcollege
studentsportraythemselvesandtagothersthroughphotographsonFacebookisa
contemporarymeansofintroducingtheselfandperformingone’sidentity.Howdothephotos
selected,presented,andtaggedhelpreifythismediatedperformance?Ifphotosaretakenfor
thepurposeofbeingdisplayedandtagged,doesthisrendertheexperiencesandthesocial
relationshipspresentedmorereal?Collegestudentsconsciouslyuploadandtagdisplayed
photographs,thusselectingcertainsubjectsandeventstoemphasize.InspiredbyChalfen’s
(1987)examinationof“howweconstruct,manipulate,interpret,livewith,participatein,and
generallyusevisualsymbolicforms”(p.5),weexaminehowvisualimageryisemployedto
presenttheselfandeverydaycollegelifeviaFacebookphotogalleries.Inthisstudy,we
interrogatethephotographscollegestudentspresentofthemselvesasimportantformsof
symboliccreationoftheirworlds.
Self‐presentationandSocialNetworkSites(SNSs)
Ineverydaylife,peopleconsciouslyandunconsciouslyworktodefinethewaytheyare
perceived,hopingtoengenderpositiveimpressionsofthemselves.Thiseffortentails
emphasizingcertaincharacteristics,throughdress,hairstyle,behaviorand/orspeech,while
hidingordiminishingothercharacteristicsperceivedasflawed,dependingoncontext.Goffman
(1959)usestheterm“performance”toreferto“alltheactivityofagivenparticipantonagiven
occasionwhichservestoinfluenceinanywayanyoftheotherparticipants”(p.15).
Contemporaryscholarsfromavarietyofdisciplinesarguethatidentityisperformed,initsmany
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iterations,incontextsthatarebothvirtualandreal,mediatedornot,offlineoronline
(Buckingham,2008;Butler,1990;Turkle,1996).
Researchonself‐presentationhasmovedfromexamininginterpersonalinteractions,to
displaysthroughmassmedia(Mendelson,2007;Meyrowitz,1985)tomorerecentformsofnew
mediainwhichelementsofinterpersonalandmasscommunicationsaremerge,likepersonal
homepagesandblogs(Dominick,1999,Papacharissi,2002a,2002b,Walker,2000).Newmedia,
suchastheWorldWideWeb,allowpeopletheopportunitytopresentvariousformsof
themselvestoothersatadistance.Peopleareabletopostonlythatinformationwhich
presentsadesiredimage.Whilepeoplearepurportedlypresentingthemselves,theyare
presentingahighlyselectiveversionofthemselves.Socialnetworksites(SNSs)presentthe
latestnetworkedplatformenablingselfpresentationtoavarietyofinterconnectedaudiences.
boydandEllisonargue(2007),“SNSsconstituteanimportantresearchcontextforscholars
investigatingprocessesofimpressionmanagement,self‐presentation,andfriendship
perfomance”(p.10).Indeed,SNSsaffordavarietyoftoolsthatpotentiallyextendand
compromiseimpressionmanagement.Insomecases,peoplecreatemultipleversionsof
FacebookorMySpacepagesfordifferentaudiences(notunlikehowwepresentdifferent
versionsofourselvesinface‐to‐facecontexts);oneforpeersandoneforparents.
Socialnetworksitesconnectnetworksofindividualsthatmayormaynotshareaplace‐
basedconnection.SNSs support varying types of interaction on diverse and differing platforms.
Some of the popular SNSs include MySpace, Facebook, Cyworld, LinkedIn, and Bebo, among
others, in terms of millions of users attracted, but also in terms of public attention and
scholarship focus. Even though most SNSs are structured around a profile and a display of
connections or friends, they may vary to the extent that they support additional services such as
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blogging (e.g., LiveJournal), audio/visual content sharing (Flickr, Last.FM, YouTube),
professional orientation (LinkedIn), focus on status updates online and mobile connectivity
(Twitter, Dodgeball), exclusive membership (ASmallWorld), or specific ethnic, religious, sexual
orientation and/or particular content genres (Orkut, CyWorld). Donath&boyd(2004)define
SNSsas“on‐lineenvironmentsinwhichpeoplecreateaself‐descriptiveprofileandthenmake
linkstootherpeopletheyknowonthesite,creatinganetworkofpersonalconnections.
Participantsinsocialnetworksitesareusuallyidentifiedbytheirrealnamesandofteninclude
photographs;theirnetworkofconnectionsisdisplayedasanintegralpieceoftheirself‐
presentation”(p.72).
PeopleuseSNSstopresentaspectsofthemselvestotheirnetwork.Theseexpressions
cansimultaneouslyexpressuniquenessandconnectiontoothers.Thesesitesareabout
establishing,presentingandnegotiatingidentity,throughthetastesandinterestsexpressed
(Liu,2007),thosewhowefriendandhighlight(Donathandboyd,2004),throughthe
applicationsweaddtoourSNSpages,andthroughthepicturesofusandourfriends(boyd,
2004,Donath,2007).Inaddition,theseidentitypresentationsaresupportedbycommentsfrom
otherusers.
SNSsaremostoftenusedtoconnectwithindividualspeopleknowfromoffline
environments,ratherthanformeetingnewpeopleonline,differentiatingSNSsfromonline
datingsites(Lampe,Ellison,&Steinfield,2007;Lenhart&Madden,2007).Thenumberof
peoplelinkedtoonSNSsisgenerallylargerthanthosewouldcommunicatewithonaregular
basisandcertainlybeyondthosewhowouldseeone’spersonalphotoalbums(boyd&Ellison,
2007;Donath,2007).LittleoftheresearchintoSNSshasexaminedthepostedphotographs
beyondacknowledgingthemaselementsofself‐presentation.Still,photosplayalargerolein
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howidentityispresented(Dominick,1999).Accordingtoonestudyofteenuseofsocial
networksites,includingFacebook,mostusersdopostphotosofthemselvesandtheirfriends
(Lenhart&Madden,2007),withthisactivitybeingmorepopularwithgirlsthanboys.
Facebook’spublishedstatistics,atpresent,reportover250millionactiveusersandmorethan1
billionphotosuploadedeverymonth(FacebookPressRoom,Statistics,2009).Thephotographs
onaFacebookpagespresentaseriesofperformancesstrategicallychosenbyanindividual.
Thephotographiclifeofyoungadults,includingcollegestudents,isnotmuchunderstood,and
relevantresearchispresentedinthefollowingsection.Thus,Facebookpresentsausefulcase
studyintohowcollegestudentsconstructtheirlivesthroughphotographs.
PersonalPhotography
Personalphotographsarephotographsmadebyourselves,membersofourfamilyor
peergroupforourownuse,notbyprofessionalphotographersandnotformassaudiences
(Chalfen,1981;Slater,1995).TheseimagesarepartofalargersocialpracticewhichChalfen
(1987)referstothisasthe“Kodakculture,”“whateveritisthatonehastolearn,know,ordoin
ordertoparticipateappropriatelyinwhathasbeenoutlinedasthehomemodeofpictorial
communication”(p.10).
Whilewethinkofpersonalphotographsasratherhaphazard,Chalfen(1987)and
Musello(1980)arguethattheyarehighlyritualizedandconventionalized,witharatherlimited
rangeofsubjectsandeventsbeingrecorded.Whilethereistheoreticallyanunlimitedrangeof
subjectstodocument,culturalpracticedictatesarathermorelimitedsetofsubjectsand
moments.Personalphotographspresentideals,emphasizinghowwewishourlivestobe
remembered(Holland,1997).Thepositiveisalwaysrecordedoverthenegative,withmoments
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ofcelebrationemphasized(King,1986;Slater,1995),especiallythoseassociatedwithlifetime
milestones:birthdays,holidays,weddings.AsHolland(1991)argues,theseprivatepicturesare
entangledwithinandinfluencedbylargerculturalstoriesaboutcommunity,familyandgender.
Personalphotographsreaffirm“culturallystructuredvalues”(Chalfen,1987,p.98),through
whatisshown(Orhn,1975).
Relationshipsarealsokeyaspectsofpersonalphotography,demonstratingimportant
bondsbetweenfamilyandfriends.Thereisanevidentiarypurposetopersonalphotographs,
providingproofofexperiencesandrelationshipsforourselvesandforothers(Barthes,1981;
Jacobs,1981).Thesemomentsandtherelationshipsbecomesanctifiedthroughtheir
documentation.Theyaredeemedworthyofrecordingandpreserving.Digitalphotographyhas
expandedtherangeofsubjectsdeemedphotoworthy,withmoreemphasisontheeveryday
andbanal(Okabe&Ito,2003;Murray,2008).Holland(1997)suggeststhat“Picturesofleisure
activitiesincreasinglyincludethecarnivalesque–cross‐dressingforthelast‐nightparty,sidling
uptotheGreekwaiter,thecluboutingwheneveryonewasimpossiblydrunk,therisquénude
image”(p.137).
Thereisnormallyastronginteractionbetweensubjectandphotographerinpersonal
photographs.Thephotographerismostoftenknownintimatelybythesubject,andbothshare
aninterestinmakingphotographsthatemphasizehowpeoplewouldliketobeseen.Further,
personalphotographyisasocialactivity,wherepeopleactivelyposeforeachother.Holland
(1991)arguesthat:“Recordinganeventhasbecomepartofthatevent–andperhapsthemost
importantpart;for”(p.2;seealsoBoerdam&Martinius,1980).Mostsubjectsposedirectly
beforethelens,lookingstraightahead,highlyawareofbeingphotographed.Thephotographer
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holdsthecameraateyelevel,emphasizingthenormalnessoftheviewpoint(Jacobs,1981).
Whilethetechnologyofpersonalphotographyallowspicturestobemadewiththesubject
unaware,thisseldomoccurs(Holland,1991).
Wethereforeconsciouslyandunconsciouslytransformourselvesbeforethecamera,
portrayingaversionofourselveswehopetobe(Barthes,1981;Jacobs,1981;Slater,1995).
Boerdam&Martinius(1980)alsodrawonGoffman:“Peoplegivea‘performance’whenthey
allowthemselvestobephotographed,inthesensethattheymakeallowanceforapublicthat
willultimatelyseethephotograph”(p.109).
Thepresentationofpersonalphotosisalsohighlyritualized.Thesocialprocessdictates
notonlyhowthesephotosaremade,butalsotowhomtheyareshown.Thesearenotmeant
formassaudiences.Theyaremeantforpeoplewhowereknown“personally”tothesubjectsin
theimages(Chalfen,1987;King,1986).Thephotosareproducedforandconsumedbythose
subjectsandphotographersandslightlylargercircleoffriendsandrelatives.Chalfenstates
that:“Orderedcollectionsofhomemodeimageryarerepeatedlytellingthesame‘stories’
accordingtosomemasterscenario‐storiesbasedonthepictorialrenderingandunfoldingofan
interpretationofexperienceddailylifeandthe‘punctuation’ofspecialexperiences”(p.142).
Thesecollections“deliverculturallysignificanttalesandmythsaboutourselvestoourselves”
(p.142).
Mostpeople’sphotographsareediteddependingontheviewingaudience.Some
imagesaredisplayedatwork,someinframesinthehome,someinalbums,andstillothersare
keptforpersonalviewingonlyordestroyed.Personalphotoalbumsaregenerallyorganized
chronologicallyfromoldesttonewest,aswellasaroundspecificevents(Miller&Edwards,
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2007).Albumsarenotstructuredaroundanarrative.AsChalfen(1987)suggests:“Thenarrative
remainsintheheadsofthepicturemakersandon‐cameraparticipantsforverbaltellingandre‐
tellingduringexhibitionevents”(p.70;seealsoHolland,1991).
TheproductionandpresentationofpersonalphotographsconnectswithCarey’s(1975)
notionoftheritualviewofcommunication:“Inaritualdefinition,communicationislinkedto
termssuchassharing,participation,association,fellowship,andthepossessionofacommon
faith”(p.6).Thesetypesofphotoshelpbuildandsustainsocialgroupsbycommunicating
sharedvaluesandstories.Theseimagesplayanimportantroleinperpetuatingmemoriesfora
group,callingupmomentsforreflectionandreminiscence.Theyarethevisualmyths,capturing
thebestmomentstobetoldandretold,orasSturken(1999)says,photosare“anartifact[s]
usedtoconjurememory,nostalgia,andcontemplation.”(p.178;seealsoHirsch,1999).
Littleresearchhasexaminedthephotographicworldsfromtheearlyadulthoodtimeof
lifeafterhighschoolgraduation.ThisiscertainlybecausethealbumsChalfenexaminedwere
controlledbyparentsandnottheyoungadultsthemselves.Tinkler’s(2008)overviewof
researchonyoungpeople’sphotographicpracticesechoesthis.Shesuggests“Untilrecently,
however,mostchildrenhadlittlesayoverhowtheywererepresentedinamateur,commercial
orinstitutionalphotographs”(p.258).Shegoesontoargue:“Today,youngpeoplefromacross
thesocial‐classspectrumhaveawiderrangeofopportunitiesforphotographicself
representationduetotheavailabilityofcheap…cameras”(p.258).Digitaltechnologyhas
placedcamerasandphotographsinthehandsofalmostall.AndFacebook,Flickr,Snapfishand
othersitesallowforsharingofphotographseasilywithothers.
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Innetworkedenvironmentsthatblendprivateandpublicboundaries,likesocial
networksites,personalphotographscantraverseamultiplicityofaudiences,towhichthese
photographicnarrativesareofvariablecoherenceandrelevance.Yet,sincetheyallemanate
fromtheego‐centeredbasisofsocialnetworksitelikeFacebook,theyinadvertently
communicatecontentofaperformativenaturetoavarietyofaudiences.Inordertobetter
understandtheworldsandaccompanyingnarrativescollegestudentsvisuallyconstructfor
themselves,ouranalysisisguidedbythefollowinggeneralthematicquestions:Whatkindsof
visualnarrativesdocollegestudentsconstructthroughthedisplayofphotogallerieson
Facebook?WhatarethedefiningelementsofthevisualrhetoricpresentedbyFacebookphoto
galleries?Finally,whatsenseofselfispresentedviathevisualstorytellingmediaofFacebook?
Byexaminingvisualdepictionsofbehaviorsbroadcasttoasimultaneityofpublicandprivate
audiences,wehopetobetterunderstandthenatureofidentitiesthatareperformedononline
spacesonthebasisofexperienceslivedoffline.
Method
Wechosetoanalyzecollegestudents’photosqualitativelyusingmethodsbasedin
visualanthropologyandsemioticsinordertocapturetherichnessoftheimages,inadditionto
themoresubtleaspectsofthepresentations.Thisqualitativeanalysiswasguidedprimarilyby
Chalfen’s(1987)“event‐componentframework”foranalyzinghomemodeformsof
communication.Thisframeworkcontainstwoaxes—eventsandcomponents—eachmadeup
offiveelements.TheeventsChalfendetailsare:Planning–“anyaction(s)inwhichthereisa
formalorinformaldecisionregardingtheproductionofaphotographicimage(s)”(p.20);
Shooting:on‐camera–“anyaction(s)thatinsomewaystructurestheperson(s)orthing(s)that
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“happens”infrontoftheoperatingcamera”(p.21‐22);Shooting:behindcamera–“any
action(s)notinfrontofthecamerabywhichinsomewaystillstructurestheuseandoperation
ofit”(p.22);Editing–“anyaction(s)whichtransforms,accumulates,eliminates,arrangesor
rearrangesimages”(pg.23);andExhibition–“anyaction(s)whichoccursaftershooting,in
whichphotographic…imageryisshownandviewedinapubliccontext”(p.25).Weadopted
Chalfen’saccompanyingdefinitionofpublicas“anyaudiencethatconsistsofmorethanthe
picture‐takeroreditor”(p.25).Wefocusedonthelastevent,theexhibition,inouranalysisof
photoalbumsaspresentedthroughFacebook.Wealsoemployedhisfivecomponentsofhome
modeimagery,asaguideforouranalysis:Participants–thisconcerns“identifyingpeoplewho
takepictures,appearinpictures,andlookatpictures”(p.27);Topic“describesimagecontent
intermsofthesubjectmatter,activities,events,andthemesthatarepresentedinpictures”(p.
29);Setting“referstowhenandwhereaparticularcommunicationeventtakesplace”(p.30);
Messageform–“thephysicalform,‘shape’orkindofpicture”(p.31);andCode“includesthe
characteristicsthatdefineaparticularmessageformor‘style;ofimageconstructionand
composition,”focusingontheconventionsthatdefinethenatureofthephotographicimages
(p.32).Inaddition,Chalfensuggeststhatthevisualaloneisnotenoughtounderstandhow
theseformsofcommunicationareused.Scholarsmustalsoexamineverbalinformation
includedwiththeimages,suchascaptionsortitles.Tothisend,weexaminedvisual
identificationsofphotographedsubjectsor‘tags,’andcommentaryaccompanyingall
photographs.
InadditiontoChalfen’sframework,thisanalysiswasinformedbysemioticanalysis,
whichattemptedtoqualitativelyplacecontentinalargerculturalcontextofmeaning,looking
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forrecurringpatternsofpresencesandabsence(Hall,1975;Rose,2001).Thechoiceofone
subjectoveranotherframesourunderstandingofanevent.Thus,itisalsonecessaryto
considerwhatwasnotchosenforinclusioninthephotographs(Fiske1990;Szarkowski1966;
Trachtenberg1989;vanLeeuwen2001).Choicesofwhattoincludeareonlyoneaspect;we
mustalsoexaminehowthedifferentchoicesarecombined.Meaningiscreatedbythe
relationshipsamongthepresentsigns(Fiske1990).Theentirebodyofworkmustbeexamined
toascertainthesepatternsofrepresentation.Whilepeoplearetheoreticallyfreetorecordand
postpicturesofanything,therearelimitationsbasedonthesenormsorconventionsofwhatis
acceptableorreasonable.BasedonChalfen,weexaminedtheParticipants,Topics,Setting,
Form,Code(aesthetics),asrevealthroughthephotosexhibitedwhenclickingontheprofile
link,“SeePhotosof”.
ParticipantsinanonlinesurveyonFacebookuses(Papacharissi&Mendelson,2008)
werecontactedbyagraduateassistantforthepurposeofaccessingtheirphotos.The
participantswereinformedthattheirphotoswouldbekeptconfidential.Allphotosofthose
agreeingtoparticipateinthisportionofthestudywerecollectedbyproducingportable
documentfilesoftheirphotopages.Forthisstudy,weexaminedthe“photosof”eachperson
togetasenseofhowcollegestudentsareportrayedbythemselvesandtheirfriendsthrough
theprocessesofpostingandtaggingphotographs.Thisexaminationdidnotfocuson
specificallyonthealbumseachpersonposted,butontheoverallcollectionofphotosfeaturing
thepersonwhosepageswewereexamining.Currently,thearchitectureofFacebookgroupsall
taggedphotosofapersontogether,regardlessofwhethertheyarepostedbythesubjectorby
others.Whenasubject’sFacebookpageopens,thereisalinkundertheirprofilephotowhich
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says,“ViewPhotosofme,”containingalltheimagesweanalyzed.Basedontheabovemethod,
theleadauthorexaminedeveryphotographfoundwhenclickingonthe“Photosof”fromthe
student’sFacebookhomepageandeverycommentpostedaboutthephotos,producingatotal
N=20,962photosexamined,andN=13,543commentsanalyzed.
Analysis
Beforegoingfurtherintothequalitativeanalysis,webeginwithsomedescriptiveresults
fromtheclose‐endedsurveyofcollegestudents(n=333)fromwhichthissamplewasdrawnin
ordertoprovideadescriptivesenseofthepopularityofphotopostingandtagging.Women
reportedhavingmorephotosontheirpages(4.36vs.3.48,ona1to5scale;F(1)=38.18,p=
.000),beingmorelikelytopostphotos(3.22vs.2.51;F(1)=47.26,p=.000),andmorelikelyto
tagphotosthanmen(3.02vs.2.5;F(1)=20.6,p=.000).Further,thesizeofone’ssocialgroup,
asdefinedbythenumberoffriendsparticipantsreportedhavingwaspositivelycorrelatedwith
thenumberofphotosapersonreportedhaving(r=.39,p=.000).Finally,thenumberofphotos
correlatedmoststronglywithmaintained(r=.23,p=.000)andbondingsocialcapital(r=.20,p
=.000)measures,reflectingtheextentofpasttiessustainedandclosetiesstrengthened
respectivelyonFacebook.Aswewillsee,thecollegestudents’photographsarefocusedmost
stronglyonsocialrelationships.
Qualitativeanalysis
Eighty‐ninestudentswhoparticipatedintheabovesurveywerewillingtohavetheir
photosmorecloselyexamined.Thissampleincluded37malesand52females.Forthisgroup,
thenumberofphotosrangedfrom1to1,523(mean=236;sd=3.11;median=124),whilethe
numberofcommentsrangedfromzeroto1,348(mean=152;sd=2.11;median=83).Not
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surprisingly,womenhadmorephotosofthemselves(whetherpostedbythemselvesorothers),
averaging337tomen’saveragenumberofphotosof93(t(58)=4.6;p=.000).Likewisewomen
(mean=213)hadmorecommentsabouttheirphotosthanmen(mean=66;t(69)=3.9;p=
.000).Thenumberofphotoswashighlycorrelatedwiththenumberofcomments(r=.716;p=
.000).Becausethesestudentswereenrolledinanintroductorymasscommunicationclass,
mostwerefreshmenorsophomores.
TheresultsofthispaperareorganizedaroundChalfen’scategoriesofanalysis:the
subjectmatterpresentinthephotographs(participants,topicsandsettings)aswellaswhat
subjectmatterdoesn’tshowuporshow’supverylittle;thebehaviorofsubjects;the
photographicaestheticsoftheimages;theorganizationofthephotographsandfinallyan
analysisofthecomments.
Analysis–Participants,topics,settings
Relationshipsarethedominantsubjectmatterinallthephotographs.Thevastmajority
ofthephotosareofpairingsorgroupsoffriends,mostlyofthesamegender,posingforthe
cameraatformalorplannedevents,suchaspartiesorsportingevents.Thisincludesphotos
takenbyaseparatephotographerandthoseshotbyoneofthesubjectsholdingacameraout
tophotographhimorherselfwithafriendorfriends,andwasthenormforbothmenand
women.Menweremostoftenphotographedwithmalefriends,andwomenwithwomen.
Thedominanceofthesame‐sexsubjectsinphotoscanmoststronglybeseeninhigh
schoolpromphotosencounteredintheanalysis.Whiletherewerephotosofapersonposing
withhisorherdate,pinningonaboutonniereorcorsage,orgroupshotsofaseriesofcouples
posinginfrontofahouse,thevastmajorityofphotospresentedeithergroupsoffemale
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friendsposingintheirdressestogether,orgroupsofmalefriendsposingtogetherintheir
tuxedos.Thebondingofsamesexfriendsevenatacouples’eventwasofthemostimportance.
Similarly,highschoolgraduationoccasionsoftenfeaturedimagesofthesubjectposingwith
samesexfriendsintheircapsandgowns.
Theprevalenceofsame‐sexgroupphotosdoesnotimplytheabsenceofphotosof
peopleoftheoppositesextogether.Atpartysettings,bothmaleandfemaleparticipants
photographedwithmembersoftheoppositesex,posinginaplatonicmanner,ortogether,in
largegroupphotosfeaturingeveryonepresentattheparty.Butoverall,photographsrevealed
theimportanceofone’speergroup,mostoftenfortheseunderclassmen,membersofthe
samegender.Pictureswithmembersoftheoppositesexwereposedinmuchofthesameway
asthosewithsamesexfriends.Theyrevealedmostlyfriendshipsoverromanticconnectionsor
evensignificantflirtation.
Onceapersonhasasignificantotheroftheoppositesex,thecontentoftheposted
photographsdochange.Inthosecases,therelationshipbecamethemainfocusofthe
photographicnarrative,throughthefrequentpostingofpicturesofthecouplealone(takenby
athirdpartyorbythemselvesholdingacameraout),orposingwithagroupofoneofthe
partner’ssame‐sexfriends.Theromanticrelationshipswerealsodemonstratedandconfirmed
visuallythroughtheamountofphysicalcontact,usuallyreflectedthroughsittingontheother’s
lap,huggingeachother,andheadstogether.
Certaineventswererepeatedwithinandacrossthroughmostofthecollegestudent
photocollections.Thesemostlyincludedtypicalplannedhighschoolandcollegeactivitiesor
rituals:parties,roadtripswithfriends(tothebeach,toNewYorkCity),dancesandproms,
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school‐yearholidays(suchasHalloweenandSt.Patrick’sDay),collegesportingevents,and,toa
lesserextent,professionalsportingevents,andhighschoolgraduation.Therecordingand
postingofasubject’sparticipationinthesocialritualsofcollegeiscentral.Forexample,aseries
ofagroupofmalefriendspaintingtheirchestinteamcolors,eachwithaletteroftheschoolon
hischest,wasphotographed,bothduringthepaintingprocessandattheactualsportingevent.
Still,almostanymomentsharedbyfriendsisworthytoberecorded.Severalotherphotos
depicteddrivinginacarorridingonthesubwayorwalkingsomeplaceoreatingatafastfood
restaurant.Friendshipswereconfirmedthroughtheinclusionofroadtripphotos,showing
friendsposingonthebeachinswimmingsuits,atsitesinthelocationbeingvisited,suchas
TimesSquareinNewYorkCity,orinrestaurantsaroundatable.
Partiespresentedbyfarthemostcommonsettingforphotos.Theseweremostoften
posedphotographsofgroupsoffriends,oftenwithbottlesofbeerorplasticcupsinhand.
Occasionallytherewerebottlesofhardliquorshown.Fewphotosshowedcigarettesmoking.
Drugusageorparaphernaliawerealsonotpresent.Becauseoftheagegroupunderstudy,bars
werelessoftenthesettingfordrinking.Still,therewaslittleornoefforttohideoravoid
photographingunderagedrinking.Infact,itwasmostoftenblatantlyincludedintheframe,by
holdingthebottleorclassuphighorouttowardthecamera.
Theimportanceofpartiesisreflectedintheprevalenceofcertainholidays,suchassuch
asHalloweenandSt.Patrick’sDay,bothholidaysassociatedwithpartiesanddrinking.Thevast
majorityofstudentshadphotosofHalloween,mostoftenposingbeforeapartyinone’s
apartmentorresidencehallincostumewithone’ssamesexfriends.Outfitswereimportantfor
St.Patrick’sDayaswell,asphotosrevealthetypicalbrightgreenshirtandgreenpartyhats.
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Apparelbecomesimportanttothevariousritualsofcollegelife.Costumeswerenaturally
prominentinHalloweenpartyphotos,greenoutfitsforSt.Patrick’sday,whilesportingevents
photosfeaturedsubjectsdonningteamwear,displayingteamorcollegeaffiliation.Photos
wouldtypicallybetakeninsaidoutfitsbeforehandatone’sapartmentordorm,onthesubway
orinacargoingtotheevent,tailgatingbeforehandintheparkinglotandsittinginthestands.
Theseritualsofcollegelifeseemedlargelygenderneutral,beingequallycommonfor
maleandfemalephotographedsubjects.Incontrast,avisiblegenderdividebecameapparent
in“hangingout”photos,thatisphotosofrelaxationor“downtime”inone’sapartmentor
dorm,incasualclothing,suchassweatsandt‐shirts(i,e.,notdressedtogoout),mostoften
againwithmembersofone’sgender.Womenweremuchmorelikelytohavephotosofthese
moments,andtheseincludedlaughingtogether,eatingpizza,dyingsomeone’shairandjust
talking.Anothercommonphotoforwomenwasthereflectionshotwithanotherfriendina
bathroommirror.Thiscouldbeinanapartmentbathroom,butthiswasalsoseeninbar
bathrooms.Mostoftenthesepresentedaseriesofatleastthreeorfourphotoswiththe
subjectsplayingwithposes.Somewomenproducedthesemirrorphotographsofjust
themselves.Menwerelikelyonlytohavepicturesofactualformalevents.
Portraitsofthesubjectsalonewerepresent,thoughtheydidnotoutnumberphotos
withfriends.Portraitswerebothtakenbythesubjectbyholdingoutacamera,byusinga
mirrororbyusingacomputercamera.Somemenandwomen,wouldplaywithposesof
themselves,postingaseriesofphotosmadeatthesametimewithdifferencebodypositionsor
facialexpressions.
18
Certaintypesofsettingswerenotencounteredoften,althoughitbearsrepeatingthat
thephotosofeachsubjectarenotnecessarilyallthephotostakenofthissubject,butonlythe
selectionofphotosthathavebeenpostedandtagged.Withthisinmind,mostofthestudents
displayednoimagesofthemselveswithfamilymembers,specificallywithfamilymembersof
oldergenerations,includingparentsorgrandparents.Similarly,fewpeoplehadphotographs
withveryyoungchildren.Thefewcaseswhereparentsappearedwereatfamilyfunctionssuch
asholidaypartiesorweddingsorofparentssocializingwiththesubjectandhis/herpeergroup.
Inonecase,amotherandfatherwereplayingbeerpongwiththeircollege‐ageddaughterand
herfriendsattheirhouse.Familymembers,whentheydidappear,weremoreoftentoshowup
inphotosbeforecollegestarted,upthroughthesummerbeforefreshmanyear.Afew(though
veryfew)newbabypictureswerepresent,intheformofchildrenofsiblings.Olderpeopledid
appearedintheformofacelebrity,anathlete,orservicepersonnelataresortorrestaurant
withwhomthefriendsareposing.
Negativeevents,suchasillnessesorseriousaccidentswereabsentfromthesegalleries.
However,other,lesssomberyetembarrassingor“bad”photosremained,evenwhensomeone
commentedthatthiswasawfulorthattheycouldnotbelieveaphotowasposted.Thefactthat
theimagesandthecommentswereseensuggestthatthecommenterwasnotconcerned
enoughtoremovetheimage.Oneexampleisofaseriesofagirldancingcrazilywithadrinkin
herhand,lickingagirl’sfaceandlickingthetopofagirlfriend’schest.Thefactthattheimage
remainspostedsuggestsshedidnotfeelthiswastooembarrassingtotakedown,possibly
containingsometypeofmeaningforherandherpeergroup.Toanotherembarrassingphoto,
thesubjectcommented:“Badhair!!!!DESTROY!DESTROY!”Similarly,anotherperson
19
commentedonadifferentphoto:“LMAOheyhey.ithoughtwehadanunderstandingthatthis
nightneverhappened.shush,[nameremoved]babe.tryingtofindourburiedsecrets.”Despite
theprivatenatureoftheeventdescribedandtheinformationrevealed,thesepictureremain
onpublicdisplay,suggestingthattheirpublicitysurpassesthestateddiscontentor
embarrassmentbroughtonbythedisplayedimage.
Landscapesandcityscapeswithoutpeopleinthemwereseldomposted.Landscapes
wereseeninphotosofthesubjectorthesubjectandfriendsposingintheforegroundofa
widerimagewhileonatrip,thusdocumentingthesharedexperienceofbeingsomeplace
together.Mostofthetravelimageswerelikewiseimagesofthesubjectwithhisorherfriends,
forexample,posingwithcharactersatDisneyWorldalongwithfriends.Mostofthesubjects
neverappearedwithanimals,whetherpetsfromtheirparent’shouseorpetstheyownin
school.Thislatterexampleisnotsurprisingsincemostofthesubjectswerestilllivinginadorm
wherepetsarenotallowed.Finally,imagesofstudentsinclassesorotheracademiccampus
buildings,orstudyinganywherewereabsent,thusvisuallyremovingtheacademicsideofthe
collegeexperiencefromthecollegebasedpresentationoftheself.
Analysis–Behavior
Beyondsubjectmatter,welookedatthetypesofactivitiesandbehaviorssubjectswere
pursuinginthephotos.Whatbecameimmediatelyapparentwasthatsubjectswerealmost
alwaysawareofandinteractingwiththecamera/photographer.Therewerefewcandidphotos
takenorphotoswherethesubjectswerecaughtcompletelyunaware.Mostofthebehavior
wasintentionallyphotographicinwhatwouldbeconsideredaformalpose,standingand
smilingfacingthecamera.Subjectsweremostoftenphysicallyclosetoeachother,withparts
20
oftheirbodiestouchingandtheirheadsleaningintoeachother.Whereaswomenweremore
likelytobehuggingsomeoneinthephotowiththem,menwouldmerelystandphysicallyclose
toeachotherorhavetheirarmsaroundeachother.Buteventhisdifferencediminishedat
parties(presumablythroughthepresenceofalcohol),asmencanoftenbeseenhuggingas
well.
Furthermore,therewasmuchexaggeratedbehaviordirectedtothecamera,reflecting
avarietyofposesandaplayfulattitude.Thiswasapparentthroughbroadgestures(e.g.,arms
upabovethehead),exaggeratedposesandfacialexpressions,suchaslargegrinsorlaughing,
stickingoutone’stonguesatthecamera.Otherbehaviordirectedatthecamerawasovert
drinking,whichincludedbeingphotographeddrinkingwithafriend,playingdrinkinggames
suchasbeerpongordrinkingfromaliquorbottle.Mostofthesestudentsareunderage,and
didnotappearoverlyconcernedwiththeillegalityofunderagedrinking.Thefewcandidphotos
weretypicallyofplayataparty,includingdrinkinganddrinkinggames,dancingandplaying,
ofteninaserieswhereatleastoneimageshowinganawarenessofthecamera.Peoplewere
alsophotographedoutsideofpartysituations,justgoofingaroundwithfriends,playingoutside,
jumpingonafriend’sback,orlaughingwithfriends.
Womenweremorelikelytostrikeposesthatwereflirtatiousorsexy.Womenoften
posedinexaggeratedsexyposeswitheachother,showinglegorexaggeratingtheircleavage.
Theyalsoweremorelikelytocanttheirheadstogetherforapose.Theirsexyposeswereoften
recognizedandcomplimentedthroughcommentsfrombothmaleandfemalefriends.
Manystudentsgenerallyhavedevelopedclearwaysofposingforphotographsbythe
endoftheirhighschoolyears.Thisisespeciallytrueforwomen.Thereareoftenseriesof
21
imagesofwomenaloneorwithfriendsinanon‐eventsetting,practicingposing.Mirrorshots
allowimmediatefeedbackonhowoneisposingbeforethecamera.Inoneexample,ayoung
womenpracticesposing,aslightarchtoherback,handonhip,headslightlycanted,eveninself
shots.Thisbecomesherconsistentposesthroughoutcollegeimages.Anotherguyisreferredto
incommentsasalwaysbeingin“picturemode”,haveaspecificlookforthecameraevenin
casualsituations.
Therewasseldomovertsexualbehavior,includingfewphotosofpeoplekissingonthe
lips.Liptolipkissingwasanindicatorofamoreseriousrelationship,andlimitedtothosewith
significantothers.Ontheotherhand,thekissingofanotherperson’scheekwasverycommon,
bothacrossandwithinthesamegender.Kissingonthecheekwasalmostalwayshighly
exaggeratedandcomical,withlaughteronthefacesofbothpeople.Whilethiswasvery
commonforwomen,mencouldalsobeseenkissingthecheeksofwomenand,toalesser
extent,men(thelatterwasusuallyatapartyandthusfollowingtheconsumptionofacertain
amountofalcohol).Thecheekkissseemedtoindicateasignofclosefriendship.
Sexualbehaviorofanysortbetweennon‐seriouscoupleswasnotphotographed.There
wasonlyonephotographthatshowedamalesubjectatadistancekissingagirl.Comments
revealedthiswasaone‐timeoccurrence,withnoothersuch“hookups”documentedand
posted.
Analysis–Aesthetics
Themajorityofthephotoswerecenteredandtakenstraightonwiththesubjects
posed,lookingatthecamera/photographer.Thisisnotsurprisinggiventhatmostofthe
photographerswerenotprofessionalsandtheywereusingpoint‐and‐shootcameras.What
22
wouldbeconsideredmoresophisticatedcomposition(e.g.,ruleofthirds,selectiveuseoffocus,
foregroundframing,etc.)wasseldomseen.Mostweretakenatamediumtoclosedistance,
thuslimitingtheamountofbackgroundinthephotos.Thecontextofthephotosmaterialized
largelyinthemindsoftheparticipantsandviewers.Onepartytendstolookmuchlikeanother
tooutsiders.Captionscanrevealcontextualinformationidentifyingaspecificparty,butlike
familyphotocollections,captionsweren’talwaysincluded,beyondthetaggednamesofthe
subjectsinthephotos.Thedistancebetweenthesubjectsandthephotographermainly
dependeduponthenumberofpeopletobeincludedinthephotographs.Themajorityofgroup
shotswereasinglehorizontallinefacingthecamera:themoresubjectsthefurtherbackthe
photographerhadtostand.Widershotswereusedwhenproofofasharedexperiencewas
needed,suchasawidershotwithafootballstadiuminthebackgroundorawidershotof
friendsposinginTimesSquare.
Anothercommonaestheticformatwasthe“selfshot”,holdingthecameraoutto
captureone’sselfand,attimes,friends.Thephotographer/subject’sarmwasthusseen
extendingtothecorneroftheframeandthisoftenledtoaslightlytiltedhorizonline.Theact
ofincludingothersinaself‐shotphotodemonstratesbothacertainspontaneity(wemust
capturethismomentnow)andconfirmstheclosenessofthefriends(Iwanttotakeaphoto
withyou).Whereasaphototakenbysomeoneelsecouldbesetup,selfshotphotosrevealeda
greateragencyindeterminingthesubjectmatter.
Webcamshotswereoftenmanipulatedusingthedistortioncontrolsoftheimage
capturesoftware.Theseallowforidentityplaybystretchingorcompressingone’simage.Often
Webcamphotosappearinaseries,revealingdifferentfacialexpressionsineachshot.Finally,
23
photoswhichwerebadlycomposed,suchasthosewherepeoplewerecutoffortitled,and
thosewhichwereunder‐orover‐lit,werestillposted,assumingthecontentwasofinterest.
Peoplewouldstillbetaggedinaphoto,evenifonlypartofthemcouldbeseen.
Analysis–Organization
SimilartoWeblogsthephotographsofeachsubjectwereinareversechronological
order,withthemostrecentimagesfirst.Further,likemostfamilyphotoalbums,therewasno
clearstructurednarrative,butpictureswerejustorganizedaroundtime.Unlikemostfamily
albums,whicharebasedaroundasinglephotographer,the“photosof”eachpersonare
collective,basedonalltheimagespostedbythesubjectandhisorherfriendsthroughtags.
ThecurrentarchitectureofFacebookgroupsallpicturestaggedwithaperson’snameunder
profilepictures,althoughindividualsdohavetheoptionof‘untagging,’andthusremovingtheir
name,butnottheirimage,fromthephotograph.Inmostfamilyalbums,thephotographeris
notofteninthealbumorcollectionasoften.WithFacebook,thesubjectisofteninthemostof
thephotosinacollection.
Thecollectivenatureofthisphotocollectioncancreateadeviationfromchronological
orders,dependingonwhendifferentpeoplepostpicturesfromthesameevent.Further,
peopleoftenpostintentionally“nostalgic”photosfromchildhoodorevenearlierinhighschool,
beforeFacebook.Aswewillseeinthenextsectionexaminingcomments,friendsreacttothese
imagesinanostalgicway,remembergoodtimestogetherinthepast.
Finally,inallphotos,thecamerabecomespartoftheevent.Anumberofpeoplehave
andusecameras,asevidencedbythenumberofpeoplepostingimagesfromthesameevent.
Thus,thereisacertaintriangulationofthefriendshipcircle,sincethesamegroupingsappear
24
throughthelensofmultiplecameras.Thisistrueforallevents,eventhemostformalsuchas
proms.Moreover,thephotographerisclearlyknownbyandamemberofthesocialcohort
depicted.Posesthatwouldbeunlikelytoanunknownphotographerarequitecommon;
includingthehamminessandflippingoffthephotographerinjest.
Analysis–Comments
Thecommentspostedbyfriendsreinforcegroupcohesivenessandcloseness.
Commentsaretiedtothepictures,nottotheindividual,meaningthateveryonetaggedinthe
photoswillhavethesamesetofsharedcomments.Thegroupnatureofcommentscanbeseen
throughtheconsistentuseofnicknames,referencestoinsidejokesorpastevents,statements
ofaffectionandcompliments,andgentleribbingofeachother.Alltheseexamplesare
understoodbythoseintheknow.Thecontextoffriendshipallowsforstatementsthatthose
outsidethegroupcannotmakeorwouldpossiblyfindoffensive.Commentsallowfriendsto
relivethepicturedevents,emphasizingthesharedgoodtimes.Examplesofthisinclude
statements,suchas“OMGTHISISSOSWEET!irememberthis!Wewereinterviewedddddd!”
(sic).Therearealsoreferencestolongingormissingmembersofone’sfriendshipcircleawayat
otherschools,suchas,“awwImissthis”or“Imissyouguys”.Commentsreinforcethegroup’s
participationincollegerituals,forexamplethisseriesofcommentsaboutposingwithalcohol:
Persona:“water???”
Personb:“ifthat’swhatyouliketocallit…”
Personc:“andmommyanddaddythinkyoursoooinnocent.notfair”
Personb:“that’swhyi’mthefavorite:)”(sic)
25
Peoplealsoreliveembarrassingmomentsthroughcomments,especiallyrelatedto
behaviorwhiledrunk,suchascrazinessandpassingout.Forexample,“…leftthatshirtatmy
cribwhenupassedoutinabush…”(sic).Or“Whatsthatmarkonmysweatshirt?”inreference
toastainfromthrowingup.
Manystatementsreflectadesiretobeincludedinthegroup,whethertobeincludedin
theeventpicturedortobetaggedifoneispictured.“cansomeonepleaseexplainwhynoone
taggedmeinthis!!!!”or“….itstillmeansurassneedstogetthehellzzdowntherewoman.”
Thislastquotesupportsthegroupoffriendsthroughtheirabsence,byexpressingthedesirefor
theleftoutindividualtocomevisit.
Typically,thesamerecurringgroupofpeoplewilltendtocommentonthephotos,again
demonstratingthetightnessofthesocialgroup.Commentsarenotalwaysaboutthecontentof
thephotos.Thephotosoftenbringuptheopportunityforanextendedconversationabout
individualsinthesocialgroup.Theconversationssparkedbyaphotocanencompassmany
postsextendingoveraperiodoftime(evenmorethanayearbetweenthefirstandlast
commentonaphoto).Commentscontinueadialogueforthoseataspecificeventandthose
whowerenottherebutarepartoftheextendedsocialnetwork.Thus,thesephotocollections,
likeFacebookingeneral,allowvicariousparticipationinfriend’slivesevenatadistance.People
usecommentsandthephotostokeepupdatedontheirfriends,suchas“wtfbrowhenwas
this?”(sic).Photoscanbeusedtolinkupwithmoredistantfriends–“adorable!howyabeen
chica?”
Discussion
26
Carey(1975)emphasizedaritualviewofcommunication,whichhelpsfostercommunity
integrationthroughthesharingofcommonexperiencesandvalues.Thisisclearlycentralto
whatisrevealedinthecollectionsofFacebookphotosofcollegestudents.Thecommonalityof
theimageswithineachstudent’scollectionandbetweenallthestudentsdemonstratesthat
whiletheoutfitsandlocationschange,thetypesofeventsdocumentedandthenatureofthe
posesdonot.Thesamestoriesaretoldandretoldinthesephotographs.Theseimagesare
highlyconventional,bothintermsoftheirsubjectmatterandtheiraesthetics.Theseimages
recordsocialritualsofcollegelife,withlittleoftheacademicside.
TheseFacebookphotosdonotnecessarilyrepresentallphotostakenbyorofaperson.
Thesemerelyrepresentthoseimageswhichastudentorafriendhaschosentopostandtagfor
others.Thus,thesephotosrepresentastrategicrepresentationofasocialgroupandsociallife
incollege.Morethananythingthesephotosallowcollegesstudentstospeaktoeachother
visually,playingouttheircollegelivesforeachother.Thesephotosestablishproofofan
authenticcollegeexperience,onefilledwithfriendsandtheritualsofcollegelife,drinking,
sports,andtheclosenessofapeergroup.Theydomorethanmerelydocumenttherituals.This
isreadilyapparentbynoticingwhatislacking,imagesofparentsandimageswithoutfriends.
Thesephotoshelpconfirmone’sindependencefromfamilyandchildhood.
Theseimagesdemonstratetheprimacyofrelationships.Thephotosareallaboutthe
connectionamongcollegestudents,andfortheseprimarilyfirstandsecondyearstudents,
amongthoseofthesamegender.Thisechoesotherauthorswhohavearguedthatfriendsare
especiallyimportantformembersofGenerationY(Huntley,2006),especiallysame‐sexfriends.
Itisinterestingtoseethechangeinfocusofthephotosasaseriousrelationshipwithamember
27
oftheoppositesexoccurs.Imagesofthecouplebegintodominate.Chalfen(1987)hadpointed
outthatcollegelifewasabsentinthealbumsheexamined.Thisstudyallowsaglimpseatthe
transitionfrombeingpartofafamilytoanindependentphotographicentityinone’sownright.
Further,thetransitiontoacouplereflectedthepossiblebeginningsofafamilycollectionof
photos,focusedaroundadyadandnotalargerpeergroup.Forthelargerpeergroup,images
ofembarrassmentaswellasjoydrawfriendstogether,helpingsupporttheauthenticcollege
experienceandthebondone’sfriends.Closefriendsareexpectedtosharebothpositiveand
negativemoments,andonlyclosefriendswouldappreciateanddecodeembarrassingimagesin
thecorrectspiritofgroup‐bonding.Theseimagesaretheequivalentofthegentleribbingseen
inthecomments.Further,openinguponeselftopotentialridiculedemonstratesthetrust
extendedtoone’speergroup.
Proofoftheclosenessofone’speergroupisconfirmedbyboththequantityandnature
ofpicturesdisplayed.Theclosertherelationshipssharedamongfriends,themorefrequently
theyappearinphotoswithastudent.Likewise,themoretheyappear,themoretheir
friendshipisconfirmed.Theposesandmomentsalsorevealtheclosenessoffriends.For
women,thisincludedmomentsofinformalhangingoutinone’sresidence.Forbothgenders,
thisincludedphysicalcloseness(includinghuggingandcheekkissing)andexaggeratedposes.
Physicalclosenesswasmoststronglyseenwhenastudententeredaseriousrelationship
Physicalclosenessindexesemotionalcloseness.
Asstatedearlierandconsistentwithpreviousworkonpersonalphotographs,the
meaningoftheseimagesisconstructedlargelyinthemindsoftheviewersandisintendedfor
membersofone’ssocialgroup.Contextualinformationaboutlocationandtimewaslargely
28
absent.Thesephotosfacilitatetherecallofalreadyexistingmemories,asevidencedbythe
postingofolderphotographsfromchildhood,whichrequirednocaptionwasneeded.Members
ofthepeergrouprecognizedandrespondedtothesenostalgicphotos.Byunderstandingthe
meaninginthephotos,thecohesivenessofthesocialgroupwasenhanced.Contextual
elements,throughbackgrounds,arede‐emphasized,suggestingtheprimacyofthehuman
relationshipsandtheexistingknowledgeintheheadofviewersrequiredfordecodingthe
images.Facebookimageswereclearlyappropriatedbyaclosedgroup,usedtoreinforce
membershipandcohesiveness.Groupmembershipaffordsafullunderstandingoftheovert
andlatentmeaningsofphotos,andsubsequently,identifyingtheseovertandlatentmeanings
potentiallyenhancedone’ssenseofbelonging.
Thephotosportraycollegestudentssuspendedinsociality,perpetuallybondingwith
friendsandtoastingthebestoftimes.Eventsareopportunitiestoconnectwithfriends,andby
representingthosemomentsinpostedFacebookphotosreinforcesthebondsofthe
relationships.Whileonegameblursinanotherandonepartyintoanother,thephotographsof
themtellalargerstoryoftheimportanceofsharedexperiencesofcollegelifewithone’s
closestfriends.Onceposted,thesephotographscreateinstant“goodolddays,”uponwhich
friendscanreminisceandfeelnostalgic,eveniftheeventoccurredjustlastnight.Formen,the
socialityendsatformalevents,emphasizingtheimportanceof“drinkingbuddies,”forwomen,
socialityexistsinbothformalandinformalmoments.Women’sfriendshipsarebuiltasmuchat
partiesastheyareloungingindormrooms,reinforcingpreviousworkontheimportanceof
girl’sbedroomcultureinestablishingidentityandfriendships(Nayak&Kehily,2008).
29
Becausepicturesarepostedbymultiplepeople,thephotogalleriesaredynamic.These
collectionsofphotosarepotentiallyalwayschanging,thuspresentingaconfluentplaneof
activityuponwhichperformancesoftheselfareenacted,and‘tagged’.Justaspeopleremove
individualsfromtheirhomephotoalbumswhendivorcehappens,Facebookcollectionscanalso
changeasindividualsremovephotos.Thisactionremovesthephotosfromthecollectionsofall
whoaretaggedonthephotos,aswellasthecommentsattachedtothephotos.Thus,the
convergentnatureoftheplatformallowstheseperformancestoconstantlyevolveandforever
eludepermanence,astheyaresubjecttothemultipleredactionsofnumerousaudiences.This
convergentcontextsimultaneouslyreferencesspacesandevolvesbeyondspace,presenting
whatdeCerteau(1984)hastermedamovingmap,uponwhichvisualdepictionsofmemories
arepiecedintonarrativesthroughthepracticeof‘tagging.’Thefluidcontextuponwhich
performancesoftheselfareenactedaffordsreflexivelyshapedpersonalnarrativesoftheself,
whichareindicativeofwhatsociologistshavedescribedasaconstantstateoffluxorliquid
modernity(Bauman,2005;Giddens,1990).
Interestinglyenough,theaestheticsandtheformofthedisplayedphotosplacetheself
ormultiplesubjectsatthecenter,frequentlythroughcameraplacementthatmayappear
awkwardorunprofessional.Theemphasisontheselfishighlightedbytheabsenceof
contextualinformation,mediumtoclosedistance,limitedbackground,awarenessofthe
cameraandbehaviorsproducedspecificallyforthecamerabyasingleorseveralsubjects.The
totalityofthesebehaviorsreflectacollectivelyperformednarcissism,throughwhichasingleor
multiplesubjectsexhibitself‐referentialbehavior,thatisthenexponentiallytagged,re‐tagged,
commentedandreferencedinfurtherintrospectivemomentsthatculminatetogroup
30
cohesion.Thesetracesofnarcissismarepresentinphotographsthatcontainasingle,two,or
multiplesubjects;thethemeincommon,reflectiveofnarcissism,istheconnotedenamorment
withthesubject,dyad,orgroupphotographed.
Giventhegeneralcontentofthesevisualgalleries,whicharestructuredaround
articulatingindividualautonomyandsignalingindependencefromfamilyandaffiliationwith
peergroups,itwouldbemoremeaningfulandaccuratetointerpretthesenarcissisticlapsesas
asteptowardself‐reflectionandself‐actualization,ratherthaninstancesofuncontrollableself‐
absorption.Lasch(1979)connectednarcissisticbehaviorstohedonistictendenciesreflectiveof
amaterialisticculture,butalsoclarifiedthatwhilenarcissisticbehaviormaybestructured
aroundtheself,itisnotmotivatedbyselfishdesire,butbyadesiretobetterconnecttheselfto
society.Alternatively,inSennet’s(1974)terms,narcissism“takestheideaoftheinvoluntary
disclosureofcharactertoitslogicalextreme,”thusaffordingidentityplayandtheperformative
extremesthatweidentifiedinthisstudy.Moreover,theaestheticsofthesephotographsreflect
whatMitchell(1995)callsmeta‐photography,thatis,photographsthatrevealtheprocessof
picture‐making.Thesemeta‐photographsdemonstratethemannerinwhichthecamera
becomesanextensionofthebodyfortheseyoungpeople,mostexplicitlydemonstratedinthe
self‐shotphotographs.Inadditiontothenarcissisticovertones,theformofthesepicturesis
aimedatfurtherblurringthelinebetweenproducerandsubject,throughgroupphotosin
whichpicture‐takersandpicture‐posersdynamicallyrotate,andaudiencesviewingthephotos
participateinphotographicmeta‐constructionsthroughcommentingandtagging.
Thisstudysuggestssomeinterestingdirectionsforfutureresearch.First,itbuildsonthe
literatureofpersonalphotographybyexaminingthemorepublicuseofpersonalphotographs
31
onsocialnetworksites.Mostoftheliteratureonpersonalphotographyhasfocusedonhow
andwhatpeoplepresentinthemoreprivatesettingsofthehome.TheInternet,asothermedia
havebefore,blursthedistinctionbetweenprivateandpublic,thusupsettingconventionsof
storytellingandmnemonicrecollectionviaphotography.Second,thispieceexpandsonInternet
studiesofself‐presentationbyfocusingmorecloselyonthephotographicrepresentation
peopleofferofthemselves.Finally,thispapersattemptstoplacethephotographic
presentationcollegestudentsofferinthecontextofalargervisualyouthculture.
OfcoursethesamplestudiedislimitedtoFacebookphotosandisnotmeanttobe
representativeofallcollegestudents.Stilltheconsistencyofthephototypesallowsustodraw
conclusionsabouthowcollegestudentsusephotostospeaktoeachothervisually.Future
researchcouldattempttotrackthechangingnatureandusesofthesephotographic
repositories,followingasmallersampleofcollegestudentsastheyphotographicallymove
throughcollegeyearsandbeyond.In‐depthinterviewswouldhelpgainunderstandingofthe
rolesthatphotographsplayinthesestudent’slives.Theseinterviewsalsocouldhelp
differentiatepeoplewhopostamanyphotosfromthosewhodonot.
Facebooktaggedphotographspresentmorethanrandommomentsinaperson’slife.
Theypresentasuspendedtakeoncollege‐lifesociality,throughacollageofscenescelebrating
theself,groupcultureandmembershipthatareplayedoutoverandoveragain.Thesame
scenesarerepeatedinavarietyofphotographedoccasionsaswefindthemcomfortingand
reassuring.Theyprovidevisualevidenceofsocialnetworks.Picturesrevealthetransitionfrom
highschooltocollege,buttheydomorethandocument;theyallowphotographedsubjectsto
proveorconfirmthesemilestonesforeachother;theyvalidatethesenseofarealcollege
32
experience.Facebookpicturesarewherecollegestudentsvisuallyplayouttheirlivesforeach
other,demonstratingtheiridentityascollegestudent.Thesepracticesserveasperformative
exercisesofidentityandbelonging,simultaneouslydeclaringandcorroboratingshared
experiences.
33
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