1
He restricted the pollutions of idolatry which had for a long time been practised in every city and
country district, so that no one should presume to set up cult-objects, or practise divination or other
occult arts, or even to sacrifice at allas if almost everybody would in future belong to God, once the
obstacle of polytheistic madness had been removed.1
Such read the description of Constantine Is actions against traditional Greco-Roman religion, as
transmitted by the great Church historian, bishop, and personal biographer of the Emperor, Eusebius of
Caesarea, in the first half of the fourth century.
Even a generation earlier, the notion of attempting to pass such legislation against the traditional and
established religion (in so far as it can be called such) of the Empire would have been simply
unthinkable. That the Emperor Constantine felt comfortable in doing so, and moreover, that Eusebius
felt confident enough to relate these events without fear of reprisals demonstrates not only the
tremendous growth of Christianity from its humble Jewish beginnings, but also the close bond that grew
between Church and State.
How Christianity developed and evolved into a faith capable of becoming the official religion of the
Roman Empire (in AD 380)2
is a topic that has been discussed and debated by countless scholars and
authors, due in part to the so-called catalyst3 that was the conversion of the first Christian emperor,
Constantine I, and the impact this had on the faith. In the essay that follows however, my intention is not
so much to simply discuss Christianitys evolution under Constantine, but rather to try and understand
the different ways in which particular elements of Christianity evolved during my self-imposed parameter
of Constantines thirty year reign (AD 306-337).
One of the key issues that must be addressed from the outset is the nature of the available source
material. Eusebius of Caesarea, mentioned above, is perhaps the best primary source for evidence on the
person and policies of Constantine as an almost direct contemporary of the Emperor; but this is not to
say that he is without his faults. Written sometime towards the end of Constantines reign (and indeed
not long before the death of Eusebius himself) Eusebius Life of Constantine (Vita Constantini, VC) was
written in a heavily apologetic4
and panegyrical style, with the intention of not just creating an idealised
image of Constantine for the general readership, but also of laying down a template for Constantines
1 Eusebius, VC II.45 2 Elsner 1998: 287 3 Tanner 2011: 26 4 Eusebius, VC pg. 12
2
sons (his immediate successors) to follow. The resultant effect is thus a mixture of fact and opinion rather
tightly entwined that one must be careful to try and untangle. Moreover, as a bishop and biblical scholar,
Eusebius had his own theological views that at times may have conflicted with those of Constantine,
thereby resulting in the occasional omission of certain details and the reinterpretation of others.
Nevertheless, as a means of understanding Christianitys evolution under Constantine, Eusebius is an
indispensable source particularly as one of the Bishops main aims was, in his own words, the recording
of actions dear to God.5
Another key source, and perhaps an obvious one, is Constantine himself- specifically the letters and
legislation written and passed by the Emperor. His letters, many of which have been preserved by
Eusebius inclusion of them in his Life of Constantine, provide an invaluable insight into the religious
views and attitudes6
of the Emperor that would be difficult to ascertain otherwise and as such can aid in
understanding what the Emperor thought about the role of the Christian Church and what kind of a
presence he had within the institution. As public documents meant for public consumption however,
Constantines words can only tell us what he wanted to be known and how he wanted to be perceived;
though for the purpose of this essay, perhaps that is enough. The laws of Constantine are also vitally
important for understanding the kind of legal status given to the Church during his reign, as well as for
understanding the intensity of the relationship that grew between Church and State. Unfortunately not all
of Constantines laws have survived, and we must thus rely on the official codes compiled by later
emperors (such as the Theodosian Code compiled under Theodosius II in the fifth century) though
these codes usually preserve only later modifications of earlier laws.7
Through the combination of all
these early sources however, we can perhaps hope to obtain a relatively clear picture of the different ways
in which Christianity evolved during this concentrated period of time.
Constantines self-described conversion to Christianity (an issue that has been exhaustively debated and
cannot be discussed in detail here) was bound to have an impact on the religion whether good or bad,
intentional or not, due to the religions history with the State. Since its foundation in the years
surrounding Christs death, Christianity had gradually picked up momentum, (through active
proselytizing, amongst other means) to a point where the State began to regard it as more than just a
5 Eusebius, VC 1.10 6 Eusebius, VC pg. 42 7 Barnes 1981: 50
3
stubborn, though harmless, mystery cult, but as perhaps something more threatening. After more than
two centuries of alternating periods of persecution and (what can only be described as) reluctant
toleration, AD 303 saw the initiation of several edicts by the Emperor Diocletian, and what would later
come to be known as the Great Persecution. The edicts implemented instructions for the leveling of
churches, the burning of Scriptures, and the deprivation of status, privileges and even potentially freedom
for Christian clergymen and laymen alike.8
After a generation of peace,9
the persecution had important
consequences for the development of Christian identity;10
particularly with regards its view on the State,
and this is one of the key elements that will be examined in further detail in the discussion that follows.
Also amongst the key elements that will be discussed are the issues of orthodoxy and its important
counterpart: heresy. In the following study I will be addressing the evolution and implementation of the
notion of heresy, the doctrines, creeds, controversies, and schisms related to heresy and indeed
orthodoxy, as well as attempting to explain why orthodoxy became such an important issue during the
early fourth century and the reign of Constantine. Art and architecture also underwent a significant
transformation in the fourth century, and as such I will attempt to examine why this was, with particular
attention given to the connection between art and Scripture, Constantines patronage of churches and the
effect this had, in addition to the significant fourth century development of relic veneration.
Other key elements related to Christianity that will be discussed are the structure of the Church and how
particularly the role of the bishop developed under Constantine, as well as liturgical aspects of the
Church such as rituals and ceremonies (with the evolution of the Christian calendar falling within this
area of discussion also).
The issue of the Churchs relationship with the State is perhaps one of the most passionately covered
elements when discussing the evolution of the Christian Church, and deservedly so. How the Church was
able to reconcile its spiritual responsibilities with more secular duties, and moreover how the State was
able to so carefully adapt to the structure and workings of the Christian Church, are equally remarkable
achievements that could never have been foreseen during the first three centuries of Christianitys
establishment. Due to the importance of this development, I shall also be conducting an examination of
the different ways in which this relationship blossomed and the, perhaps unforeseen, effects this had on
8 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica VIII.2 9 Barnes 1981: 19 10 Drake 2000: 85
4
the identity of the Christian Church, as well as explaining exactly why the relationship between Church
and State was such a delicate issue.
Though a variety of different elements will be covered, some basic questions will need to be asked of all
of them. It is generally agreed that Constantine had an effect in some way on the Christian Church, but
how much of an effect? After over three hundred years of pagan that is, traditional Greco-Roman
polytheistic imperial rule, the introduction of a practicing Christian Emperor would presumably have
had some degree of impact on the Church, but with regards to the above outlined elements that
experienced change during our period, it must be asked exactly how far their developments were the
result of Constantines direct and deliberate intervention in ecclesiastical affairs, and how far they were
due to other factors, such as natural evolution. Such a question is vital to any understanding of
Christianitys increasing sense of definition throughout the fourth century, and for good reason. If the
developments were for instance, entirely the result of Constantines direct intervention, the Church
would perhaps have begun to see itself more and more as a product of imperial construction, operating
and evolving under the direct control and supervision of the state. The Church prided itself on being a
continuation of the holy mission first begun by Christ and his apostles, and if the Emperor was thus
allowed to impact on the Church in so great a way, this sense of spiritual purity could perhaps be seen as
being undermined. If however, the developments were instead the result of natural evolution- products
of their time- this notion of continuity and purity could be maintained, with the effects of the Emperors
intervention having almost no impact on the real identity of the Church. Perhaps the best way of
ascertaining the extent of Constantines intervention is to examine how each of the aforementioned
elements looked before the reign of the Emperor, and how they looked after. As such, there will be
some movement outside the set parameters of Constantines reign, but only slightly.
One key term that must be properly addressed before any investigation can begin is Christianity. From its
birth in the first century AD, Christianity had taken a number of different forms vastly different to any
form of Christianity one may recognize today.11 From Christians who believed in God as the creator of
11 Ehrman 2003: 2
5
the universe, to others who believed in a subordinate creator; from Christians who recognized the
existence of one God, to others who believed in as many as 365-12
the list goes on.
As such, while attempting to understand how the religion of Christs followers evolved during the thirty
year span that was the reign of the Emperor Constantine, one thing that must be kept in mind at all times
is the diversity of Christianity; it was not as simple as merely one branch of an already defined, and
universally agreed upon religion evolving, but many branches, simultaneously undergoing dramatic (and
some not-so dramatic) changes. With this in mind then, proper attention can be given to the first of the
elements to be studied: orthodoxy and heresy.
Orthodoxy & Heresy
In AD 312, upon his defeat of his western rival Maxentius, Constantine became master of Africa13 and
encountered one of the first of the several schisms he was to mediate throughout the duration of his
reign. The so-called Donatist schism had begun to form under the Great Persecution due to the
pressure felt by many clergymen to hand over copies of sacred books and objects to imperial authority;
thereby making them literally traitors (from traditores, meaning people who hand things over).14 The
issue then arose as to the validity of acts these traditores had performed while in office, with the priest-
Donatus of Casae Nigrae- and his followers holding a rather rigorist view that the sacraments performed
were invalid, and thus anyone who had been baptised (as was one of the key issues raised by the
Donatists) by a tainted clergyman, had to have the sacrament administered anew-15
something many other
North African clergymen disagreed with. Constantine, upon receiving a petition from the proconsul of
Africa, Anullinus,16
(who had himself received it from a member of the Donatist party) and perhaps
feeling it his duty to ensure unity within his newly favoured faith, agreed to a hearing where both sides
could air their grievances and peace could be made; the so-called Council of Arles in AD 314. Although
Constantine may have had intended to settle the matter in a manner resembling traditional imperial
hearings, what actually took place resembled more a traditional Church council according to ecclesiastical
precedent.17
Despite the eventual failure of the council to settle the Donatists issues once and for all,
12 Ehrman 2003: 2 13 Barnes 1981: 56 14 Drake 2006: 116 15 Drake 2006: 117 16 Barnes 1981: 57 17 Barnes 1981: 57
6
several important factors regarding Constantine and his involvement in the Church and Church matters
can be observed. Firstly, that neither side saw it improper to seek the intervention of the Emperor is
particularly significant as it demonstrates the Churchs willingness to continue on (at least for now) the
traditional close relationship between Church and State. The person of the emperor had always played a
major role in traditional Greco-Roman religion, in fact holding the highest religious office of pontifex
maximus alongside his other more secular offices, and thus it is unsurprising that many Christian
clergymen believed the new Christian Emperor should have a similar (although perhaps not identical)
part in the new faith. Moreover, that Constantine himself did not appear to have many anxieties or
doubts regarding his involvement illustrates not only this same idea of the bond between Church and
State, but also the importance felt by the Emperor of ensuring proper unanimous worship by his subjects
to maintain the peace of the Empire. This is an issue that would play an important factor in the
development of heresy, as we shall go on to see.
What must be noted about the Donatist schism however, is that it was just that- a schism. The issues that
arose between the Donatist party and the other members of the North African church did not relate to
doctrinal disputes and thus the real issues regarding heresy/orthodoxy were not yet brought to the fore.
What the Donatist dispute did do however was arm Constantine with the tools and lessons necessary to
deal with the next Church disagreement- this time an actual doctrinal dispute- Arianism.
At some point in the early AD 320s (although scholars are not agreed exactly when),18
Arius, a priest of
Alexandria, and a small group of followers,19
were excommunicated by a council20
summoned by Arius
own bishop, Alexander, on the basis of teachings deemed by the council to be incompatible with
acceptable Church teachings. The matter centred on the nature of Christ with relation to God the Father,
with Arius concluding that if God created the Son, there had to be a point in time in which the Son did
not exist (although as the creator of the worlds, this would have been at a time before time itself existed),21
and moreover as a creation of God, the Son was not of the same substance of the Father; though a
perfect creature,22 he was nonetheless a creature, unlike the Father. Despite backing up his argument
18 Hall 1991: 125 19 Roldanus 2006: 77 20 Drake 2000: 239 21 McGrath 2011: 274 22 Athanasius, I.5
7
with passages from Scripture,23
in addition to following an almost identical tract of thought as one of the
great and respected Christian thinkers of the third century, Origen,24
Bishop Alexander saw Arius
teachings as compromising the position of Jesus Christ as fully God and fully human and thus
undermining his ability to redeem mankind from sin and death through his own death on the Cross.25
In late AD 324, Constantine, having been made aware of the dispute, made the decision to intervene.
Eusebius of Caesarea, in his Life of Constantine, wrote of the shock felt by the Emperor upon hearing
of the disturbance afflicting the churches26 and refers to a letter of Constantine addressed to both
Alexander and Arius, and entrusted to one of the godly men of his court27 (usually presumed to be
Ossius, Bishop of Corduba)28
in the hopes of mediating the matter. The letter, quoted in full by Eusebius,
sees Constantine expressing his desire for unity within the Church in order to ensure the peace of the
Empire,29
in addition to condemning the matter as extremely trivial and unworthy of such controversy.30
Though the letter does indeed highlight Constantines great interest in maintaining peace in the Church
(for the sake of the Empire), it also demonstrates a great deal of naivety on his part with regards to how
important issues of doctrine were to the faith. Indeed as a former adherent of traditional Greco-Roman
religion, a religion that placed far more emphasis on what one did as opposed to what one thought, such
naivety is to be expected.
There was however, another reason, highlighted by Eusebius, which may have prompted Constantine to
seek for unity within the Church- the watchful glare of the pagans. Knowledge of the dispute had
apparently become so widespread by AD 324 that sacred points of divine doctrine had become subject
to public mockery by unbelievers in the theatres.31 If Constantine had any hope of promoting his
religion throughout the Empire, the Church would have to maintain a united front.
Taking the Council of Arles as somewhat of a template, Constantine called together what would become
the first ecumenical council of the Christian Church in AD 325- the Council of Nicaea. Although no
23 Proverbs 8:22 (GNB) 24 Barnes 1981: 204, Roldanus 2006: 77 25 Drake 2000: 238 26 Eusebius, VC II.61.2 27 Eusebius, VC II.63 28 Barnes 1981: 212 29 Eusebius, VC II.65 30 Eusebius, VC II.68.2 31 Eusebius, VC II.61.5
8
detailed record of the proceedings survives,32
what is certain is that the council was by far the largest
assembly of bishops hitherto,33 with Constantine (supposedly) taking pride of place in the middle of the
bishops, on a small chair made of gold.34
The outcome of the Council was extremely significant for the definition of orthodoxy (from orthodoxos,
meaning right or correct belief) within the Christian Church. Among the key issues raised at the Council
was, of course, the Arian dispute, which resulted in the drawing up of what is known today as the Nicene
Creed. Although the form that survives today is not the original creed of AD 325 (but that which is
generally assumed to have been drawn up by the Council of Constantinople in AD 381)35
the
introduction of the Nicene Creed had a significant impact on what the Church deemed to be orthodox
thought, with the creed becoming, as one scholar put it, the touchstone of Christian orthodoxy.36 Based
on a baptismal creed used at Jerusalem,37
one of the main intentions of the creed was to affirm the full
divinity of Christ against the Arians and thus led to the inclusion of four explicit condemnations of Arian
views,38
as well as the inclusion of a word intended specifically to confound the Arians who had been
able to find acceptance in all previous attempts at devising a statement of faith.39
That word was
homoousios. Roughly translated as consubstantial, homoousios had previously been repudiated by
Arius as Manichaean40
(the Manichees being an illegal religious sect who followed the teachings of the
third-century Mesopotamian gnostic, Mani)41
and thus the combination of homoousios, along with the
affirmation of Christ being begotten of the Fatherthat is, from the essence of the Father42 finally
offered the pretext necessary to condemn Arius and his followers as heretics for their refusal to accept
the creed. Arius was however, not the only person to find fault with the creed. Although only he and two
other bishops refused to sign the statement of faith, Eusebius of Caesarea also found the creed difficult to
32 Drake 2000: 252 33 Chadwick 2001: 199 34 Eusebius, VC III.10.5 35 Hanson 1989: 154 36 Drake 2006: 124 37 McGrath 2011: 15 38 McGrath 2011: 16 39 Drake 2000: 255 40 Hall 1991: 132 41 Augustine, Confessions pg. xiv 42 Eusebius, Letter on Council of Nicaea.
9
accept,43
however, being himself present at the council under a provisional ban of excommunication,44
the
bishop reluctantly signed the creed, followed promptly by a letter sent by him to his congregation
explaining the proceedings of the council and justifying his signing of the document. That Eusebius felt
such pressure can be seen as demonstrating the increasing effect of a Christian Emperor within the
Church.
Another key issue on the councils agenda was the dating of Easter. From around the second century,
there had been unresolved disagreement over the correct dating of Easter. Different churches used
different systems to calculate the correct date, with the churches of Syria and Cilicia, for instance, basing
their calculation on the date of the Jewish Passover thereby resulting in mockery by many Jews for the
Christians reliance on their neighbouring synagogues to give them the correct date in order that they be
able to calculate the time of their principal festival.45
Constantine, upon hearing of this dependence on
Jewish synagogues, was appalled and demanded that all churches celebrate Easter on the same Sunday.46
It was decided that the date of Easter was to be kept in accordance with the ancient practice of Rome and
Alexandria, and although the churches did not adhere straight away, the Syrians eventually abandoned
their Easter rule.47
The council set several important precedents for future doctrinal disputes as well as ecumenical councils.
Firstly, that the church now had a credal statement approved by over 200 bishops as well as the Emperor,
meant greater reinforcement could be given to the definition of Christian orthodoxy,48 and even more so
to heresy. Although originally a neutral word simply meaning choice49 (hairesis), heresy had gradually
grown over the previous two centuries to bear much greater negative connotations as a label for incorrect
Christian belief, although what was incorrect belief was not, at this point, entirely clear. Rather than being
a reaction to defend what was orthodox therefore, the Council of Nicaea resulted in the determination of
it.50
Any future disputes thus could (and indeed did) look back at the canons passed by the Council of
AD 325 for reference and precedent.
43 Hall 1991: 132 44 Barnes 1981: 216 45 Chadwick 2001: 204 46 Chadwick 2001: 205 47 Hall 1991: 134 48 Gwynn 2010a: 61 49 Lyman 2007: 297 50 Hanson 1989: 143
10
Secondly, that Arius was exiled in addition to being excommunicated had a significant impact on the way
future heretics would be treated. Rather than merely being subjected to the rulings of the Church,
heretics could now find themselves sent into exile by law, thus demonstrating the growing close
relationship between Church and State that resulted from Constantines patronage. Under such
circumstances, it is unsurprising that Eusebius felt pressure to sign the credal statement.
This growing close relationship between the two entities (and what could be described as imperial
intervention) also led to an increasing need for the Church to define itself, particularly in terms of what
qualified individuals as belonging to the Catholic (universal) Church. One of the main stimuli behind
the Donatist schism was in fact an order sent by Constantine to Anullinus, the proconsul, to restore all
property seized during the persecution to the Catholic church of the Christians,51 followed by another
letter, again to Anullinus, giving instructions relating to the clergy of the Catholic church over which
Caecilianus [Caecilian] presides.52 With Caecilian being the main rival to Donatus and his followers, the
letters understandably caused friction concerning who was an adherent of orthodox belief, and thereby a
member of the Catholic Church, and who was not.
The clarification of orthodox belief may also have had an effect not only on the identity of the Church,
but also on the identity of individual Christians. Rather than merely feeling content to simply follow the
teachings of Christ and his apostles, it is reasonable to assume that many may have felt pressure to define
themselves through identification with one of the several conflicting branches53
now that notions of
heresy and schism had found their way into public law.54 In order to avoid excommunication and/or
exile, subscription to orthodox teaching may have been the safest move.
With all these issues in mind, one can begin to uncover why orthodoxy became such a major concern in
the fourth century, and more importantly where the push came from. From the viewpoint of
Constantine, the Emperor would have seen the schisms and doctrinal disputes as threatening the stability
(and subsequent growth) of the Church, and through that, the stability of the Empire. Moreover, upon
putting his full backing behind the Christian Church, and indeed the Christian God, Constantine would
have wanted to ensure proper unanimous worship in order to please Him.
51 Eusebius, HE X.V.15-17 52 Eusebius, HE X.VII.1-2 53 Perrin 2010: 214 54 Perrin 2010: 212
11
Similarly, from the viewpoint of the Church, many would have wanted to ensure uniformity in order to
guarantee the growth and survival of the Church as well as to ensure God was pleased by the concord of
His people. However, it should also be noted that the issues of heresy and orthodoxy also became the
basis for some slightly less than honourable intentions amongst members of the Church- in particular the
bishops. With Constantine taking a considerably active role in ecclesiastical matters, it would have been
fairly obvious that whichever side he took in any dispute could hope to receive his full support, and any
privileges that might come with this; the Donatists, for example, were excluded from any of the legal and
financial privileges that Constantine afforded the Catholic Church.55
Various groups thus each attempted
to bring round the Emperor to their side, and in turn gather the reins of ecclesiastical government into
their hands.56
These groups were headed by the leading figures of their Christian communities- the bishops. How these
men came to occupy such a central role in the workings of the Church, particularly in relation to their
connection to the Emperor, brings us to our next area of discussion: the structure of the Church.
Structure of the Church
The development of the episcopate within the Christian Church is a complex and multi-layered issue
intertwining with and relating to numerous other aspects of the Late Roman Empire, both religious and
secular. The reason for this relates in part due to the duties of the bishop, and the effect the
accumulation of duties had on the actual episcopal role. However, it is in part also due to the person of
the bishop and what he represented not only in relation to the sheep within his Christian flock, but also
to those looking in from the outside- the pagans.
In order to adequately assess how, and indeed if, the role of the bishop developed during the reign of
Constantine it is perhaps necessary to understand the tradition of the episcopate, what role the bishop
played before Constantine, and how the differing circumstances of Late Antiquity impacted upon it. In
doing so, I shall hope to address the underlying question of imperial intervention, viz., Can changes in
the role of the bishop be attributed solely to Constantines imperial patronage, or are there traces of these
developments much earlier?
55 Barnes 1981: 60 56 Hanson 1989: 147
12
Bishop, from the Greek word episkopein meaning to oversee, was an office originally meant for just
that- overseeing the members within ones congregation.57 Dated (incorrectly) by many Christians to the
time of Peter, the apostle of Christ, the episcopal office was highly respected and it was this tradition and
notion of Peter being the first bishop that provided a sense of stability and continuity to the office (in
addition to forever enhancing the position of the see of Rome).
The earliest mentions of the term episkopos come from the New Testament, where it is used almost
synonymously with presbyter (elder), to identify local leaders of the first Christian communities.58 1
Timothy, attributed to the apostle Paul but actually written at least 50 years or so after his death, lists
some of the necessary qualities that must be possessed by members of the episcopate, such as
respectability and self-restraint.59
Although perhaps not an accurate representation of the beliefs of Paul,
the statements were evidently thought valid enough to be included within the New Testament canon, and
as such can be viewed as representing the attitudes of some (but perhaps not all) Christians, of the late
first60
/early second century, towards bishops. This emphasis on the character of bishops is echoed in the
Didache, an ancient church order dated (with great difficulty and without unanimous scholarly
agreement) to somewhere between the second half of the first century and the first half of the second
century.61
Chapter Fifteen of the Didache encourages congregations to appoint bishops (and deacons)
worthy of the Lord,62 in addition to emphasising the authority of the bishop, and in doing so
demonstrates the evident fear felt by the author that the local ministers might not receive the same degree
of respect as the charismatic prophets and teachers63 of the time (an issue we shall return to).
Another early view comes from Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, as translated in several letters of his,
composed as he traveled to meet his fate, namely, martyrdom under the Emperor Trajan in AD 115.64
As an approximate contemporary to the author of 1 Timothy, his views concerning the episcopate and
the role of the bishop are significant. In the Letter to the Smyrnaeans (of Smyrna, Asia Minor), Ignatius
sets out what appears to be a relatively basic version of an ecclesiastical cursus honorum65 with the
57 Rapp 2005: 24 58 Gwynn 2012: 877 59 1 Timothy 3:1-7 (GNB) 60 Ehrman 2003: 31 61 Bradshaw 2010: 9 62 Didache XV 63 Chadwick 1993: 47 64 Gwynn 2012: 878 65 Rapp 2005: 173
13
recipients of the letter instructed to follow the bishops as Jesus Christ does the Father, and to follow the
presbytery as the apostles,66
thereby distinguishing the two entities in terms of authority. Again, although
Ignatius views cannot be generalised to represent the views of all Christians during this period, it is
noteworthy that already there appears to have begun a notion of the monarchical episcopate (a single
bishop at the head of each Christian community)67
that would become an established ecclesiastical feature
by, and actually before,68
the time of Constantine.
Bishops had a number of different duties, both official and spiritual. The supervision of clerics,
management of charitable foundations, and the administration of church finances all fell under their
jurisdiction,69
as did the weekly celebrations of the liturgy and the preaching of sermons. Within their
respective communities, they also acted as local patrons, representing their cities and individual citizens
before imperial magistrates,70
while the active role, played by congregations, in the selection process of
electing new bishops created a power base among the citizens, which even few civil officials could match.71
The conflicts that had plagued the Church early on meant that by the latter half of the second century,
synods and councils of bishops had begun to be held.72
As H. A. Drake has pointed out, simply by being
the one who attended these councils, participated in debates and wrote or approved key documents, the
bishop naturally took on a special role as the link between the local community and the worldwide body
of the church,73 thereby aiding in the enhancement of his position. That a bishop served for life74 also
aided in the enhancement of his position as well as in the development of the notion of a monarchical
episcopate. All of these episcopal features were present within the first three centuries of Christianity, and
thus we can already see the unique role occupied by the bishop at this time.
Something else that also played a key part in the definition of the episcopate, in addition to the
development of the Church hierarchy, was the idea of apostolic succession. By the second century,
there was no one alive who had ever known the apostles, or even known anyone who did. It was
66 Ignatius, Smyrnaeans VIII 67 Gwynn 2012: 878 68 Ibid. 69 Van Dam 2007: 344 70 Ibid. 71 Drake 2000: 105 72 Donovan 1997: 75 73 Drake 2000: 106 74 Van Dam 2007: 345
14
therefore vitally important for bishops to be seen by their congregations (as indeed they were) as carriers
of the same spiritual authority held by the apostles, and thus as a way for Christian laymen to correctly
follow the teachings of Christ. Charismatic figures such as ascetic or monastic holy men (like the desert
fathers of the fourth century) or the martyrs and, in particular, the confessors who had endured torture
and survived the persecutions without renouncing their faith, could all be seen as alternatives to
traditional Church authority, which in turn could undermine the authority of the bishop. It was thus of
vital importance for the Church to have a secure ecclesiastical hierarchy in place.
Moreover, with most of the Christian Scriptures written and circulated at a time when the Second
Coming of Christ was thought to be imminent, the longer the Church went with no sign of this Second
Coming, the more important the role of the bishop and the security of the Church hierarchy came to
be.75
This need for security resulted in a formalisation of the Churchs organisation, with the Church imitating
in its structure that of the contemporary imperial administration. This imitation of the civil hierarchy in
turn, helped to reinforce and clarify a hierarchy among bishops and their sees.76
With the capital of a
province being home to the court of the provincial governor,77
it perhaps seemed only natural that
bishops of capitals (metropolitans) be given a level of superior jurisdiction over other bishops within their
province78
(although this was not a decision met with unanimous approval).79
Several of the canons passed
at the Council of Nicaea80
focused on upholding the traditional rights of jurisdiction of the metropolitan
bishops,81
demonstrating the significance of them as a body within the structure of the Church, in addition
to illustrating the importance of custom in relation to the governance of the Church hierarchy (and
indeed the Church in general). Custom however, was soon to give way to other, previously absent,
influences.
With the introduction of the great Christian patron that was Constantine, the Church began to receive
money, privileges and responsibilities on a scale it had never before experienced. One of the chief areas
75 Heitink 1999: 91 76 Van Dam 2007: 350 77 Liebs 2000: 240 78 Ibid. 79 Gwynn 2012: 882 80 Canon 4, Canon 6, Canon 7 81 Barnes 1981: 218
15
of the Church to benefit from this new level of patronage was indeed the episcopate. Upon encountering
the different schisms and disputes that threatened the Church, Constantine appears to have turned to the
bishops for instruction, guidance, and support very early on; it has been suggested that as early as AD
312,82
around the time of his conversion, Ossius (the Bishop of Corduba, who featured quite heavily in
the Arian dispute) was a member of Constantines court, becoming one of Constantines closest advisers
until his, perhaps unexpected, retirement shortly after the Council of Nicaea.83
It is unsurprising
therefore, that the bishops were one of the chief beneficiaries of the privileges afforded by the Emperor.
In AD 318, Constantine granted bishops the ability to settle certain legal disputes if either party requested
the suit be transferred to an episcopal court84
(audentia episcopalis)85 resulting in a greater expansion of
their secular duties. Three years later, Constantine allowed churches the right to inherit property and
money through contributions, imperial donations, and pious bequests, thereby making the Church a
considerable economic force.86
As one of the bishops responsibilities concerned the administration of
church finances, the substantial income he now controlled would unsurprisingly impact on the episcopal
role. With more money came greater independence, with bishops now able to independently found
charitable institutions, construct churches and shrines, and preside at festivals.87
According to a letter of
Constantine as recorded by Eusebius (as well as through a law recorded in the Theodosian Code),88
the
Christian Emperor also granted bishops immunity from the strains of civil service, to ensure they not be
distracted from the performance of their religious duties.89
This granting of immunity made clerical
service significantly more attractive to those members of, in particular, the curial class, who found such
obligations to civil service particularly onerous,90
thereby resulting in an upwards expansion of the social
stratification of the episcopate, with more and more bishops coming from wealthy backgrounds (such as
the curial class). The benefits of becoming a bishop appear to have been recognisable even to pagans; as
Jerome, one of the great Church Fathers of the fourth century, related in an invective, a pagan Roman
82 Barnes 1981: 212 83 Barnes 1981: 225-6 84 Rousseau 2002: 216 85 Gwynn 2012: 881 86 Rapp 2005: 172 87 Van Dam 2007: 344 88 Theodosian Code XVI.2.2 89 Eusebius, HE X.7 90 Van Dam 2007: 346
16
consul was known to have said to a bishop in jest, Make me bishop of Rome, and I will at once be a
Christian.91
Although no early church orders or canons of synods and councils issued any specific recommendations
for the social background or personal wealth for suitable episcopal candidates,92
the growing numbers of
wealthy clerics, and particularly bishops, meant that a privileged social background soon became an aid
(whether intentional or not) to privileged access to the episcopal office.93
How much of an effect Constantines grants had on the actual role of the bishop (and indeed the
structure of the Church) is questionable. Although the granting of judicial authority to the episcopal court
was a Constantinian innovation,94
the settling of disputes had long been a traditional episcopal role,95
as
seen through the synods and councils convened by the bishops during the second century. Moreover,
although the Church undoubtedly had access to more financial resources under Constantine than ever
before, the ways in which they used this money were hardly revolutionary: care for the unfortunate96
through the establishment of charitable institutions, and the construction and restoration of churches
were both traditional concerns of the episcopate. The function of the bishop as patron was also an
established episcopal role, although his influence was now arguably much greater than before. Perhaps
the most obvious effect of Constantines patronage was the development of a much closer relationship
between Church and State. During Christianitys early days, the Church had been rather
uncompromising with regards to many elements of its character, including its relation to the State, and
understandably so. The persecutions endured during earlier times resulted in inherent tensions between
Church and State (particularly due to the traditional religious identity of the State) with many early
Christians seeing themselves as set over against the world.97 One area this had a great effect on, and
which requires greater discussion, was the identity of its religious character.
In order to ensure it was not seen as another branch of Judaism, or indeed as another of the many pagan
mystery cults that were in existence at the time, Christianity had to create a strong, and defined identity,
91 Jerome, To Pammachius against John 8 92 Rapp 2005: 173 93 Rapp 2005: 202 94 Rapp 2005: 243 95 Gwynn 2012: 881 96 Ibid. 97 Bradshaw 1992: 65
17
completely separate in both character and practices from either Judaism or paganism. As the leaders of
their congregations, it was up to the bishops to ensure this identity was created and kept. Following
Constantines arrival within the Christian Church however, and the emergence of the Church as a public
institution, this inflexible nature began to dissipate, with the Church and indeed the bishops, now
appearing quite willing to absorb and Christianize existing pagan (and Jewish) ideas and practices.98
One
of the key elements of the Church to benefit from this change in attitude was the Christian liturgy.
Liturgy
Liturgy, with regards its use in the Christian sense, refers to the formal or public worship99
of the Christian
Church. The purpose of the section that follows is to attempt to understand how particular aspects of
Christian liturgy, such as the central rites (e.g. baptism) and the Christian calendar, developed during the
reign of Constantine. As stated above, with the gradual emergence of the Church as a public institution, it
was inevitable that certain aspects of its character would change. One of the aims here however, is to see
how far this was true with relation to its liturgy, and how much of an effect the Christianization of
existing ideas and practices had on the character of the liturgy.
By the time of Constantine, Christianity had taken root in numerous different parts of the Empire, from
Italy to Africa, Spain to the Middle East. It is therefore not surprising to discover that different churches
had different ways of doing things,100
with practices differing from region to region, and at times even
differing between churches located within the same region. The dispute over the dating of Easter
(mentioned above) is one example of how Church practices could differ, but there were of course others.
The emergence of a Christian calendar had begun from the earliest days of the faiths establishment.
Understandably, with the various interpretations of Christ and the person of Christ, many churches
placed differing degrees of emphasis on key parts of Christs life, which consequently coincided with the
differing degrees of importance given to days within the budding Christian calendar. Moreover, as
custom had played such a key role in the ordering and governance of many aspects of the early Church,
it is only natural that there would be differences in the liturgical year amongst the different Christian
communities, with each church ordering its calendar according to whatever precedent they had known.
98 Ibid. 99 Kilmartin 1997: 683 100 Yarnold 1985: 95
18
The season of Lent, for instance, appears to have begun in Egypt before spreading to other parts of the
world, where at least from the fourth century, if not earlier, a forty-day fast was held, in imitation of the
forty-day fast of Jesus Christ while he was in the wilderness.101
Because some churches calculated the
forty-day period differently (with some excluding Sundays, or Saturday and Sundays, along with other
important days such as Good Friday), the actual length of the Lenten season could vary considerably.102
Sunday, appears to have been chosen fairly universally as a day of worship sometime towards the end of
the first century103
and although scholars disagree on the exact reasons why this day was chosen by early
Christians, under Constantine it was made a public holiday.104
The law of Constantine as it survives in the
Theodosian Code, relates that no litigation be transacted on Sunday, the Day of the Sun,105 (although
Eusebius adds a distinctly Christian emphasis in his transmission of the law, referring to it as the day of
the Lord and Saviour106 thereby distinguishing it from the traditional day of pagan sun veneration)107 while
in another part of the law,108
surviving in the Code of Justinian, rest is prescribed for all, thereby giving the
impression that Sunday was now to be treated as something of a Christian Sabbath.
Evidence from the first three centuries indicates that the Eucharist (the re-enactment of the Last Supper)
was celebrated exclusively on Sundays but by the fourth century, some churches (in the East) had
extended their Eucharist celebrations to include Saturday also, while others turned their Wednesday and
Friday services of the word into full celebrations of the Eucharist as well.109
According to early Christian sources, there were also two quite distinct ways of celebrating the feast of
Easter. One way (the way that became universal) kept the feast on the Sunday following the Jewish
Passover, thus focusing the celebration on the resurrection of Christ. The other situated the feast on the
actual day of the Passover thereby making Easter a memorial of the death of Jesus.110
Christmas, of course, is another of the significant dates located within the Christian calendar and it is
perhaps here that we can best observe not only how practices could differ throughout the Christian
101 Bradshaw 2010: 97 102 Cobb 1985: 412 103 Bradshaw 2010: 83 104 Bradshaw 2010: 84 105 Theodosian Code II.8.1 106 Eusebius, VC IV.18 107 Roldanus 2006: 170 108 Code of Justinian III.12.3 109 Bradshaw 2010: 85 110 Bradshaw 2010: 88
19
community, but also how the Christianization of pagan ideas worked in practice. Mentioned for the first
time in connection with the Western date we know Christmas as today, 25 December, in AD 336 in the
Philocalian Calendar111
(Chronograph) of AD 354, there was apparently some disagreement within the
first three centuries about the correct date on which this significant event should be celebrated. Though
there has been much debate and disagreement about why 25 December was chosen (due to the presence
of existing pagan celebrations on this day, such as the birthday of Sol Invictus, the unconquered Sun, as
well as the winter solstice)112
it appears most likely that the emergence of Christmas on this date was, partly
at least, an attempt to counter pagan festivities at this time.113
It can be argued, as indeed it has,114
that there
were other reasons for the emergence of Christmas celebrations on 25 December, but that it appears
within the Christian calendar for the first time under the reign of Constantine, the first Christian
Emperor, is noteworthy.
By the mid-fourth century, it appears to have secured its place within the Roman Christian calendar as
well as the North African, but not universally. It was not, for example, until the fifth century that
Jerusalem or Egypt accepted its date, whereas Armenia appears never to have accepted it at all.115
Even
within North Africa, the Donatists always refused to observe Christmas, because at the time of their
schism it was not observed by the African church, and thus when it was introduced by the Catholic
Church they considered it a celebration of the traditores.116
The liturgical practices themselves also appear to have differed amongst the various Christian churches
throughout the Empire. Following the Council of Nicaea, there emerged a desire felt amongst the
Church to standardise liturgical practice-117
a desire, which coincided with the general move towards the
formalisation of Christian public life during this period.118
While it had been a small, outcast, and
persecuted religion, the members of the Christian faith had been confined to worshipping in houses, in
fear and in secret, thereby making the Church a very private and somewhat insular community.119
111 Cobb 1985: 414 112 Bradshaw 2010: 94 113 Cobb 1985: 414 114 Willis 1994: 81 115 Bradshaw 2010: 96 116 Willis 1994: 80 117 Bradshaw 2010: 55 118 Gwynn 2010a: 49 119 Wainwright 1985: 35
20
Without the means or ability to adequately network and communicate with other churches across the
Empire, local churches were likely to worship according to the customs of their regions.
Moreover, the successors of the apostles (known as the Apostolic Fathers) such as Clement, Bishop of
Rome, Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch and Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, who were teaching by the end of
the first century, all lived and preached during a time before any of the New Testament books had been
canonized (and even before some had been written),120
and were therefore unlikely to have had any
standardised method of practice for the liturgy with which to circulate to other churches.
However, with Constantines growing presence and the emergence of the Church as a public institution,
in addition to the numerous Church debates, and subsequent drive towards a single unified Church, it
would have been logical to ensure that all churches were celebrating the liturgy in much the same way not
only for the sake of formalising the faith, but also to ensure no hints of, what could now be deemed as
heretical teaching, were present in any Church liturgy.
Because the great majority of early Christians were Jews, it was perfectly natural for many Jewish festivals
to be selectively continued.121
Passover, for example, merged imperceptibly into Easter and continued
with the name Pascha, while Pentecost (traditionally celebrated by Jews fifty days after the day of
Passover) was also continued,122
but as a day commemorating the gift of the Holy Spirit in accordance
with Acts 2.123 There were however, also many new introductions by the early Christians, such as
Ascension Day, in addition to several innovative liturgical practices. The custom of baptism within the
Christian Church, according to implications by the New Testament, was derived from John the Baptist.124
Where exactly he derived the custom from himself is uncertain, although a connection between ritual
Jewish cleansings and purifications seems likely. Over the course of the four centuries between
Christianitys establishment and the Peace of the Church brought about by Constantines conversion to,
and patronage of, the religion, the practice of baptism had evolved significantly and was a relatively
standardised practice (in Rome at least) by about the second century.125
120 Willis 1994: 3 121 Chadwick 2001: 223 122 Ibid. 123 Bradshaw 2010: 93 124 Bradshaw 2010: 3 125 Justin Martyr, First Apology 61, 65
21
The sacrament of baptism was not taken lightly by the early Christians. Seen as the primary method for
obtaining forgiveness of all sins, thereby guaranteeing entrance into the kingdom of heaven,126
it is
unsurprising that many chose to delay the taking of this momentous sacrament until much later on in life
(usually on ones deathbed). Constantine himself was baptised only shortly before his death, being acutely
aware of the prominence of sin surrounding the role of an emperor, as demonstrated by his refusal to
touch the robe of imperial purple following the ceremony.127
It is this belief in the definitiveness of
baptism that led to disagreements within the Church concerning infant baptism and whether or not it was
sensible to baptise young children, either for reasons of them being already sinless, or due to the fact that
they were too young to understand the significance of the sacrament and thus not prepared for a total
conversion of life.128
The practice and popularity of infant baptism consequently fluctuated throughout
Christianitys first four centuries until approximately the end of the fourth century where it appears to
have made a lasting return.129
The cessation of persecution and simultaneous patronage of the Church by Constantine also resulted in a
change in the practice of Christian initiation.130
As it was now both safe and respectable to become a
Christian131
(in addition to potentially beneficial), the number of people wishing to convert to the religion
significantly increased. Before being fully baptised however, one would become a catechumen, where
they would receive instruction and preparation for baptism. As catechumens were already regarded as
Christians,132
many were in no hurry to complete the initiation process (particularly due to the
definitiveness of the sacrament), thereby resulting in a greater number of catechumens. This in turn
resulted in a greater formalisation of both the baptismal ceremony proper (incorporating some of the
theatricality of pagan mystery cult ceremonies),133 as well as a greater significance being given to the
ceremony of admission to the catechumenate.134
126 Ferguson 2009: 617 127 Eusebius, VC IV.62 128 Yarnold 1985: 96 129 Ibid. 130 Bradshaw 2010: 23 131 Ibid. 132 Bradshaw 2010: 23 133 Ibid. 134 Yarnold 1985: 96
22
What of the character of the liturgy then? We have outlined some of the ways in which aspects of the
liturgy developed, including the Christianization of some existing ideas, but did this have an effect? It is
generally agreed that traditional Greco-Roman religion survived as long as it did due to its ability to adapt
to and assimilate with, local cults and practices. With the emergence of Christianity as a semi-state-
religion, it would appear that Christianity took on this feature, incorporating (possibly) pagan festivals as
well as Jewish celebrations into its mould. Though this may have altered the liturgical character
somewhat, the standardisation of practices by ecumenical councils, such as Nicaea, also aided in this. In
order to ensure that there might be the same practice in all the communities,135 certain practices and
teachings were altered or removed, resulting not only in a change in the liturgical character but another
area we have yet to discuss: art and architecture.
Art and Architecture
As one scholar has stated, the significance of art as a form of Christian theological expression cannot be
denied.136 With its ability to help teach the Bible to the illiterate (as famously stated by Pope Gregory the
Great)137
and represent complex theological ideas, it is unsurprising that art underwent a relatively
simultaneous process of definition alongside doctrine, throughout the early fourth century.138
Artistic
representations no less than textual polemics illustrate the attitudes and beliefs of those responsible for
them,139
and therefore as the religious identity of Christianity became more formalised and notions of
heresy and orthodoxy became more defined, many visual aspects of Christianity developed in tandem
with this. Under the reign of Constantine however, Christianitys process of definition was still ongoing,
and thus explicit visual images created in reaction to doctrinal debates (such as the Santa Maria Maggiore
decorated, in part at least, in reaction to the Nestorian disputes of the fifth century)140
were not yet that
apparent. The factor to perhaps most drastically affect Christian art and architecture during this period
was the patronage of the Christian Emperor. Not only did the backing of the Emperor mean that
Christians no longer had to be secretive about their artwork (thereby resulting in greater opportunities for
the development of artistic expression), but the money bestowed by him on the Church meant structures
135 Canon 20 136 Gwynn 2010b: 234 137 Gregory the Great, Registrum Epistolarum XI.13 138 Gwynn 2010b: 240 139 Gwynn 2010b: 235 140 Milburn 1988: 109
23
and artworks could now be commissioned on a much larger and richer scale (although this is not to
suggest that the Church in the period immediately preceding the Emperors conversion was a picture of
poverty).141
After his defeat of the usurper Maxentius, we are told that Constantine supplied rich help from his own
resources to the churches of God, enlarging and beautifying many of the sacred buildings;142 a
programme he continued throughout his reign, as seen through the several letters sent by the Emperor to
the provinces encouraging such building and beautification.143
One such letter,144
sent to Macarius, Bishop
of Jerusalem, stipulated that the church to be built within his most holy of cities, be worthily
embellished with the most valuable of marbles, and (if the bishop desired it)145 a coffered vault made of
gold.
One of the chief concerns of some scholars today (and apparently a concern also of some Christians of
the time),146
was how the riches and elaborate decorative schemes now employed in churches could be
reconciled with the well-known teachings of Christ concerning wealth. It is easier for a camel to go
through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God,147 Christ was said to have
told his apostles. In the aforementioned letter to the Bishop of Jerusalem, Constantines justification for
suggesting such elaborate decoration and adornment for the building was so that the worlds most
miraculous place be decorated in accordance with this level of prestige, surpassing all other cities
(presumably both churches and temples). A key part of the traditional role of the Roman emperor, and
one of the main ways in which he presented his imperial power, was the sponsorship of large and
extravagant buildings built in honour of the gods to assure their good will, and thus it is perhaps to be
expected that Constantine would wish to bestow the same traditional privileges on his new faith. That
Jesus had been a poor and modest being did not appear to negate, in Constantines mind at least, the
idea of making rich offerings.148
Rather, the Emperor appears to have felt it his duty to ensure that
Christianity be honoured with rich monuments signifying its triumph over the false religion of the pagans,
while Christ was honoured with gifts befitting a king.
141 Doig 2008: 18 142 Eusebius, VC I.42 143 Eusebius, VC II.46, 144 Eusebius, VC III.30-32 145 Janes 1998: 55 146 Brown 2012: xxiv 147 Mark 10:25, Matthew 19:24, Luke 18:25 (KJV) 148 Janes 1998: 54
24
The influx of riches bestowed by the Emperor does not, in actuality, appear to have been an issue for the
majority of Christians of the time. Indeed, early Church theologians such as Clement of Alexandria
argued that the possession of wealth was not in itself an issue, but rather the love of wealth- how else
could the Church hope to help the less fortunate if no one had any money?149
It has been suggested that
those who were in fact troubled by the rising splendours of the new urban churches had probably long
since abandoned the towns for the purity of the desert anyway150
(although, that Clement felt it necessary
to defend the possession of wealth can perhaps be seen as suggesting otherwise). The construction of
new, richly decorated buildings did bring other concerns to the fore however, namely the issues of
iconography and idolatry.
The Second Commandment forbade the making of images151
and this was a prohibition regarded by
several early Christian theologians as completely binding on Christians.152
The issue concerning images
appears to relate to the concern over worshipping them (as also stated in the Second Commandment)
and thus anxiety over the place of imagery and icons within the Church is somewhat understandable.
However, as has been argued by one scholar, that the rejection of images was stated by some early
Church Fathers, does not mean their attitudes can be generalised as representing those of the masses.153
From as early as the second century, Christians were expressing their faith in artistic terms: on cups and
signet rings adopting formerly neutral images and reinterpreting them in a Christian light (i.e. doves,
fishes, ships).154
Even some imagery that had been employed in pagan art (i.e. the figure of an orant or a
Good Shepherd) could be used by Christians in an allegorical sense, whereby only a Christian viewer
would really understand what was being depicted; images of a fisherman, for example, would be
understood as alluding to Christ but only by those who understood the symbolism.155
Allegory depicted
through such well-established imagery was a key part of early Christian art (due largely perhaps to the
illegal status the religion held156
and subsequent reluctance of individuals to reveal their religious
affiliation) and although scenes taken from the Holy Scriptures were present, they were abbreviated and
149 Clement of Alexandria, Rich Man 150 Janes 1998: 52 151 Exodus 20:4-5 (GNB) 152 Chadwick 1993: 277 153 Murray 1977: 316 154 Chadwick 1993: 277 155 Grabar 1968: 8 156 Grabar 1968: 25
25
summary,157
drawn from a small repertory of biblical stories (mostly Old Testament, such as Abraham,
and Jonah). It was not until the Constantinian era that the range of subjects increased, and new biblical
stories appeared.158
The reign of Constantine also saw the dawn of a new addition to the visual sphere of Christianity: relic
veneration. Although the veneration of saints may have begun prior to Constantine in order to fill the
role previously occupied by the worship of pagan deities,159
it was the supposed discovery of the True
Cross (later attributed to Constantines mother Helena) that brought relic veneration onto a much larger
scale.160
Helenas pilgrimage to the Holy Land touched off a wave of fashionable tours161 there, although
pilgrimage was by no means unknown prior to this.162
This discovery coupled with Constantines
eagerness to build great monuments to saints (particularly martyrs) on sites of religious significance,
resulted in an increased popularity in the veneration of relics.
As we have discovered, the Peace of the Church led to a greater number of people wishing to convert to
the faith. Inevitably, this impacted on the architectural space needed for worship. While Christianity had
been a small, persecuted minority, the private houses they occupied for meetings had been relatively
sufficient. Now however, the Church needed larger buildings to accommodate its growing numbers, and
looked to existing architectural forms to achieve this. The basilica was a common building type used for a
variety of purposes163
(both religious and secular) in cities throughout the Empire, and with its trademark
long rectangular hall and relatively inexpensive design,164
it seemed the perfect fit for the needs of the
Church. Many of the churches set up by Constantine in the West took the basilican shape (e.g. Lateran
Basilica, St. Peters Basilica), and it became the most common church design in this part of the Empire
from his reign onwards.165
157 Ibid. 158 Jensen 2000: 756 159 Gwynn 2010a: 108 160 Gwynn 2010a: 109 161 Drake 2000: 237 162 Doig 2008: 30 163 Milburn 1988: 86 164 Janes 1998: 55 165 Gwynn 2010a: 27
26
With all these issues in mind, it is perhaps easier to see the extent to which Constantines patronage
influenced the development of Christian art and architecture. The money bestowed by him upon the
Church did indeed allow greater and more elaborate structures to be built, however, the existence of
great church structures prior to Constantines reign (such as the church at Nicomedia destroyed by
Diocletian in AD 303)166
has led some scholars to conclude that even without the example set by the
Christian Emperor, splendour would still have been lavished upon the late Antique church.167
Furthermore, the existence of such structures would suggest that Christians had begun to experiment with
larger places of worship even before the influx of converts following Constantines own conversion. That
the Emperor legalised Christianity however, allowed the religion to be much more open and expressive
with its art, and this in turn led to greater experimentation and a development of its visual vocabulary.
Conclusion
Throughout the course of this essay one factor has appeared, in some way, shape, or form, as impacting
on each of the key elements of Christianity- the relationship between Church and State. Though it may
be difficult to appreciate the relation between the two entities in modern society, perhaps seeing the
involvement of secular leaders in matters of religion as an intrusion, this was not the mind-set held by the
majority of people in antiquity, particularly for the adherents of Greco-Roman polytheism. The issue
arises however, of how far this was true for the Christian Church. The apostle Paul famously affirmed the
Christians obligation to law and government in his letter to the Romans: Let everyone be subject to the
governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established.168 The Donatists
appeals to the Emperor to intervene in their dispute with the North African church demonstrates the
acceptance of this subjection to the State of Constantine, but an earlier appeal by some eastern bishops to
the Emperor Aurelian in AD 272 (as recorded by Eusebius)169
over a church matter, shows that Christians
still believed the Emperor to have a superior position, whether he was Christian or not. Several decades
after the Donatists first imperial appeal however (and under the rule of Constantines sons) Donatus
appears to have had a change of heart, remarking, What has the church to do with the Emperor?170
166 Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum XII 167 Janes 1998: 54 168 Romans 13:1 (NIV) 169 Eusebius, HE VII.30.19 170 Optatus, Against Donatists III.3
27
following the Emperors decision to distribute alms on his own initiative.171 Such a statement then would
suggest that members of the Church only disliked the involvement of the State when the State acted
contrary to their wishes. A brief overview of the ways in which the State became involved in each of the
key elements may serve to illustrate the extent of its involvement, and what effect (if any) this had on the
identity of the Church. With regards to the issues of orthodoxy and heresy, aside from the appeals to the
Emperor, it was perhaps Constantines very obvious presence at the ecumenical Council of Nicaea and
subsequent legal exile of those found to be opposed to orthodox thought that best highlights the impact
the States involvement had on the Church and ecclesiastical procedure. Furthermore, Constantines
apparent drive towards a unified church (resulting in the favouring of particular bishops), in addition to
his increasing reliance on the episcopate for secular matters, is illustrative of the States impact on
elements of Church structure. For Church liturgy, it was Constantines decision to proscribe Sunday as a
day of rest, by law, that brought the State closer into the ecclesiastical sphere, while the bestowment of
great sums of money and general imperial patronage of the religion impacted (to a degree) on the shape
of Christian art and architecture. Taking just these examples, one may conclude that the impact of the
State on the evolution of these elements was great, but as we have already seen, the seeds of some of
these developments had been sown even before the reign of Constantine. It was thus not a case of the
State triumphing over the Church.172 What can be argued however, is that Constantines involvement
within the Church acted as something of an accelerant for our aforementioned elements. The issue and
definition of orthodoxy, for instance, had already been a concern of the Church and one they were
probably eager to resolve; the calling of the Nicene Council and the insertion of terms like Catholic into
public law can be viewed thus as merely fast-tracking the process. With this in mind, the key elements of
Christianity we have examined can therefore be seen as products of both Church and State, with natural
evolution and imperial intervention working almost in tandem with one another to create a new and
more defined Church identity.
171 Brown 2000: 235 n.5 172 Janes 1998: 161
28
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