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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGIONOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
Snow, David A., Louis A. Zurcher,Jr. and Sheldon
Ekland-Olson
1980 "Socialnetworksandsocialmovements:A
microstructuralapproach to differential
recruitment."American Sociological Re-
view 45: 787-801.
Wallis, Roy1977 TheRoad to TotalFreedom:A Sociological
Analysisof Scientology.NewYork:Colum-
bia University Press.
Snow, David A., Louis A. Zurcher,Jr. and Sheldon
Ekland-Olson
1980 "Socialnetworksandsocialmovements:A
microstructuralapproach to differential
recruitment."American Sociological Re-
view 45: 787-801.
Wallis, Roy1977 TheRoad to TotalFreedom:A Sociological
Analysisof Scientology.NewYork:Colum-
bia University Press.
Wilson, Bryan R.
1973 Magic and the Millenium. New York:
Harperand Row.
Worsley,Peter
1968 The Trumpet Shall Sound. New York:
SchockenBooks.
Zygmunt,Joseph F.1970 "Propheticfailure and chiliastic identity:
The case of Jehovah's witnesses." Ameri-
can Journal of Sociology 75: 926-948.
Wilson, Bryan R.
1973 Magic and the Millenium. New York:
Harperand Row.
Worsley,Peter
1968 The Trumpet Shall Sound. New York:
SchockenBooks.
Zygmunt,Joseph F.1970 "Propheticfailure and chiliastic identity:
The case of Jehovah's witnesses." Ameri-
can Journal of Sociology 75: 926-948.
Cults andCommunities:TheCommunity nterfacesof Three
MarginalReligiousMovements*
CHARLES L. HARPERt
Religious"cults" have been the subject of many investigations by social scientists. There is,however,still a need for researchwhichfocuses on the dynamicrelationshipbetweencults andtheir
communityenvironments.This paperfocuses on three differentcults (ormarginalreligiousmove-
ments) and their communitycontext, a midwesternmetropolitanarea. Of particular nterest here
are (1)the similarproblemsof cults in relation to their communitycontext, and (2)the ways that
their particulargoals influencetheir differing"community nterfaces." This concept is developedand used to extend the socialmovementorganization iteratureto understandbetter the dynamic
aspects of the movement-environmentelationship.Somehypothesesareoffered aboutthe relation-
ships betweentypes of communityinterfacesand directionsof organizationalchange.
The growthofreligious"cults"has beenamong he moredramatic eligiousphenomena f
the last decade. Cults have beenthe subjectof muchinvestigationandcommentary romvarious scholarlyperspectives.Some analyses have focusedon the growth of such cult
movementsin relationto the youth movements of the 1960s (Larkin&Foss, 1979),while
others consider he broaderculturalsignificance Needleman&Baker,1978),andanalyticdistinctionsbetweendifferent ypes of movements Robbins,Anthony&Richardson, 978).
Notwithstandingsuchliterature, hereis a needforresearchwhichfocusesonthe relation-
shipsbetween cults and their social environments. t is throughsuch interactionbetween
*Support from the Nebraska Committee for the Humanities is gratefully acknowledged. Thanks also to the
Creighton University Wednesday Social Science "Kaffe Klatsch" and in particular Saul F. Rosenthal for the
critical comments on early drafts of the paper.
tCharles L. Harper is Associate Professor and Chairman of Sociology at Creighton University.
Cults andCommunities:TheCommunity nterfacesof Three
MarginalReligiousMovements*
CHARLES L. HARPERt
Religious"cults" have been the subject of many investigations by social scientists. There is,however,still a need for researchwhichfocuses on the dynamicrelationshipbetweencults andtheir
communityenvironments.This paperfocuses on three differentcults (ormarginalreligiousmove-
ments) and their communitycontext, a midwesternmetropolitanarea. Of particular nterest here
are (1)the similarproblemsof cults in relation to their communitycontext, and (2)the ways that
their particulargoals influencetheir differing"community nterfaces." This concept is developedand used to extend the socialmovementorganization iteratureto understandbetter the dynamic
aspects of the movement-environmentelationship.Somehypothesesareoffered aboutthe relation-
ships betweentypes of communityinterfacesand directionsof organizationalchange.
The growthofreligious"cults"has beenamong he moredramatic eligiousphenomena f
the last decade. Cults have beenthe subjectof muchinvestigationandcommentary romvarious scholarlyperspectives.Some analyses have focusedon the growth of such cult
movementsin relationto the youth movements of the 1960s (Larkin&Foss, 1979),while
others consider he broaderculturalsignificance Needleman&Baker,1978),andanalyticdistinctionsbetweendifferent ypes of movements Robbins,Anthony&Richardson, 978).
Notwithstandingsuchliterature, hereis a needforresearchwhichfocusesonthe relation-
shipsbetween cults and their social environments. t is throughsuch interactionbetween
*Support from the Nebraska Committee for the Humanities is gratefully acknowledged. Thanks also to the
Creighton University Wednesday Social Science "Kaffe Klatsch" and in particular Saul F. Rosenthal for the
critical comments on early drafts of the paper.
tCharles L. Harper is Associate Professor and Chairman of Sociology at Creighton University.
? Journalfor the Scientific Study of Religion, 1982,21 (1):26-38Journalfor the Scientific Study of Religion, 1982,21 (1):26-38
266
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CULTSAND COMMUNITIES
controversialgroupsand theirimmediatesocialenvironments hat a conventionalunder-
standing of their natureandnormativestatus emerges.Suchemergentsocial definitions
have been understood n various theoreticalcontexts, including"claims-making" y inter-
ested parties (Kitsuse & Spector, 1973), labeling (Becker,1952; Matza, 1969), societalreaction (Scheff, 1964;Wallis, 1974)and the "social constructionof reality" (Berger&
Luckmann,1966).These conceptions of cult-environmentrelationships can be considered as the
community interface of an organization. This concept includes (1) collective "face work"
(Goffman,1967),that is, the manner n which an image of the groupis presentedto the
public,(2)the modes of copingwith groupdefinitions- often negative ones - by agentsof the widercommunity,and (3)the actual modes of surviving and pursuing a mission
in a communitywhich does not sharea group'sdistinctive worldview. Sucha communityinterface s illustratedin the way in whichmembersof a group explainthemselves to out-
siders. It is further illustratedin the way in which an organizationdeals with outsiderswho are hostile or inquisitive.The concept may include"publicrelations"as a contrived
strategy for dealingwith outsiders, but moregenerallyit is all modes of relating to the
community.The term "cult" is difficult to use for scholarlypurposesbecause its popularusage
carriesheavy value connotationswhich appearto make any "new"or "deviant"religionmalevolent. Some preferto describe such religiousmovements as "new"or "deviant."
My own preference s to describe them as "marginalreligiousmovements"(MRMs)to
indicate theirperipheralpositionin relationto the institutionalizedreligious(andperhapssecular)core of the society.
Previous research has examined the relationshipbetween the Unification Church("Moonies") nd the emergentanti-cultmovements at the societallevel(Shupe&Bromley,1979;Bromley, Bushing & Shupe, 1980).This paper adds to the understandingof such
relationshipsby focusing on the local communityinterfaces of three different MRMs in
the Omaha-CouncilBluffs metropolitanarea. Data for the reportderivefromfieldwork
during the summer of 1979, which included semi-structured nterviews with about 25
individualswho were either adherents of or knowledgeableabout the Unification Church
(UC),the Churchof Scientology (SCI),and the Assembly.'A briefdescriptionof the communityis necessary because the focus is on the inter-
action between MRMs and their communityenvironments. The Omaha-CouncilBluffs
metropolitanareahas a combinedpopulationof about 500,000.Locatedin the Midwest,it tends to be culturallytraditionalandpoliticallyconservative. Culturalchanges usually
begin on the East or West coasts and graduallydiffuse into the Midwest, so that by the
time things get to Omahathey arelikely to have occurredalreadyin other parts of the
1. The methodologycan be described as the "classicethnographic style." Depth interviews were conductedwith eight membersof the UnificationChurch,and five membersof The Assembly. SinceScientology'shostile
communitystyle did not permit nterviewswith its active members, nterviewswere conductedwith two formermembers and two others knowledgeableabout SCI. Other interviews were conductedwith six persons in the
communityknowledgeable bout the local "cultsituation,"as wellas two membersof the local anti-cultorganiza-tions. In addition,data wereobtained romtapes of the meetingsof the anti-cultorganization,rom "cult-related"
articles from the local press, publications of the MRM's themselves, and other publications too diverse toenumeratehere. Fulleranalysesof the UCandSCI can be found n Lofland 1977)and Wallis 1977) espectively.Idon't think there are other analyses of the Assembly as a religious movement.
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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
country.The area s thus not fertile as an area for cultural nnovations(includingMRMs).The whole "cult controversy"developedand becamea "hot media topic"elsewhere,so
that by the time MRMsgot to Omahaa negative national climateof public opinionwas
already n existence.Thus,the MRMsconsideredheredeveloped n a communitycontext
wheretherewas a negativepre-existingopinionaboutthem,derivedprimarily rommedia
coverage. These generalizationsare less true for the Assembly, rooted in indigenous
Evangelical Christianity,than for UC and SCI.
THREE MARGINAL RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
ThreeMRMs are discussed first in terms of their goal orientations.Then evidence
from field work is discussed in a subsequent section.
The Goalsof
theUnification
Church.
Themissionofthe UCis to unifyworldChristianity ndpreparehewayfor thecomingof of the "Lordof the SecondAdvent;"the "rightrelationshipbetween God and Man"
will thus becreated,and themilleniumwillbegin.AlthoughRev.Moon s thoughtto playan
importantrole in this process, his exact role is always left deliberatelyambiguous.The
UC is a collectivecrusade to convert as many as possible to the unificationistviewpoint,to preparepeoplefor the secondcoming,andin the long runto developa workorder hat
can be describedas "theocraticsocialism."The crusading,world-transforming atureof
the UC mission is describedby an informant:
Most religions start out to change society, but they have been changed by society through com-
promises.... Ourchallengein the UC is to live up to God's standards... no compromises.People
say we do Rev. Moon'sbidding,but reallywe do God's.... If we can live by those standards the
whole worldwillbenefit.... We areengagedin the spiritualequivalentof war.... If we lose, twenty
yearsfrom nowyoung peoplewon't believein God.... In the UC we have like a small cornerwhere
the good world s growing.... Therearedeeper relationshipsbetweenpeople[here]becauseof their
relationshipto God.
Thus, the goals of the UC are truly pan-institutional: he long-rangegoals are to bringabout a new worldorder.
The Unification Church in Omaha
By the time the UC established a centerin Omaha n the mid '70s, the earlierrapid
growthof the movementhadbegunto leveloff and thento decline.Publiccriticismbeganto
grow because of "deceptive"practices in recruitmentand fund raising (Lofland,1977).
Thuswhiletrying to buildorganizational trength throughrecruitmentand fundraising,much of the energyof UC members n Omahawas spent in trying to portraythe UC in
a positive light and to neutralize its negative public image. For instance, one member
respondedthat charges of "manipulation"and "mindcontrol"are
completelywrong!I felt completelyin my own motivation.I felt I was workingforsomething very
important.I still feel that way.... Peoplefeel [that we arecontrolled]because we understandthatthere's a need for organizationand central figures.... [Withoutthem]you can't accomplishbig
things.... [Ratherthan being exploited] I feel privilegedto be able to contribute.
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CULTSAND COMMUNITIES
Such responses to negative public image are excellent illustrations of the notion of
"secondarydeviance" as developedby Lemert (1967).
In Omahathe main mode of the UC's attempts to relate to the communitycan be
describedas an active search orsupportandpublic legitimacy.Theysoughtthese in mani-fold ways. They contactedthe press frequently,seekingpublicity for specialevents and
travellingnational spokespersons.The leadersought - but rarelyobtained- speaking
engagementswith churchesandcommunity organizations.He attended functions of the
localclergyassociationbutwasusuallytreatedas acuriousoutsider.Mosteffortsto explainthe UC to otherswere met with indifferenceorhostility. Theassessment of a recent state
director is that the UC's attempts to relate to the community in Omaha were largelyunsuccessful.
Duringthe last few years the UC was involuntarilycast in the role of the most visible
protagonistof the Omahaanti-cultorganization LoveOurChildren, nc.).Theinteraction
between the UC and Love Our Childrenwas dynamic.Almost every activity of the UCwas followedby an attempt of the anti-cultgroupto oppose, expose, and discredit that
activity. Severalcuriousandsomewhatfriendlypersonalrelationshipsdevelopedbetween
the leadersof the UC and Love OurChildren.Suchrelationshipsllustrate he "intergroup-
binding unctions"of conflictas discussedby Coser 1956:33]).Eventhoughthe rancorous
tone and extreme mistrust moderatedas this relationshipevolved, such changes did not
alter the basic ideologicalantagonismsbetweenthe two organizations.Given the generalclimateof suspicionaboutcults,it was muchmoredifficult or the UC to succeed nportray-
ing its mission as legitimate than it was for Love OurChildren o discredit it. With such
frustrationsas these after five years of struggle in the Omahaarea,a decision was made
in the fall of 1979 to move the Nebraska UC to Lincoln,Nebraska as a fresh and morefertile ground for their labors.
Responding o this move- andsimilaroutcomes notherregions- several nformants
suggested that on the local and national policy levels, strategy changes are underwaywhichwouldhave the effect of makingthe movementand its activities morecompatiblewith the norms of the larger society. Whenasked about the future,they said that in the
near future the UCwouldbecomemore"familyoriented," hat is, it wouldgraduallyshift
froma church based on single young adults living in a communalstyle to one composedof family units living and workingin a conventionalmanner and worshippingtogether
periodically. Accordingto one informant:
[Thenewidea]... is to develop"homechurches,"wherepeople ive inregularapartmentsandcirculateinformation boutthe UCthroughournewspaper.The idea s to use established amiliesas a neighbor-hood base for recruitmentandcommunityprojects(suchas collectingfood andclothingfor the poor).In New York City they started neighborhoodclean-upcampaigns.... Eventually most memberswill live out in communitiesrather than in centers.... [In the future,the UC]will be more ike otherhumancommunities(including amilies,schools,economicorganizationsandmedia)but it willhave
a different internal characterthan ordinarycommunitiestoday.
Thus, there is a dilemma built into this situation. While they seek legitimacy and
"respectability," heir heterodox doctrineand mission dictate that they cannot become
"just another denomination."
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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
The Goals of Scientology
In contrast with the UCas a collectivecrusade, he SCI'sgoalis to improve ndividual
lives. The clients of SCI engage in a therapeutic process ("auditing")and take classesdevoted to the improvementof personal skills and effectiveness (e.g., communication,
personalpower,release fromdependencies). llustratingthese goals, the "freepersonalitytest" offeredby SCI bears the followingcaption:
CouldYOUBE HAPPY... HAVE MONEY... ACHIEVEANY GOAL?Understandingyourselfis how. All that Scientology has to offer is understanding.Take this Free PersonalityTest. Gain
Understanding.
ThedifferencebetweenSCIand similarprogramswithinthe "humanpotentialmovement"
is that SCI takesplacewithinnot onlya theoryofhumanpsychology,butalso an elaborate
metaphysicswhichposits the existenceof "thetabeings"as timelessfreespirits.Accordingto SCI teachings these have assumed a variety of animateand inanimateincarnations
since the beginningsof cosmos.In sum,SCIis client-centered:orfixed fees ("donations,"
using religious language)clients take an elaboratesequenceof courses.2
Scientology in Omaha
A SCImissionwas establishedin Omaha n the mid '70s,andby 1979 anothercenter
was locatedin the suburbof Bellevue.Thecommunity nterfaceof SCI is a combination
of an aggressive recruitment,avoidanceof the inquisitive, and active attack on real or
perceived opponents.There is a curious blend: an active search for clients from the
communitywitha deliberateattemptto maintaina "lowprofile" o otheroutsidersseekinginformation.Likethe UC,SCI is aggressively growth-oriented, ut for clientsratherthan
the directtransformationf the world.Clientsaresoughtinplacesof publicaccess(parking
lots, civic festivals, etc.)andby convassingneighborhoodswith leaflets.As with the UC,
potential clients aregreetedwith warm affective behaviorand attempts to explainSCI
in a positive manner. As an illustration,one informantapproachedby a SCI operative
gave the following description.
This chick stopped me in the parking ot and asked me if I wanted to take a free personalitytest.
She said they weredoing a survey, and the test only took 10 minutes. We drove back to the SCI
centerandI took the test and it wasgradedright away.ThenI went intoa smallroomwith a volunteerand we discussed what the results showed about your personality.He asked me questions about
my life . .. difficulties,problems,relations with people.In that personalitytest they couldalwaysfindsomeweaknessorproblems,andtheywereusedas the basis for ntroductoryoursestheyoffered,
and how the courses will help you.... I put them off: "I'll think about it." As a last resort theytriedto get me to buy a book, but I didn't have enoughmoney. I was suspiciousabout the whole
thing.After I went home volunteers wouldcall me about onceeverytwo weeksfor about 8-10weeks
in the evening about buying books, taking courses,or just coming to the center to talk again.
Outsiders who are not potential clients are treated quite differently.Researchers,
members of the press, and others are told to stop inquiriesabout the natureof SCI and
2. Likemanyother movements orindividualransformation,CIarguesthatif thereareenoughpractitioners f
SCI, the worldwill, ipso facto, be changed.
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CULTSAND COMMUNITIES
may be threatenedwith legal reprisals.3Outsidersmay be officiallydesignated by SCI as "suppressivepersons,"whichmakes
themfairgamefor a varietyofharrassments.As anillustrationof the sharpdifferentiation
between clients and other outsiders, the experienceof a local journalist is informative.
I asked ... [the SCI administrator] .. if I could go throughhis classes and he refused to let medo it as a reporterbecause I wouldn'thaveanyinterestin reportingt objectively.'He wouldwelcome
me as an individual,but not as a reporter.... I was told that I had to accept their teachings in
order to go through with it.
About the threat of law suits, the same informantsaid:
They do a good job, I mean,whocan withstand law suits? The N. Y. Times?The WashingtonPost?
The media keep hands off because of threats.... A lawsuit could kill them.
Thus, the threat of legal action is generally sufficient to prevent the free flow of publicinformation about SCI, though there have been actual law suits - with mixed results.
Such a policy toward outsiders is formulatedby the SCI Advanced Organizationsand is apparently tandardizedacrossthe nation. This involves not onlyreactivehostility.It also involves"pre-emptive ostility," n whicheven thosewhoarepotentially hreateningto SCI (thoughthey have not actuallyengaged in overtly hostile acts) are warned about
the possible consequencesof such acts. The Omahaanti-cultorganization,for example,was warnedn advance hat anyactionon theirpartinvolvingSCI wouldresult n litigation.
Thispolicyis relatedto the long historyof dealingsbetweenSCI and civic andgovern-mental agencies,a history of manyconflicts and officialinvestigations between SCI and
governmentregulatoryand medicalassociations. The most publicizedrecentengagementbetweenSCIaridgovernmentagencieswas the conviction n a U.S. District Courtofpromi-nentScientologists orconspiring o steal records romthe IRS,the FBI, and otheragencies
(October,1979).
Wallis(1977)has documented he processof "devianceamplification" hat has taken
place as the result of these increasinglyrancorousconflict. Thus was SCI transformed
in the publicdefinitionfrom a "harmless, f cranky,self improvementcult" (Wallis,1977:
215)to a malevolentanddeceptivemovementwhichposed a threat to the publicinterest.
From this point SCI came to view itself as the object of religiouspersecutionand beganto developthe strategies heretermedpreemptivehostility to deal with outsiders.While
Wallisarguesthat "deamplification"s takingplace- particularlyn England,Australia,and New Zealand the recentconvictionofprominentScientologistscited abovesuggeststhis is not the case in the U.S. This assessment is also supportedby the fact that in 1980
there wereseveralwellpublicized"conflagrations"etweenSCImissions andthecommuni-
ties in whichthey were ocated(e.g.,Clearwater,Florida).Thissuggests the level of conflict
and resultant amplificationprocess has yet to abate in the U.S.
3. The difficulty getting information about SCI directly fromits practitionersfor researchpurposes meant
that fieldresearchaboutSCI,unlike he localUC,hadto relyprimarily n SCI literatureand outsiders'knowledgeable aboutSCI. Given its half-decadeof aggressive recruitingpracticesin Omaha,suchpersons were not hard
to find.
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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
The Goals of the Assembly
The Assembly is a small but nationwide network of intensely religious "born again"
Christians who form Assemblies or "Gatherings of God's People." While the founder ofthe Assembly (George Gustafson) is seen as having charismatic qualities, he has not been
elevated to the messiah-like status of Rev. Moon or Ron Hubbard (the founder of SCI).
As a contrast with both the UC and SCI, the Assembly is neither a collective crusade
nor a client-centered practice. Rather, the Assembly considers itself to be a gathering of
true Christians living in the midst of a corrupt world. Their manifest goals were described by
one informant as making it possible for the few who will to lead "victorious Christian
lives." Another informant described them as leading a "hermit-like existence in society."
As such, they seem to fit the description of "introversionist" sect in Wilson's (1970)
typology.
The energies of the group are wholly given to the practice of personal and groupEvangelical piety: they make few demands upon the social environment, and seek onlyto be left alone by it. Recruitment to the Assembly is low key and highly selective, and
as a movement it is not as growth-oriented as either the UC or SCI. They meet in member's
homes and maintain no "church" or center.
They do not have the heavy investment in literature and promotional materials the
UC and SCI do. There is no formally organized leadership within each local Assembly.
And as a movement the relationship between the Assemblies is a loose and almost covert
one, though they do recognize each other and their common history. While a part of the
broader Evangelical movement, they do not recognize the legitimacy of the "Churches,"
even the Evangelical ones. "Churches" are viewed as a perversion of what true Christiancommunities should be like. They do, however, recognize the legitimacy of several free
"covenant communities" in the area. Being a part of the broader Evangelical movement,
the Assembly is more ideologically "respectable" than either the UC or SCI. In terms
of its community interface, the Assembly should have an easier time of it than either of
the other MRMs discussed. Why then is the Assembly being treated here an MRM and
similar in some respects to the UC and SCI?
The Assembly in Omaha
The Assembly group in Omaha has come to be viewed as "cult-like" by several seg-ments of the broader community. Unlike other Evangelical organizations, the Assemblyis composed primarily of young people (most are under thirty years old), about one third
of them college students. They originally maintained residences for unmarried members
which appeared to some local observers to be suspiciously like the communal residences
of the Moonies. They are considered a cult by the local anti-cult group, and by some of
the families of their converts - particularly those from Liberal Protestant and Roman
Catholic backgrounds. The Assembly tried to get official university recognition for its
on-campus Prayer Group, but failed because it was viewed by some students and admin-
istrators as "cult-like." This was a charge that could not be effectively refuted, and the
incident represents one of the only known "clashes" between the Assembly and a comm-
unity agency.
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CULTSAND COMMUNITIES
According o one observer"it's not so much whatthey believebut rather he intensity."The problemis viewed as one of overcommitment to conventionalbeliefs, rather than
commitment o hereticalones. Religionbecomesan all-consumingpassion.Membersgive
up most of the ordinarysocial pastimes that characterizeyoung adults. While they donot give up jobs or school, they have become an exclusive referencegroup:members
socializemoreand more with each other and tend to becomeeach other'sonly important
peers.The OmahaAssembly's style of communityinterfaceis to maintain low visibility,
a deliberateavoidanceofpublicity-seeking ather hana denialof information o interested
parties.UnlikeSCI's activeavoidanceofpublicscrutiny, heAssembly'smodeofrelating o
the external communitycan be termedpassive avoidance.They simply don't seek the
attention of the press or other organizations.Convertscome to the Assembly not from
anonymousencounters,but rather from existing friendshipand affective networks.
While the community interface consists of avoidance at the organizationallevel,membersexperienceconsiderabledifficulty at the interpersonal evel. They continually
struggle to adapt the imperativesof their religionto the necessity for "getting along"in the mundaneworld.As student nurses,forexample,some weretold to "dropthe Bible
stuff" and get on with work. Another worked at a restaurant and had trouble because
she wouldn'twork on Sundays. Another took his Bible to work at a grocerystore and
was "getting a lot of guff" fromhis peers,almost getting fired. Earlier n theirexistence
in Omaha,distinctive dress (conservative)was viewed as a test of religiouscommitment.
Recently, hey havebecomemorewillingto modifysuchthingsto get along n the ordinaryworld.Now, according o one informant,such modificationsare less important.They are
viewed as secondaryto the maintenance of correct beliefs.Oneon-goingsourceof difficulty ormanymembers s with theirfamiliesand relatives.
Many such relationships are tense, uncertain, conflict-ridden,and heavily laden with
emotion and guilt.Thecommunity nterfaceof the Assemblyat the organizationalevel is not a problem
for members.However,the grouphas not been successful at constructinga satisfactoryrole for its memberswhichallows them to articulate heirdistinctivereligiousexpectationswith the more conventionalexpectations held by outsiders. While the role expectationsof the devoteeof UC or SCI aresimilarlydivergent, uchpeopleareprovidedwith elaborate
interpersonal, deological,and legal defenses in the face of public hostility.
Returning o the question posedabove(aboutwhy the Assemblyis treated as a MRMalong with the UC and SCI, even though it is not nearly as "deviant"), t is clearlythe
interactional atherthanthe ideologicaldimensionsof the Assemblywhichmake it contro-
versial. As illustrated n the preceedingexamples,the problem s not that they aredefined
by communityagentsas deviant because heyarecommitted o differentbeliefs,but rather
because they seem overcommittedto a conventional belief system. Given the generalconcernabout weak or "watered-down" eligiouscommitmentsin secularsocieties, it is
importantto note that overcommitment ornegatively, "fanaticism")s also a source of
public concern.
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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
DISCUSSION AND SUMMARY
In one sensethe UC, SCI,and the Assemblyconfronta similarcircumstance egarding
their communityinterfaces.They have the same practical problem:how to survive andmaintaina distinctiveand deviantmission s the contextof anostensiblyhostileor indiffer-
ent social world.In anothersense, as has beensuggested, there areimportantdifferences
in how the threeMRMstry to dealwith suchenvironingcircumstances.Suchdifferences
are functions of differingmissions (goals)and different histories.
Since the UC is a collectivecrusade to transformthe society, a primarycriterion or
its success is the recruitmentof a largenumberof Americanconverts.This requires hat
the UCachievea degreeof public egitimacy,which nturngeneratespressure or accommo-
dation. As Bromley and Shupe (1979)put it:
Because world-transformingmovementsrely so heavily on a persuasion strategy, are subject tovigoroussocial controlefforts, andcannotforciblyresist repressionwithout abandoning heir basic
strategy,there is enormouspressure owardsome measureof accommodationwiththe largersociety.
Duringthe earlyyearsof the movement nAmerica, eadersof the movementprobablyunderestimatedhe extent to whichthe UC wouldhaveto accommodatetself to American
culturalnorms(Shupe&Bromley,1980).Thus,the UC'saggressiveand somewhatdecep-tive recruiting/fundraisingctivities, its attempts to supercede he establishedchurches,and its emphasis on communal iving arrangementshad, by the mid 1970s, stimulated
a strong negativereactionby segmentsof the public.Subsequently, he UCis intensifyingits search for legitimacy and attempting to neutralizeits negative public image. The
dilemma t nowfaces is findinga meansto adaptits activities to be morecompatiblewithAmerican cultural norms while at the same time maintainingthe distinctiveness of its
mission. This is perhapsan inherentdilemma which sooneror later confronts all move-
ments for societal transformation.
Rather hanfocussingon sucha transformation, CIis client-centered,nd its primary
goal is the effectivedeliveryof its distinctivepersonalgrowthopportunities o individuals.
Accomplishing his does not require hat SCI be as concernedabout legitimacyin publicforumsbut rather that it create sufficientautonomywithin its surrounding ommunities
to allow or the effectivepracticeof SCI.SCI needs thefreedom o recruitclients nplacesof
public access and be left sufficiently alone by regulatorybodies which might suppress
the freepracticeof SCI. Thus SCI mainly seeks legitimacywith its clients in controlledsettings and has devoted considerable nterpersonal,publicrelations,and legal energiesin segregating the organization romcommunitycontrol."Pre-emptiveaggression"has
evolved as a deliberatestrategy from a long history of hostile and rancorouscontacts
between SCI and societal agents.The currentsituationbetween SCI andFederalGovernmentAgenciesmay have two
plausibleoutcomes. SCI may change in "adaptivemodes," seeking to portray itself in
a morepositive fashion,or it may becomeincreasinglymorehostile and covert. With all
of the publiccontroversyabout"cults,"SCI alonehas drawnmorethan apassinginterest
by GovernmentAgencies. It is possible that so severe a climateof suppressionhas been
created that SCI will join the graveyardof other movements in Americanhistory thatdwindled nto insignificanceafteroverstepping he bounds of publictolerance.Even such
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CULTSAND COMMUNITIES
attempts by GovernmentAgencies may not, however,be sufficient to destroy SCI. It
is well knownthat such "persecution"can galvanizea movement. Persecution has been
held by some to be an essential ingredientfor the survival of such movements (Gerlach
&Hine,1970).It confirms he moralrighteousnessof the causeamongdevotees and forcesthem into moreeffective modes of mobilization n relation to the environment.If so, the
oppositionshould be strong enoughto require he effective mobilizationof resources but
not so strong that the movement is destroyed. Where SCI lies along this continuumof
societal reactionis a subjective judgment. My own assessment is that the oppositionis
becoming oo strongforit to survive muchlonger n its old "combative"mode,but rather
thanmove towardaccommodation, CIwilldevelopmoreelaboratensulatingmechanisms
and otherwise remainunchanged.The situation of the Assembly is very different.It is not a transformingmovement
like the UC and, while it does aim at individual transformation(likeSCI),it doesn't do
so withinthe context of anexplicit entrepreneurialash nexus. Hence,it does not requiremassive public sanction as does the UC nor is it likely to become enmeshedin entangle-ments withpublicandprofessionalregulatory agencies.Even though thereis an absence
of the kindof community nterfaceat the organizational evel whichproducesan intense
set of dilemmas orthe organization,here arenonetheless ntenseinterpersonal ifficulties
for individual members.
Ironically,onedifficulty n the long-term urvivalof the Assemblymaybe the absence
of such an interface to providethe external stimulus foreffective groupmobilizationand
adaptationto a set of environmentcircumstances.That is, granting the foregoingargu-ment, there may not be sufficient pressures for the maintenance of in-groupsolidarity
andcohesion.Beingwithin the religiousframework f a pervasive Evangelicalmovement,the Assembly is not as ideologically"deviant"as the other two MRMs. This means it
has easier access to publiclegitimacy,but alsoit must contendwith many religiousalter-
natives within fundamentalistChristianity.Thus, without a nationwideorganizational
supportsystem or a distinctiveideology, t would seem that each localAssemblywillhave
difficultyin the long runin maintaining tself as a distinctive religiousgroup. Its future
willdependnot only on the uncertaintiesof localrecruitmentand maintenanceactivities
but also on the future of the broaderEvangelical movement.
AN EXTENSION OF MOVEMENTORGANIZATION THEORY
There exists a sizableliteratureabout the developmentand transformationof social
movementorganizations(Messinger,1955;Gusfield,1955;Zald&Denton, 1963;Zald&
Asch, 1966;Curtis &Zurcher,1973).While Richardson,Stewart and Simmonds'(1979)examination f this literaturenthe contextof theirstudyof a religiousmovement s mainly
supportive,they point out that such literature to date has dealt mainly with "internal
variables,"such as goals, leadershipstyles, member ncentives,etc. Thus,whilea general
recognitionexists that the relationsbetweena movementorganization MO)andits social
environmentare important,few explicit treatments of such relations are to be foundin
the MO literature.What follows is an attempt to extend MOtheoryso as to conceptualizethe manner n whichthe MO-environmentelationsaffectthe developmentand transforma-
tion of social movements. The followingrelies heavily on the case materialspresentedhere, as well as other writings about MRMs (especiallyBromley & Shupe, 1979).
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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
In general,whethera Movementorganization inds itself in a hostile climate ofpublic
opinionand communityrelations will be a function of the followingsix factors:
1. Visibility.Since MOsoften are embedded n movements whichrepresentsubculturalalternatives and/oradvocate social change, they are likely to generate controversyand hostility to the extent they arepubliclyvisible. Whilethe three MRMs treated
here have developeda degree of public visibility, it is possible to find a multitude
of similarorganizations n the same communitywhich are generallyunknown and
have not become objects of public controversy.
2. Goals. The goals of a MO are also criticaldeterminantsof the kinds of relationshipsthat MOs have with their environments. The distinction is conventionallydrawn
between those movementswhichseek to change society - what BromleyandShupe(1979)call "worldtransformingmovements"- and those which seek primarilyto
transform ndividuals.WhileRichardson t al. (1979)arguethat this is an ambiguousdistinctionin that movements often claimboth goals, I think the distinctionis still
useable andimportant.It is one thing to claim,as do Scientologists, that if enoughindividuals are changed, then, ipso facto, so will the world,but it is quite another
to announce,as do the Moonies,that the primarygoal is to transform the worldby
institutinga "theocratic ocialism."World ransformingmovements,sincethey posea
threat to existing socialarrangements,would seem to have a muchgreaterpotentialforgeneratinghostileenvironmentalelations hanwould hose whoseprimarynterest
is individualchange.
3. The degree of "ideological deviance. "The greater the discontinuity between the MOideologyand morebroadly haredculturalvalues,the greater he likelihoodorconflict-
riddenrelations n the socialenvironment.Thisfactor s especially ikelyto bringMOs
into conflictrelations with those agents responsibleformaintainingand promotingvarious culturalorthodoxies.Forinstance,part of the hostility towardthe UC is its
persistentattemptto represent tself as a Christianorganization.Church eadershave
beenparticularly ensitive to this issue, and concernedaboutthe potentialfor MRMs
to spreadheterodox beliefs.
4. The degree of discontinuity between the lifestyles of MO members and that prevailingin the social environment.Some MOsrequire ittle alterationof members' ifestylesoutside of organizationalparticipation,while others requireextensive alterations.
Among MRMs, there are those which require nothing other than participation n
regularworshipor meditationsessions, whileothers requiregiving up conventional
social roles to become a full-timecommunaldweller,fundraiser,campaignerand so
forth. Robbins,Anthony and Curtis (1975)have drawn the distinction along these
lines between adaptive and marginalmovements,the latter usually entailing livingin highlyregimented, ohesive,andeconomicallyelf-sufficientommunities, ndwhich
"actually remove members from conventionalpursuits and lock them into social
marginality"(Robbins,Anthony &Curtis, 1975:56). It is this issue more than anyother which has stimulated the developmentof a broad-basedanti-cult movementin the United States, the motive force for which s suppliedby cult members' amilies
who are angry because of the deflectionof the family member's conventional "life
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CULTSAND COMMUNITIES
career."In this regard,it is impoartantto observe that the Assembly has become
locally controversialover the issue of lifestyles, not heterodoxreligious doctrine.
5. Theextent to whichMOs find themselves in competitionwith establishedagencies
in the community. The exemplarycase of this factor is the long-standing enmitybetween SCI and the mental healthestablishment,althoughMRMs have also come
into conflictswithcounsellingagencies,campusministry organizations,and establish-
ed churches.The issue hereis mainlya matter of "turf"encroachments,rather than
ideologicaldifferences.The shift from the practice of Dianetics (as an alternative
psycho-therapeutic ystem) to SCI as a religionis partially explainable n terms of
increasing pressure from the medical establishment.
6. Thestyle of community nterfacedevelopedby theMO. The centralargumentof this
paper s that the community nterfaceof a MO s animportantvariable n determining
the nature of movement-environment elations. Three styles have been suggested:(1)passive avoidance, (2)active avoidance(including"pre-emptivehostility"), and
(3)anactive searchfor externalsupportandlegitimacy.Passive avoidance, f success-
ful, is likely to minimize environmentalhostility, becauseit minimizes the visibilityof the MO.This is not alwayspossible,however.Nationally,anti-cultgroupsarebusy
trying to monitor the whereaboutsand activities of MRMs (e.g.,The Way Interna-
tional, the "Jim Roberts"cult)which areotherwisetrying to avoidpublicity.Where
this occurs,the MO s likelyto attempt to "gounderground" ndadopta covertstyleof existence.Moreover,passive avoidance s not a likelyoptionforexpansionistmove-
ments. The other two types of community nterfaces are both likely to create hostile
relations in the social environment.
The fact that a social movement exists in a hostile climate of public opinion,and in
a state of conflict with community agencies, does not mean that it will necessarilydie
out. As suggested earlier,some analysts argue that a degree of environmentalconflict
is essential to the effective mobilization f a movement,andthat theremaybe a curvilinear
relationshipbetween the degreeof oppositionto a movement and its growthanddevelop-ment. What does seem clear is that when a movement exists in a hostile and conflict-
ridden social environment,it will most likely undergo transformation. To paraphraseBlumer's famous dictum about understandingindividualbehavior,4t can be said that
the direction ofchange
in a MO comes notdirectly
from environmentalhostility
and
pressurebut rather from how the organizationhandles,neutralizes,andrespondsto such
pressures;hence of central importance s the communityinterface as a constructed set
of responses to environmentalconditions.5
4. "His behavior,accordinglyis not a result of such things as environmentalpressures, stimuli, motives,attitudes, and ideas but arises instead from how he interpretsand handles these things in the action whichhe is constructing"(Blumer,1962).
5. Toview the community nterface of a movement as anon-goingseries of constructedresponsesis accurate,I think,yet movementsdonot havecomplete reedom n theconstructionof suchresponses."Worldransforming
movements,"since they arelikely to be dependenton persuasivestrategies are most likely to searchactivelyfor supportandlegitimacywithin the environment.And,as mentioned, hereare those movements whichwould
preferto avoid visibility but which nonetheless are not allowedto do so.
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JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
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