ED 072 471
AUTHORTITLE
PUB DATENOTE 13p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the,
Speech Communication Assn. (58th, Chicago, December27-30, 1972)
-: DOCUMENT _RESUME
Smith, Arthur L.Historical and Social Movement: A Search forBoundaries.Dec 72
EDRS PRICE ME-U.65 HC-$3.29DESCRIPTORS Black Power; Civil Rights--; Communication (ThcAight
Transfer) ; *Interaction Process Analysis ; Mc pilots;Negro Role; *Persuasive . Discourse ; *Rhetoric; *SocialChange; *Sociocultural Patterns
ABSTRACTThis paper IA -a- presentation- -of --what a- _mass movement
pressupposes rhetorically-, as Opposed--to what _a __movement_ is in.- socialor historical terms. The author -outlines: the- functions= of thetOric- inz_az-imoventent, in __order to estabiish_z-how==the_-metaphor_-_.-:op-erateS as theessential rhetorical _---iristruMenti,==-Hestates mas -social i= or
moVeMent_iS-eSsentially:_=_a7±thetbtidl camp-044i,- becauss:1) a- C011ection- of huMA-ns intetSbtlin-l_otders-=to verbalize their= aims,
_ _interact
_creating -the movement; -- through thetOrtc,---symbolsfia-nd_=MetaphorScreated, whiCh-Chatacteriteithe: idecabgidalidirecticin: ofof= a.=_ ----_movement; and __(1);:a- movement= -it,-the :suM==totai---ofriIttadherent-!s
communications activities, internal and externa=l.- =The= authot claimsthat -those -_who Would- -study _--maSS-- mOVettents: _-MUSt=lisOlate-=_and-: _identify _
:6- metaphors: -the ,priric-i-pali_tiet-aphor4 --which constitutes the_:_bS-sis of_- le niov-eme-nt, the, ttaditio-ni_ ofieS,_ which
use-d -in -productiOn_ arguMentsi__-_attaCks,:-.appealS--,_ _etc The twocategories together_ represent_ the -totality___ioa-_thetdrical ___Movement._
Uthot/
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aper esented at theSpeech Communication
sociation Convention,ocouthor, 1972, Chicago
Anyone who attends to the nature of rhetoric in mass move-
ments and endeavors to understand the scholarship surrounding
the- subject sooner or later recognizes that it is an area of
great confusion. The .problem stems Ilot so much from movements.
themselves but from our interpretations of them. This is not to
say t1-At we have not had clear and 'conCise statements about move-
ments. Certainly Leland Griffin s ieminal essay and Herbert
. Simon's more recent discussions of a leaderLcentered theory have
explicatedcertain dimensions of the topic. They have generated
debate and discusion and must be credited with reviving scholarly
owever; =the= c-ondiseness-o
spheres =, ==- that= =is in =doin i=what±thi
_mean _cominunicationis_
what t
ovetentS.
ovement presupposes r etorically as opposed to =what= a movemen
discussion of movements to rhetorical or communication theory.
us it is a purpose of this paper to also outline the functions
metaphor operates as the essential rhetorical. instrument in- con-
"social movement was an uninstitutionalized collectivity that
mobilizes for action to implement a program for reconstitution
of social norms _and-valUes._.2 Already:we-havezoneiiif not two-_--
sources of our difficulty. To discuss a social movement or an
historical movement is to indicate an emphasis which does not
preclude but seriously impairs our rhetorical vision. A -mass
movement is itself a river of communication with diverse tribu-
taries, heading in the same direction. It is therefore no
partictilar "uninstitutionalized collectivity Simons and the
orical in some of its_most conspicuous characteristics.
Similarly one can argue that Griffin' s principal contribution,
one scheme outlining aggressor-defendant rhetoricians, also takes
s away from *the core of =a = movement. It is as if we are carto-
graphers placing rivers, lakes and countries in the proper'
perspective on the map so that 'we can have a beautiful arrangement.Griffin arranges for us; he presents a workabIe_model for lookingat_ an historical movement. When he= suggests that there are threestages to a movement: (1) dissatisfaction; (2) desire for change;ana (3) success or failure,he is anticipating Simons' sociologi-,
cal emph.asis. 3 Thus= Griffin's period of inception, period ofrhetorical crisis,- and period of consummation -ust be considered-as sociological constructs. A mass movement is a rhetorical move-ment.- It does- not follow, however, that a rhetorical movement is
ssz-Movemen
tion to the movemen issolution.
While a movement is dependent upon a collective of people,
4
rhetoric.= Any collective of people will not produce a movement;
rhetoric is the vehicle upon which all aims and purposed ride.
Basically there are three generalizations which should be under-stood in connection with communication and movements.
Generalizations
A movement presupposes that a collective of human beingshave entered into a dynamic fraternity with each other toverbalize their aims. = The movement is_= not-the people apartfrom their rhetoric.
A movement presupposes= the= creation and= production, throughrhetoric, of symbols and metaphors which characterize itsideological direction.
A movement is the"_ =sum= total of the adherents communicative.activity, internal and external._
e - "symbolic manifestations ective are create
ca into existence e s °ken. wor e si ni-
part w effective e externa rhetoric will there
constant search for e Those movements t at have
n its internal use i more often a = periodic restatement o
-_ -the: acceptable- metaphors for group -_cohesiOn;__-this aspedt -of the-
-moyement represents- the -ritual-of -movement- rhetoric._ On -the
other hand, rhetoric directed toward the outside seeks to esta-
blish external relationshipS and= in so doing, to catch the
sociologists, argues for new values and norms. The contention
itself is a rhetorical process.
We are now ready to look at the specific functions of rhetoric
1. _ -The= organizing function2. The sustaining function3. The productive function
airly consisten octrin etoric or more = articular
has already -used-=an
_cation, =mythication and legitimation e essential verba
rhetoric gives rise th the various other dimensions of movement,_
it functions to coordinate, sustain, and produce the thrust
of a movement, it is essential =to a movement. Rhetoric becomes
a productive structuring art. Furthermore, if rhetoric consti-.
tutes, as it does, the essence of a movement it is meaningful as
an understanding of human behavior to identify, analyze and study
movements by their rhetorical indicators. Movements differ not
merely in the origin of their grievances or the composition of
- their -votarists but principally in their rhetorical manifestations.
Two separate mass movements in the lengthy -and lengthening
_black protest_-campaign- il-lustrate -thespiace of -rhetoric as- a
=
-_ -marker- of -mOvements-.::7- What :essentially__ different
-e_ n, rig ts -AnOvement--led:-Apiy_Mar- ti-n-T Lutheri sKing and the back-
=Aftica--smOVetent-s-led by _Marcus - Garvey
:metaphors
Metaphors 'are the primary rhetorical indicators of a move-
lient. A specific metaphor` indicates the movement's treatment of
its opposition, definition of the issues and summary statement of
:its aspirations. Two kinds of metaphors are recognized in mass
movements (1) the= traditional which I call the minor and (2) the
principal metaphor. The latter constitutes the fundament of the
movement. It is the verbal emblem, the identifying badge. Reifi-
cation is the primary basis for treating abstractions as though
they were things. Thus the principal metaphor is dependent upon
reification for its translation as a political or ideological_ -
symbol. For example, to the back-to-Africa movement the expression
e metaphorical - content "concerne
ere_ Africa be-domes an a stra.ction in the minds o
ollowers and then. the substance-o eir longin
lay e elaborated -upon ringing in many minor metaphors such
s e arms of rica", _ ' -'_-the - hear_-t ==of Africa e ebon
f rica. even so, rinci metaphor in case
frica" sustains t e movement. s explains in part how meta -_=
hors= =can= be isolated in or er to establish= separateness- from the
an they seem to say on - the = surface to votarists and opponents
contrasting movements. What this entails is an identification
of the principal mutaphor, either by content analysis or some
form of factor analysis using movement adherents. Once the prin-
cipal metaphor is established, that is, identified in every
instance of usage in speeches by the spokesperson, the researcher
proceeds to isolate the =minor metaphorswhich constitute the
labbring force, the mules of rhetoric. These Metaphors are used
in the production of argument, attacks on the opposition, mythica-
tion appeals and sanctions, and the meting out of justice to the
yward followers. In essence, these two categories of-metaphors
represent the totality of a.rhetorical movement. To be capable
arousing emotions, a_ su stantive pa etorica rocess,
z
that Bishop Henry McNeal Turner of the African Methodist Episcopal
Church sustained a back-to-Africa movement in the 19th century
largely on the use of Afri.ca as metaphor.9 The term 'Africa" re-
presented for him fertile lands, justice, peace, religion, and
civilization. The failure of Turner's movement to gain wide
popular support among blacks, such as was to be achieved by Marcus
Garvey, could be laid on the lack of currency-of his metaphor for
the black masses at that time in history. His campaign did, how-
ever-, prepare the grOundwork -.fori-Garvey`-s- SuCcess; -_i_Garvey ;Was-
also imaginatiVe enough to employ minor=metaphors__which _supported
his principal metaphor. Neither Turner nor his associates appear
o_ movement can -withOU.
Lay be_ translatable_=
expetierice atvey
Adherence to any of the minor metaphor's suggests indirect support
for the principal metaphor, the movement's central driving fo::ce.
Furthermore the minor metaphors share a connectedness as a -part
of the thematic construction. When movement speakers are able
to secure acceptance of the minor metaphors much of their per-
suasive work is done. So even in doing this, that is, in
accOmplishing the acceptance of minor metaphors the leader or
spokesperson is dependent upon the transfer of messages. Accep-
tance and adherence to an idea presupposes the presentang.of that
idea. It is precisely this dimension that is lacked in the pre-
vious works on mass movements. And while it is possible to
examine----.---___ examine asmavement from= -the viewpoint - of= _a:leader_and
is- =crucial to a = full__'rhetori_cal inveatigAtiori- iithat
blacks the vehiCle, the substance, the, essence. Justice, fertility,
equality, and peace constituted thematic appeals which created
"Africa ". as overarching symbol. Metaphors are integral to any
sustained verbal'campaign-, their place in mass movements- must be
studied as the source of a movement's dynamic fraternity.
VI
In conclusion, a search for bounaaries is only frustrating
when we have no clear markers; such is not the case in the rela-
tionship between rhetoric and= mass movements. Of course we have
often paid little attention tolthe varieties of verbal projections
standing squarely before us in our furious haste to get lost in
sociology and history. This essay is not a beginning; it is a
continuation -of= those studies that have placed message, in all
its dimensions, he center of rhetorical study. It is,
attempt to revive interest in' the metaphor as an
essential rhetorical instrument whose place and function in mass
movements s critical to a full understanding. There can be little
doubt that the boundaries of our study are close in to the nature
and-uSe= --prin cipa L rd ,ni nori- :m- etaphott.--
FOOTNOTES1Leland Griffin, "The Rhetoric of Historical Movements," QuarterlyJournal of Speech, Volume XXXVIII, April, 1952; and Herbert Simons,"A Theory of Persuasion for Social Movements," .Quarterly Journalo jipeech, Volume LVI, February 1970.
2Simons, p.-3.
3Ibid.
4Malcalm Sillars, "Rhetoric as Act," Quarterly Journal of Speech:,Volume 50, October 1964, p. 281.
5C. E. Shannon and W. Weaver,'The Mathematical Theory of Communica-tion: Urbana: University of Illinois Press,- 1949, p. 95.
6Arthur L. Smith, Rhetoric of Black Revolution, Boston: Allyn andBacon, 1969;
-7SeeiEdmund Cronon, -Black Moses, Madison: University of Wisconsin--Press, for an-account
%of-MarCusbarvey's_career.- - r rThere aenuMeousaccounts -of-King'Scareer
8Karen Borden,"The Rhetoric of the Philippine Independence Movement,(university of= California, 1972), unpublished dissertation.9Melbourne
Cummings, "The Rhetoricof Bishop Henry McNeal Turner,Leading Advocate in the African Emigration Movement, 1866-1907,"(University of California, 1972), unpublished dissertation.
AUTHOR Smith, Arthur L. .TITLE Historical and Social Movement: A Search for
Boundaries. ,PUB DATE Dec 72
-NOTE 13p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of theSpeech Communication Assn. (58th, Chicago, December27-30, 1972)
EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29DESCRIPTORS Black Power; Civil Rights; Communication (Thought
Transfer); *Interaction Process Analysis; Metaphors;Negro Role; *Persuasive.Discourse; *Rhetoric; *SocialChange; *Sociocultural Patterns
ABSTRACTThis paper is a presentation of what amass movement
pressupposes rhetorically, as opposed to what a movement is in-socialor historical terms. The = author outlines the= functions of = rhetoric ina movement, in order to establish how-the metaphor operates-as theessential -rhetorical _instrument: He States that - a riassi social or
_istorical movement is essentially a rhetorical campaign, because:1) a collection of humails interact in _= order= to verbalize their-aims,
eating the moveMent; (2)- through rhetoric, symbols and metaphorsre created, which characterize the ideological direction of a
movement- and (3) a- movement is the sum total of its adherent'scommunications activities, internal and external. The author claims
at those who would- study mass movements mus:isolate and identifyhe metaphors: the principal metaphor, which
tconstitutes the basis of
e niovement, and the minor metaphors, the -traditional ones, whiCh.are used in production of arguments, attacks, .appeals, etc. The-two
categories together represent the totality of a rhetorical movement.uthor/RN)
_
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THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO,-DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROMTHE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG-INATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN-
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rthur
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HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS:A SEARCH FOR 1 40.1NDARIES
Anyone who attends to the nature of rhetoric in mass move-ments and endeavors to understand the scholarship surrounding,the subject sooner or- -later recognizes that it is an area of
-_great- confusion. The -problem-istems not so much -from: movementsthemselves but from our interpretations of theni. This is not tosay tint we have not had clear and 'concise statements about move-ments. Certainly Leland Griffin's ieminal essay and Herbert
. Simon's more recent discussions of a leader-:centered theory haveexplicatedcertain dimensions of the topic. They have generateddebate and discusaon and must be eredited with reviving scholarly
spheres;_= that i s in doing w at t set ou not helpedus,_. I =mean communicationists) to understand the rhetorical
nature of mass movement have attempted o theyhave been.good; but =they have not added significan our know-
ge of the - transfer_ =of" messages within contexts of massmovements.
t is intended pa er is a presentation of'whatmovement presupposes rhetorically as opposed to w a a movement-is
In Herbert Simons' penetrating article he allowed that a
"social movement was an uninstitutionalized collectivity that
mobilizes for action to implement a program for reconstitution
of social norms and-values. 2 Already we have one if not two =-
sources of our dif i.culty. To discuss a social movement or an
historical movement is to indicate an emphasis which does not
preclude but seriously impairs our rhetorical vision. A mass
movement is itself a river of communication with diverse tribu-
taries, heading in the same direction. It is therefore -no
particular "uninstitutionalized collectivity- as Simons and the
°biologists would have a. in act institu
collectivei-which -stipposedly:milL-stistain_the =2.- eological direc7-=
program for reconstituting social norms and values without recog-
nizing that it is-communication alone that determines mobilization
and reconstitution: There no reason to seek elsewhere for an
and establishes itself as =the essence of a movement.
Similarly one can= argue that Griffin's principal Contribution,
one scheme outlining aggressor-defendant rhetoricians, also takes
us away from 'the core of a movement. It is as if we are carto-graphers placing rivers, lakes and countries in the proper-
perspective on the map so that we can have -a beautiful arrangement.Griffin arranges for us; he presents a .workable_model for lookingat,an historical movement. When he suggests =that =there=are threestages to a movement: (1) dissatisfaction; (2)- desire for change-,and (3) success or failure, he is anticipating Simons' sociologi-cal emphasis. 3 Thus Griffin's period of inception, period ofrhetorical crisis,- and period of consummation must be considered-as sociological constructs. A mass movement is a rhetorical move-ment. It does- not follow, however, that a =rhetorical movement is_massi-movemen
ilization
e= :essence,
lcolm Sillars was correct_when
lish socologi-
as -Si-i t = sociologi-_
rounds are remises o = movement; annon aeaver are _correct o note at communication involves a humanehavior.
5Communication plays a e role from e early rustra-
.
4
r-hetoric.= Any collective of people will not produce a movement;rhetoric is the vehicle upon which all aims and purposes ride.Basically there are three generalizations which should be under-_stood in connection with communication_ and movements.i
Generalizations_
A movement presupposes that =a collective of human beings"have entered into a- dynamic fraternity_ with each other toverbalize their aims. The movement is hot-the people apartfrom their rhetoric.A= movement presupposes- the- creation- and production, throughrhetoric, of symbols and metaphors which characterize itsideological direction.A movement is the sum total =of the adherents' communicative_activity, internal and external.
Lza-imass-J(lovembnt--,i=isli;to,=_=,
atever ective uman eings, ecomes, as__movement` -` ver ba l endeavor an dynamic raternity isrfecte vigor etori e secon instance
Jic manifestations-of collective are .createuced= called into existence oken wor si ni--
vo_tar fists ==ovement etWeen defense =and offense. ecause
eqx..a.cy ransfer o messages within e collectivity determinesart how effective e external r etoric wil ere- is a
constant =search =tor equi=l=ibrium.- lose movements that havehappy balance of interna alk and discussion with =their external
chieve their= internal or external aim in a rhetorical fashion.
the acceptable metaphors for group cohesion; this aspect of the
movement represents the ritual of =movement rhetoric. On the
other hand, rhetoric directed toward the outside seeks to esta-blish external relationshipS and in so doing, to catch the
-_sociologists-,, -argues for -nevu Values -and The-- contention_
itself is =a rhetorical -prodess._
We- are-- now- -ready to -look at- thei- specific- nine tions of rhetoric
in mass movements.
=_1.= The organizing function2. The sustaining == function3. The productive function
In its organizing function rhetoric coordinates and structures
various- elemen persona o ective grievance in
airly `consistent= octrine.= = = Rhetoric, or more articularl
rincipal metaphor, doctrine or
e sustaining influence comes t ecause
rve e _ = fundamental ==union= and soridari e- votaris
roductive function creates the =mood an e necessary atmosphere
or an= attack on= the opposition. =this stage the spokesperson
as already used and is continuing o use vilification, oblecti=f=i--
ation,= m thication and legitimation, essential_ == _the'_- essent=ial= verbal ==
rategies =of the= agitato
if it- functions to coordinate, sustain, and produce the thrust
of a movement, it is essential to a movement. Rhetoric becomes
a productive structuring art. Furthermore if rhetoric consti-
tutes, as it does, the essence of a movement it is meaningful as
an understanding of human behavior to identify, analyze and study
moveme:nts by their rhetorical indicators. Movements differ not
merely in =the origin of their grievances or the composition of
- their -votarists but principally in their rhetorical manifestations.
Two separate mass movements in the lengthy and lengthening
black protest campaign illustrate the Rlace of rhetoric as a
marker of movements.7 What was essentially different between
e civi-1 rights = -imovement--,le d:iby-Martin-Lu ther_ King -and the back-r-ica_mOverrfen-Laod--by-s-Marcus- Garvey-thirty-years before vas.--
e = rhetoric
etoric as
movements that lasted for nearly a decade.: But studying sociology
history alone p.:ovides no explication of t e external and in-
Metaphors are the primary rhetorical indicators of -a move -
ment. A specific metaphor" indicates the movement's treatment of
its oppoSition, definition of the issues and summary statement of
its aspirations. Two kinds of metaphors are recognized in mass
movements (1) the traditional which .I call the minor and (2) the
principal metaphor. The latter= constitutes the fundament -of the
movement. it is the verbal emblem, the identifying badge. Reifi-
cation is the primary basis for treating abstractions as though
they were things. Thus the principal metaphor is dependent upon
reification for its translation as a political or ideological
e metaphors = of a movement, s == which say much more
an they seem to say on e surface to votarists and opponents
contrasting movements. What this entails is an identification
of the principal metaphor, either by content analysis or- some
form Of factor_ analysis= using movement adherents. Once the prin-
cipal metaphor is established, that is, identified. in every
instance of usage in speeches by the spokesperson, the researcher
proceeds to isolate the minor metaphors,which constitute the
labOring force, the mules of rhetoric. These metaphors are used
in the production of argument, attacks on the opposition, mythica-
tion appeals and sanctions, and the meting out of justice to the
wayward followers. In ess-ence, == these two = categories of metaphors
represent the= totality of hetorical movement. To be capable
namit
e- =movement _rot
ilippine-Independence she found that the principal metaphor was
ary bastion, or economics, they were tightly tied to the = coattails
White superiority: Similarly, Melbourne Cummings demonstrated
that Bishop Henry McNeal Turn2r of the African Methodist Episcopal
Church sustained a back-to-Africa movement in the 19th century
largely on the use of Africa as metaphor. 9 The term "Africa" re-
presented for him fertile lands, justice, peace, religion, and
civilization. The failure of Turner's movement to gain wide
popular support among blacks, such as was= -to be achieved by Marcus
Garvey, could be laid on the lack of currency-of his metaphor for
the black masses at that time in history. His campaign did, how-
e:ver, prepare the groundwork ,for-GarVey -Succes.. Garvey was
also imaginative' enough to employ minor metaphors which supported
his principal metaphor. Neither Turner nor his associates appear-
to have possessed the necessary creativity o support their* 1.
a movement -_can= successfu
which- strengthen -the
artifacts_----
created marchin* ands, -cross==-cor
Adherence to any of the minor metaphor's- suggests indirect support
for the principal metaphor, the movement's central driving force.
Furthermore the minor metaphors share a connectedness as a part
of the thematic construction. When movement speakers are able
to secure acceptance of the minor metaphors much of their per-
suasive work is done. So even in doing this, that is,
accOmplishing the acceptance of minor metaphors the leader or
spokesperson is dependent upon_ the transfer of messages. Accep-
tance and adherence to an idea presupposes the presenting. of that
idea. It is precisely this dimension that is lacked in the pre-
vious works on mass movements. And while it is possible to
examine a movement from the viewpoint of a leader and his dilemmas
phenomenon and explains the use of principal metaphors. It should
shadow and the substance. In the back-to-Africa movement, the
ysical continent represented the tenor, the accent, the shadow,
11
blacks the vehicle, the substance, the essence. Justice, fertility,
equality, and peace constituted thematic appeals which created
"Africa"- as overa: Thing symbOl. Metaphors are integral to any
sustained -verbal -campaig place in mass movements must be
studied as the source of a movement's dynamic fraternity.
VI
In conclusion, a search for boundaries is only frustrating
when:we have no clear markers; such is not the case in the-rela-
tionship between rhetoric and mass movements. Of course we have
often paid little attention to-'the varieties of verbal projections
standing squarely before -us-in our furiouS haSte to get lost_in
sociology and history. This essay is not =a- beginning; it =is ==a=
continuation of =those studies that have placed the message, in all
its dimensions, at the center of rhetorical study. It is,
attempt to revive interest in the metaphor as an-_
essential rt.- rical instrument=_whose= place== and function in Mass
=movements is_ _criticali-to understandingr. _There-can be little_
oubt-ii that the---boundaries :Of:our =study_ are -__close= to=---the nature_
and use of principal and-minor metaphors.
FOOTNOTES1Leland Griffin, "The Rhetoric of Historical Movements," QuarterlyJournal of Speech, Volume XXXVIII, April, 1952; and Herbert Simons,"A Theory of Persuasion for Social Movements," Quarterly Journalof Speech, Volume LVI, February 1970.
2Simons, p.-3.
3Ibid.
4Malcalm Sillars, "Rhetoric as Act, Quarterly Journal of Speech,Volume 50, October 1964, p. 281.
C. E. Shannon and W. Weaver, The Mathematical Theory of Communica-
6Arthur L. Smith, Rhetoric of Black Revolution, Boston: Allyn andBacon, 1969.
7Seez Edmund Cronon, Black- Moses,- Madison: UniverSity of WisconsinPress, for an_ accounti:of Marcus -Garvey s career._ -__T -_here arehinterou8=',_-iacConntS- of _-King's-
8KarenBorden,"The Rhetoric of the Philippine Independence Movement,"(University of California, 1972), unfrablished dissertation.
9MelbourneCummings, "The Rhetoric of Bishop Henry McNeal Turner,Leading Advocate =in the African Emigration Movement, 1866-1907,"(University of California, 1972), unpublished dissertation.