126 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Diagloue
❚Special Issue❚Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
□ ISSN (Print) 1225-4924, ISSN (Online) 2508-3104 Catholic Theology and Thought, Vol. 79, July 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.21731/ctat.2017.79.126
Buddhism and Cultural Consumption in Contemporary Korea: From ‘Nation Protecting Buddhism’ to ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’*
1
Fr. Eamon F. Adams
〔Missionary Society of Saint Columban〕
1. The Ven. Hyongak and His Criticisms 2. Some Underlying Issues 3. The Contemporary Religious Landscape 4. The Complex Buddhist Reality 5. The Buddhist Experience during the Joseon Dynasty 6. The Coming of Japan 7. Post-Liberation Years 8. Korean Buddhism on the Globalising Trail 9. Buddhism as a Cultural Ambassador 10. The Birth of ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’ 11. Conclusion
All institutions face challenges in adapting to changing situations and
times. In this regard, religions are no exception. However, unlike other
institutions and organisations, religions often attempt to screen their pol-
* This research paper is commissioned, supported, and originally published by the Founda-tion of Theology and Thought, 2017.
127 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
icies and decisions under a veil of mystical and theological reasoning.
Apple, Samsung and Standard Chartered Bank make decisions purely on a
financial basis so as to increase dividends for shareholders and owners.
Religious organisations are usually much more guarded when speaking
about choices made in their attempts to remain popular and relevant, using
expressions such as creating a contemporary spirituality, engaging with
society, making traditional teachings more applicable, and the like. How-
ever, even though spiritual and theological reasoning can drive decision-
making, from a sociological perspective religious institutions, too, must
make political and economic choices in their everyday planning. In stu-
dies of religious traditions these mundane decisions are often overlooked
in favour of more spiritual ones. Or, at least, they are dressed up in more
religious and theological clothing.
Religions in Korea have, over the past one hundred years, met with
many challenges and difficulties in responding to changing circumstances:
modernity, Japanese colonial rule, war, national division, dictatorship, de-
mocratisation and neo-liberal globalisation. In his analysis of the 1980s,
1990s and the early 2000s, Sukman Jang highlights two changes in Kore-
an society that have forced religions to grapple with their roles, identities
and administrative structures. Many changes implemented by religions
were, Jang writes: “made in response to the political and social changes
affected in Korean society at the time, namely a transition from authoritar-
ianism to democracy and expanded consumerism.”1 Although these two
changes do not account for all the challenges facing religions in Korea
they do point towards fundamental and far-reaching components of
change. For example, the movement towards democratisation has influ-
1 Sukman Jang, “Contemporary Korean Religions in Context”, in Korean Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, p. 6.
128 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
enced the expectations of lay believers in Korea, encouraging them to
seek more involvement with and input into their religious traditions.2
Consumerism is, in turn, linked with the neo-liberal project of globalisa-
tion which has led religious institutions to become much more business
like both in structure and planning. As Jang describes it: “Korea’s transi-
tion into a consumer society prompted religions to commercialize them-
selves.”3
The aim of this paper is to investigate some of Buddhism’s responses
to the changes that have occurred in modern and contemporary Korean
society.4 Unfortunately, not all those responses can be looked at; however,
the one which will be investigated in this paper is highly significant. One
of Buddhism’s responses to the current situation has been to create an
identity by, to a degree, presenting itself as a Korean cultural asset with a
key role to play in the current drive to globalise the Korean heritage and
culture industry, known as the ‘Korean Wave’ (hallyu: 한류).5 Because of
the Korean state’s involvement in this relationship it will also be
necessary to delve into the history of state-Buddhist relations in Korea so
2 From a Buddhist perspective see Florence Galmiche, “A Space of Mountains within a For-est of Buildings? Urban Buddhist Monasteries in Contemporary Korea”, in Annual Review of the Sociology of Religion Volume 5: Sociology and Monasticism, between Innovation and Tradition, Isabelle Jonveaux, eds. by S. Palmisano / E. Pace, 2014, pp. 227-239. 3 S. Jang, “Contemporary Korean Religions”, p. 6. 4 Although this paper focuses on Buddhism, all the other religious traditions in Korea have been faced with similar challenges. Their answers have however, differed due to their various cultural, social, philosophical and theological backgrounds. For example, it seems that the Catholic Church in Korea expends much energy in presenting itself as a leading actor in the field of social welfare. 5 For an insightful study of the heritage industry highlighting the political implications of it see Hyung Il Pai, Heritage Management in Korea OECD and Japan: The Politics of Antiquity and Identity, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2013. See also Gunjoo Jang and Won K. Paik’s study on the use of the ‘Korean Wave’ as a form of soft power on the part of the Kore-an Government: “Korean Wave as Tool or Korea’s New Cultural Diplomacy”, in Advances in Applied Sociology, 2012, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 196-202. Available online at http://dx.doi.org/ 10.4236/aasoci.2012.23026 (accessed 20/03/2017).
129 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
as better to understand the existing situation.
It is my hypothesis that Buddhism in twenty-first century Korea,
through its efforts to build a new and modern identity, is gradually be-
coming rebranded6 as a Korean cultural commodity as opposed to a living
religious tradition.7 By selectively remembering and emphasising one
aspect of its past over others, Korean Buddhism is attempting to craft an
alternative future for itself. The past I refer to is the concept of Buddhism
as ‘protector of the nation’ (護國佛敎). Traditionally this concept has been
understood in a defensive manner ― protecting the country from inva-
sion and natural disasters; however, today there is a tendency to reinter-
pret this notion as playing a part in Korea’s globalisation project and as a
result Buddhism is becoming a ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’. Such a
development raises questions, on a practical level, concerning the ramifi-
cations for Buddhism in Korea and, on a more theoretical level, about the
interactions between religions, globalisation and the state. This study con-
clude by drawing together different strands of our discussion to attempt an
answer to an important question: if Buddhism continues to present itself
as a cultural ambassador for Korea, to what degree can Korean Buddhism
successfully function as an active and global religion?
First, let me give concrete expression to the type of difficulty which
can easily arise as a consequence of the above intertwined relationships
between national culture, religion and the state. For this we turn to a story
which made headlines in the national during 2016.
6 A noteworthy article examining the concept of ‘branding Buddhism’ and spiritual tourism can be found in David Geary’s “Enlightenment: Branding Buddhism and Spiritual Tourism in Bodhgaya, Bihar”, in Anthropology Today, Vol. 24, No. 3 (June 2008), pp. 11-14. 7 It is important to remember that it is possible simultaneously to be viewed and understood in several different ways. Buddhism can at one and the same time be looked upon as a cultural asset and an active religious tradition. The important thing is which aspect receives most rec-ognition.
130 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
1. The Ven. Hyongak and His Criticisms
At first glance the following story may seem out of place, but it serves
a valuable purpose by situating and bringing to light some of the issues
such as globalization, the heritage industry, cultural commodification, and
their interactions with Buddhism in Korea that will be dealt with later in
this paper.
In the summer of 2016, the Ven. Hyongak,8 a Buddhist monk from the
USA, caused a commotion when he announced his intention to severe
links with Buddhism in Korea and instead concentrate his efforts in other
countries.9 For his twenty-five year sojourn in Korea, Hyongak became
one of the country’s best known monks, among Buddhist and non-Bud-
dhists alike. His 1999 bestselling Korean language book, Manheang:
From Harvard to Hwagye Temple10 was of interest to a broad cross-sec-
tion of Koreans and played a role in raising his profile. Over the years,
Hyongak made frequent appearances on TV and radio shows, was much
in favour for lectures and Dharma talks, and was promoted by the Jogye
Order as one of the modern faces of Korean Buddhism. Because of his
celebrity status when Hyongak announced his reasons for breaking from
Korean Buddhism it made headline news throughout the nation and drew
comments, both positive and negative, from many sectors of society. One
notable and critical reaction was posted on Facebook by a well-known
and respected Korean Buddhist monk, Jahyeon (자현스님). In order better
8 For a brief introduction to the Ven. Hyongak see https://terebess.hu/zen/mesterek/HyonGak. html (accessed 31/03/2017). 9 The Facebook posting referred to was deleted soon after being published, but reports of the posting can be found at: The Hankyoreh newspaper website http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/engli sh_edition/e_entertainment/755201.html (accessed 20/03/2017) and on the Bulgyo Shinmun (『불교신문』) at http://www.ibulgyo.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=150399 (accessed on 25/03/2017). 10 현각스님, 『만행 ― 하버드에서 화계사까지』, 열림원, 1999.
131 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
to understand this exchange and some of the issues it raised both of itself
and for this paper I will present a brief summary.
When Hyongak announced his decision to leave Korea he succinctly
outlined the reasoning behind the decision. Some of his central critiques
of Korean Buddhism ― in this case the Jogye Order11 ― were: 1) the
degree to which worldly blessings are emphasised (祈福佛敎); 2) the
authoritarian style of administration functioning within the order; 3) for-
eign monks being used solely for decorative purposes; 4) too focused on
monks to the detriment of lay participation, especially that of women. And
thus, Hyongak contended that as it stands the planned project to globalise
Korean Buddhism will be extremely difficult if not impossible to bring to
completion.12 In response to these claims Jahyeon set about defending
Korean Buddhism through comparisons with other religions and their
shortcomings, and by attacking foreign monks whom, he claimed, had
been spoon fed by the Jogye Order and who were ignorant to the values of
Korean culture.13
Regrettably, the clear majority of debate that surrounded this issue was
carried out on social media at a superficial and reactionary level, and it
seems the opportunity to deal with the issues raised failed to engender a
more reflective engagement. However, an exception to this can be found
in a thoughtful article penned by Jason Lim which appeared as an opinion
11 The Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism (大韓佛敎曹溪宗) in its present form it was founded in 1962 and is by far the largest in Korea. The Jogye Order presents itself as the nation’s representative Buddhist order with over ten thousand monks and nuns. As is common practice in Korea, the term Korean Buddhism as employed in this paper refers to the Jogye Order of Buddhism. 12 To understand this plan for globalisation, see the article of 02/10/2011, “Jogye head vows to further globalization of Korean Buddhism”, The Korea Times at http://www.koreatimes.co. kr/www/news/art/2011/10/135_95858.html (accessed on 01/04/2017). 13 Jahyeon’s response can be found on the Bulgyo Shinmun (『불교신문』) website at http:// www.ibulgyo.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=150399 (accessed 23/03/2017).
132 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
piece in The Korea Times.14 In it Lim, although acknowledging some
shortcomings in Hyongak’s position, reserved his harshest criticism for
Jahyeon’s line of thought. Jahyeon’s argument can be characterised, Lim
claimed, as “one of ‘Us vs. Them’. He views Hyongak as the ‘Other’ who
has benefitted from Korean culture’s generosity but is now turning his
back on Korea by daring to criticize it”. Lim continued by portraying the
type of Buddhism defended by Jahyeon as a form of “cultural tradition”
and “cultural artefact” rather than a spiritual vehicle.
2. Some Underlying Issues
As alluded to, the clash between Hyongak and Jahyeon and, in turn,
Lim’s analysis reveal an underlying, but frequently overlooked, tension
which lies at the heart of Korean Buddhism’s engagement with contem-
porary society and the role it is attempting to carve out for itself within
that society. It seems that Korean Buddhism, rather than attempting to
create an inclusive identity in the form of a universal Buddhism with roots
in Korea, prefers to interact with global trends and actors in a manner
similar to the Korean state and its project of globalising Korean culture as
part of its heritage and tourism industry. A crude but nevertheless effective
comparison may be drawn with K-Pop and the sponsorship it receives
from the state.15 Regarding Buddhism, Chin Hong Chung bluntly sums
14 Lim’s article titled “Health and wealth Gospel of Korean Buddhism” appeared in The Korea Times on 5/8/2016 at http://www2.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/opinon/2017/01/352_ 211217. html (accessed on 30/03/2017). 15 There is much material and statistics available detailing Korean state sponsorship of K-Pop, but a very accessible article, “Korea’s soft power: Soap, sparkle and pop” can be found in The Economist of August 9, 2014. Online version available at http://www.economist.com/news/ books-and-arts/21611039-how-really-uncool-country-became-tastemaker-asia-soap-sparkle-a nd-pop (accessed 10/04/2017).
133 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
up the situation: “the specific pursuit of globalizing Korean Buddhism
rather than Buddhism as a whole is a nationalistic idea […].”16
Pori Park, a scholar of Buddhism, has spoken of the challenge facing
Korean Buddhism as being an attempt to “bridge the gap between identity
and responsiveness […]”.17 In a globalising world, Korean Buddhism,
along with other religious traditions, is striving to build an identity which
portrays it as a modern, relevant and global actor. Stuart Hall speaking of
the challenge of establishing and nurturing identity in what he calls ‘late-
modernity’ highlighted a central danger for actors in such situations: “the
greatest danger now arises from forms of national and cultural identity ―
new and old ― which attempt to secure their identity by adopting closed
versions of culture or community and by refusal to engage […] with dif-
ferent problems that arise from trying to live with difference.”18 On recent
evidence, it appears that Korean Buddhism is displaying a tendency to-
wards becoming more intertwined with a ‘closed versions of culture’.
Close, it would seem, to the position articulated by Jahyeon in his re-
sponse to Hyongak.
However, the situation, namely this tendency towards a static form of
culture, is further complicated by the introduction of globalisation into the
equation. Where globalisation would tend to imply an openness and out-
ward trajectory, ‘closed culture’ leans towards a certain exclusivity and
inward gaze. In what way and to what extent is it possible to align these
seemingly opposite positions? Here some pointers can be drawn from the
ongoing debate regarding the compatibility of nationalism and globalisa-
16 Chin Hong Chung, “Profiles of Contemporary Korean Religions: The Emergence of Neo-Ethnicity”, in Korean Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, p. 30. 17 Park, Pori, Trial and Error in Modernist Reforms: Korean Buddhism under Colonial Rule, Berkley: University of California, 2009, p. 11. 18 Stuart Hall as quoted in Bauman, Z., Identity, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004, p. 98.
134 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
tion. As Natalie Sabanadze has demonstrated in her study, Globalization
and Nationalism: The Cases of Georgia and the Basque Country, these
two mighty forces can at times work together, with nationalists frequently
employing globalism to further their aims.19 This seems to be true of the
South Korean state, as pointed out by Gi-Wook Shin, “Korea’s strong na-
tionalist character is not a paradox but rather a major feature or ‘paradigm’
of Korean globalization”.20 In other words, Korea’s nationalist tendencies,
far from blocking efforts to globalise, actually play a fundamental role in
the nation’s ongoing globalising policies.
In the case of Buddhism, this nexus of nationalism and globalisation
can be readily discerned. What, as we will see later, the Jogye Order
understands itself to be sending out into the wider world is ‘Korean Bud-
dhism’ and not Buddhism with Korean cultural trappings that have been
picked-up over the centuries.21
19 Natalie Sabanadze, Globalization and Nationalism: The Cases of Georgia and the Basque Country, Budapest: Central University Press, 2010. This work can also be accessed online at: http://aparc.fsi.stanford.edu/publications/paradox_of_korean_globalization_the. 20 Gi-Wook Shin, “The Paradox of Korean Globalization”, Stanford: Shorenstein APARC, 2003, p. 18. 21 In Korea, this tendency to nationalise religious traditions is not exclusively a Buddhist trait. For example, in the case of the Catholic Church ― universal by definition ― the title ‘Ko-rean Catholic Church’ is frequently favoured over the term ‘Catholic Church in Korea’. For some more detailed discussions on this practice and its link to nationalist tendencies within the Buddhist tradition see: Jae-ryong Shim’s essay “General Characteristics of Korean Bud-dhism”, in Korean Buddhism: Tradition and Transformation, Seoul: Jimoondang Publishing Company, 1999, pp. 171-182. And Robert Buswell, “Imagining “Korean Buddhism: The In-vention of a National Religious Tradition”, in Nationalism and the Construction of Korean Identity, eds. by I. P. Pai / T. Tangherlini, Berkley: Institute of East Asian Studies, 1998, pp. 73-107.
135 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
3. The Contemporary Religious Landscape
An unfortunate truth about religions in Korea, including Buddhism, is
that internationally there is a dearth of information and knowledge about
them. Therefore, to make the subject matter of this paper more accessible
to those without a background in Korean Buddhism it will prove helpful
to provide a brief outline of both the contemporary religious reality in the
country and a brief history of Buddhism in Korea. Although this may
seem to be a cumbersome approach, it will, pay dividends.
Within contemporary Korean society there exists not only a vibrant
religious atmosphere, but also a competitive one where different religious
traditions actively vie for new members and encourage full participation
on the part of their adherents.22
The most recent statistics on the religious make-up of South Korea are
from the 2015 Population and Housing Census. It records the population
distribution by major religions as: Buddhist 15.5%, Protestant 19.7% and
Catholic 7.9%, with a 56.1% group claiming no religious affiliation.23
Interestingly, the figures for 2015 show a marked decrease in levels of
religious affiliation when compared to 2005: Buddhist 22.8%, Catholic
10.9%, Protestant 18.3%, and an overall percentage of 46.9 claiming no
religious affiliation. The ten-year period between 2005 and 2015 wit-
nessed an across the board decrease in religious believers except for the
Protestant churches which displayed a slight growth of 1.4%. In the case
of Buddhism there was a significant decrease of 7.3%.
Since the results of the 2015 survey were only released in late 2016
22 From a scholarly viewpoint, James Grayson describes Korea as “a unique religious labora-tory”, J. Grayson, Korea: A Religious History, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, p. 277. 23 Census information is from the Korean government’s Office of Statistics (KOSTAT), www. kostat.go.kr.
136 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
there remains much research to be carried out so as better to understand
the indicated changes.24 That said, the downward trend in religious affili-
ation demonstrates a marked shift away from institutional religions. With
the exception of the Protestant churches, these figures provide worrying
reading for both Buddhism and Catholicism. However, since Buddhism is
the focus of this paper, let us examine more closely the figures as they
apply to Buddhism.
If we include the census results for 1995 into the comparison, there is
a discernible pattern of decrease in the number of Buddhist believers: in
1995, the percentage of the total population self-identifying as Buddhist
was 23.2%; in 2005, this decreased slightly to 22.8%; in 2015, a fall to
15.5% was registered. Factoring in population growth, from a figure of
almost 45 million in 1995 to just over 51 million in 2015, we have a hard
figure for self-identifying Buddhists of 10,321,012 in 1995; 10,726,463 in
2005; and about 7,619,000 in 2015.
Bearing in mind that over the documented period of twenty years
Korea has witnessed a population growth of roughly 5 million, the de-
crease to just over seven and a half million persons self-identifying as
Buddhist is significant. However, these figures seem to be anomalous in
one respect. Over the past number of years Buddhism’s active presence in
society has grown and developed in many ways and the religion now
seems to carry more influence within Korean society, including politics,
than has been the case for many years. In fact, it would not, I think, be an
exaggeration to speak of a renaissance of Buddhism in Korea.25 To grasp
24 An interesting analysis comparing the 1985, 1995 and 2005 religious affiliation statistics can be found in Jibum Kim, Y. Lee, J. Son / Tom W. Smith, “Trends of Religious Identifica-tion in Korea: Changes and Continuities”, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Dec. 2009), pp. 789-793. 25 Today, Buddhism is involved in many varied types of work and ministries including organ-ic farming, hospices, military chaplaincy and media. There is also marked growth in attempts
137 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
the complexity of this Buddhist anomaly ― at the same time falling
numbers but rising profile ― a short detour into the history of Buddhism
is required. Without an understanding of Buddhist history in Korea, espe-
cially twentieth century history, it is difficult to delve deeper into the
world of Korean Buddhism.
4. The Complex Buddhist Reality
From its arrival in Korea (372 CE) Buddhism, faced with competition
from the Confucian tradition, endeavoured to court favour with the coun-
try’s rulers by putting itself forward as protector of the country. A symbi-
otic relationship between Buddhism and the court eventually grew up with
Buddhism acting as spiritual protector in return for financial backing and
security.26 Among the most famous of Buddhism’s efforts to protect the
country were the production of the wood carved Tripitakas (Palman Dae-
janggyeong, 八萬大藏經) in the eleventh and thirteenth centuries and
later the mobilization of monks to form a militia to defend the country
against the invading Japanese armies (1592-1598). However, by the late
Goryeo dynasty (918-1392) Buddhism was beginning to fall out of favour.
Accused of placing a strain on state coffers by draining much needed re-
sources criticisms of Buddhism, under the influence of neo-Confucianism,
to promote ‘Korean Buddhism’ overseas by establishing branch temples and producing Eng-lish language materials, both academic and popular (Two well-known ecological undertakings are Indra’s Net Life Community and the Ecological Village of the Fourfold Community). For information see, Yoo Jung-gil’s “Korea’s Buddhist Communities and the Future of Buddhism”, in The Crisis of Modern Society and the Role of Religious Communities, Seoul: Bulkwang Research Institute, 2013, pp. 144-148. 26 R. Buswell, The Korean Approach to Zen: The Collected Works of Chinul, Honolulu: Uni-versity of Hawaii Press, 1983, p. 2.
138 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
widened to include both its philosophical and moral teachings.27 Against
this background the rulers of the newly formed Joseon dynasty (1392-
1897) began to institute the anti-Buddhist policies that led to a weakening
of Buddhism’s position within Korean society.28
5. The Buddhist Experience during the Joseon Dynasty
Because of the anti-Buddhist policies of the Joseon rulers, Buddhism
became a financially poorer and more scattered religious tradition. Bud-
dhism, prohibited from urban areas and excluded from the social life of
the elite, gradually lost touch not only with the political power centres of
the country but also with many of the intellectual and cultural trends of
the time. During the Joseon dynasty Buddhism became a rurally based
religion, serving those who made up the lower and less well educated
sectors of Korean society.29 Pori Park describes the state of Buddhism at
the time: “Chosŏn Buddhism earned several epithets after all those years
of political persecution: mountain Buddhism (san’gan Pulgyo), Buddhism
for monks (sŭngnyŏ Pulgyo), Buddhism for women (ch’ima Pulgyo),
27 These topics are covered in Han, U-gŭn’s “Policies Toward Buddhism in Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn”, in Buddhism in the Early Chosŏn: Suppression and Transformation, eds. by Lewis Lancaster / Chai-Shin Yu, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996, pp. 1-58. 28 For a detailed account of these persecutions see An Gyehyeon’s [안계현] Research into the History of Korean Buddhism, Seoul: Donghwa Publishing, 1986 [韓國佛敎史硏究, 同和出版
公社], pp. 288ff; also, Robert Buswell, “Buddhism Under Confucian Domination: The Syn-thetic Vision of Sosan Hyujong” in Culture and the State in Late Choson Korea, eds. by Kim Haboush, JaHyun / Deuchler, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1999, pp. 134-159. For a study of the early years of Confucian persecution of Buddhism see, J. L. Goulde, Anti-Buddhist Polemic in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century Korea: The Emergence Of Confu-cian Exclusivism, Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard, 1985. 29 L. Lancaster’s “Introduction” to Buddhism in the Early Chosŏn, p. xiii.
139 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
Buddhism for securing worldly desires (kibok Pulgyo).”30
There can be no denying that Buddhism suffered as a consequence of
prolonged oppression during the Joseon dynasty. However, this is not the
entire story. Although Buddhism was subjected to persecution during the
Joseon dynasty, a corollary of this difficult experience was that Buddhism
began to build stronger links with different sections of the population,
particularly with peasants and the female population. Hitherto a royal and
predominantly urban religion, Buddhism became a rural religion closely
linked to the lower classes. It was this shift from being a major political
and institutional player to becoming a peripheral and minor player that
has clouded much of the research into Joseon dynasty Buddhism. This has
led many, if not most, scholars to label Buddhism of the time as a
degenerate, superstitious, and dead tradition.31
There are, of course, exceptions to this trend: two of the leading and
most influential scholars are Lewis Lancaster and Robert Buswell. These
two scholars have demonstrated that even though Buddhism underwent
drastic changes during the Joseon dynasty its influence did not completely
vanish. On the contrary, Buddhism during this period became “[…] a vital
part of the rural life of Korea […]” and “[…] a monastic system that re-
30 Pori Park, The Modern Remaking of Korean Buddhism: The Korean Reform Movement during Japanese Colonial Rule and Han Yongun’s Buddhism (1879-1944), Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1998, p. 49f. 31 There has been a tendency to completely disregard Buddhism of the late Joseon period, or worse still, to categorise it simply as a corrupt form of Buddhism. This questionable approach tends to equate popular religiosity with superstition and ignorance. Sadly, this understanding of Joseon Buddhism has become the unquestioned norm, at least until recent times. An ex-ample of this can be found in Kim, Young-ho, “Buddhism In Korea: Traditions In Syncretic Thought And Self-Enlightenment”, in Reader In Korean Religions, ed. by Kim, Chongsuh, Songnam-si: Academy of Korean Studies, 1993, pp. 1-61. Kim’s summation of Buddhism in the Joseon dynasty is thus: “The effect of the severe anti-Buddhist policy for such a long period left Buddhism in the forms of ‘mountain Buddhism’ and ‘blessing-seeking Buddhism’, from which it is still struggling to free itself”, p. 58.
140 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
tained many of the ancient patterns of the nomadic and Han dynasties”.32
What is more, in the field of scholarship, Buswell speaks of the existence
of vitality which “[…] contrasts strikingly with the gloom and doom
portrayals of the era in the scholarly literature”.33
6. The Coming of Japan
As the nineteenth century was ending and the twentieth century be-
ginning Korean Buddhism, in common with other institutions of the day,
experienced the double-edged sword that was the coming of modernity:
crisis and opportunity. Buddhism, during these years, was attempting to
reinsert itself into a rapidly changing social and political landscape.
In addition to the demands of modernity, Buddhism also had to face
other specific challenges. At the time the most ‘advanced’ Buddhist nation
in East Asia, Japan, not only provided Korea with a model to be imitated
but also with a menace to be feared. And on another front, Buddhism had
to cope with a very new and highly threatening competitor in the shape of
the newly arrived Protestant Christianity. Thus, at this point it is possible,
I think, to pinpoint three major concerns for the Buddhist community as it
emerged into the twentieth century: modernity, Japan and Japanese Budd-
hism, and Protestant Christianity.
Contrary to the views of many scholars, it seems that Buddhism was
not only alive and well but was, in fact, awaiting its opportunity to engage
with modernity and reengage with the state.34 Such an opportunity was
32 L. Lancaster, “The Buddhist Tradition in Late Choson: A Reappraisal”, Review of Korean Studies, Vol. 1, 1998, p. 123. 33 R. Buswell, “Buddhism Under Confucian Domination”, p. 135. 34 Satona Suzuki thinks that Korean Buddhism during this period was able to maintain its
141 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
soon to arise when Buddhists again played a vital role in defence of the
nation by taking part in the independence movement of 1919 against the
colonising Japanese. However, from the end of the Joseon dynasty in
1897 through to the last days of the colonial period, 1945, the situation
was demanding, with Buddhism both striving to modernize while also at-
tempting to retain its identity in the face of colonising Japanese Buddhism.
Since Japanese Buddhism had already come to terms with a significant
number of the demands of modernity, many Korean Buddhists, in turn,
looked upon it as providing an example to be learned from.35 In their eyes,
Japanese Buddhism had the necessary experience and vision to provide
help and support to a Korean Buddhist tradition attempting to face up to
many of the same challenges that Japanese Buddhism had already over-
come. Even those Koreans who were suspicious of Japanese Buddhism
would have been aware of its efforts and successes in coming to terms
with modernity. These factors helped to make Japanese Buddhism not
only a challenge for Korean Buddhists to react to, but also a model for
them to imitate.
Vladimir Tikhonov goes so far as to claim that up until 1910 Japanese
Buddhism became Korean Buddhism’s ‘significant Other’ in its efforts to
modernise.36 With annexation in 1910 this relationship changed, but it did
not completely disappear. Although many Buddhists in post-annexation
religious integrity as a consequence of its detachment from the state and its seclusion from society. See S. Suzuki, Japanese Buddhist Missionary Activities in Korea, 1877-1910, Doc-toral dissertation, London University (SOAS), 2000, p. 109. 35 Two particularly informative studies outlining Buddhism’s progress in Japan during the nineteenth century are: James, E., Ketellar, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993; Martin Collcutt, “Buddhism: the Threat of Eradication”, in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji, eds. by Marius Jansen / G. Rozman, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986, pp. 143-167. 36 V. Tikhonov, “The Japanese Missionaries and Their Impact on Korean Buddhist Devel-opments (1876-1910)”, in International Journal of Buddhist Thought and Culture, Feb. 2004: Vol. 4, pp. 7-48.
142 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
Korea developed a much more critical and negative stance vis-à-vis Japa-
nese Buddhism, it remained Korean Buddhism’s best role model as far as
interaction with the modern world was concerned.
In fact, the roots of contemporary Korean Buddhism can in many
ways be traced back to this period of Japanese rule and Buddhism’s inter-
actions with it. These roots include not only the lessons learned from Jap-
anese Buddhism, but also the beginnings of a controversy that has shaped
and dominated much of Korean Buddhism’s trajectory in the subsequent
decades: to what degree did or did not Korean Buddhists comply and col-
laborate with the Japanese coloniser?
7. Post-Liberation Years
In the years after liberation the situation for Buddhism grew more
difficult and convoluted. Questions regarding Buddhist collaboration with
the Japanese coloniser and its attempt to portray itself once again as
‘protector of the nation’ led to the monastic community being torn asunder,
with both violence and litigation employed to displace married monks and
return major properties to those of the celibate tradition. This so-called
purification drive, which started in 1954 under the direction of the South
Korean president Syngman Rhee (이승만), had the stated aim of cleansing
Korean Buddhism of any remaining Japanese influences.37 Unfortunately,
during this period the issue of collaboration became a potent ideological
weapon of cleansing: in the name of nationalism married clergy were
equated with collaborationists and celibate clergy with patriots. This split
37 Henrik Sorensen, “‘Protecting the Nation’: Korean Buddhism under the rule of Park Chung Hee, 1961-1979”, in Papers of the British Association for Korean Studies, ed. by Susan Pares, Vol. 9, 2004, p. 5.
143 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
in the Buddhist community, encouraged by the government of the day,
eventually led to the setting up of the largest two Buddhist orders in Korea:
the Jogye Order in 1962 and the Taego Order in 1970.38 These internal
struggles not only shaped Korean Buddhism in the period after liberation,
they also helped shape public opinion in a negative fashion. Many in the
wider society, on viewing the unsavoury scenes of violent confrontation
and legal litigation, formed the opinion that a modern nation such as
Korea would be better off without such a seemingly disruptive and back-
ward looking religion.
Apart from Buddhism’s divisive infighting during the post-liberation
period, another reality which did its popularity no good what-so-ever was
its support for ― or at least failure to oppose ― the dictatorship of
Chung-hee Park (박정희, 1961-1979). Park, while in power, set about
building a form of nationalism which not only rejected all legacy of
Japanese colonial rule, but also promoted a brutal anti-communist and
totalitarian ideology which resulted in the imprisonment of thousands and
the deaths of a great many. Park looked upon Buddhism as a foundational
element of ‘pure’ Korean culture and identity. Through his policies he lent
support to Buddhism, helped celibate monks in their efforts to displace the
married clergy and latched on to the historical notion of ‘nation protecting
Buddhism’ as a pillar in his nationalist ideology. This nationalist ideology
Park bolstered by sponsoring scholarship which emphasized and manu-
factured a new type of Buddhist nationalism.39 In short, Park simultane-
38 For a detailed chronology of these events see Chanju Mun, “Purification Buddhist Move-ment, 1954-1962: The Recovery of Traditional Monasticism from Japanized Buddhism in South Korea”, in Hsi Lai Journal of Humanistic Buddhism, pp. 285-287 at: https://sites.googl e.com/site/foguangpedia/foguangpedia-collection/a01_academic-papers/hsi-lai-journal-ofhum anistic-buddhism (accessed 04/04/2017). 39 And in so doing, I believe, Park’s influence not only emasculated critical Buddhist scholar-ship of that period, but also set it back decades. See Shim Jae-ryong, “An Overview of 50 Years Research on Korean Buddhism”, in Korea Journal, Vol. 30, No. 1, Spring 1999, pp.
144 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
ously manipulated as well as supported Korean Buddhism to help con-
solidate his position, reinforce his nationalist ideology, and strengthen
himself and his regime through the establishment of a patriotic narrative
meshed with a long established religious tradition.
On the Buddhist side of the relationship, Henrik Sorensen sums up the
situation well: “[…] it appears that the vast majority ― lay and clergy
alike ― were relatively content with the military government.”40 During
Park’s dictatorship there were some dissenting voices from within the
Buddhist community; however, the position adopted by the majority,
particularly those in leadership roles, was predominantly content with the
status quo. As a result, the public image of Buddhism was tainted for
many years especially in the eyes of those who were involved in the
democracy movement.41 It was not until Doo Hwan Chun (전두환) took
over the reins of control, after Park’s assassination in 1979, that Buddhism
began to play an active part in the democracy movement.42
From the 1980s onwards, another phenomenon appeared within the
Buddhist community: minjung Buddhism (민중불교). Though this form of
socially engaged Buddhism never enjoyed majority support, for a period
in the 1980s, it did present an alternative vision for Buddhism to follow.
Among the issues it tackled was a challenge to the accepted interpretation
of the concept ‘nation protecting Buddhism’. This it did by suggesting
173-197. 40 Sorensen, “Protecting the Nation”, p. 13. 41 For a detailed study of participation in the pro-democracy movement over the years see, South Korea’s Democracy Movement (1970-1993): Stanford Korea Democracy Project Report, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007. Chapter 2 deals with the social make-up of the dif-ferent groups who participated. 42 It should be noted however, Chun was a devout Christian who had a mistrust of Buddhism and as a result withdrew much state support for Buddhism. This fact did, it seems, play a large part in rousing the Buddhist community’s animosity towards the government during Chun’s presidency. Cf. Sorensen, “Protecting the Nation”, p. 13.
145 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
that nation ought not to be viewed as the state or government, but rather
as the masses/people, or alternatively by replacing ‘nation’ with ‘Dharma’
thus becoming ‘Dharma protecting Buddhism’ (護法佛敎).43 This project
of socially engaged/liberation Buddhism was short lived and has all but
disappeared in contemporary Korea.44
As Buddhism’s brief attempt to reinterpret the definition of ‘nation
protecting Buddhism’ in a socially engaged and radical manner faded
there grew-up a more traditional grouping which emphasised the reform
of Buddhism. Seung Yong Yoon has described this reform orientated
movement as being, “preoccupied with its [Buddhism’s] identity confu-
sion and the institutionalization of religious power”.45 This reform orien-
tated movement emphasised traditional teachings and a monk-centric
(clerical) form of Buddhism.46
Here, it is appropriate to call attention to the fact that since the disap-
pearance of minjung Buddhism and its influences, Buddhism in Korea has
played a predominantly passive role in both radical politics and economic
justice issues. Jorgensen describes the post-1980s situation thus: “There-
after, the movement dissolved and diffused into various directions, and the
Marxist theme was gradually eliminated as new moderate Buddhist organ-
izations appeared and the South Korean political and economic condition
improved.”47 For better or for worse, it was this ‘new moderate Buddhism’
which, since the 1990s, has become the representative form of Buddhism
43 Pop Song, Research into People’s Buddhism (『민중불교의 탐구』), Seoul: Minjok Publish-ing, 1989, p. 266. 44 Cf. J. Jorgensen, “Minjung Buddhism: A Buddhist Critique of the Status Quo — Its History, Philosophy, and Critique”, in Makers of Modern Korean Buddhism, ed. by Jin Park, New York: Sunny Press, 2010, pp. 275-313. 45 Seung Yong, Yoon, “The Movement to Reform Korean Buddhism and the Limits Thereof”, in Korean Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, 2012, p. 54. 46 Ibid., p. 55. 47 J. Jorgensen, “Minjung Buddhism”, p. 293.
146 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
in Korea.
Buddhism, since its entrance into Korea, has consistently endeavoured
to remain close to the state and those in positions of power, as even this
brief overview of its history makes clear.48 This Buddhism has done suc-
cessfully, apart from a period in the Joseon dynasty when it was expelled
from the political and social centre of Seoul. Even today, many of the
criticisms, from a Buddhist perspective, made of the Joseon dynasty are
centred around the fact that its rulers exiled Buddhism from the centre of
power and influence. The expectation that Buddhism ought to, by default,
occupy a special place within Korean society seems to have remained
unchanged even up to the present-day. Yoon Seung Yong describes this
unique state of affairs thus: “Korean Buddhism still identifies itself as the
protector of national culture and defines itself as national Buddhism.”49
This self-identification as a form of ‘national Buddhism’ underpins many
of the developments that are happening within the world of Korean
Buddhism today.
8. Korean Buddhism on the Globalising Trail
In this section, I will focus on some of the concrete ways in which this
new moderate and national form of Buddhism is engaging with Korean
society, globalisation and the state in order to promote itself and its
48 David Loy has spoken frequently about how Buddhism has historically been subordinate to rulers and the state in many Asian countries. Often this has not been a matter of choice, but one of pure necessity when in oppressive situations. This has often resulted in Buddhism nat-urally taking a conservative and pro-status quo stance. See David Loy, “Pave the Planet or Wear Shoes? A Buddhist Perspective on Greed and Globalization”, in Subverting Greed: Re-ligious Perspective on the Global Economy, eds. by P. Knitter / C. Muzaffar, New York: Orbis Books, 2002, pp. 58-76. 49 Yoon, “The Movement to Reform”, p. 56
147 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
message in twenty-first century Korea.
In 2010, the President of the Jogye Order, Ven. Jaseung (자승스님)
visited New York, and Paris in 2011, as well as Sydney in 2013 with the
express intention of promoting Korean Buddhism to a wider audience.
These visits were held in conjunction with and sponsored by the Korean
Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism (문화체육관광부, hereafter
MCST). During his visits Jaseung made some telling statements, includ-
ing sharing Korean Buddhism’s intention to become a globalised religion.
However, as often happens, the devil is in the detail. In some of his press
conferences and presentations, Jaseung explained how globalisation of
Korean Buddhism would not only promote Korean Buddhism but also the
Korean national brand, status, national economy, tourist industry and
Korean culture.50 Though the primary purpose of these trips was to pro-
mote Korean Buddhism, the above examples make it clear that this under-
taking was done in conjunction with the Korean government. As Jaseung
explained in Paris: “If Korean Buddhism is known to the world, the
national brand and status can be spontaneously uplifted together.”51 Such
an approach to globalising Korean Buddhism offers a clear example of the
‘national Buddhism’ mentioned above. In such situations, Buddhism is si-
multaneously working to promote both its own religious tradition and the
Korean state’s globalisation hopes.52
50 Cf. news reports from the visit: Bulgyo Focus (『불교포커스』) at http://www.bulgyofocus. net/news/articleView.html?idxno=64016 (accessed 21/04/2014); The Korea Times http://www. koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/art/2011/10/135_95858.html (accessed 21/04/2014); Bulgyo Shin mun (『불교신문』), http://www.ibulgyo.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=105718 (accessed 26/ 02/2016); see the Jogye Order homepage http://www.koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php? bo_ table=0010&wr_id=409 (accessed 02/3/2017). 51 Cf. The Korea Times (2011/10/02), referenced above. 52 As an aside, the above message demonstrates the extent to which minjung Buddhism’s ef-fort to move away from the traditional concept of ‘nation protecting Buddhism’ has been for-gotten, or ought to be rejected?
148 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
This state of affairs has continued to develop. In 2016 there was ano-
ther major series of events hosted in Paris and attended by roughly fifty
monks from Korea promoting Buddhism and temple style food. The Jogye
Order’s website describes the event thus, “In celebration of the 130th anni-
versary of the diplomatic ties between France and Korea, the Jogye Order
of Korean Buddhism held the event of promoting Korean Buddhism to
people in Paris, from Oct. 25 to Nov. 9 2016”.53 Again, the link with the
Korean state is obvious.
As pointed out above, such promotional events are hosted by both
Korean government agencies and by Buddhist organizations. From a Bud-
dhist perspective the benefits of such an arrangement are many: financial
backing; access to high-level overseas agencies and government organiza-
tions; inclusion in the ‘Korean Wave’ phenomenon; a governmental seal
of approval for Korean Buddhism when presenting overseas; on the level
of logistics, too, organisation of events becomes much easier with govern-
ment help. On the other side of the relationship, in what ways might the
government benefit from nurturing such a relationship?
Imagining things from the standpoint of the Korean state, this nur-
turing of a strong relationship with Buddhism is understandable and, in-
deed, desirable. Three central reasons spring to mind: 1) Politically, the
ruling Grand National Party (later Saenuri Party) had fences to mend with
Buddhism after being accused of harbouring a pro-Christian bias during
the presidency of Lee Myung-bak, from 2008 onwards.54 2) On the inter-
national stage, there has been much made of the success of the ‘Korean
53 Cf. http://www.koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php?bo_table=0010&wr_id=556&page=3(a ccessed 20/03/2017). 54 This played heavily in the Korean press, but was also reported by the international media. Cf. The New York Times report of 14/10/2008 at http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/14/world/ asia/14iht-buddhist.1.16935374.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 (accessed 21/03/2016).
149 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
Wave’; however, the initial strategy of relying heavily on K-Pop, Korean
movies and dramas seems to be running out of steam and new ways to
promote Korea overseas are being sought, one of these is through culture
and heritage promotion. Here Buddhism has been very willing to play an
active role. 3) In a rapidly changing and globalising world it appears that
the Korean state is attempting to rehash its nationalist ideology in a more
acceptable form ― through a form of ethnic-cultural nationalism. Gi
Wook Shin casts light on such an approach: “Ethnic nationalism is also
the underlying principle of current globalization processes in [South
Korea].”55 Buddhism provides an ideal vehicle for such an undertaking.
An important example of the enthusiastic manner by which the Korean
government has entered into this reciprocal relationship with Buddhism
can be found through a brief examination of some of the financial backing
provided by the state to Buddhism. The best known Buddhist undertaking
which receives government sponsorship is that of the Temple Stay Pro-
gram (hereafter TSP). Over a three-year period, from 2012-2014, the gov-
ernment provided backing for the TSP in the region of ₩60,000,000,000
(approximately $52,798,000).56 The budget granted in 2016 to the same pro-
gram was very much in line with that of previous years: ₩24,810,000,000
(approximately $21,830,100).57
An event which has grown consistently over recent years is the Lotus
55 Gi Wook Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006, p. 230. 56 These figures were released as part of an answer to a question on the funding of religions in the National Assembly and quoted in a paper presented at the Korean Institute for Religious Freedom sponsored 2014 conference on government funding of religions in Korea. Paper by Hwang Pyeong-u entitled, “Research into Separation of Religion and State and Funding of Religions”, p. 30 (「종교자유정책연구원 학회: 정부의 종교문화재 예산자원 어디까지 해야 하나?」, 2014. 논문: 황평우, 「정교분리정책과 종교예산책정 문제에 대한 연구」). www. kirf.or.kr (accessed 10/04/2017). 57 Statistics released by the Korean Ministries of Culture, Sports and Tourism (문화체육관광
부) and available at www.mcst.go.kr (accessed 10/04/2017).
150 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
Lantern Festival (Yeon Deung Hoe: 연등회). This festival occurs around
the time of the commemoration celebrations for Buddha’s birth and trad-
itionally took the form of a lotus lantern parade. It too draws extensive
financial support from government sources. Over the period 2008 to 2013
the Seoul festival alone received in excess of ₩2,900,000,000 (over
$2,500,000), and in 2016 it received approximately $792,000.58 However,
essential as financial health is for the management of events, what is of
more interest in the case of the Lotus Lantern Festival is the obvious
marriage of religion’s tradition and tourist industry. Even a fleeting glance
at the official website for the Lotus Lantern Festival reveals the logos of
several sponsoring organisations: MCST, Visit Seoul: Imagine Your Korea,
and the Cultural Heritage Administration.59 Consequently, although the
festival is religious in nature, it has, of late, taken on a new dimension and
become orientated towards tourists and families enjoying a day out in
Seoul.
To conclude this look at the new relationship which exists between
Buddhism and the state, I would like to highlight the recently signed, De-
cember 2016, memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the MCST
and the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. The MOU plans, over the next
few years, to increase cooperation between the two parties by hosting
joint events in New York, Shanghai, Russian cities, Germany, Spain and
Italy. A quotation from a Ministry of Culture official sums up the situation:
“So far, Korean pop culture such as K-pop and K-dramas have been popu-
lar overseas but through this MOU we hope to introduce our traditional
culture, thereby contributing to the diversification of the spread of Korean
culture.”60
58 Ibid. 59 The official site found at www.llf.or.kr. 60 The Korea Times of December 7, 2016 at http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/culture/2017/
151 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
Before analysing the above state of affairs, I would like to make it
clear that my reason for providing a detailed examination of the financial
backing provided to these various Buddhist undertakings is not to single
them out for criticism, but to highlight the extent of backing which they
have drawn from the government and, importantly, under which cat-
egories it was received: culture and tourism.61 Other religious traditions
do receive financial support from the Korean state under the category of
culture, but in the cases of the Protestant and Catholic Churches more aid
is received under the budget for social work and education.62 This said,
funding for the Buddhist tradition, especially the TSP, has been a target
for criticism from some sectors of the Protestant churches, which strongly
object to what they see as the preferential treatment of Buddhism by some
government agencies.63 But that is a study for another day.
9. Buddhism as a Cultural Ambassador
Having examined the government’s position, let us now see where
03/293_219710.html (accessed 13/02/2017). 61 This conclusion drawn by the MCST sums up the government understanding: “In conclu-sion, the Temple Stay Programme as a cultural attraction in qualitative environmental settings creates a destination’s distinct profile and generates visitors. Temple Stay Programme is a cul-tural asset to enhance attractiveness of local territories, contributing to the national tourism improvement in terms of the provision of cultural richness, diversification and differentiation of tourism resources, and suggestion for best public private partnership.” Cf. The Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, “Temple Stay Programme, Korea”, in The Impact of Culture on Tourism, ed. by OECD, Paris: OECD, 2009, p. 11. 62 A comprehensive analysis of this funding and the ideology behind it would be of signifi-cant help in better understanding the religious situation in Korea. 63 An example of this can be found in the article, “Hidden Religious Bias in the Government Budget” in the Protestant newspaper Hanguk Gido Kongbo (『한국기독공보』: 「정부 예산안 속 숨겨진 종교 편형」) at http://www.pckworld.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=70561 (accessed 11/02/2017).
152 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
Buddhism stands in this relationship. On the website of the Jogye Order
there are many references to Korean Buddhism as one of the central pil-
lars of Korea and Korean culture. For example, one section of the site
states: “Korean Buddhist temples have been the bedrock on which bril-
liant Korean culture has been blooming over the past 1,700 years since
Buddhism was first introduced to Korea.”64 Other Buddhist publications
tend to emphasize the cultural aspect of Buddhism, often playing down
religious dimensions65 and many monasteries and temples now conduct
cultural programs such as tea making, temple food preparation, and
classes in Korean culture. Recently, another interesting dimension, more
in the area of tourism, has begun to appear in relation to the TSP, where
temples offer the opportunity for people to escape from the pressures of
everyday life by resting in a secluded temple with very few religious de-
mands.66
It appears that for Buddhism this movement towards becoming a
guardian and promoter of Korean culture found its strongest impetus in
the TSP. Initially the TSP got off to an uncertain start, when, in 2002 in
the lead-up to the World Cup, the MCST mooted the idea of opening
temples to foreigners as places to stay and experience temple life. Under-
standably the Jogye Order was not overly enthusiastic. However, permis-
sion was granted and it went ahead with some small degree of success.
This experiment was subsequently repeated for the 2002 Asian Games in
Busan and, later, in 2003 for the Daegu World University Games. As
experience of the program grew so too did the number of participants and,
64 Found on the Jogkye Order’s website promoting the TSP. https://eng.templestay.com/reserv _temple_rest.aspx?ProgramId=3201 (accessed 12/04/2017). 65 For example, the English language magazine Buddhism and Culture published by the Korean Buddhist Promotion Foundation, Seoul. 66 See report from the Maeil Shinmun (『每日新聞』) of 01/07/2016 (accessed 01/04/2017). http://www.imaeil.com/sub_news/sub_news_view.php?news_id=31910&yy=2016.
153 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
it would seem, the degree of interest shown by the Buddhist institution.67
In 2004 the Jogye Order established its Cultural Corps of Korean Bud-
dhism (한국불교문화사업단) which was tasked to produce materials,
administer the TSP, the Lotus Lantern Festival, and, indeed, most activ-
ities relating to the promotion of Buddhism with relation the MCST. With
a newfound seriousness, Buddhism thus set about strengthening ties with
the government agencies, eventually becoming wholly involved in the
heritage and tourism industry. Kaplan sums-up the situation: “Temples, in
this way, are becoming inclusive heritage centers, where monks turn into
tour guides and curators of an eclectic, traditional, ‘authentic’ Korean-
ness.”68
Over the years, the Cultural Corps has broadened its goals, domes-
tically and internationally, by opening the TSP to Koreans and by throw-
ing its weight behind the goal of ‘globalising Korean Buddhism’. A good
example as to how these two characteristics have been wedded together
can be seen in the annual Seoul International Buddhism Expo (서울국제
불교박람회). Held at the Seoul Trade Exhibition and Convention Center,
this is a huge marketing operation hosting everything from performances
to sound systems. In keeping with what we have seen so far, the opening
greeting of the Expo’s website begins with the confident statement:
“Korean Buddhism is the cradle of traditional Korean culture that per-
sisted for 1,700 years.”69 The website goes on to speak of the importance
of the promotion and globalisation of Korean Buddhism. However, in this
undertaking we also see a much more explicit statement of commercial
67 For a good summary and analysis of the TSP and its development see Uri Kaplan’s, “Images of Monasticism: The Temple Stay Program and Re-branding of Korean Buddhist Temples”, in Korean Studies, Vol. 34, 2010, pp. 127-146. 68 Ibid., p. 140. 69 Cf. website at http://en.bexpo.kr/bbs/content.php?co_id=01_01 (accessed 10/04/2017).
154 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
intent when one of the goals is stated as: “To systematize traditional and
Buddhist culture and form a market through business promotion.”70
Although included in all the examples provided, the case of the Bud-
dhism Expo highlights some of the difficulties resulting when a religious
tradition ― be it Buddhism, Protestantism, Catholicism ― becomes
closely associated with the heritage/tourism industries and government
agencies. As Sukman Jang pointed out in his analysis of contemporary
Korean religions, there is a tendency for them to “commercialize them-
selves”.71 Such a state of affairs can easily lead to a religion becoming so
closely associated with the state, state policies and commercial concerns
that the religion’s identity becomes weakened and is eventually called into
question. In the case of Korean Buddhism, I wonder, has its role as an
ambassador for Korean culture and the globalisation of that culture jeop-
ardised its religious identity and authority? Galmichie re-echoes this con-
cern when she states, “The place and meaning of the [Buddhist] monastic
tradition today is ambiguous”.72
10. The Birth of ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’
Having outlined the historical and contemporary situation regarding
Buddhism’s links with the state and, more recently, the tourism and heri-
tage industry, let me now return to the question raised in the introduction
above: if Buddhism continues to present itself as a cultural ambassador
for Korea, to what degree can Korean Buddhism successfully function as
an active and global religion?
70 Ibid. 71 S. Jang, “Contemporary Korean Religions”, p. 6. 72 Galmichie, “A Space of Mountains”, p. 234.
155 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
An answer to this important question demands a short excursion to a
period already visited, the Joseon Dynasty. During the Joseon Dynasty,
Buddhism was de-centred from its previous position of power and forced
to interact with the rural and powerless of the time. However, contrary to
much of the usual rhetoric this enforced move did not result in the death
knell for Buddhism. Instead, it opened-up a different constituency for
Buddhism in the shape of women, farmers, peasants and those on the
periphery of society. This remained the case until, with the coming of Jap-
anese colonial rule, opportunities again arose to re-engage with the power
centres of society. After liberation in 1945, the Buddhist community was
thrown into disarray because of difficulties, with roots in the colonial era,
which inhibited development. But from the time of the so called ‘Purifi-
cation Movement’ onwards it is possible to discern a concerted effort on
the part of Buddhism, especially the Jogye Order, to once again claim a
place at the top echelon in the social and political life of Korea.
This endeavour, to again become a religion of power and influence in
political and social circles, has led to the reinterpretation of the traditional
concept of ‘nation protecting Buddhism’ in a more contemporary and con-
sumeristic manner resulting in a form of ‘nation globalising Buddhism’.
The ideal of ‘protection’ has been married with the ideology of ethno-
nationalism resulting in Korean Buddhism taking-up an active role in the
Korean state’s efforts to encourage and develop the ‘Korean Wave’. Nat-
urally, this is a two-way relationship.
As a direct result of Buddhism’s cooperation with the MCST relations
with the state have been strengthened, financial support received, overseas
movement and development facilitated and, overall, Buddhism’s public
persona raised. However, here within lies the anomaly mentioned earlier:
simultaneously, as Buddhism in Korea is claiming a more significant and
156 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
influential role in the social and political world, the number of people
self-identifying as Buddhists is steadily declining. In other words, al-
though there is a marked increase in the social and political influence of
Buddhism, its numbers are falling.
I wonder, in a time of great political, economic and ecological uncer-
tainty, as is being and has been experienced recently in Korea, if people
seem to be more concerned with solving some of these challenges on a
spiritual and psychological level rather than through Buddhism’s deter-
mination to globalise a ‘national Korean Buddhism’ and Korean culture in
conjunction with the MCST. Although a definitive answer to the question
we began this section with is beyond us and needs further research, I
would hazard a guess that Buddhism’s insistence on forging ahead with its
globalisation project is having an adverse effect on its ability to engage
with people, especially those in Korea, at a more fundamental level. And
on the international level, even though Korean Buddhism’s close ties with
the MCST and the tourism industry provide access to a global market, it
does so in a manner which gives priority to Buddhism’s Korean cultural
dimensions at the expense of its religious identity.
To return to the story of Buddhism in the Joseon Dynasty, out of ne-
cessity Buddhism in this period engaged with those on the periphery of
society and emphasised traditional monastic disciplines. These things, it
should be noted, Buddhism did with quite a degree of success. However,
in twenty-first century Korea, free of coercion, Buddhism’s institutional
leaders seem to have decided that Buddhism’s place is at the centre of
society, a position from where Buddhism can, as in days of old, wield
power and influence. Where this choice will lead Korean Buddhism in the
future is difficult to discern, but it will have far reaching implications.
157 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
11. Conclusion
In many ways, the above study raises more questions than it answers.
These questions relate both to Korean Buddhism and, more generally, all
religious traditions. The world of 2017 is in a precarious state, with
heightened military tensions, ecological destruction and continuing ob-
scene levels of poverty. In the face of these issues, our question must
surely be: what role can religions play in such a world to counter some of
these threats and present an alternative lifestyle, both on collective and
individual levels?
Internationally, Buddhism has been playing a significant role in iden-
tifying some alternatives, especially regarding conflict resolution, Bud-
dhist economics as an answer to consumerism, and ecological ethics.73
Though these responses differ in many ways, it is possible to discern some
common features in their approaches. Most basic among these similarities
is a rejection of consumerism, deep suspicion of the neo-liberal globalisa-
tion project, and promotion of the ‘Sufficiency Economy’.74 Radical Bud-
dhist thinkers such as Sulak Sivaraksa are adamant that the present dom-
inant economic system is fatally flawed because of its encouragement of
our addictions to materialism and consumption.75
Korean Buddhism, at least on an institutional level, is at odds with the
above described movement. Through its participation in the globalisation
73 Studies such as: Richard K. Payne (ed.), How Much Is Enough: Buddhism, Consumerism, and the Human Environment, Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2010; Stephanie Kaza (ed.), Hooked! Buddhist Writings on Greed, Desire, and the Urge to Consume, Boston: Sham-bhala, 2005; Clair Brown, Buddhist Economics: An Enlightened Approach to the Dismay Science, New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2017. 74 Juliana Essen, “Sufficiency Economy and Santi Asoke: Buddhist Economic Ethics for a Just and Sustainable World”, in Journal of Buddhist Ethics, Vol. 17, 2010, pp. 70-99. 75 Sulak Sivaraksa, The Wisdom of Sustainability: Buddhist Economics for the 21st Century, Kihei, Hawaii: Koa Books, 2009.
158 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
of cultural consumerism,76 Korean Buddhism seems to be favouring the
Korean state’s policies of tourism, heritage promotion, globalisation and
consumption over the more radical approach of some other Buddhist trad-
itions. In this respect, it is possible, I think, to speak of the predominant
form of Buddhism in contemporary Korea as ‘National Korean Buddhism’
rather than a form of universal Buddhism.
76 Literature on the debate around ‘cultural consumption’ is plentiful; however, a balanced article worthy of attention from a Native American perspective is Alexis Celeste Bunten’s “Sharing Culture or Selling Out? Developing the Commodified Persona in the Heritage In-dustry”, American Ethnologist, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Aug. 2008), pp. 380-395.
159 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
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162 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
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Korean Institute for Religious Freedom, www.kirf.or.kr Received: 30 March 2017 Reviewed and Edited: 9 May 2017 Finalized for Publication: 16 June 2017
163 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
❚Abstract❚
□
This study deals with Buddhism in contemporary South Korea and its
attempts to strengthen its identity as ‘Korean Buddhism’ in-tune with the
twenty-first century. The approach adopted to investigate this topic is a
marriage of historical and sociological methodologies so as better to
understand both how the present situation came about and how it is being
manifested in contemporary Korea.
The basic hypothesis of this study is that Buddhism in Korea, by
drawing on and reinterpreting its long history of close relationship with
the state, is creating a new niche for itself in Korean society. This rap-
prochement takes the form of Buddhism rebranding itself as a type of
‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’. In this way, Buddhism in Korea positions
itself favourably in relation to the Korean government’s policy of global-
ising Korean culture through the phenomena known as the ‘Korean Wave’.
By so doing, Korean Buddhism places itself in a strong position to receive
financial sponsorship and support from state agencies such as the Ministry
of Culture, Sports and Tourism.
This new Buddhist role in contemporary Korea raises important ques-
tions on two levels: 1) by presenting itself as a Korean cultural asset is
Korean Buddhism in danger of losing some of its religious identity?, 2) To
what extent can religious traditions coalesce with state and heritage indus-
try policies on cultural consumption and globalisation without losing au-
thenticity?
▶ Key Words: Buddhism, Korean Culture, Globalisation, Consumerism, Heritage Industry, Korean
Wave, Nation.
164 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue
❚국문 초록❚
□
현대 한국의 불교와 문화적 소비
에몬 F. 애덤스 신부
〔성골롬반외방선교회〕
본 연구는 현대의 대한민국의 불교와, 21세기에 걸맞는 ‘한국 불
교’의 정체성을 강화하려는 시도에 대한 점검이다. 이러한 주제를 조
사하기 위해 역사적 방법론과 사회적 방법론을 혼합한 접근 방법을
채택했다. 그럼으로써 현 상황이 어떻게 도출되었으며, 현재 한국 사
회에서 어떻게 발현되고 있는지를 보다 잘 이해하고자 한다.
본 연구는 오랫동안 국가와 밀접한 관계에 있었던 불교의 역사를
재해석함으로써 불교가 한국 사회에서 스스로 새로운 위치를 창출하
고 있음을 전제로 한다. 이러한 호혜적 관계로 말미암아 불교는 ‘민
족 세계화의 불교’라는 새로운 형태를 띠게 된다. 이러한 방식으로,
한국 불교는 ‘한류’로 알려진 현상을 통해 한국 문화를 세계화하려는
한국 정부의 정책과 호의적인 입지에 놓인다. 그렇게 함으로써, 한국
불교는 문화체육관광부와 같은 국가 기관으로부터 재정적 후원과 지
원을 받을 수 있는 튼실한 입지를 구축하게 되었다.
현 시대 한국 불교의 새로운 역할은 다음의 두 가지 측면에서 매
우 중요한 질문을 제기한다. 1) 스스로를 한국의 문화 자산으로 제시
함으로써, 종교적 정체성을 상실할 위험에 처해 있진 않은가? 2) 종
교적 전통은 종교적 순수성을 상실하지 않으면서 어느 정도까지 문
화 소비와 세계화에 대한 국가나 문화유산산업 정책과 공조할 수 있
165 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]
는가?
▶ 주제어: 불교, 한국 문화, 세계화, 소비주의, 문화유산산업, 한류, 민족.