i
POWER POLITICS AND ROLE OF
BARADARIES IN DISTRICT
KHUSHAB (1982-2008)
NAME: MUHAMMAD WARIS
ROLL NO: 03-GCU-PhD-HIS-2004
SESSION: 2009-2012
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
GOVT. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY
LAHORE
ii
This thesis is submitted to GC University
Lahore in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the award of degree of PhD
in
History
By
NAME: MUHAMMAD WARIS
ROLL NO: 03-GCU-PhD-HIS-2004
SESSION: 2009-2012
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
GOVT. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY
LAHORE
v
DEDICATION
To the Loving Memory of My
Father MUHAMMAD HAYAT AWAN and My
SISTer SHAHNAZ AKHTAR (Late)
vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all I am extremely thankful to Almighty Allah who gave me strength
and commitment to accomplish this monumental task on much debated issue of
“POWER POLITICS AND ROLE OF BARADARIES IN DISTRICT KHUSHAB
(1982-2008)”. I express my profound gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Farhat Mahmud.
He provided me valuable support to accomplish this huge task.
I am highly thankful to Dr.Tahir Kamran, Chairperson Department of History
GCU Lahore and former Chairperson Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim for sparing time out of
their very busy schedule and giving me highly pertinent and valuable pieces of advice,
which helped me to overcome my shortcomings related to this thesis. I have deep
feelings for Dr. Tahir Mahmud, Coordinator PhD Programme, Dr. Hussain Ahmad
Khan, Dr. Tahir Jameel, Dr. Irfan Waheed Usmani, Mr. Noor Hussain, Madam
Farzana Arshad, Mr. Ayyaz Gul, Madam Shiffa, Madam Naila Pervez, Department of
History GCU Lahore for their kind guidance in organizing this task in practical
manner. Madam Humma, Additional Controller of examinations GCU Lahore, She
always listen patiently my quiries and immicably solved all technical issues relating to
research and examinations. I am thankful for cooperation and support by the
administrative staff, GCU Department of History, Muhammad Ilyas and Fahad
Sohail.
My special thanks are due to Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, Dean of Social
Sciences and Chairman, Department of History, University of the Punjab Lahore,
whose special help and care always proved for me a blessing in disguise.
I also pay special regards to my well wishers and personal friends in various
universities and institutions, Dr. Rizwan Ullah Kokab GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Akhtar
Hussain Sandhu, Professor PG College Township Lahore, Dr. Ghulam Ghaus,
Registrar GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, Chairman Department of
History & Pakistan Studies GCU Faisalabad, Hassan Sanwal, Department of History
GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Faraz Anjum, Dr. Mehboob Hussain and Dr. Maqbool Ahmad
Awan, Department of History PU Lahore, Dr. Sajid Mahmud Awan (NIHCR) QU
Islamabad and Prof(R). Muhammad Saeed Saggu(My college Teacher and Mentor),
former Director Budget and planning DPI Office Lahore, Prof(R) Malik Gulzar
Ahmad Awan former Controller of Examinations BISE Sargodha and EDO Education
vii
Khushab, who gave me the ideas in right direction and motivated me to complete this
task. The help and support of my MPhil and PhD class fellows at GCU Lahore, Mr.
Khalid Naseem, Mr. Basharat Elahi Jamil, Mr. Amir Khan Shahid is highly praise
worthy.
I appreciate the cooperation and favour extended by political leadership,
acdamicions, lawyers, and members of civil society of 51 union councils of District
Khushab for sparing time to conduct interviews for my research.
My thanks are also due to Dr. Tanvir Anjum ,Quaid-i-Azam University
Islamabad, Dr. Rahat Zubair Malik (NIHCR), Dr. Samina Awan ,Chairperson
Department of History AIOU Islamabad, Dr. Mussarat Jabeen Asif, Coordinator and
Professor University of Lahore Sargodha.Dr.Addil Saleem Department of Economics
UOS,Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti Incharge Chairman Department of Political Science
UOS, Dr. Kausar Perveen Department of History & Pakistan Studies UOS, Ms.
Ghazala Hayat, Deputy Director ORICS UOS, Dr. Muhammad Shafique Bhatti,
Chairman Department of History BZU Multan, Dr. Akbar Malik and Dr. Aftab
Hussain Gillani, Department of History, Islamia University Bahawalpur. Dr. Allah
Nawaz Khan, Gomal University DI Khan, Dr. Moosa Kaleem Baloach , Muhammad
Mustaqeem ,Lecturer Chemistery, Sargodha University Bhakkar Campus.
I am really indebted to my colleagues and friends specially Mr. Ghulam
Qadeer Gondal GC Phularwan(Sargodha), Mr. Muhammad Bakhsh Gondal GC
Kotmoman(Sargodha), Mr. Amir Hussain Alvi, Makhdoom Muhammad Bilal, Raja
Muhammad Jamraiz, Muhammad Sarwar Khan, Muhammad Tanvir Khan, Adnan
Saeed Khan,Gulzar Ahmad, Mazhar Iqbal Lak, Khalid Sardar, Muhammad Aslam
Anjum, Tariq Aziz, My class fellow Ch. Zulfiqar Ali Warraich (The Staff Secretary)
G.C.Bhalwal , Haq Nawaz Awan, Dr. Mushtaq Ahmad Jura, Dr. Nazar Abbas Gondal,
Zafar Iqbal Harral, Ghulam Abbas,Sultan Haider Ali,Shujat Ali,Ahmad Munir zia,
Muhammad Akram, Raja Muhammad Sarwar (Head Clerk), Manzoor Elahi (Clerk).
Muhammad Yar Kahoot, Vice Principal G.C. Bhalwal (Sargodha), always encouraged
and inspired me to complete my research as earlier as possible and join university. I
am highly grateful to Mahr Khalid Mehmood Sipra, Associate Professor, Principal
GC Bhalwal (Sargodha) for his special coopration and interest in my work. He always
extended his full support whenever I requested.
viii
My MPhil students in the Department of History & Pakistan Studies University of
Sargodha, Miss Rehana Iqbal SS History GGHS Chak 88 SB Sargodha, Syed Najam
ul Hasnain Shah SS History (former Teaching Assistant Department of History
University of Sargodha and presently SS History GHSS Nehang Sargodha),Malik
Muhammad Qayyam Awan (late) Deputy Cmmissioner Attock District. Col. Malik
Saif Ullah Awan (Incharge Security Mushif Air Base Sargodha), Mr. Nadeem Ahmad
Farooq, UOS, Mr. Muhammad Tahir Headmaster GHS Raitri, Sahiwal, Mr. Mumtaz
Kalyar from village Dera Jara Sargodha. They always helped me in my research
work.
Last but not the least, my deepest feelings for my sons , Muhammad Shehryar
Awan Muhammad Asfand Yar Awan and Muhammad Zavyar Awan (The Yars). My
sisters for their enormous prayers for my success.My nephews and nices,Muhammad
Yaqoob Awan,Muhammad Ayub Awan,Naeem Iqbal Awan,Muhammad Janbaz
Angra,Muhammad Shabaz Angra.Maqbool Fatima(Her son Muhammad Aafan),
Laraib Zafar and Zunaira Rubab. Alas my father, Muhammad Hayat Awan, my
younger sister, Shahnaz Akhtar my maternal uncle,Haji Alam Sher Awan and my
cousions:Zafar Iqbal Awan, Muhammad Mumtaz Angra and Muhammad Iqbal Angra.
(May God bless their souls) could not see my success in academic circles during their
life time.
ix
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi-viii
LIST OF TABLES xi-xvi
LIST OF GRAPHS xvi
LIST OF MAPS xvi
ABBREVIATIONS xvii
ABSTRACT xviii-xix
INTRODUCTION 1-42
1.1 Statement of the Problem 1
1.2 Theoratical Framework 2-3
1.3 Democracy: The Mehanism of Power Distribution 3-4
1.4 Signifacance of the Study 4-5
1.5 Objectives of the Study 5-6
1.6 Research Questions 6
1.7 Conceptual Framework 6-7
1.8 Methodology 7-10
1.9 Chapterisation 10-11
1.10 Litrature Review 11-27
1.11 Limitations of the Study 27
1.11.1 Punjab: Land and People 27-31
1.11.2 Condition of Punjab 31-34
1.11.3 Khushab 34-39
1.11.4 Political Landscape of Khushab 39-41
CHAPTER 2 42-92
BIRADARI AND POWER: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 43
2.1.1: Power Explained by Various Scholars 44-45
2.1.2 Idea of Power as the Control of Resources 45-48
2.2 Biradari: A Social Institution 48-49
2.3 Biradari and Power 49-51
2.4 Biradari in Indian History 51-52
2.5 Major Biradaries in the Punjab 52-53
2.6 Biradari and Power in British India 53-68
x
2.7 Biradari Elite in Punjab 68-86
2.8 Biradari and Politics in Pakistan 86-93
CHAPTER 3 94-132
INFILTRATION OF BIRADARI IN STATE INSTITUTIONS
3.1 Biradari in Army and Bureaucracy 94-99
3.2 Biradaries in Pakistan Army 99-120
3.3 Civil Bureaucracy and Power with Biradaries 120-132
CHAPTER 4 133-159
BIRADARI’S CONTROL OVER ECONOMIC RESOURCES
4.1 Importance of Biradari vs Wealth 133-135
4.2 Concentration of Wealth in Influential Biradaries 135-136
4.2.1 Forest Land 136-137
4.2.2 Cultivated Land 138-139
4.2.3 Power Struggle between Feudal Lords of Biradaries
in Conflict with Kammis 139-142
4.2.4 Mines and Minerals 142-145
4.2.5 Ownership of Factories and Influence of Biradaries on
Labour Force 146
4.2.6 Transport Business 146-147
4.2.7 Important Economic Positions 147
4.2.8 Dominance of Biradaries on Economic System of Zakat and Usher
148-151
4.2.9 Dominance of Biradaries on Market Committees in
District Khushab 151-153
4.2.10 Dominance of Biradaries on District Bar Council
Jauharabad/Khushab 153-159
CHAPTER 5 160-205
BIRADARI IN POWER THROUGH ELECTORAL POLITICS
AND POLITICAL PARTIES 160
5.1 Electoral Significance of Biradaries in Khushab 160-163
5.2 Biradari’s Influence in Politics of Parliamentary Elections 163-174
xi
5.3 Affiliation of Biradariesand Political Parties 174-176
5.4 Role of Biradari in Khushab Elections 176-177
5.4.1 Awan Biradari 177-179
5.4.2 Tiwana Biradari 180-181
5.4.3 Baluch Biradari 182-183
5.4.4 Bandial Biradari 183-184
5.4.5 Gunjial Biradari 184-185
5.4.6 Joyia Biradari 185-186
5.4.7 Other Biradaries 186-187
5.5 Local Government Elections and Biradari in Khushab 187-189
5.5.1 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1982 189-191
5.5.2 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1983 191-192
5.5.3 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1987 192-193
5.5.4 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1992 193
5.5.5 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1998 193-194
5.5.6 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2002 194-195
5.5.7 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2005 195-205
CONCLUSION 206-216
BIBLIOGRAPHY 217-236
APPENDICES 237-246
Appendix A District Wise Ranking of Social Development
in Pakistan 236
Appendix B Third Quartile Districts and Khushab 237
AppendixC Local Bodies Election 2005 (Khushab District) 238-39
Appendix D Provincial Assembly Results (1937-2008) 240-243
Appendix E National Assembly Results (1962-2008) 244-245
xii
LIST OF TABLES
T/NO. DESCRIPTION PAGE NO.
Table 1 Administrative Divisions and Population of Khushab District 36
Table 2 Literacy and Gender in District Khushab 36
Table 3 Social Sector Indicators – Khushab in Comparison to
Three Big Cities (2008) 37
Table 4 Multi-Dimensional Poverty Indices – 2011 (Khushab in
Comparison to Big Cities) 38
Table 5 Khushab – Social Performance Ranking – 2008 38-39
Table 6 Household in Khushab – A Survey 39
Table 7 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) Results 79
Table 8 Party Position in 1937 Elections for PLC 83
Table 9 (Khushab) Biradari Position in 1937 (PLC) Elections 83
Table 10 Biradari Position in 1946 Elections (Khushab) 84
Table 11 Officers in Pakistan Army from Major Biradaries 115-117
Table 12 Army Officers from Various Biradaries 118
Table 13 Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Air Force 118
Table 14 Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Navy 119
Table 15 Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by
Government and Biradaries 135
Table 16 Possession of Forest Land by Biradaries 136
Table 17 Cultivated Land Occupied by Major Biradaries 137
Table 18 Mineral Production in District Khushab in Hundred Metric
Tons for 2009-10 142
Table 19 Production in possession of Local Biradaries 143
Table 20 Labour Force in Factories 145
Table 21 Chairmen of District Zakat and Usher Committees
Khushab 1982-2008 148-150
Table 22 Administrators/Chairmen Market Committees in
District Khushab 151-152
Table 23 Positions in Bar held by Major Biradaries 154-155
Table 24 Members Punjab Bar Council Khushab Seat 156
Table 25 Members Executive Committee Punjab Bar 156
xiii
T/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No.
Table 26 Power Decided on Elections from 1982 – 2008 163
Table 27 Biradari Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in
National Assembly Elections Khushab 164-65
Table 28 Biradari Position in 1985 Provincial Elections Khushab 166
Table 29 Biradari Position in 1988 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 166
Table 30 Biradari Position in 1990 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 167
Table 31 Biradari Position in 1993 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 167
Table 32 Biradari Position in 1997 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 168
Table 33 Biradari Position in 2002 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 169
Table 34 Biradari Position in 2008 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 169
Table 35 Number of Winners/Runner Ups in National
Assembly Elections 170
Table 36 Number of Winners/Runner Ups in Provincial
Assembly Elections 171
Table 37 Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections
Khushab (1970-2008) 174
Table 38 Awan Biradari’s Share in Provincial and
National Elections 176-177
Table 39 Awan Biradari Electoral Performance 177
Table 40 Tiwana Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 179
Table 41 Baluch Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 181
Table 42 Baluch Biradari Electoral Performance 181
Table 43 Bandial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 182
Table 44 Bandial Biradari Electoral Performance 183
Table 45 Gunjial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 183
Table 46 Gunjial Biradari Electoral Performance 184
Table 47 Joyia Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 184-85
Table 48 Joyia Biradari Electoral Performance 185
Table 49 Other Biradaries Share in Provincial and National Elections185-86
Table 50 Other Biradaries Electoral Performance 186
Table 51 Local Bodies Election 1982 District Council Khushab 188-89
Table 52 Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983) 190-191
Table 53 Awan Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab 194
xiv
Table 54 Local Govt. Khushab (2005) Awan Majority
Union Councils 195-196
Table 55 Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan in
Alliance with Other Biradaries. 196-197
Table 56 Tiwana Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 - Khushab 198
Table 57 Other Biradaries Presence in Union Council
Election (2005) 199-201
Table 58 Local Government Khushab (2005) Baluch Majority Union
Councils 201-02
Table 59 Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government
Elections 2002-2005 -202
xv
LIST OF GRAPHS
GF/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No.
Graph 1 Army Officers from Biradaries 117
Graph 2 Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government
and Biradaries 136
Graph 3 Net Land Sown by Biradaries 138
Graph4 Mineral Production in District Khushab 2009-10 143
Graph 5 Production owned by Major Biradaries 144
Graph 6 Major Offices held by Biradaries in Bar Association 156
Graph 7 Winners and Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections 170
Graph 8 Winners and Runner Up of Biradaries in Provincial Assembly
Elections 171
Graph 9 Biradaries’ Seats in National and Provincial Assemblies 172
Graph 10 Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections
(Shahpur and Sargodha) Khushab (1970-2008) 175
Graph 11 Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983) 191
Graph 12 Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local
Government Elections 2002-2005 202
LIST OF MAPS
MP/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No.
Map 1.1 Map of District Khushab 34
xvi
ABBREVIATIONS
All India Muslim League AIML
Central Legislative Council CLC
Civil Service of Pakistan CSP
Civil Society Organizations CSOs
Independent Monitoring Organizations IMOs
Indian Civil Service ICS
Indian National Congress INC
Islami Jamhoori Ittehad IJI
Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam MAI
National Progressive Party NPP
Pakistan Muslim League (N) PML (N)
Pakistan National Alliance. PNA
Pakistan People’s Party PPP
Peoples Democratic Alliance PDA
Punjab Legislative Council PLC
Shiromani Akali Dal SAD
Unionist Party UP
xvii
ABSTRACT
This study presents a blend of applied and theoretical approaches of Biradari
significance and the elite power dynamics.The research design lays down the
objectives with pertinent questions to be explored from the pages of history of region
and Pakistan. A deep insight into the role of Biradari in the local power elite groups
and their characters is essential to understand the mechanism of power in Pakistan.
Therefore, this research provides a discourse of the interplay of Biradari and politics
and their relationships in Pakistan in general and in district Khushab particularly.
These concepts and themes bear special standing in modern social and democratic
cultures. Special emphasis is given to examine their impact upon political and social
norms of equality and decision-making.
The socio-economic considerations on the Biradari role in Punjab and
Khushab have been studied in detail. The introduction and political standing of major
Biradaries in Khushab has been studied with emphasis on Awan, Tiwana, Bandial,
Ganjial, Bandial, Baluch and other important Biradaries.
The electoral performance of the Biradaries of Khushab from 1937 to 2008,
gives their thorough profile in all political episodes of power struggle. A
comprehensive review of the results of these elections has also been given to present
each Biradari in its exclusive political positioning in the Khushab district. This
analysis establishes the link of the local character of the power and Biradari to the
national character of the democratic institutions and the Biradari influence on their
making and functioning.
This study elaborates the need to strengthen the political parties in the real
sense through political working and promotion of democratic culture in their ranks
and files. Unless and until the democratized political parties are autonomous in
selecting their candidates, Biradari will continue to hold sway over power and its
dynamics on different local, provincial and national levels. Political parties are
concentrating to encash Biradari influence to widen their majority in the elected
institutions. That is why Awan, Tiwana, Gunjial, Bandial, Baluch, Qureshi and others
are present in these institutions both as independently elected members (MNAs,
MPAs and Senators) and on tickets of different political parties. This study
recommends changing the course of party politics. Political parties must behave as
xviii
strong social institutions as well. The continuous lacking of this character would be
benefiting Biradaries for long.
1
INTRODUCTION
Biradari,1 in its essence, is a blood relation forum with a social hierarchical
standing and strongly dedicated following, welded in cultural and traditional bond.
Since independence, Biradari based politics has manipulated power and authority in
such a manner to make it very difficult for a non-elite, non-traditional politician to
continue with his or her performance. The Biradari based politics in Pakistan holds
scary over power and authority to limit the opportunity for performance based
politics.
1.1 Statement of the Problem
How did Biradari play a significant role in power politics of Pakistan
especially in Punjab is the research problem that this study will try to resolve. The
role of Biradari is very much alive as well as extended to influence the larger games
of power in the province of Punjab and there is always a need to study and analyse
this role. How Punjab is a feudal2 society where Biradari affiliation supersedes party
affiliations and people are subjected to elect the Biradari lords despite the application
of the democratice system. The accumulation of economic resources due to the
Biradari connections and establishment of the relationship on the basis of wealth
leads to the concentration of power in the hands of Biradari eleders and heads is a
mechanism. The power3 enhances the wealth of Biradari heads that become more
powerful and inherit the wealth as well as power to their generations. This power
mechanism needs to be explored and the present study makes an effort in this regard.
This study explores the historical backgrounds and linkages of the Biradari
System in Pakistan in general. It also explains the events in Pakistan with special
reference to the history of power politics in District Khushab (1982-2008). There is a
need to develop a knowledge base to specify and delineate the basic concepts and
theoretical approaches towards power and its dynamics.
1 Biradari means ‘’brotherhood’’ originated by the Persian word ‘’baradar” meaning ‘’brother’’
among South Asian Muslims especially India and Pakistan, a number of social classes are segrageted
on the bases of Biradari. 2 Feudal means landlords.
3 It is the ability to influence or control behavior of people.Term Authority is used for power. There are
five bases of power, Legitimate power, Reward power, Expert power, Coercive power, Referent power.
2
What is power? How does it act in a society or community? What is the nature
and distribution of power? These and many other questions are asked in this regard.
Simply, power is the regulator in a society. It regulates social interactions, relations
and functions. It does so as it leads the society to have a certain framework for legal
and contractual relationships. Power, while resting in the hands of certain people,
renders them accountable before a system of law and morality to uphold certain duties
and responsibilities. This accountability is honoured only when people who are being
held accountable follow the system of law and moral obligations. One opts for
personal or a group privilege seldom follows any rule of law. He or she exerts power
and influence to set aside any accountability. Likewise, Biradari influence takes away
the just distribution of collective resources to the individualistic benefits. It so
happens that few elite people gather and enjoy the whole benefit and even the
members of their Biradari are exploited to that benefit they even gets peanuts only, to
the maximum.
Feudal system, elite groups concentrated in various parts and districts of
Pakistan in general and Khushab in particular have been given critical evaluation in
order to clearly understand the work of nepotism, caste-based policies, Biradari
driven objectives and the implementation of development programmes under these
constraints and pressures.
1.2 Theoratical Framework
Theorists have weighed and viewed power differently. There are pluralist
theories of power, resting power in the hands of a variety of people or different
groups. They are competing for taking full hold of the affairs and building certain
checks and balances to exercise power in a democratic system of governance. The
elite theory4 advocates a conservative form of governance as Mosca
5 and Pareto
6
explain it or a radical form as C. Wright Mills7 put it. There are certain other theories
4 It is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain the power relationship in contemporary
society. 5 He was an Italian political Scientist. He introduced the doctrine of the political class. He has also
developed ‘’Theory of Elitison’’. He established the Italian School of Elitists along with Pareto and
Robert Michels. The Ruling class is one among his famious writings. 6 He was an Italian engineer, sociologist, economist, political scientist and philosopher, now also
known for the 80/20 rule, named after him as the Preto principle. 7 Charles Wright Mills was an American sociologist, and a Professor of sociology at Columbia
University from 1946 until his death 1962.
3
of power as well; ruling class theory;8 instrumental theory;
9 structuralist theory
10 as
forms of ruling class theory.
Ethnic theory11
of Paul Brass12
is based on two focal arguments: one that
ethnicity and nationalism are not "givens" but are social and political constructions;
and, two, that ethnicity and nationalism are modern phenomena inseparably connected
with the activities of the modern centralizing state. The theory of elite competition is
presented to show how both ethnicity and nationalism arise out of specific types of
interactions between the leadership of centralizing states and elites from non-
dominant ethnic groups, especially in the peripheries of those states.
Dynatic political theories and ethnic theories with relation to the power
theories together make the theoratical framewok of this study. Having discussed the
theories of power on one hand and the ethnic theories on the other the researcher has
tried to establish a link with power and relationship in terms of ethnic and kinship
basis.
1.3 Democracy: The Mechanism of Power Distribution
In a society, people interact to produce relations. These relations are often
determined in effect and direction through the exercise and distribution of power.
Society devises and adopts mechanisms and modes to this effect. The relations are the
expression of the desires and needs of the members of that society. It depends upon
the ability to satisfy these desires and meet the needs. This ability to satisfy and to
cope with the emerging circumstances defines how the mechanisms and modes of the
distribution of power are being developed and exercised. The effects this ability
produces are the influence, resistance, cooperation and obedience etc. These and other
effects determine to what extent and how power is being utilized, exercised and
institutionalized to be equitably understood by majority of the society.
Though Biradari influences mostly yet it cannot provide everything to
everyone in its fold. But the collective social power of the Biradari turns the decision
8 It is the social class of a given society that decides upon and sets that society’s political agenda.
9 An instrumental theory focuses on people’s uses of technology, rather that on the technology itself.
10 It works to uncover the structures that underlie all the things that human do, think, perceive, and feel.
11 It says that race is a social category and is but of several factors in determining ethnicity. Some other
criteria include religion, language, customs, nationality and political identification. 12
He was a Professor emeritus of political science and international relations at Henry M. Jackson
School of International Studies University of Washington where he taught since 1965.
4
of the people in that sense. Biradari has no actual ways to play fairly with the desires
and the needs of everyone in its influence. So in that sense, Biradari is not
representative of any democratic culture. Despite that, Biradari holds the balance in
its favour to promote its interests in democratic systems. The freedom of the people is
manipulated by the representatives or the electable of the Biradari. In that sense,
democracy loses its power and the society suffers. Whenever Biradari holds power,
one outcome is certified: the freedom of opinion is mostly sacrificed. In absence of
such a freedom, it is very hard to assume that someone’s desires, needs and
aspirations can become a priority. Decades have passed in the form of experiences
gained. The message is still same democracy is fabricated and is not delivered at all.
1.4 Significance of the Study
District Khushab is at border line of developed and under-developed Punjab.
Its boundaries touch the developed district of Sargodha and Mianwali, Jhang while
Bakhar, Jehlum and Chackwal are under developed districts of the province of Punjab
are also linked with it. Earlier Shahpur had been the resource center for the British Raj
in terms of human as well as capital ends. Tiwana and Noons helped the Raj for
benefits and privilege in return. This significance is of special value when the reader
finds and understands that the Tiwana Biradari was at the helm of affairs. It was the
platform of Unionist Party13
that enabled the elite structures of the Punjab rural to
shake hands with establishment forces of the colonial power until and unless 1946
elections were decided in favour of independence forces. This study examines such
political backgrounds and scenarios to look into the power play before and after
independence of Pakistan. So, it is significant to study history to suggest a future of
fair play in power and its application and to seek solution of development hazards
faced and being faced by the people of Khushab in particular and Punjab in general.
The development of the political system in Pakistan on a district and
provincial level is an area which has been relatively unexplored. The scant researchers
prevalent within this context have highlighted the linkages between social interaction
patterns in Punjab, and its deep rooted implications for the constitution of political
context of the province. The Biradari system dominates the social, economic and
political aspects of the lives of individuals residing in various regions in Punjab,
13
It was established by Sir Fazal Hussain in 1923 in the Punjab.
5
district Khushab being one such area. However; no research study has still validated
this point within the context of district Khushab.
The study intends to outline the effect of Biradari system on the politics
within the region, using the framework of power politics as the basic tool for
comprehending the phenomenon. The power politics is not only maintained and
enhanced by the presence of Biradari based representatives in the district and
provincial level government, but also served as a means of further accumulation of
wealth. The Biradaries members who were selected as a part of the government
constituted the elite class in district Khushab. On the other hand, the individuals
belonging to Biradaries having middle or low level economic positions are not
provided with the same opportunity. The affluent and powerful Biradaries strive to
maintain their dominance and control in district Khushab, while the Biradaries having
weak position are forced to oblige to their directions. One manifestation of the efforts
to maintain such dominance is the prohibition of establishing higher education
institutions in the region. Furthermore, the landowners also retain adequate control on
the voting behaviour of the people who work on their lands. Since majority of the
people in Khushab are farmers, the decision to cast vote is influenced by the
instructions of the elite Biradaries.
The study intends to make clear the role of power politics and Biradari in
district Khushab from 1982-2008. It also examines the critical elements of the power
politics and its relation with political, social and economic life of the district Khushab.
It will be an attempt to analyze the ways in which these legacies have monopolized
the political development in the district. This study examines the colonial roots of
Biradari system and defines how it had influenced the socio-economic interests of the
inhabitants in relationship of the state to Pakistani society.
1.5 Objectives of the Study
The following research objectives have been identified for the study:
1. This study develops a knowledge base for the readers and delineates the basic
concepts and theoretical approaches towards the term power politics. It offers
a framework for study and analysis in the historical perspective of the
contemporary regional politics in Pakistan
6
2. This study investigates the relationship of power politics with the economic
conditions and Biradari affiliation.
3. It provides an understanding about Biradari based control over the
institutions of the state of Pakistan. This is a case study of the district of
Khushab and the assumption of important positions in the state institutions by
the heads of Biradaries from that districts have been studied.
4. It identifies the currently existing within Khushab region that had
representatives during the period of 1982 to 2008 in electoral politics. It
describes the dynamics of the electoral politics and role of Biradaries from
1982 to 2008 in district Khushab.
5. This research explores the degree of influence and implications of Biradaries
on the outlook of National, Provincial and District power politics of Pakistan
in the light of one particular district.
1.6 Research Questions
Based on the research objectives, the following research questions have been
formulated for the study:
1. What is relationship between Biradari affiliation and power politics in district
Khushab?
2. How is Biradari affiliation more significant than the economic condition as
determinant of power in Khushab?
3. How do the positions in institutions of state support the Biradari politics and
how do the Biradari affiliation help in getting positions in powerful
institutions of state?
4. How the local elite emerged to dominate the local politics, administrative
setup and socio economic affairs of district Khushab.
1.7 Conceptual Framework
The concept of power has long played a significant role in political thought,
and recent decades have witnessed many attempts to analyze power and provide
criteria for its measurement. In spite of this impressive literature, however, our
understanding of power remains inadequate. Specifically, no fully comprehensive
conceptual framework exists within which questions about power connected with the
7
groups formed on the lines of kinship can be formulated precisely and dealt with
systematically. In the absence of such a framework it is difficult to investigate
emPirical questions, such as the extent to which an area is dominated by a 'power
elite,' formed on the basis of the affiliations of kinship. 14
Biradari affliliation becomes crucial in the formation of the structure of
Power. This study has been conducted to analyze the role and dynamics of power in
the light of the Elite Theory of Power. The role and significance of ‘Biradari’ in the
Sub-continent and then in Pakistan has provided the framework to elaborate and
establish the practical implications for the national and local political culture. This
theoretical and thematic background has helped the researchers to unfold and explore
the events, incidents, processes and procedures through which common citizens have
been kept away from realizing their aspirations into concrete actions, projects and
programmes.
The conflict on the basis of Biradari affiliation needs to be addressed. Inter
Biradari and intra Biradari conflicts lead towards both harmony and rivalary in the
society. The Biradari then becomes an important instrument for controlling and
manipulating the power horizons of the area. The impacts and mechanism of the
Biradari associated with the power, therefore, need to be studied.
1.8 Methodology
This study has enabled the researcher to develop historical perspectives of the
subject with an analytical and descriptive approach. The researcher is not intended to
propose any theoretical assertions nor any generalized theoretical constructs.
Researcher intends to explore themes underlying the exercise of power and authority.
A post-independence thorough understanding has been developed to look into the
subject matter in the context of history. Biradari’s role in power politics in the
subcontinent and in district Khushab in the Punjab have been studied, critically
analyzed and searched for. Following two basic assumptions have been stated:
a) Firstly, the study has developed a knowledge base for the reader and future
research and has elaborated the concepts and theoretical approaches towards
the term power politics with a particular exploration of the difficulties for non-
14
Alvin I. Goldman, “Toward a Theory of Social Power,” J. Stor https://www.jstor.org>stable.
Accessed on 22 Feb, 2014.
8
elitist politicians to perform or continue to perform for the prosperity of his or
her constituency;
b) Secondly, the study has applied the explored concepts and themes to examine
critically how and to what extent or strength the Biradari politics hold sway
over power and authority to limit the opportunity for performance based
progressive politics.
The study design was based upon the critical style of evaluation of the
historical backgrounds and scenarios to ascertain the outcomes of the Biradari
influence in the light of elite theory of power with generalizations drawn from the
popular as well as general doctrines as well. In this context and the limits of the study
design, following aspects and objectives have been explored, reviewed and evaluated
to reach conclusions:
i) The study and analysis of the role and significance of the Biradari as
representative of the elite groups in the subcontinent in general and in
Pakistan and Punjab in particular.
ii) The investigation into local character of the two above mentioned
objectives to find out how regional and local politics under influence
of Biradari culture have shaped developments and power politics.
iii) The significance of the role of the Biradaries in the Khushab district in
the electoral politics from 1982 to 2008.
The study analyses the situation and scenarios of how the local, provincial and
national electoral politics in the district Khushab have influenced the overall outlook
of power politics.
The study is thoroughly descriptive in nature. It evaluates and explains in
Khushab. Therefore, this study is based on the fact that the dominant Biradaries like
Awan and Tiwana have played an important role in the power struggles in the region
under study, Khushab and Shahpur. These Biradaries were used by the British in the
sub-continent and by the governments in Pakistan mostly as organs of control to
protect and project their interests. In order to trace out the role of the Biradari system
in the electoral contexts in Khushab has been examined.
This study has followed the critical evaluation style as research methodology.
The focus of the study has been narrowed down from the macro level of national to
9
the micro level of the local politics valuable literature from multiple sources of books,
journals, magazines, research articles and internet research databases corresponding to
related issues has been studied to reach conclusions, assertions and suggestions.
Researcher has consulted following sources.
a. In order to understand the direct and indirect influence of Biradari in power
politics through elections, the data about federal, provincial and local elections has
been collected, analysed and classified. The Biradari’s role raises in significance in
local government elections because of comparatively small size of constituencies.
Therefore the local government elections have been studied separately and specially.
b. For the sake of having eyewitness account of politics in the past the retired
politicians of Khushab have been interviewed. While current position of Biradari
phenomenon at present has been understood and analysed through the interviews of
presently active politicians.
c. Journalism of the time provides important sources for the research. Therefore
newspapers have been consulted and some professional journalists have been
interviewed.
d. The opinion of general public is much important in determining the influence
of Biradari in the power politics. It gives insight into the response of general public to
the election campaign. Moreover it offers information about how control over
economy and state institutions gave politicians opportunities to enhance their
impression in the public and gain control of power politics. The interviews of general
public, therefore, form major portion of primary data in this study. For obtaining
public opinion from different areas of Khushab a questionnaire based survey was
designed.
e. As wealth is major determinant of power in politics another important source
was the data concerning the wealthy people of the area. These wealthy people
comprised of the two groups: feudal or landlords and industrialists or businessmen.
The data about wealth in the area was obtained through land records, tax records, and
assesment of general position and views of public. The use of wealth by certain
Biradaries for gaining influence in power politics has been assessed through
interviews of a sample of wealthy people in Khushab district.
f. The institutions of army, civil bureaucracy and judiciary have been very
important factor in the power politics in Pakistan. In order to understand the support
10
of influential individuals in these institutions for the strengths and weaknesses of
various Biradaries in the power politics data about influential people in these
institutions from Khushab district was collected from official records. The affiliations
of these individuals with the Biradaries were assessed and a sample of such
individuals was interviewed with the help of open questionnaire.
g. Some information has been gathered through observation and conversation
with personal contacts and also through participation in the meetings of some
Biradaries.
h. The data was also collected from the documents like the reports on land
distribution, land settlement and census. Moreover books, journals and research
reports from various libraries in Pakistan.
1.9 Chapterisation
First part of the study throws light upon the background, history and
conceptual understanding of the topic. Second chapter of the thesis, “Biradari and
Power: Historical Bachground” reveals the history of power politics under
influence of biradri in India, Pakistan and Punjab as a background of the period under
study. The biradari factor in determination of power politics during Mughal rule has
been explored. Later on British continued to rely on elite politics. This historical
continuity kept on the power politics in Pakistanni Punjab on the basis of affiliation
and kinship of Biradari. In this chapter history of this legacy has been re-explored.
Third chapter, “Infiltration of Biradaries in State Institutions” deals with
major research question, how the Biradaries infiltrate as well as transform the
workings of the formal and federal institutions of the state of Pakistan? Although the
research is a case study of one district of Pakistan, Khushab, this broadly tries to make
the understanding in the political system of Pakistan how Biradaries have penetrated
in the executive, legislative, and judicial institutions of government. In this chapter
the infiltration of the members of various Biradaries in the major administrative
institutions of the state namely army, civil bureaucracy and judiciary has been
examined. The way of gaining power by infiltration in these institutions has also been
explored with the help of data collected from district Khushab.
Fourth chapter, “Biradari’s Control over Economic Resources” covers
details of another phenomenon of Pakistani politics as it is not about policy or
11
ideology. Even it is not based on political parties’ manifesto. It revolves around the
elites of some big Biradaries who have controlled the power through social and
economic means. Power politics is result of bargaining among some major Biradaries
who have economic resources in their disposal and who can manage to compel other
Biradari chiefs to follow their directions with the help of economic maneuvering. This
chapter discusses how the conflict and influence in the economic field leaves impact
in the power politics of District Khushab. This chapter is divided into two parts. In
first part it has been described how land has concentrated in the hand of some chiefs
of some Biradaries and how they have used it to overcome power politics. Second
part mentions how Biradari elite assumed control over major business enterprises and
activities and then with business support managed to subdue power.
Fifth chapter, “Biradari in Power through Electoral Politics and Political
Parties” is a deep rooted study of Electoral institutions and electoral process to a
large degree in the light of the data collected from district Khushab. It has been
observed that the victories and failures in the elections take place only on the grounds
of Biradari affiliations in Khsushab district. The analysis of parliamentary and Local
Bodies electoral results and the widespread failure of political parties to gain power or
apparent presence of political parties in the district provides stories of interesting
power play among the selected Biradaries of the district Khushab. This chapter is
reserved for the analysis of electoral results in Khushab district. It highlights the
impact of Biradari affiliation on the power gained through electoral politics. This
chapter is divided into two sections. First mentions Biradari’s influence in politics of
parliamentary and local government elections. Second section discusses how Biradari
acts in place of political parties.
1.10 Literature Review
Two major concepts are the focus of this study. One is power and second is
Biradarism. Both have been the studies separately as well as in relatins with many
other concepts. In some of the studies both of these concepts in mutual relationship
have been studies but the area of the study is not Punjab. The theory has been applied
on any area other than that the focus of this study
Biradari or clan has been subject of studies internationally. Kathleen Collins
in his study about the political role of clans in Central Asia observes the politics of
12
family and kinship gives us an outline under which role of a Biradari can be studied
in Pakistan. The chapters of this thesis, therefore, have been formed under the idea
taken from the study of Kathleen Collins.
There is a rich literature on colonial Punjab and much has been written at
national level about Pakistani Punjab but there is very limited and available on
biraderi politics because very little work is done on local micro level district analysis
in that kind of study. Thus, there is a major gap with respect to local level studies
about the origin and domineering dynamics of biraderies and their politics.
Tahir Kamran has focused on the role of election commission in the elections
of Pakistan. He partially but importantly touches the 1985 elections and comments
that the contenders in these particular elections tried to win the election on the basis of
prejudices based on the biraderi and other such affiliations rather than on the basis of
manifesto of the parties or on the grounds of national or international issues.15
Thair Kamran maintains that after the birth of Pakistan the founder of Pakistan
discarded all distinctions on the basis of caste and creed. His paper sheds light on the
electoral politics of Scheduled Castes Federation during the early phase of Pakistan.16
In a scholarly study Democracy and Governance in Pakistan, Tahir Kamran
has discussed the challenges to the democracy and governance in Pakistan. While
describing the social connections with the state of democracy in Pakistan he contends
that biraderi holds a lot of significance as social institution and locus of political
authority in certain areas of Pakistan. Patrilinial descent is central to the configuration
of a Biraderi however bonds of marriage, reciprocal obligation and the common
political interests also play significant part in determining its contours. Biraderi
solidarity is the strongest among the peasant proprietors of the Punjab. He also
realizes the feudal structure in the power game of Pakistan saying that feudalism
impacts the power politics of Pakistan more than either Islam or Biraderi.17
Tahir Mahmood sheds light on the patron-client relationship and the way it
impacted on the recruitment process of the British Army. The paper, while taking the
15
Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan , Role in Politics (Lahore: South Asia Partnership-
Pakistan, 2009), 144 16
Tahir Kamran, “Early Phase of Electoral Politics in Pakistan: 1950s,” South Asian Studies, A
Research Journal of South Asian Studies, (257-282) vol. 24, No.2, July-December 2009, 259 17
Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan,
2008),
13
Shahpur District of Colonial Punjab as case, sheds light on the functioning of
collaboration in rural and urban settings in Punjab. It argues that patron-client ties
were stronger in the rural areas but did not have the same power and density as in the
rural setting. It was in the countryside that ‘voluntary’ recruitment to the British Army
was most clearly tied with social hierarchies and above all the patron-client
relationship between landowners and tenants, clan leaders and their less powerful
kinsmen.18
According to Ian Talbot, biraderism was the main cause of the British to rule
over Punjab administrated and successful.19
He thinks that this domination of Biraderi
through some influential families has later been continued in Pakistan. These families
consider the money spent on the elections as an investment and after the victory in
elections they not only get back the expenditure on elections but also accumulate huge
wealth from the government treasury. He thinks that Noon, Daultana and Tiwana had
been ruling over Pakistan in the past.20
Talbot also has studied the evolution of an
important biraderi in Punjab ‘Tiwana’ in his book on Khizar Hayat Tiwana, the prime
minister of the colonial Punjab. While highlighting the biraderi affiliation in Tiwana
he mentions that the people of one biraderi did not differ each other on the basis of
religious affiliations and Tiwana of different areas whether they were Sikhs, Hindus
or Muslims would vote and support for Khizar Hayat Tiwana.21
Gilmartin’s studies, on the other hand, are looking towards the distinctiveness
of colonial administration and says the British had no option other than to rely on
local groups’ loyalties to rule.22
David Gilmartin views that the British official
considered the Punjabi society as simpler and more deeply rooted in patriarchal and
tribal authority than other parts of India. Though British policies that singled out
Punjab’s “martial races” and “martial tribes” for army recruitment excluded more
Punjabis than they admitted to army recruiting pools, they nevertheless fed into a
18
Tahir Mahmood, “Army Recruitment and Patron – Client Relationship in Colonial Punjab: A
Grassroots Perspective,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 16 No. 2 19
Ian Talbot. Punjab Ghulami say Azadi Tak, (Trans) Lahore: Takhliqat, 1999 20
Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History 1947-1997 (London: C. Hurst & Co., 2003) 21
Ian Talbot, Khizar Hayat Tiwana Punjab Unionist Party and Partition of India translated by Tahir
Kamran (Lahore: Fiction House, 1998), 39 22
David Paul, Gilmartin. (1979)Tribe Land and Religion In the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the
Making of Pakistan, PhD Thesis: Berkeley; University of California. Chapter. 1
14
strongly paternalist British vision of the distinctive character of Punjabis in general as
men who valued loyalty and order above all else and who understood power.23
Ibbetson writes a book on the statistical basis of the 1881 Census report of
Punjab. In that book he describes his hypothesis and consistency of international and
evolutionary history in the way that Punjab’s tribal societal set up was comprised of
various races and classes. The whole social fabric is interwoven by caste and creed
system. He debates in very detailed and explicit on the matter of caste system along
with its relation of the economy as he says that ‘occupations is the primary basis of
caste-The whole diversity of caste is the diversity of occupation’. 24
Muhammad Waseem reveals the penetrating theoretical explanation of
Pakistan’s politics. Waseem highlights the undemocratic role of political parties and
argues about the elections 1993 that they had no contact with the masses at door steps
rather they developed links with local power holders (Landed aristocrat biraderies)
and they in turn delivered a huge number of votes.25
Samina Awan also believes in the same manner when she maintains that the
Ahrar also believed in Muslim community as a separate unit in British India and they
while taking the caste system of Hindus and their belief of ‘untouchability’ (achhout)
as a hurdle to the filling the gaps between Hindus and Muslims.26
Subaltern studies overlook the diversities based on ethnicity, regional
affiliations, lingual base, class and caste.27
In the aristocratic society of Punjab if the
landlord had to ensure unwavering and perpetual support of the followers his need is
to establish very much responsive and close links with local bureaucracy, i.e. police,
revenue officials and courts. Umar Ali quotes a landlord who confirms that the people
in Punjab vote for a person who may help him in the release of his nephew from
23
David Gilmartin, “The Strange Career of the Rule of Law in Colonial Punjab,” Pakistan Vision Vol.
10 No. 2, 3 24
Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, Lahore: Mubarak Ali Publishers, 1916. This book was translated in
Urdu language in 1998 by Yasir Jawad with the title of Punjab key Zatain from Fiction House, Lahore. 25
Waseem Mohammad.(1994) The 1993 Elections in Pakistan, Lahore: Vanguard Books,Pvt,Ltd,p.235 26
Samina Awan, “Subaltern Studies or Regional History: Explorations in Nationalist Movement with
Special Reference to the Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (41-54)
Vol.XXVI/2 (2005), 52-53 27
Samina Awan, “Subaltern Studies or Regional History: Explorations in Nationalist Movement with
Special Reference to the Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (41-54)
Vol.XXVI/2 (2005), 52
15
prison. Therefore the land-owning castes in Punjab are easily able to grasp the
power.28
Biradarism is most important winning factor in electoral politics which is
being exercised throughout the electoral history of Pakistan In such an approach, the
candidate has to take into account the social composition of the constituency. In
Pakistani electoral politics it is crucial to identify the influential people and the
Biradari or clan/caste composition of the areas concerned. At the time of elections,
inter- and intra-clan or Biradari schisms are invoked for mobilization. There have
been instances of community leaders negotiating favours from candidates and, in
return, offering their Biradari or clan votes. Given the importance of this aspect,
political parties often take into account social and ethnic dynamics of constituencies
before nominating candidates.29
Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry and Hafeez-ur-Rehman Chaudhry have studied the
power structure of a Punjabi village named Sacha Soda. Having explained the term
power in the light of the definitions of western scholars they have taken in
consideration the concepts of panchayat, dhara, dera and dereydari in great extent.
The researchers establish that Biraderi’s decisions regarding voting in local,
provincial and national elections the people used their votes for candidates from their
Biraderi without any consideration political party. Moreover, there was no
consideration like education. The conclusion is that Biraderi was prominent and
dominant in almost all matters. In the village, leadership role was played by dominant
castes.30
The change in the role of traditional leaders in Punjab not only brought
fragmentation within population whose aftermaths were far-reaching. The caste based
bond was strengthened which was further reinforced by the muqami-mohajir
dichotomy.31
28
Umar Ali, “Bureaucracy and Political Parties in Pakistan, 1947-1958 A Case of Differing
Perceptions and Ideals,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, ( 27-34) vol xix/1 (1998), 30 29
Muhammad Abrar Ahmad “Electoral Politics of Pakistani People’s Party in Punjab With Special
Reference to General Election 2008,” JPUHS, Vol.26, No.2, December, 2013, 30
Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A
Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010,
92 31
Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A
Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010,
80
16
The power brokers manipulated and attempted their best to influence the
socio-cultural life of area and also development work in order to put their group allies
to be the largest beneficiaries of development schemes. The current research focuses
upon dynamics of power politics and role played by power brokers in the area to
influence the newly established development approach titled ‘devolution of power’ to
maximize their interests and social power.
The membership of Dhara32
is beyond the family and caste matters. Usually
the Dhara deals with the electoral process. The Dhara is most commonly functional
in the days of National or Local bodies’ elections. During the elections the candidates
contesting the elections usually contact the heads of the Dharas for having a support
in the elections. The support of Dhara leader means that allpersons coming from a
particular Dhara will be casting votes for the same candidate. Usually, the Dhara
leader is supposed to be wealthy and influential so that he may be confident in
contacting the politicians for having favours for the Dhara members in terms of jobs,
loans, settling the police and court issues, etc.33
Ilhan Niaz in his article “The Culture of Power and Human Rights Abuse in
Pakistan,” discusses the power structure of Pakistan as it leaves an impact on the
norms of human rights in Pakistan. The power is defined and human rights have been
discussed.34
In the article “Voting Behaviour of Educated Youth in Pakistan: A Study of
Multan City,” the writers have studied the electoral behavior in Multan city. In the
course of writing the biraderi as one of the major criteria of the liking of voters has
been mentioned. It is stated that PML-N and PPP both used the elements other than
party affiliations to convince their voters. One of those other elements was caste or
biradri. It is maintained with the citation of M.G. Weinbaum that in the elections of
1977, PPP too relied on traditional rural elites to counter the opposition.35
32
Politics of heaps. 33
Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A
Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010,
86 34
Ilhan Niaz, “The Culture of Power and Human Rights Abuse in Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of
History & Culture, (65- 74) Vol.XXVI/2 (2005) 35
Lubna Kanwal, Abdul Razzaq Shahid, Mahwish Naeem, “Voting Behaviour Of Educated Youth In
Pakistan: A Study Of Multan City,” JRSP, Vol. 53, No. 2, July-December, 2016, 94
17
The paper entitled “Electoral Malpractices in Pakistan: A Case Study of the
General Elections 2008” focuses on the malpractices in the elections but touches the
concept of biraderi in the way that in Pakistani parliament the faces change as
constituencies and loyalties remain entrenched. The elite of the Pakistan, according to
the writer, consists of politicians, bureaucrats and army. The politicians are comprised
of landlords and industrialists. After reading the argument of the paper one can
understand that there have been few biraderi elites who have been ruling over
Pakistan. The writer also establishes that Pakistani politicians have not pursued the
power with responsibility and all including biraderi elites have consider elections
nothing but means to power.36
In the paper “Role of Elected Landed Aristocrats in the Legislation and Policy
Making in Pakistan: A Case Study of Members of the National Assembly (1972-
1977) from the Punjab” the writers have given data of the landlords who took hold
over the power in Pakistan during all elections. The paper also introduces a number of
landlords who had opportunity to be in the parliament and were there to protect the
landed elites of their respective Biraderies. Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Pir Syed Safi-
ud-Din, Nawabzada Mian Muhammad Zakir Qureshi, Nawabzada Malik Muzafffar
Khan, Mehr Ghulam Haider Bharwana, Sardarzada Muhammad Ali Shah, Sahibzada
Nazir Sultan, Sadiq Hussain Qureshi, Syed Abbas Hussain Shah Gardezi, Mian
Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana, Mian Riaz Ahmad Khan Daultana, Rana Taj
Ahmad Noon, Sardar Sher Baz Khan Mazari, Ghulam Muhammad Mustafa Khar,
Malik karim Bakhsh Awan and Shehzada Saeed-ur-Rasheed Abbasi are major
landlords. Most of these landlords belong to the Awan, Daultana, Noon and Qureshi
Biraderies who were dominating the politics.37
Altaf Ullah assesses the role of political parties in the elections 2002. He
realizes the role of Biraderies in the politics. He writes that the politics of biraderies
played a pivotal role in generating contempt for Nawaz Sharif, chief of one of the
major parties of Pakistan. When Mian Azhar, an Arain by caste, nominated his
brother-in-law, Mian Nasir Jabran for Lahore’s lord mayor in the 1998 local bodies
elections, the Sharif Brothers disliked it and favoured the Kashmiri Khwaja Hasan,
36
Iffat Humayun Khan, “Electoral Malpractices in Pakistan: A Case Study of the General Elections
2008” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, vol. 31, No. 2 (2010), 166 37
Mazhar Abbas and Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, “Role of Elected Landed Aristocrats in the Legislation and
Policy Making in Pakistan: A Case Study of Members of the National Assembly (1972-1977) from the
Punjab” JRSP, Vol. 52, No. 2, July-December, 2015, 96-113
18
who got victory in that contest. In the like manner the Chaudhry Brothers from Gujrat
turned their eyes towards PML (like minded) when Mian Shahbaz Sharif became the
Chief Minister of the Punjab and totally ignored Chaudhry Pervez Elahi. In the
meanwhile, Ejaz ul Haq, son of former military ruler, too joined them and rejected the
offer of Nawaz Sharif for ministership in his cabinet. The lust to accumulate absolute
power by Sharif also worked as a cohesive force in bringing together dissidents.
However, when Nawaz Sharif was deposed, the PML (like-minded) was formed with
Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, Mian Azhar, Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri, Sikandar Hayat
Malhi, Ghulam Sarwar Cheema and Abdul Sattar Lalika as its leaders. With the
passage of time, several Nawaz loyalists such as Chaudhry Akhtar Rasool, Mian
Munir and Tariq Aziz also joined the like-minded group. Though this like minded
faction of Muslim League was renamed as PML-Q prior to the 2002 national elections
yet it had no grass roots in the general masses. The PML-Q mostly depended on the
incumbent establishment’s support in order to stay in the electoral race of 2002 with
great hope of success.38
Rukhsana Iftikhar in her paper “Working Classes in Mughal India (1556-
1605),” has made an effort to trace out the history of working class in India especially
during Mughal era. She maintains that “Political environment and caste system played
a vital role in checking commercial expansion during Akbar raj. She has uncovered an
establishment of an unalterable division of labor based on caste system with the
irresistible authority of law ofnature, the hereditary individual artificer, the smith, the
carpenter and so on. She mentions that This specialization brought about by a socially
set division of labor which was influenced by caste system in India. There was a fixed
caste for every skilled work which extended their work from father to son as observed
by Babur. Max Weber argument," caste created segregation of skills and prevented
inter-craft mobility was to Indian environment." This thesis was challenged many
times but the caste domination in working classes would not be denied in India even
today. This domination is a hurdle in scientific developments.” 39
Mughees Ahmad in his paper defines the term biraderi. He says “Biradari is
derived from Persian word “biradar” means brother. Biradari (literally ‘brotherhood’)
38
Altaf Ullah, “The Role of Political Parties in the 2002National Elections of Pakistan,” Pakistan
Journal of History & Culture, (97-121) Vol.XXIX, No.1 (2008), 98-99 39
Rukhsana Iftikhar, “Working Classes in Mughal India (1556-1605 A.D.),” (185-200) JRSP, Vol. 52,
No. 1, January-June, 2015, 199
19
is commonly argued that ‘primordial’ group identities such as family, kinship and
caste, or membership in a village faction, play a more important role in determining
voting behaviour in the sub-continent, than individual political preferences.” He
concludes that “The British used this social arrangement to amplify their rule.
Divisions of agriculturists and non-agriculturists, and titles of Martial and non-
Martial nations proved helpful in strengthening this division. In this way, the
inferiority and superiority complexes gripped Muslim nations of subcontinent, and
survival was considered to be in Biradarism. Unfair treatment continued with the
newly turned Muslims from inferior castes, and due to pride and conceit on their own
Biradari, instead of encouraging these new Muslims, they were called by the insulting
names like religious, prayerful and riffraff; even though these titles had positive
meaning in the literal sense.
There were many other titles like these which played a key role in creating
differences among the castes and Biradaries. Like the people working for
agriculturists were called “Kammi”. When this style of inferiority and superiority
complex influenced the cultivators, then these feelings were expressed through words
like feudal, agriculturist, cultivator and farmer. Biradarism gained strength in Punjab
during the British rule, and it remained in the same form in Pakistan after they left. By
studying about the history of races of Pakistani Biradaries, it is learned that the social
system of caste-Biradari has been used for obtaining financial and political objectives
from the time of invading tribes till present day.“Dharras” are non-political elements,
which play vital role in the success of any political party in elections. Biradari seems
to be stronger than political fidelity.
These non-political elements are required for the victory Dharras are groups
of it or opposite Biradari or clan, which established in villages to maintain their
political importance and social status and have no political fidelity but clan/Biradari
loyalty of a candidate and political party. So, political parties have close relationship
with Biradaries. Biradaries determines voting behaviour in the rural areas of India
and Pakistan, especially in Punjab from British era. The influences of Biradarism are
present abundantly in Punjab. Political parties could not get out of this group politics.
Caste politics often passes off as democratic politics.
20
Caste is a permanent feature of mobilization, dividing the country on the basis
of birth and ascription without giving citizen a chance to establish it self. Caste then
becomes an immutable category. In fact, social prejudice is the outcome of resisting
reaction. The people of any peculiar race or Biradari take the assistance of biases to
maintenance and confirmation of their benefits; and with the help of this prejudice
they join together with the threads of hearer, nearer and deep relations. It is a social
reality that such concepts by which consolation and aid are given to individual and
collective ego. Man is not ready to abandon them absolutely.” 40
Mughees Ahmad, making an analysis of the Local Bodies elections 2008,
contends that in the elections the personality or ideologies are snubbed because of
relationship with Biradari; and the members of every Biradari gather instantaneously
or somewhat latter, in the tent of their Biradari’s head. Whether the candidate is of
district chairman Faisalabad or Toba Tek Singh, Biradari majority is shown to the
common lot and the newspapers. The election alliances are made among the major
and the minor Biradaries. The central point of the election campaign seems
Biradarism. Candidates contest in groups and panel. If the candidate of District
Nazim belongs to major Biradari the Naib Nazim will be from second largest
Biradari and this tendency fluctuates district to district. Though these alliances have
no ideological base but nevertheless succeed.41
Mughees Ahmad’s doctoral research work on “Faisalabad Division key
Siyasat per Biraderism Kay Asrat” also shows the glimpses of biraderi politics at
regional level. He and Fouzia Naseem in their joint effort describe that “Castism and
Biraderism are the main component of the culture of sub-Continent that had a deep
impact on the political alignment of the people.”42
It concludes that culture has deep
rooted effects on the political system process. The biraderi politics is the leading
feature of Indian and Pakistani political process. Comparing the Pakistan and Indian
social system the study points out, that “biraderism” in Pakistan is a political
phenomenon as it is promoted by the non-party based elections and non-democratic
40
Mughees Ahmed, “Political Out Fits of Political Parties in British India: A Case Study of Unionist
Party,” South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies (531-541)Vol. 29, No.2, July -
December 2014, 41
Mughees Ahmed, “Local-Bodies or Local Biradari System: An Analysis of the Role of Biradaries in
the Local Bodies System of the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXX, No.1, 2009 42
Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative
Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10
21
forces. Whereas in India these features are not considered even though the social
system does impact on the political system. The Caste system gives shelter to elite
Biraderies that provides shelter and identification that promotes Hindu nationalism, as
this elite Hindu class focused on revitalisation of religion that creates inter-caste
discriminations. They are in view that biraderi is the guiding element of an
individual’s life in the social and political arena. An individual’s free will does not
matter as it is a family issue of prestige, and family is a part of biraderi it is nothing
without it. Biraderi plays an environment in decision making. This study develops
link between local politics with biraderi politics and argue that in local level elections
biraderies play a pivotal role. They are right in their argument that biraderism the
main component of the local culture’ does influence the local bodies’ electorate and it
does affect the political system of the state. They offer a new dimension of
comparative study of political science. But it is limited and addresses the national
level comparison. This can be very helpful in micro local level study.43
Nabila Akhtar has examined district vise dynamics of biraderism in the
electoral politics of district Toba Tek Singh. She views the concept of biraderism
different from that of the caste system prevailing in Hindu society. She also does not
fit the traditional class of spiritual Peers in the definition of biraderi. She highlights
that the biraderi affiliation forces one to vote according to the wishes of other
members of the biraderi but she also reveals the antagonism present in the biraderi
that prevents whole biraderi to vote for a side. 44
Oscar Lewis writes that in a kinship structured society the large extended
family is the basic component of most decision making. So voting becomes an
extended family process.45
A detailed work on the politics of Pakistan has been done by Muhammad
Waseem in his book, State, Society and Politics in Pakistan. That book shows the
theoretical explanation of Pakistan’s politics but Biraderi politics has not been
attended in great deal.46
43
Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative
Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10 44
Nabila Akhtar, “Dynamics Of Biraderism In Electoral Politics of District Toba Tek Singh,” JPUHS,
Vol.29, No.2, July - December, 2016 45
Oscar Lewis, Village Life in Northern India (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), 149 46
Muhammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Lahore : Progressive Publishers 1994), 82
(Chap.1)
22
A. R. Wilder has produced a valuable study titled “The Pakistani Voter:
Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab”. He notes the election process
through its dynamics and trends. His focus is specifically on Punjab. His
comprehensive historical view about the electoral processes of Punjab is that in
Punjab biraderi is the main social determinant in setting the voting trends of people
and also highlights the entirely change pattern of electoral behaviour in Central and
Southern areas of Punjab. He points out that politics was subjugated by clientilism i.e.
Biraderi linkages. Book infers that the non-party base elections promoted biraderism
and there is no room for individualism. He interprets that political dynamic of voting
behaviour like party based in urban areas and in the rural paternalistic orientation and
the social dynamic is rising. 47
Theoretically Dynastic politics occupies over the three major political
institutions of Pakistan and few families abduct the economic resources. These
families do not only occupy the economic resources but also deliver the economic
fruits according to their own will. For instance, political institutions patronized by
feudal lords give employment to their Kins. This top to down hierarchy of
employment keeps the decision-making in the hands of feudal lords who run this
country. This nepotism travels in civil and military bureaucracies who in return help
the major political institutions. It is true that in military and civil bureaucracies most
of the employees recruited on merit but top positions are filled on political grounds. It
create mess in the longer run as those individuals who even do not belong directly to
feudal lineage but enjoy the authority and power they could never attain on merit.
They become such individuals who believe in wagging their tails after incapable top
elite of the country for sustaining status quo. They are usually educated individuals
who assist the major political institutions by suggesting different legitimate acts that
has been inherited from the British rule.48
Ahmed Usman maintains that in rural Punjab caste hierarchy and biraderi
system are the decisive factors which determine individual’s right to the participation
in politics. He has examined the political marginalization of members of service-
providing caste groups residing in villages because of their subordinate position in
47
Andrew R Wilder, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999)177-185 48
Rana Eijaz Ahmad, Abida Eijaz and Bushra Hameedur Rahman, “Political institutions, Growth and
Development in Pakistan (2008 - 2013),” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 21, Issue - 1, 2014, 257:269
23
caste hierarchy. The inferior caste status of service providers restricts their rights to
political participation including rights to vote, contest election; participate in election
campaign, and opportunities to acquire leadership roles. Consequently, they are
excluded from the system of political patronage that connects villagers with
politicians through their Biradari representatives. This system of patronage serves the
interests of villagers by providing them access to state institutions, especially police
and courts, welfare funds and job opportunities. It is found that with decline in caste
system, members of service-providing caste groups have started to exercise their
rights to vote in elections.49
L.C. Tupper puts forth the treatise of the mind-set of the colonial power of
Punjab and the argument of Punjab’s social system which is served in the preservation
of customary law and said that was a “Patriarch” lineage that encapsulated the
offspring of common descents and support them in other words supports biraderi
system.
The paper entitled “Pecuniary Undercurrents of Biraderism in District Toba
Tek Singh” applies the theory of rational choice and investigates the financial and
economic dynamics of biraderi politics in Punjab. The paper examines the dynamics
that empower the individuals or disempower them in using their free will. It tries to
know the extent of the pecuniary dynamics which are the significant predictors of
biraderi politics in order to create hindrance in the democratization process of the
Pakistan.50
Maqbool Awan partially discusses the phenomenon of feudalism in the society
of Punjab during the British Raj. He maintains that Punjabi landlords dominated the
politics of the Punjab during British raj. The landed families possessed massive part
of the agricultural land of Punjab. In 1893 the Tiwana of Khushab had 15,000 acres of
estate at Kalra which with the passage of time increased to 30,000 acres. In 1908, the
Nawabs of Mamdot's estate in the Ferozpur District were over 60,000 acres. In 1910,
the Dultanas of Multan had about 20,000 acres of land at Ludden. This data proves
that the landlords, whether they were Muslims or Hindus were big land holders. Some
49
Ahmed Usman, “Marginalized Voters and Supporters: Biradari System, Caste Hierarchy
and Rights to Political Participation in Rural Punjab,” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 23, Issue - 2,
2016, 607:616 50
Nabila Akhtar and Sadia Mushtaq, “Pecuniary Undercurrents of Biraderism in District Toba Tek
Singh,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1
24
of the Punjabi landlords made their family alliances with one another just like Tiwana
and Noons. These landlords intermarried mainly with the neighbouring tribes, Tiwana
and Noons; they did not have widespread biradri links like Khattar tribe of Wah.51
An article titled “Feudalism Is a Major Obstacle: In the Way of Social
Mobility in Pakistan” highlights the grim situation developed by feudalism in
Pakistan. The writers claim that rural areas of Pakistan are severely damaged by it.
They maintain that in urban areas there is decline of feudalism due to industrial
development and education. But industrial sector is also going under the control of the
feudal lords as they are shifting their investment to industry instead of agriculture.52
Zulfiqar Ali summarizes the ideas of Focault in respect of power. He
elaborates the concept of power as clarified by Focault in great deal. Foucault believes
that knowledge and its various forms derive from different representations of power.
Different types of power produce different forms of knowledge. To Foucault, power is
something that brings about change or transformation in the conduct and thought of
individuals. According to Foucault, there is neither instrumental nor guiding
connection between knowledge and power. Instead, knowledge and power imply each
other. The writer also explains the nature of power.53
Mosca has linked the influential groups in society with the power. He notes
that an elite dose not simply rule by force and fraud, but ‘represents of important and
influential groups in the society. He was primarily concerned with the conflict
between holders of political power and those they dominate.29 He was perhaps the
first to emphasize the necessity of analyzing the growth, composition, and
organization of ruling classes. As a result of comparative studies, he concluded that
the ruling minority is selected in varying ways, but always in terms of creation desired
qualities or resources. Indeed, he believed that the power of a ruling elite (the legal or
moral principle or the “political formula”) was ultimately based on the extent to
which the qualities of the elite correspond to the peculiar needs in turn reflect
characteristic changes in religion, political though, scientific, technological and
51
Maqbool Ahmad Awan “Socio-Economic and Political Complexities, A Historical Survey: The
British Punjab,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1 52
Jahanzaib Khan, Humaira Arif Dasti and Abdul Rasheed Khan “Feudalism Is A Major Obstacle In
The Way Of Social Mobility In Pakistan,” Journal of Research Society of Pakistan, Vol. 50, No. 1,
2013 53
Zulfiqar Ali, “Birth and Rise of Management Science, Power and Knowledge Nexus. Dialogue, vol.
7 No. 1. 2016.
25
economic developments and new sources of wealth. Consequently, differentials in
power and political authority appear to rest on a wide range of socio-cultural
conditions (social forces). He also recognizes the circulation which consists in the
struggle between elites and replacement of an old elite by a new one, that other form
which consists in the renewal of the existing elite by the accession of individuals from
the lower classes of society; and he examines in a number of different contexts the
relative ease or difficulty of access to the elite.54
Following the study of Kathleen Collins who has worked on clans in Central
Asia we should assess Pakistan’s informal authoritArian convergence along several
dimensions, considering how the Biradaries have penetrated formal political
institutions, how economic resources are divided up along Biradari lines, how
Biradaries (rather than formal institutions) link state and society, and how regime
stability has declined in the country under both authoritArianism and democracy.55
Adrian C. Mayer in his book titled Caste and Kinship in Central India
mentions the evolution of caste and its role in an Indian village in the specific context
of Central India. The writer has discussed how the caste becomes important in the
landholdings and how the disputes over landholdings are spread to the frictions over
Biradari lines. The ways in which people of different castes can be linked as kin
through ritual castes have been highlighted. The writer also throws light on the
internal structure of caste highlighting the divisions of the caste and sub castes.56
The significance of Biradari in Indian society has again been discussed by
Prakash Tandon who in the second chapter of his book Punjabi Century 1857-1947
has seen the relations based on kinship and Biradari in the social setting of India
where marriages of the offspring force even a ‘strong man’ to defy before the
affiliation. The author has maintained that the British codification of law weakened
the Biradari system in India. He says that if the introduction of law courts deprived
the Biradari Panchayats of their function adjucate and arbitrate that Indian social
54
Farzana Rizvi, “Circulation of Elite in West and in Pakistan: Historical Perspectives,” Journal of
Punjab University Historical Society, Vol.28, No.1, January - June, 2015 55
Kathleen Collins, “Clans, Pacts, and Politics in Central Asia,” Journal of Democracy Volume 13,
Number 3 July 2002, 146 56
Adrian C. Mayer, Caste and Kinship in Central India (London: Routeledge, 2002), 138-39, 151
26
setup had assigned them the growth of western education and the movement away
from home weakened the social importance of Biradari.57
The marriages in northern Pakistan as well as in Punjab are arranged on the
bases of the Biradari affiliations. A thorough discussion on this concept has been
made in the study of Hasting Donnan titled Marriage among Muslims Preference and
choice in Northern Pakistan. The author has conducted research on the marriage
choice and it is case study of a village in Murree areas. One of the choices for
marriage is Biradari affiliation and author has studied this choice as well.58
Another book Caste and Kinship in Kangra by Jonathan P. Parry studies the
effects and style of caste and kinship in Kangra, a village in Northern India. Likewise,
the Biradari in Kashmir has been discussed by Christopher Snedden in his book
Kashmir the Unwritten History. Though the book tells unwritten history of Kashmir it
highlights the Biradari affiliations in this state. The impact of Biradari on social life
of Kashmir has been highlighted in it.
Ethnicity and Nationalism, Theory and Comparison by Paul Brass highlights
interethnic conflicts, and secessionist movements. In the closing decades of the
twentieth century, such forces and movements emerged with new intensity. Drawing
examples, from a wide variety of multiethnic situations around the world, with special
emphasis on South Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union, the book presents a
distinctive theory concerning the origins of ethnic identity and modern
nationalism.The book test this theory and discusses the various patterns of ethnic
mobilization and nation-formation through case studies.59
The book titled Encounter of Meanings: The Biradari in Punjabi Culture as
Compared with Brotherly Love in the Gospel Message has considered the conflicts in
the Punjabi society that have been produced due to the shareeka element that has been
linked with the concept of Biradari.60
The shareeka is meant by rivalry. Instead of its
literal meanings of partnership in Punjabi culture it is a negative feeling that is
57
Prakash Tandon, Punjabi Century 1857-1947 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).
58
Hasting Donnan titled Marriage among Muslims Preference and choice in Northern Pakistan (Delhi:
Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1988), 18 59
Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison (London: Sage Publications, 2012) 60
Encounter of Meanings: The Baradari in Punjabi Culture as Compared with Brotherly Love in the
Gospel Message, Pontificia universitatis lateranensis, 1988
27
considered that a man who is close Biradari fellow is in fact the rival and in that
capacity, he uses such practices which might undermine the other Biradari fellow.
Biradari as well as the concept of power have been focus of a variety studies
in Pakistan. Particularly to mention are the PhD dissertations of Dr. Muhammad
Ibrahim and Dr. Mughees Ahmad. Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim in his dissertation on Role
of Biradari System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post-Independence Period elaborates
the role of Biradari in Lahore’s power politics. Dr. Mughees Ahmad in his thesis
titled Faisalabad ki Siyasat per Biradarism ke asrat (The Effects of Biradariesm on
the Politics of Faisalabad Division) selected the area of Faisalabad Division and
studied the effects of Biradari on the politics of the division. Wilder argues that “the
role of kinship and Biradari as a determinant of voting behavior has received much
less scholarly attention.”
The studies, while discovering new vestas of the concept, focused on the
electoral politics to a large extent but there is still need to highlight how Biradari
based affiliations got the power through concentration and exploitation of economic
resources and how the infiltration of Biradari culture in significant institutions of state
affect the power politics in favour of Biradari affiliations. This study fills this gap and
an effort in this regard has been made.
1.11 Limitations of the Study
This study has been conducted in the critical evaluation style of the historical
importance. Khushab was the focus of this study. Analyses are drawn in an impartial
criticism of the concerned chapters of the history of colonial India, the emergence and
progression of Pakistan and the role of Biradari in power politics in Khushab (1982-
2008). The researcher has tried his best to keep the personal biases away from the
research work, evaluation of the historical data, drawing themes and suggesting future
course of action. It is, however, natural that the processes and procedures for making
opinions, drawing conclusions and reaching to consequent findings may be biased
because of the researchers own beliefs, thoughts and interpretations of the historical
data. There are chances of error and misinterpretation on the part while the researcher
has examined the data.
28
1.11.1 Punjab: Land and People
Punjab has many distinctive characters in the history of this Sub-Continent. It
has been the abode of civilizations whose impact and imprints still demonstrate the
unique past of this tract on human history. It is the land of five rivers, though known
as the land of seven rivers as well; it has witnessed the Vedic and Greek periods,
being cradle of Indus Valley civilization; and were the Tak Desh or the country of
Takas and the country of Sakas. Its fives Doab regions present a fertile land whose
inhabitants are strong in physique, rich in hard work and known for their worldly
wealth in the pages of history. Punjab has also been and still is the center of power
struggles, a love of the conquerors and a thrust for the invaders. British were also
invaders but they were the conquerors in the Machiavelli’s style and exercise of
power.
Punjab experienced the influence of Aryans. They came from the North-
Western Mountains of Central Asia and immigrated through the passes of Hindu Kush
Mountains. Hinduism claims its links with Aryans as their ancestors from which the
caste system was evolved with Brahmin as the highest of the Hindu castes and Shudra
the lowest in this strand of rigid thread of humanity. There is no clear proof in the
pages of the history of when the Aryans came to that region one can find the
continuation of the terms and institutions of ancient days in present-day Punjab, e.g.
Sabha, Samiti, etc centers of power and authority with modifications and
developments over the course of centuries and decades.
There is hardly other lands where civilizations had been influencing human
race one after the other and still the indigenous cultures survived and developed.
Punjab’s history presents this unique status. It was the abode of plurality of cultures
and civilizations. It remained under the influence of Egyptian, Jainism, Tatarism,
Buddhism and Hinduism. Islam, of course, transformed this cultural saga to new
Zenith. Punjab also came under currents of Persian influence.
“In fact, it lay at the fringes of the great Persian emPires
and therefore, came under their control from time to
time. In 6th
Century BC, Cyrus tried to invade the
region but failed. Later on, King Darius occupied some
parts of Punjab during his attack while Xerxes and the
King Gustasip (516 BC) fully invaded the region and it
29
became the wealthiest strategy and the heart of the
Persian Kingdom.”61
Alexander of Macedonia came in through the gates of Chitral and Swat
Valleys. His army was mostly soldiered by Greeks and Macedonians:
“In the Greek maps, it has been mentioned that the
mightiest river of the entire world is indos (Indus) and
its tributaries. Strabo and Arrian had described the areas
between Indus and Sutlej, as they were when the great
Macedonian marched through them.”62
From the beginning of the second decade of the 8th
century to date, Muslim
rule continued over Punjab with intervals. British ruled Punjab from 1849 to 1947,
almost for a century of struggle, and resistance from multiple frontiers and for a. In
Muslim rule long before British takeover;
“Economically, Punjab remained prosperous and rich.
Agriculture was the main stay of economy, which
gained the attention of rulers. Feroz Tughluk was the
real founder of canal irrigation system of Punjab. The
rural community was a working institution in full vigor
and determined the economic outlook of population.”63
The battle of Gujarat was lost by the Sikhs of Punjab to the British forces on
February 21, 1849. East India Company took the reign of power and annexed the
great land of Punjab on April 2, 1849. British Punjab was consisted of five divisions,
e.g. Delhi, Jallandhar, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Multan, covering an area of 97,209
square miles; a region of native states, including 17 large and small cities on an area
of 36,532 square miles. The collective area of both the divisions and the native
regions of Punjab were 133,741 square miles.
“Being vast fertile agricultural region of the Indo-Pak
sub-continent and meeting place of diverse people and
cultures since the very dawn of history, Punjab has
occupied a position of profound importance and has a
unique history of continuous change in South Asia with
rich cultural heritage.”64
The geography of Punjab has placed it in the strategic hub of the subcontinent.
It touches the boundaries of both Himalaya and Kashmir. Punjab presents different
61
. Khan, Temporal View of socio political changes in Punjab, Research Journal South Asian Studies
Vol 24 No. 2 July-December 2009, 296-321 62
. Ibid., 300. 63
. Ibid., 301. 64
. Ibid, 302.
30
tribes, castes and races as it enjoys the flavour and spiritual colour of Islam, Hinduism
and Sikhism. In geographic details, Punjab consists of six regions on both sides of the
border between India and Pakistan. The first region is consisted of four districts of
Sialkot, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur and Ambala. Only Sialkot is included in Pakistani
Punjab. The region relies mostly on rainfall for irrigation of lands. That is why the
economic belt of the people of this region remains tightened. Small industry in Sialkot
has contributed a lot in the economic uplift of its inhabitants. The peasantry is mostly
chained by the moneylender elites.
Second region or the central region in the geography of Punjab comprises the
lands extending from Jhelum in the North to the districts in the South. Its districts are
fertile and include Gujrat, Gujranwala, Lahore and Sheikhupura in Pakistani Punjab
while Amritsar, Jalandhar, Ludhiana and Ferozepur in Indian side of the province.
The third region is unique in its landscape and is known as Pothohar plateau.
Rawalpindi, Attock and Jhelum are its districts. This region is the centre of sturdy
manpower. Aridity makes the living of its people difficult. There is little water
available for cultivation.
In the fourth region there are Karnal, Rohtak, Hissar and Gurgaon around
Delhi. This region is distinguished from the rest of Punjab due to its lifestyle and
culture. Rainfall is unpredictable.
Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Muzaffargarh and Mianwali are the four districts of the
fifth region and make the South-West of Punjab, all in Pakistani area. It is an area of
sand dunes, having desert in it. Its people have traditional sPiritual networks with
infertile lands and 9 minimum of rainfall. There are Sardars, Tumandars and Pirs
governing the whims and wishes of the inhabitants. Their authority is in flinching and
merciless and character. The sixth region comprises four districts of Shahpur,
Lyallpur, Jhang and Montgomery.
There is yet another identity of these regions owing to their locality in proximity
of five rivers. These are the Doabs of the Punjab. Each Doab is lying between the
confluent rivers of Punjab. These Doabs are identified by their names as follows:
Sind Sagar Doab: It lies between the Indus and Jhelum rivers.
Tech Doab: It lies between the Jhelum and Chenab rivers, also known as chaj
Doab.
31
Rachna Doab; It lies between Chenab and Ravi rivers.
Bari Doab: It lies between Ravi and Bias rivers.
Bist Doab: It lies between Bias and the Sutluj river.
This study focuses the Khushab district in Sargodha division, formerly known as
Shahpur, in the sixth region of Punjab. Khushab was formerly a tehsil of district
Shahpur. Shahpur was initially one of the six districts of Rawalpindi. In terms of
geography, its latitude was between 31-32 and 32-34 North and its longitude was 71-
37 and 73-17 in east. River Jhelum flows between Shahpur district and Pind Dadan
Khan. In the east is the river Chenab which separates Shahpur from Gujranwala. The
Jhang district is in its South and Mianwali in the West.
Punjab’s 36 districts, Chaj or Jech Doab is the region in which district Shahpur
situated. Other districts of this Doab are Jhang, Gujrat and Faisalabad (Lyallpur).
Tehsil Khushab of district Shahpur was situated in Sind Sagar Doab. It was renamed
as district Sargodha in 1960.65
1.11.2 Condition of Punjab
Punjab had never tasted the company rule. It became in British control directly
to the crown. Analysts had pointed out the difference between the company rule and
the British Raj in that the crown, to some extent, ensured equal rights and
opportunities to its subjects. History tells the story otherwise as the selective rights
were awarded to selected segments of the society in the sub-continent. British
executive machinery was also selective and different for different regions of the
colony.
“The Provincial Governments were already divided into
the different categories under the Regulating Act 1773.
In the first category, there was the designation of the
Governor of province to that of the Governor General.
The provinces in the second category remained under a
Lieutenant Governor appointed under an Act of
Parliament by the Governor General in the council from
amongst the servants of the company in India. He had
no Executive Council the third form of Provincial
Government was in practice in Punjab, which was being
65
J. Wilson. District Gazetteer of Shahpur, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1897) 30.
32
run by the office of a Chief Commissioner, created by
Lord Dalhousie in 1853.”66
Punjab was divided into seven divisions. Each division was further divided
into small adistricts with Deputy Commissioners as the executive head of each
district. Each district was sub-divided into Tehsils, administered by Tehsildars. British
Raj introduced a second phase in the administrative set up of the Punjab from January
1859 with the appointment of a Lieutenant governor to replace the Chief
Commissioner. In other parts of the sub-continent under the Indian Council Act of
1861 in Bengal in1863 and United provinces in 1866 respectively.
“In Punjab the Council was not formed until 1897. In
these councils, there was no Indian member, Hindu,
Muslim or Sikh. Then in 1892 came in effect the Indian
Council Act to increase the numbers of members of
Legislative Councils from 16 to 20.”67
The 1947 reminds the readers and students of history the concluding episode
of colonialism over geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pak sub-continent. The birth of
Pakistan and India was a seal to the culmination of the British Raj in this strategically
important region of South Asia. Confining this study to the research objectives,
domestic front in Pakistan was more diverse, complicated and difficult as compared to
that of India. Punjab was the center of major activity of the social, economic and
political stakeholders. It was the home of grain and tool as the larger share of
agricultural and industrial production had belonged to this province for long. Either
the sultanate of Delhi or the Mughals in past or the British Raj were all focused to
harvest the benefits and retain their circles of influence and prestige. Dr. Ishrat
Hussain gives a comprehensive review of the situation obtaining just after partition of
the sub-continent. He writes:
“Pakistan came into existence as a mouth-ridden
country at the time of the partition of India. The British
controlled provinces of Punjab and Bengal were each
divided into two parts. East Punjab and West Bengal
formed part of modern day India; West Punjab and East
66
. Azhra Ali, Political Development and the Political Parties in Punjab: 1849-1947 (PJSS) Vol 29 No.
1 (June 2009), 65-78. 67
. bid., 67.
33
Bengal, along with three other provinces, together
formed Pakistan.”68
East Bengal and West Punjab were two distinct arms of the newly independent
Pakistan. West Punjab or the Punjab in Pakistan is the area of research to explore the
power dynamics and the power of the Biradari here.
“Traditionally, agriculture makes the Punjab the
“breadbasket of Pakistan.” This explains in parts why
the province is so important for Pakistan’s economy. In
Pakistan, with more than 20 per cent GDP, agriculture
is the single largest sector of economy.”69
East Punjab or the Punjab in India is a significant contributor of agricultural
production to the exchequer. Indian Punjab has been more productive and resourceful
than the Pakistani Punjab. The United Punjab was a strategic instrument in domestic
as well as external policy planning for the British Raj. Indian governments paid
special attention to the development in Punjab, to retain and sustain the productive
benefits of the province.
“During the post-independence period, farmers in
Punjab also were helped by a large inflow of resources
from the national government for both rehabilitation
and infrastructural investment. Indian assigned the
public sector a crucial role in the development of rural
and urban infrastructure. This enabled Punjab to make
substantial investments in infrastructure, primarily in
irrigation, power, roads, and communications.”70
It was the strategically planned mode of investment in Indian Punjab which
produced returns in kind. The land reforms were introduced in Indian Punjab. The
infrastructural investments proved helpful to broaden the span of both agricultural and
industrial development. Statistics reveal that during thirty years since 1960s to late
1980s, State Domestic Product (SDP) had been 5.3 per cent, compared to 4.3 per cent
68
. Ishrat Husain, “Pakistan & Afghanistan: Domestic Pressures and Regional Threats: The Role of
Politics in Pakistan's Economy,” Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 1(2009): 2.
http://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/role-politics-pakistans-economy-0. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 69
. Reszat Beate, “Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritage, Institutions and the
Regional Dimension of Growth,” Journal of Pakistan Vision 9, no. 2(2008): 43.
http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/studies/PDF-FILES/3-
Beat%20Reszat%20Preliminary%20Version%20paper.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 70
. Bhalla G. S., and J. W. Mellor, "Agricultural Growth and Industrial Development in Punjab,"
Agriculture on the Road to Industrialization (1995): 68.
http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/pubs/pubs/books/mellor95/mellor95ch03.pdf. Acccessed June
17, 2013.
34
of Indian the per capital income rose by 3 percent annually in Punjab while 1.97 per
cent for the whole India. Same has been the case with other vital statistics.
The land reforms like those in India never took place in the West Punjab that,
on the other side, remained a major exploitative tool in the hands of influential elites,
bureaucratic adventurers and political figures. Their collaborative and explicit
interests kept the cycle of development moving with jerks and jolts.
Farmers in Pakistan faced difficult days. Provincial governments lacked vision
and understanding of the problems and prospects in the way of growth and prosperity.
The lack of understanding of the real issues farmers in particulars, and rural
population in general were facing especially with the distribution of lands and
possession of their farms prevailed upon since long. Farmers were treated as a
commodity purchasable and saleable by landlords of their territories.
“In the opening chapter of his book the Elusive Quest
for Growth, William Easterly gives an account of a visit
to rural Punjab where people lead a life in extreme
poverty – in malnutrition and poor sanitary conditions,
without roads, schools, electricity, running water and
telephone. Easterly mentions the example of Punjab
several times in his book. He points out not only to its
dark sides, but also to the vitality, for instance, of its
capital, Lahore.”71
1.11.3 Khushab
Map 1.1: Map of District Khushab
Source: Khushab District Google Map
Khushab is a typical district of Punjab where traditional Biradari power is an
established phenomenon. In British Punjab, Khushab was mostly the Shahpur district.
71
. Reszat, Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritige, Institutions and the Regional
Dimensions of Growth. Pakistan Vision Vol 9 No. 2, 29.
35
Khushab’s location is 229 kilometers away from Lahore and 246 kilometers from
Islamabad. This district comprises of beautiful plains, green mountains with natural
beauty of its valleys, especially the Soon valley and the desert. Quaid Abad,
Jauharabad, Nowshehra and Mitha Tiwana are its populous regions. The lakes of
Uchali, Khabbaki and Sodh Joy Wali, are adding flavor of tourism to this region.
People of Khushab speak Shahpuri, Pothohari, Balochi, Majhi and Jandai dialects of
Punjabi language. Khushab achieved the status of district on 1st July 1982.
72
Khushab was a home to 151,627 residents in 1891, 161,885 in 1901 with a
population of 11,403 of the headquarter town of Khushab. There were approximately
more than 200 villages in this district. British authorities with the support of Tiwana
of Shahpur had been collecting 2.4 lakhs as revenue and leases. Salt Range runs
through the North of Khushab and culminates in the peak of Skaser. Its southern
plains are salt-impregnated and give place to sand hills of the Thal. There lies fertile
lowland along the Jhelum River.73
In Shahpur district, Khushab town was the headquarters. Khushab municipality
was created in 1867. It is situated in 32o 18N and 72
o 22E, on the right bank of the
Jhelum River and on the Sind-Sagar branch of the North Western Railway. Grain is
an important food crop in Punjab. Khushab produces 28 percent of total grain
production in Punjab. Khushab has the privilege of being second district in grain
production both in Punjab and Pakistan. In grain exporting countries, Pakistan is the
third largest producer. Its main trading commodities of export quality are cotton,
wool, and ghee. Wheat grown in the Salt Range is also of export quality. Punjab
enjoys the status of home of wheat in Pakistan. Approximately 77 percent of wheat is
being produced here. Wheat crop covers two-third part of cultivated land in Pakistan.
Khushab figures low in wheat production. The production of wheat is about 35 to 40
lac maunds in Khushab. Cotton is another big crop, cultivated over 17 thousand
Acres. Cotton is only one percent of total cotton yield of Pakistan. Khushab is the
second largest rainy district of Pakistan. As the historical pattern was the Khushab
farmer dominantly cultivates patches on rental basis. Big farmers, zamindars and
landlords hold 91 percent of agricultural land in their possession in the district of
7272
J. Wilson. District Gazeteer of Khushab, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1984), 16-18 73
. Hunter, William Wilson, James Sutherland Cotton, Richard Burn, and William Stevenson Meyer,
eds. The Imperical Gazetteer of India
.http://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/gazetteer/pager.html?objectid=DS405.1.I34_V22_217.gif.
Accessed: March 20, 2013.
36
Khushab. Remaining 9 percent agricultural land has an equal share of 50 percent of it
by small farmers alone and the rest with bigwigs and peasants jointly.74
In historical context, Shahpur was the area where Sher Shah Suri defeated
Mughal emperor Humayun. When Humayun returned from Iran, he was accompanied
by Syed Sher Ali Sherazi, a descendent of Hazrat Imam Jafar Sadiq. His two sons
Hazrat Shah Shams Sherazi and Hazrat Syed Jalal ud Din became known for their
nobility and spirituality. Shah Shams broke away with Mughal rulers when Akbar
invented Deen-e-Elahi. He settled in Rampur more than two miles away from the
Jhelum River. People of Rampur and adjacent areas embraced Islam on his invitation.
He changed the name of Rampur and declared it Shahpur. He is laying buried in
Shahpur. British Raj elevated the status of Shahpur to a district. Shahpur played an
important role in supporting British Raj politically, economically and militarily. After
independence in Ayyub’s regime in 1960, Sargodha was made district and Shahpur its
Tehsil. Sargodha is the strategically significant for Pakistan. It is largest air bases
located in this district for which it is known as the ‘city of Eagles’ in Pakistan.
Today’s Khushab is mostly rural as 74.80 per cent of its population lives in
villages while only 25.20 percent are residing in urban areas. Rural population is 8,
35,192 persons while urban are 2, 81, 375. In this population 47.14 percent are males
(526252) while 52.86 percent (590315) are females. Khushab’s 44 percent population
(491289) is under 15 years of age. Its 22 percent women are in the 15-49 years age
group while the married child bearing age women comprise 16 percent of the
population.75
In Khushab, Tehsil wise population distribution is given in the following table:
Table 1: Administrative Divisions and Population of Khushab District
Tehsil Number of UC Population
Khushab 32 7,02,163
Noor Pur Thal 10 2,14,695
Quaid Abad 09 1,99,709
Source: Standard Demographic population groups based on DHIS
74
. District Khushab Development and Politics, Lahore: Punjab Lok Sujag, 2013.
http://lokpunjab.org/elections/slideshowkhus.html Accessed: March 27, 2014. 75
J. Wilson. District Gazeteer of Khushab, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1984), 16-18
37
The literary rate in urban and rural Khushab on gender basis is given below:
Table 2: Literacy and Gender in District Khushab
Literary Rate Male Female
Urban 65.41% 38.32%
Rural 57.67% 17.76%
Overall District 59.8% 21.8%
Source: EDO Literacy and Non-formal education Khushab.
The above statistics show that a rural woman is still kept away from schooling.
More than 50 percent of male population is literate and nearly 78 percent women and
girls are illiterate. Surprising to note is the literacy rate that is 22 percent in urban
Khushab and 58 percent in rural areas. Equally surprisingly is the female literacy that
is 26 percent in urban and 53 percent in rural Khushab.
Some excellent educational facilities / schools such as Dar-ul-Islam Trust
Institute, Government College, Government and Johar Memorial High School,
Government Technical Model High School, Dar-e-Arqam School, Fauji Foundation,
Divisional Public School, and the Educators have branches in the city. Rashid Minhas
Public High School is one of the major institutes providing quality education to the
citizens.
A multiple Indicator cluster survey 2007-2008 places Khushab in comparison
to three big cities, Multan, Rawalpindi and Lahore badly away from development
standards with respect to rampant poverty, literacy, population per health unit, sewage
facilities and provision of clean drinking water. Urban and rural Khushab present
alarming situation as 41 percent of rural population is living in astute poverty as
compared to 26 percent in urban areas. Following table gives the detail statistics in
this regard.
Table 3: Social Sector Indicators – Khushab in Comparison to Three Big Cities (2008)
Urban Punjab Rural Punjab
Multan Rawalpindi Lahore Khushab Multan Rawalpindi Lahore Khushab
Poverty 35 03 07 26 41 39 41 41
Mean
Income
30 09 04 43 02 54 10 45
38
Literacy 51 03 02 22 57 25 49 58
Female
Literacy
29 03 02 26 56 30 46 53
Population
PerHealth
Unit
32 26 30 14 56 48 52 59
PopulationPe
r School
35 33 41 30 63 68 64 53
Sewage 8 06 03 34 42 41 50 50
Tap Water 38 04 02 06 49 28 34 18
Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all
There are certain levels of social development in these 94 districts of Pakistan.
In top quartile, the best levels are the most developed districts. According to the
second level or the 1st Quartile, there are 10 districts in it, the top ones. Then are the
2nd
Quartile with 20 districts in the list and the 3rd
Quartile with 24 districts in this
level of ranking Khushab is in this 3rd
Quartile.
The ranking of districts of Pakistan is performed on the basis of WFS
(Weighted Factor Score) and Z-Score. The correlation between the two rankings is
0.988. This indicates the robustness of the results which is also highlighted by the fact
that except for Gujranwala, the top ten districts in WFS are also in the list of top ten
districts indicated by the Z-Score. This ranking also presents that at the lower end of
the distribution, seven out of ten districts are the same in both the ranking. According
to WFS ranking, Dera Bugti and Jalmagsi are the least developed districts while the
Nasirabad and Kohistan emerge as the lowest two districts in Z-Score ranking.
Table 4: Multi-Dimensional Poverty Indices – 2011
(Khushab in Comparison to Big Cities)
District
Poverty
Existing poverty
rate
Gap Severity
Khushab 42.75 6.20 1.65
Gujranwala 15.54 1.77 0.37
Lahore 10.58 1.50 0.37
39
Multan 78.33 26.43 12.93
Rawalpindi 15.04 1.73 0.39
Sargodha 45.25 8.86 2.90
Source: Extracted from Haroon, J.
Health facilities in this district are also a major setback for the better quality of
living. For every 10,000 population, only less than 4 doctors are available who treat
only 0.273 patients. There are far less than 0.5 beds available for this number of
patients. Following data reveals the sorry picture of the district in this regard.
Table 5: Khushab-Social Performance Ranking – 2008
Social Indicators
(Health)
`Rate Social Indicators
(Education)
Rate
Doctors Population Primary Enrollment
(10000 Pop) 3.613 Rate Boys 0.908
Rate Girls 0.504
Nurse Population
(10000 Pop)
1.694
No. of patients Treated per
population
0.273 Secondary Enrollment
Rate (Boys)
0.383
Rate Girls 0.104
Total Hospital Beds Per
Population
0.435 Literacy Rate (Male)
Literacy Rate (Female)
30.040
9.300
Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.
40
Table 6: Household in Khushab – A Survey
Households
Major City Other Urban Rural Total
Punjab 10464 21360 59456 91280
Khushab District 0 360 768 1128
Tehsil
Khushab 0 276 400 676
NoorPur Thal 0 84 368 452
Source: Extracted from Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Punjab 2007-08.
1.11.4 Political Landscape of Khushab
Political landscape of Khushab is occupied mainly by the Biradari power
politics. The Tiwana, Awan, Baluch, Bandial, Gunjial and Qureshi, etc. are the
important Biradaries of the district. Tiwana Biradari is mostly present in most of the
plains of Khushab. This Biradari has a history of collaborations and alliances with the
British Raj in the sub-continent. Biradari stalwarts had been on the leading fronts of
the Unionist Party of India, a political platform of landlords and Biradari elites in
close relation to the colonial rulers. Other Biradaries of Khushab are scattered in the
mountainous valleys. The politics in the Soon valley is dominated by Kursi Nasheens.
Awan are another of the largest Biradaries in Khushab. In post-independence period,
Awan held more representation in national, provincial as well as local elected bodies.
Baluch, Bandial, Qureshi, Gunjial and other Biradaries are also taking their share in
electoral politics, though very far from the share of Tiwana, Awan and Baluch.
Apart from the names mentioned above, the power struggle between Awan and
Tiwana can be traced back to the historical context as well. During the colonial era,
these two Biradaries had a dominant position and struggled to dominate the region.
Within District Khushab in Punjab, the leading clans (Biradaries) have played a
dominant role in the power politics. Initially, the British colonial bodies had utilized
the presence of various clans for the purpose of gathering support and maintenance of
effective coordination with public in the districts Sargodha and Shahpur. As noted by
Talbot, Noons and Tiwana have offered considerable amount of support to the British
41
colonial rulers during the conflict between Sikhs and British Raj in 1845-1846 and
1848-1849.76
The support from local Biradaries had facilitated the development of the
future colonial administration in the localities. These Biradaries have now become
more important in the protection of the personal motivations of the politicians and
government officials rather than administrative supporters. Furthermore, the influence
of Biradaries in shaping the dynamics of power politics in these districts has become
clearly evident. After the partition, the initiatives such as formation of Tanzeem-ul-
Awan for strengthening the Awan Biradari are a notable example of the effort to
maintain more power.
The researcher believes through analysis and evidence from the pages of
history that the Biradari system has been one of the major factors influencing every
election which has taken place since 1947. Biradari system is still playing a very
important role in the economic and political life of Khushab. The elections held in
1970s sent Tiwana, Awan, Baloch, and Khokhar Biradaries as representatives in the
Punjab Assembly.77
In the election held in 1985, the emergence of weaker Biradaries
threatened the previous control Awan and Tiwana held over the political positions in
Khushab. As a strategy to sustain their dominance, they collaborated with the
Biradaries such as Aahir, Baloch, Janjua, Khokhar etc. From 1985 onwards, the
struggle for dominance, family prestige, control over power and regional resources
had paved the way for power politics in district Khushab. This situation has not only
affected the dynamics of the local politics, but also had implications for the provincial
and national politics till the elections of 2008.
In contemporary Punjab the hierarchal structure of the caste system is plainly
breaking down to some extent but in politics, the significance of caste has increased
rather than declined.78
The formation of Biradari and the emergence of various
Biradari status groups and dynamics of landholding are the historical phenomenon
that came into existence at certain stage of social development. Traditionally the
castes and Biradaries have been connected with vegetable growing and dairying.
Recently, gradually they have been entering into other occupations like large scale
76
Talbot, Khizr Tiwana, the Punjab Unionist Party and the partition of india, London: Rutledge, 2013,
26. 77
. “Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan.” www.ecp.gov.pk. Accessed on 25 July, 2014. 78
. Mughees Ahmed, “Relationship between Political Parties and Non-Political Powers: An Analysis
with Reference to Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 29, no.1 (2009):
http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/vol29no1_2009/PJSSArtical10.pdf : Accessed March 23, 2013.
42
business, semiprofessionals, politics, white-collar jobs, small scale business, skilled
jobs and unskilled works etc. Despite shifting towards diversifying occupations they
have their active Biradaries.79
This study has explored the role, share and influence of these Biradaries in the
Khushab district at length. The Biradari in political landscape has been discussed as
well as to ascertain what dynamics of power have been produced and activated by this
power politics in Khushab.
79
. The main Baradaries of District Khushab are comprised, Syed, Awan, Gunjial, Aaheer, Tiwana,
Baghoor, Baluch, Janjauas, Bandials, Joyia, Kalus, and Boranas etc.
http://khushab.gop.pk/html/About_District.html#About_District_Tribes : Accessed March 20, 2013.
43
Chapter 2
BIRADARI AND POWER:
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
This chapter reveals the history of power politics under influence of Biradari
in India, Pakistan and Punjab in the period prior to (1982-2008) which is focused by
this study. The Biradari factor in determination of power politics during Mughal rule
has been explored. After the Mughals the British continued to rely on elite politics.
This historical continuity kept on the power politics in Pakistani Punjab on the basis
of the affiliation of kinship and Biradari. This historical course has been reexplored in
the following pages of this chapter.
Power politics has two facets; international and domestic. Originally power
politics is a term of International Relations where it is achieved by nations after a
harsh competition among them. The German word Machtpolitik serves as an origin
for the term ‘Power Politics’ that means ‘international diplomacy in which each
nation uses or threatens to use military or economic power to further its own
interests’.80
The nations who get more power are in fact in possession of sources which
enable them to harm or benefit other nations. Power thus gained enables them to get
their national interests in face of the national interests of other nations.
In domestic sense it is referred to the competition in the elite to gain power.
For the target of gaining power they use several tactics like political bargaining,
cooperation, pressure, coercion and containment through various social groups like
caste, kinship alliances, and Biradaries. Power politics at national level can be of two
types in terms of its aims. Public power politics is attached with the betterment of
people and it aims at welfare of the people through control over resources and policies
for good governance. On the other hand personal power politics is a negative work in
which the politicians try to take the destiny of the people in their hands in order to get
monetary benefits and personal interests.
80
.Knapp, R. D. German English Words: A Popular Dictionary of German Words Used in English
(USA: Kessinger Publishing, 2005), quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 1.
44
2.1.1: Power Explained by Various Scholars
In modern thinking, power as a theory has been and is being presented in a
variety of ways, having different meanings and varying scopes. Theoretical
explanations have been offered to justify every concept and theory.
“Machiavelli (1469-1527)81
represents the strategic and
decentralized thinking about power and its organization.
He sees power as a means, not a resource, and seeks
strategic advantages, such as military ones, between his
prince and others.”82
Power dictates rulers to expand their borders and annex the occupations.
Ruling elites use power to prove their authority over masses. Such authority overrides
the liberties of citizens and coerces them through the imposition of laws, rules and
regulations.
Hobbes (1588-1679)83
sees power as hegemony to strengthen and expand the
sovereignty over an unlimited or unspecified span of time and space. If one compares
Machiavelli to Hobbes with respect to the influence in the late nineteenth and the
twentieth centuries, the outcome would be a hegemonic and supreme power. Hobbes
appears more practical and pragmatic in conceptualizing power and its dynamics.
Last two centuries have witnessed the wars for both hegemony as well as
liberty. The Western forces from the seventeenth century through next two centuries
set the course of colonization. They invaded overseas nations and territories to
exercise their might, harvest various benefits and transfer raw materials to produce
value-addition culture. They exerted power in their benefits.
Max Weber (1864-1920)84
was a social scientist who theorized power in his
organizational thinking. He developed rational Hobbesian thought and weighed
bureaucracy to exercise authority and rule. Whereas Weber discussed power in the
81
He was an Italian Renaissance historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher, humanist and writer. He is
called the founder of modern political science. His famous book is the Prince. 82
Stewart R. Clegg, Frameworks of Power. (London: SAGE, 1989), quoted in Elisheva Sadan,
Empowerment and Community Planning, Theory and Practice of People-Focused Social Solution,
Trans. Richard Flantz (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz, 1997), 34,
http://www.mpow.org/elisheva_sadan_empowerment.pdf. Accessed: June 10, 2013. 83
Hobbes was an English philosopher and considered one of the founders of modern political
philosophy. His famous book is Leviathan. 84
Max Weber was a German sociologist, philosopher, jurist, political economist and the husband of
Marianne Schnitger. His ideas profoundly influence social theory and social research.
45
context of the organization and its structures Robert Dahl (1915-2014)85
connected
power to a concrete human factor. Dahl located the discussion of power within the
boundaries of an actual community. However, the major importance of Dahl is in the
development of the interest in understanding ruling élites, which came to the fore after
the Second World War (1939-45).”86
The most common sense of political power derives from Weber's widely used
and popular notion of power. Weber suggests that power is
"The probability that one actor within a social
relationship will be in a position to carry out his own
will despite resistance". In other words, power is the
ability of A to bend R to his or her will.87
The ethnographic record suggests the existence of a "political person" whose
goal in life is to maximize political power. The gender-sensitive idea of a '"political
person"88
complies with the fact that political power is not the exclusive property of
men.89
2.1.2 Idea of Power as the Control of Resources
In politics, as opposed to other contexts in which ideas of power may have
relevance, the power of any political agent does indeed derive fundamentally from the
control of resources.Acquisition and maintenance of these resources endow political
agents with power, and political power from this perspective may be fruitfully defined
as the control of resources. In general, political agents who control more resources
tend to win out against those who control this. However, agents who control less
power but use it wisely and skilfully often win out against other agents with more
power, but who squander it. The resources that constitute the power of an agent-
driven politics can be subsumed succinctly without being reductionist, under material
(tangible, human) and ideational (ideological, symbolic, informational) resources.
85
He was a political theorist and a professor of political science at Yale University. 86
. Mills, 1956; Hunter, 1953, quoted in Elis Hevan Sadan, Empowerment and Community Planning,
(Translated from Hebtrew by Richard Flantz, 1997) Til Aviv, 36. 87
Donald V Kurtz, Political Anthropology Power and Paradigms (Cambridge: Westview Press, 2001),
22 88
Political person: A person who deals with affairs of Govts. 89
Ibid. 23
46
Lasswell90
and Kaplan91
suggested eight resources, largely ideational, that are the
basis of political power: power itself (an ambiguous redundancy), respect, rectitude,
affection, well-being, wealth, skill, and enlightenment. Dahl distinguishes resources
that are more material; these include social standing, distributions of cash, wealth, and
credit, access to legal means, popularity control over jobs, and information.92
Political power is more highly centralized in specialized institutions of
governments than is the case among the stateless formations where political
institutions consist of less centralized arrangements of political statuses and roles, and
power is more diffuse and uncertain. The totality of resources that provide power that
is available to leaders in state polities is quantitatively and, to some extent,
qualitatively different from that which is available to leaders in stateless formations.93
James Adams (1723-90) developed idea of power as "a relational quality that
exists contingent on controls that can be exercised over elements of the external world
[and exists] differentially and independent1y for all men and may be extended to
many things.94
In trying to provide a universal model of power that includes politics,
Adams obscured the idea of power and the relationship between power and politics.95
Michel Foucault (1926-1984)96
parses power as a noun that he disguises in a
variety of contexts. Power is a force, a sphere, moving strata, an instrument, a
multiplicity of forces all of which function as "force relations" that affect individuals
as mechanisms of control. Power is not a force controlled by agents in Foucault’s
scheme. Indeed, agents are not important to him for power is not something held by
someone. In effect, his "'Power"' is an anthropomorphized agent that exists in many
shapes and forms and comes from many directions as a vector, an instrument, a
technology a technique, or a discourse that produces effects, such as knowledge,
90
Harold Lasswell: he was American Political Scientist famious for his book’’Power and
Personality’’. 91
Abraham Kaplan: He was American philosopher famious for his work in behavioural sciences ‘’The
Conduct of Inquiry’’ is his novel work. 92
Ibid., 22-23 93
Ibid., 24 94
Ibid., 27; 95
Ibid., 27 96
Michel Foucault: He was a Frence philosopher and historian of ideas. His theories addressed
relationshio between Power and Knowledge and how they are used as a form of Social
Control.
47
reality, and regimes of truth. As bio-power, Power influences matters of life and
death.
As a micrcophysics of power, perhaps his most original and best idea, power
inserts itself into the actions, attitudes, discourses, knowledge, learning, and prilctices
of people in everyday life.
Foucault dazzles with his relentless kaleidoscopic rcsconstitution of ideas of
Power's myriad causes and effects. Ultimately, for Foucault, Power is "the overall
effect that emerges from all these motilities." Regardless of the complexity of
Foucault’s visions of Power, his Power also is Weberian in essence. It relies on
Weber’s notion that power provides A the ability to force B to do things.97
The identification of political power with the control of resources can be
accommodated in five common resources. Besides human and material resources
identified by Nicholas J. Spykman (1893-1943),98
ideology, symbols, and information
provide three other critical resources of political power. The five resources that
constitute political power may be divided into two domains-the material and the
ideational - to help distinguish relationships among them.
The material domain includes human and of as tangible sources, Human
resources refer to allies and supporters – people - that any political agent requires to
be a leader. Tangible resources provide the culturally defined goods, such as money in
the United States, pigs in highland New Guinea, cacao beans among the Aztecs, and
the like. Politics is obvious when agents compete for human and tangible re- sources
and use them to attain their goals.
The ideational domain of power includes ideology, symbols, and information.
The power they provide is more subtle. Ideational, resources, especially symbols, are
used largely to impose meaning on political actions. Ideologies and information are
used to manipulate that meaning. In concert, ideational resources help leaders to
convince others of the legitimacy of their authority and to enhance the leaders'
abilities to acquire additional material resources. Political power does not exist apart
from agents who forge it creatively out of the resources available in their
environments. From the perspective or cultural relativism this is obvious in the
97
Ibid., 29 98
Nicloas J. Spykman: He laid the foundation of classical Realist School in American foreign policy.it
is concerned with balance of power. He is regarded god father of Containment.
48
politics of particular societies. Some agents always have more power than others, and
agents with less power tend to lose out to those with more.
It is less obvious that these power resources exist and are available in different
degrees in different types of societies. The office holders and political aspirants in
state governments and chiefly polities have access to more resources than do leaders
in nomadic hunting and gathering societies or big man polities. Between the
extremes-nomadic hunting and gathering societies and state formations-political
power resources vary greatly in abundance, accessibility, and distribution. The
variations depend largely on the institutional and environmental complexity of the
society in which politics transPires. These differences demonstrate the evolution of
political power.99
But whether explored from a relativist or cross-cultural bias, the resources of
power are inextricably intertwined in complex equations and can be separated
practically only for analysis. It is difficult to say without fear of contradiction which
resource of power is most fundamental. But a case can be made that human resources
are the most basic.100
There had been various ways and means adopted and exercised by rulers to
hold sway over human race in different periods of time and space differently.
Hegemony101
has been one of the objectives of the ruling elites, groups, imperial
states and others. Economic harvesting would be second objective as domains
expanded, resources transferred and utilized to earn economic means to expand and
reinforce hegemony. Settler economies were designed to this effect.
2.2 Biradari: A Social Institution
A Biradari is a group of families who have blood relations and who are,
generally speaking, living in a community or in neighbouring villages. It is larger than
a social group that is composed of many families. The members of a Biradari may not
be residing at one place or village. The Biradari is, mostly, endogamous i.e. marriage
can only take place within the same Biradari. The informal moves and customs of a
Biradari are very rigid and each member is expected to follow them. Conflict,
99
An authority held by a group within a society that allows for the administration of public resources
and implements policies for the society. 100
Ibid., 31-32 101
It is political or cultural dominance or authority over others.
49
competition and co-operation, all these processes go hand in hand with a Biradari.
‘Biradari ties have been weaker among the manual castes (kammi) who provided
service and they are dependent on the village landlords or even small land owners.
Similarly large landlords have tended to be less susceptible to Biradari influence
locally than smallholders, but have developed in some cases more geographically
extensive Biradari networks, rooted in more widely dispersed marriage patterns and
in broader networks of communication.102
In rural Punjab, the zamindars103
or
landowners usually assume the role of high-ups. They take the fate of fellow villagers
and kammi for granted. Power and privileges associated with power invoke sense of
their own esteem and honour in the minds of lower Biradari leaders to rise and
contest representation for their selves.
The institution of Biradari contrasts the traditional role to modern political
institutions like political parties, elections and parliamentary supremacy. The local
Biradari chiefs have the numerical strength of voters and electables for playing vital
role in the success of any political party in elections.104
These are nonpolitical
elements which settled in villages to maintain their political and social status. They
have no political fidelity but are loyal to the clan and Biradari. The political parties
seem to be divided into local groups and Biradaries instead of ideology. Political
parties give tickets to the candidates according to the Biradari influence in the
constituencies. Major Biradaries in Punjab are Jatts, Awan, Rajputs, Araiens, Gujjars,
Sayads and Balochs.105
In northern Punjab, Rajput Biradari looks dominant. Jatts are
leading in central Punjab and also sharing in southern Punjab. Arains are sharing
influence in central Punjab while Balochs are dominating in southern Punjab. The
politics in Sargodha and Khushab are dominated by Awan, Tiwana, Baloch Bandial,
Gunjial, Syed Qureshi, Joyia and other Biradaris. In Punjab, Biradari networks
provide an effective source of social and political affinity, which can also be exploited
for political purposes.
102
. Gilmartin, Biradari and Bureaucracy, 10, quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 161. 103
Land-owing nobility in India holding large tracts of land and control over their peasants. 104
. Gilmartin, Biradari and Bureaucracy, 10, quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 161. 105
Awan, Baloch, Syed and Arain are the foreign or non-Indian castes while Jatt, Rajput and many
Kammi castes are sons of the soil as perceived by the paper presenter. Akhtar Sandhu, “The Voice
from the Rural Areas: Muslim-Sikh Relations in the British Punjab, 1940-47,” paper presented in PRG
Meeting, Coventry University on 28 June 2008.
50
2.3 Biradari and Power
At the point when one studies the character and structure of expansionism in
different parts of the world, particularly the Islamic areas, he or she reaches to some
irritating normal conclusions. Such conclusions bring to light the formation of nearby
elites around area and property, chose force gatherings to advance frontier plan of
predominance, end of neighborhood safe components, debilitating the groups through
strict and separated enactment and obviously, weakening the impact of religious and
political indigenous circles. The instance of Indo-Pak subcontinent is of no special
case. Land possessions were made along Biradari lines, families and tribes were dealt
with diversely yet to augment results for pilgrim experts.
Professor T. C. Hodson (1871-1953)106
expressed that class and standing stand
to one another in the connection of family to species. The general characterization is
by classes, the nitty gritty one by ranks. The previous speaks to the outer, the recent
the inward perspective of the social association." Class had its one of kind
implications as Karl Marx (1818-1883)107
and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895)108
put it.
Then again, rank remained for diverse particulars. In spite of the fact that both were
expressive of same social or social remaining of some specific faction or gathering in
the general public, yet there remained a distinction in that similitude.
David Gilmartin109
notes “Indeed despite clear pre-colonial origins, the term
Biradari gained increasingly common political currency in the twentieth century,
reflecting the contradictions inherent in the structure of the colonial state….the
language of Biradari – suggesting reciprocal relationships forged through political
transactions – thus allowed villagers and local village leaders to penetrate into the
larger bureaucratic and political arenas outside, whilst maintaining the inner essence
of their own struggles for status within the village context.”110
106
He was a professor of social Anthropology at University of Cambridge he has published his work on
Indian anthropology. 107
He was a german philosopher, economist, journalist and revolutionary socialist. 108
He was a German philosopher, businessman and social scientist. He founded Marxist theory with
Karl Marx. 109
He is a professor of History at North Carolina State University. His famous book is Empire and
Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan. 110
. David Gilmartin, “Biradari and Bureaucracy: The Politics of Muslim Kinship Solidarity in
Twentieth Century Punjab,” International Journal of Punjab Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): quoted in
Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 4.
51
“The word Biradari gained gradually more common
political exchange in the twentieth century, showing the
contradiction inbuilt in the formation of the colonial
state the language of Biradari, suggesting give and take
relationships forged through political dealings, thus
permitting villages and local village influential to enter
into the bigger bureaucratic and political arenas outside,
while maintaining the central sPirit of their struggles for
positions within the village context.”111
How bararadaries can be influential in power politics can be understood by
what Kathleen Collins112
has mentioned about clans. Collins observes that
“If clans can be seen as “horizontal” by virtue of their
capacity to bind members through relations of mutual
trust, they can also be seen as “vertical” by dint of their
tendency to include both elite and non-elite members
from different levels of society and the state. Clans
boast powerful and often moneyed elites consisting of
members who have risen to prominence through
distinguished birth or notable accomplishment. These
leaders may be regional governors and chairmen, or
simply village elders. Whatever their formal stations,
elite members are normatively and rationally bound to
foster the well-being of their clan. They provide
political, social, and economic opportunities to the
members of their respective networks, and in return
count on these members’ personal loyalty and respect to
maintain their status.”113
2.4 Biradari in Indian History
History of Hinduism and the Hindus in India uncovers the prevalent status of
the Brahmin standing. Rather, one finds that the dominant part however in no way,
shape or form all, of rulers were Kshytria and infrequently Vashnia. This recommends
that in spite of the fact that the Brahmin rank had control in other worldly matters,
their energy and control inside the material world was constrained to the measure of
impact that they could pick up with individual rulers. Undoubtedly there were cases
when this was very impressive yet there is additionally little uncertainty that there
were times when Brahman impact was exceptionally feeble and immaterial.
111
. David Gilmartin, "Biradari and Bureaucracy: The Politics of Muslim Kinship Solidarity in 20th
Century Punjab,” International Journal of Punjab Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): 1-29. Accessed April 20,
2013. 112
She is a Assistant Professor of political science at University of Notredam. She has done her Ph.D
thesis from Standford University, America.’’Clan Politics and Regimes Transtion in Central
Asiis’’.She has extensively published her work on political role of clans. 113
Kathleen Collins, “Clans, Pacts, and Politics in Central Asia,” Journal of Democracy Volume 13,
Number 3 July 2002, 142
52
Keeping in view the class and cast distinctions in Hindu society it is not hard to
envision a circumstance where, Brahmans, seeing the command of British force,
unified themselves to apparent new managing class and endeavored to pick up impact
through it. By making themselves as powers on the rank framework they could then
tell the British what they accepted the British needed to hear furthermore what would
most improve their own position. The British would then take this data got through
the channel of the Brahmans, and translate it in view they could call their own
experience and their own social ideas.
The Mughal line, before British Raj, was an appearance of domain. There
were no political social affairs or the structures of representation even in the court of
the Mughal rulers. In such an unfortunate inadequacy, there was most likely of
affiliations or the associations based upon reasoning, normal venture or the need of
the people. The breakdown of the Mughal EmPire (1526-1857) was an end of the
Muslim lead over Punjab, both Eastern Punjab of India and the Western Punjab in
Pakistan. Muslim principle was an endeavor to acquire fairness social terms among all
religions of the territory.
2.5 Major Biradaries in the Punjab
In India, each occupation brings with itself a social and monetary chain of
importance in an unbendingly characterized manner. The brewers, smiths,
hairdressers, bricklayers, performers, woodworkers are the low position individuals
on one side while Bhats, Gujjars, Kambohs, Ahirs, Aroras are inferiors on the other
side. Despite the fact that such inflexible order did not develop in Muslim
Communities in India, yet solid Biradari and family conventions and associations did
created among Muslims self importance of positions and a fanatic awareness of class
predominance. Social and monetary status was sought after and took after via arrived
classes of Awan, Tiwana, Syed, Qureshies, Rajputs, Jatts, Gakhars, Arians and Virks
and so forth. Indian society was divided into various Biradaries.
“Jat was the Chief farming tribe. Muslim Jats were
mainly confined to western districts; Sikh Jatts were to
central and Hindu Jatts to south eastern districts of
Punjab (Salamat 1997:350). Arians formed another
important Muslim agricultural tribe in Central Punjab.
They were recognized as the most skilful and
53
industrious farmers, mostly settled in Lyallpur
(Faisalabad), Lahore and Jallandhar.”114
Muslims in the Rajput Biradari were the aristocratic face among the landed
elites in Punjab province. They were mainly settled in Rawalpindi, Jhelum and
Kangra. The rest of the Rajput Biradari was scattered in Jhang, Montgomery
(Sahiwal), Bahawalpur, Hissar and Karnal. The Census of India, 1911 confirms this
account.Awan were settled in different parts of Punjab with predominantly moved in
Salt Range, possessing places in military and including a real piece of the populace.
Gujjar had been spotted in Gujrat, Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur. Gurdaspur and
Hoshiarpur were incorporated in the India by the Boundary Commission. Gujjars
were cows reproducers and dairy individuals, having almost no enthusiasm for
Cultivation. Dera Ghazi Khan, Bahawalpur State, Multan, Jhang and Muzaffargarh
were to a great extent possessed by Baloch tribes. Syed and Qureshi Biradaries
carried on as the respectable race among Muslims. A few history specialists brought
up their unexpected direct in that carried on as Brahmans of the Muslims, the
prevalent rank. They were generally individuals of Shrines and holding religious
respect in their adherents. Syed held focuses in Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi
locales. They were landowners too.
Tiwana family of Shahpur got extra privilege and benefits for its services to
colonial masters. Tiwana presented their land and resources to British Raj. Nephew of
Malik Sahib Khan presented his land and constructed private canals over his personal
lands. Mubariz Khan was risaldar-major in Indian Army. He left army to serve the
British. He further extended his private canal to irrigate 8000 acres of land.115
“Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana provided valuable
services to the British Administration in the recruitment
and enlistment of soldiers from Jhelum, Gujrat and
Bahawalpur District. For his services he received Sword
of Honour in 1917 and fifteen rectangles of land in
1919. Similarly Malik Umar Hayat Tiwana worked as
Assistant Recruiting Officer Shahpur and member of
Provincial Recruiting Board.”116
114
. Ibid., 308. 115
.H Hassan, Class, Power and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in the Punjab,PhD thesis 2011,
342-343. 116
H Hassan, Class, Power and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in the Punjab,PhD thesis 2011, 46.
54
2.6 Biradari and Power in British India
English Raj117
delayed the Mughal imperial government into their pioneer set
up. India turned into a piece of a realm in which the whites were getting a charge out
of every last one of apples and oranges of flexibility and freedom under the shadows
of industrialist economy. Then again the Indian individuals encountered the inverse
with no balanced governance over their rulers, a controlled legal and a brutal official
with colossal authoritative independence. The ideas of present-day common society
were not relevant. Brokers, landowners and entrepreneur classes were seeking after
advantages and benefits from the British elites to change themselves into Indian elites.
The UK ruling elite with the established and practical supremacy of the Queen
and the Throne do the business of governance. In British Raj in India, those were the
“people of the crown” who held every power and authority, behaving as the ruling
elite with other groups as their clients, thus forging a relation of Patron-Client.
A critical review of the policies and practices of the British Raj reveals the
patterns of power and the exercise of power in India. British rulers behaved as single
ruling elite, deciding the vital issues of state and society with authority and discretion.
Local middle classes were given the minimal mandate to decide the petty issues of the
masses. Common man was totally deprived of the decision of life and death as the
British rule was grossly unjust and inequality was enforced in the distribution of
power.
Proponents of the pluralist theory of power believe that:
Groups compete each other and their competition produces public policy.
Power remains scattered throughout society. This distribution of power causes
resources to be enjoyed by the society. No single group can monopolize whole
power as an absolute power.
Resources are almost available to everyone in the society.
There emerges a relation between the potential power and the actual power.
Potential power wins this equation anytime or sometime during its exercise.
This clearly reveals that power absolution is a phenomenon more theoretical than
practical. No ruler or a group of people is an all-powerful in actual. The influence in
117
Raj means rule. This word is used for the period of British rule in India (1858-1947)
55
one realm or situation may be lost in another realm or situation. In this way holding
power is not enough to have a relatively unlimited scope and span of influence. There
is no single elite personality or a group which can dominate the whole social fabric.
Multiple groups or plurality of groups act to exercise power with better and effective
organization and the availability of funds. In the same manner, equality is not an
actual value to be given or enjoyed. Theorists believe that it is political equality that
potentially be sought in the form of political opportunity. Groups in their collective
exercise of power may not be equal in their tendency. They contribute and share
advantages and benefits to remove their lacking in one manner or the other.
In the discourse of power and power elites,118
Pareto was of the view that it would
be or would have to be an unrestricted political mobility in which such elites might
consist of the most talented and deserving individuals in a society to govern masses.
The experience and history present evidence, as Pareto himself points out as well, in
actual social set-ups; the elites are the most adept at using force and persuasion.
Pareto points out the significance of wealth and family connections as two important
aspects in elite structures. Such two aspects one can find in the local elites, the
hereditary wealth of the Zamindars and Landlords, of Biradari Chiefs and bigwigs.
Pareto found his political elites more likely on the lines and figures drawn by
Machiavelli and termed them lions and foxes.
Michels (1876-1936)119
stresses the efficiency as an operational objective rooted
in the need of larger organizations for the leaders and experts to gain control of the
funds, information, promotions and other functional necessities of the set-ups. So
power becomes centralized and concentrated into few hands. Here Mosca, Pareto and
Michels agree in that the democratic and egalitarian aspirations for such a set-up
constitute a futile outcome. In critical socio logical term, it is the futility theses.
Democrats and social radicals reject this thesis and advocates democracy and
egalitarianism as essential ingredients.
Democrats and social radicals believe that the elitism can be defeated by removing
and terminating the social and monetary benefits that those elites enjoy. They also
stress to abolish the power connections that spur competition among elites. When one
118
Those people in society who have strong influence on public officials. 119
He was a German Sociologist. He is best known for his book “Political Parties”. He has contributed
to “elite theory” with Pareto and Mosco.
56
see these points and arguments in the context of the British India, it becomes obvious
that the local elite scale was much smaller and regional than larger or national. Those
were pseudo elites whose advantages were at the will and mercy of their British
masters.
Indian elites, much like to others in other colonies, were belonging to a
fundamental and social life with large or influential followings concentrated in certain
regions of Punjab in special. They cultivated benefits from the British masters in the
absence of some collective and robust common interest. They claimed and acquired
status and privilege for their clans and Biradaries, for their kin and friends, and to
some extent, for their allies. They were allocated and re-allocated possessions of land
and perk and won tasks and statures. They were gathered as clients as they already in
possession of large and complex identities and influences. They were cohesive,
consPiring as well as self-conscious in the conduct of a local elite group. They had
been the product as well, of certain inseparable consequences, emerging out from
conflicting interests in political and social circumstances in which their British
masters were caught and sought support from amongst the masses.
In colonialism, as in pioneer India, political investment was firstly denied and
after that enthusiastically controlled by the British. Data was held far from the
colonized. Political restriction smothered and additionally disparaged and the
dissemination and activity of force were misused, consumed and controlled through
state contraption, customers in local populaces and a strict guideline of law formed to
meet the finishes of dominion.
History specialists have contended that British supreme character all through the
entire history of abroad development was that there had been unequivocal vested
parties behind it. They called such gatherings as "courteous industrialists" of the
London and that of the "nations of origin". Those industrialists were residents of
London and other prosperous urban communities of the Great Britain. English
government in India was backed and advanced by the consolidated investments of
landowners, dealers and nearby administration. English Raj in India was no place
without military matchless quality over neighborhood warlords and armed forces. The
military vicinity was a financial errand met by the incomes removed from the Indians.
The extraction helped Britain to keep up solid equipped vicinity in the sub-mainland
while returning to claim history of government, Ryon Brown composed that. For two
57
centuries, Britain was the expert of the oceans and pioneer in industry. The impressive
preferences permitted this modest, island country to have an unbalanced measure of
quality at their charge.
Ryan Brown120
terms this magnificent destination to the battle for survival of
Britain and connections it to the past to give a basis for such supreme outlines. He
states,
"all through the period of Absolutism, England
attempted to make due against the harsh outlines of
mainland rulers and rose up out of these contentions
with worldwide dominion".
Further clarifying the unexpected and captivating character of the EmPire,
Ryan guarantees authority in the words that deny the truths to secure something
unconvincingly nonsensical when he says that "England did not utilize her
amazingness to oppress the world. Rather, she utilized her monetary and political
quality to extend standards of opportunity around the globe." Such a feeling of
flexibility and recognition for the British Raj was the offer the masses needed and the
neighborhood elites delighted in.
"Obviously, there were segments of the populace who
were charmed with their prospects under the British
decide, a reality that clarifies the energy for the Raj that
persevered well into the twentieth century."
Tapan Ray Chaudhuri (1926-2013)121
further clarifies this unexpected point of
the British and Indian's advantage and brings up how neighborhood elites, and what
nearby elites had been constituted from amongst, appreciated the "enjoyments"
offered to them by the Raj in the accompanying words as a bare reality:
"The Indian sovereigns and the enormous proprietors,
secure in their belonging and benefits, never lost that
energy. The new expert classes and the individuals who
had the profit of western-style training likewise since
quite a while ago held their confidence in the
beneficence of the British standard, however they
critized numerous gimmicks of that lead from the 1820s
onwards."122
120
He is famous for his work The British Empire in India (1913). 121
Famous Indian historian. His writings cover social history. He was awarded Padma Bhoshan for his
services for history in India. 122
Ibid
58
As one thinks go into the history how East India Company had established the
frameworks for the safety of the warlord privileged, he or she figures out that British
speculation had been detailing another parcel of the high and high working classes
into reliable apparatus to serve its numerous goals incorporating business and social in
particular. These classes, absolutely illustrative of new nobility of dealers, landowners
and the organization under the British order and control framework, worked well
before the takeover of the Bengal. Nobody was permitted to turn into an equivalent to
a British in any style or status. They presented tenure society in the farming terrains.
The tenure was a multi-layered method. The substantial and persuasive families,
positions and Biradaries were given the summon of their particular towns as occupant
in-boss. They kept on reaping advantages from the grounds under their impact. They
were given security not to be removed, acquired their heritance in tenure and to get
rental advantages witho0ut any raise. A progression of position framework was
energized and families from low-ranks were never urged to turn into occupant in-
boss, rather they were sub-inhabitants to the inhabitant in-boss.
"The average Zamindar bequest toward the end of the
British Rule appears to have been altogether different
from that toward the end of the eighteenth century. In
Bengal the aggregate number of landowners which did
not surpass 100 at the outset of Hastings' organization in
1772, rose sometime during century to 154200. In 1872
there were 154,200 domains of which "533 or 0.34
every penny, just are extraordinary properties with a
territory of 20,000 sections of land and upwards; 15747
or 10.21 percent, range from 500 to 20,000 sections of
land in zone. While the quantity of states which missed
the mark regarding 500 in no under 137,920 or 89.44
every penny of the entirety."123
Nehru (1889-1964)124
composed on this wonder too: "In the United Provinces, so
far as I can recollect, there are million and a half persons delegated Zamindars. Most
likely more than ninety percent of these are pretty much on the same level as the
poorest occupants, and an alternate nine percent are just tolerably fortunate. The
greatest landowners are not more than five thousand in the entire area, and of this
number, around one-tenth may be viewed as the huge zamindars and taluqdars."
123
Ibid 124
He was the first Prime Minister of India.
59
English Raj energized the industrialists in the towns and disheartened jagirdars125
due to their absence of impetus in putting resources into the horticulture.
Industrialist behavior of the Government thought that it was ideal to help
moneylenders to find wasteful landowners. As Nehru expressed the developing
landowners were not sufficiently rich to turn into a piece of the technique to
enhance methods of profit.
The tip top society was a colossally powerful one in both models of colonization
and colonialism. The British model demonstrated trickier after freedom as it has been
keeping a huge experience political and financial action. The first class landowners
were termed as "feudatory boss" who had gigantic states, military limit and legal and
in addition authoritative character. Their territory incomes were overseen through
Jotedars, securing inhabitance privileges of the terrains at standard rents.
These circumstances never demonstrated supportive for dynamic cultivating. It
was a routine matter to lease the grounds to others. Others further sub-let the patches
and the outcome would be a chain of delegates in the middle of Zamindar and the
rancher. In Permanent Settlements, the occupants stayed frail and unprotected from
rent, different increments and removal.
Thomas Munro (1761-1827)126
Reforms pronounced that Indians ought not be
rejected from the upper levels of the legal. "In India, Munro accepted, government
must secure the individuals, and his legal suggestions had three fundamental
destinations: the utilization of conventional Indian structures that the individuals
comprehended, insurance of the cultivator from degenerate authorities and severe
social bosses somewhat to guarantee his income framework could work successfully
and the business of Indians in legal organization in light of the fact that they
comprehended nearby demeanor and would profit, ethically, from partaking openly
benefit. In giving judges' forces to income gatherers, utilizing Indian judges and juries
for minor criminal acts and common trials, and utilizing Indians to regulate the police,
Munro stimulated the hostility of British legal authorities, and it took two years and
weight from London to prompt the Madras government to order the obliged
enactment." So the gatherer was given a focal part in common locale organization.
125
This feudal System of land ownership was introduced in India during Muslim Rule (1206-1857)
which British ruler continued (landed Elites) 126
He served in India under East India Company in various capacity. He is rewarded as the founder of
Ryotwari system.
60
That Raiyatwari System127
was reinforcing the exclusive classes. The exclusive
classes held a generous measure of area. The understanding was not with a definitive
cultivator. The framework compensated the Zamindars and landowners as "Inam"128
that was a substantial scale landholding, accused of low expense rates with the
distinguishment from the East India Company. Raj approaches were intended to made
such stations and elites to overwhelm the nearby political and social scenes to serve
the rulers consequently.
“From the 1880s, for example, caste identity became
central in the recruitment policy into the army, in line
with the “martial race theory: some castes and “races”
were seen as being more martial, more “warlike” and
more disciplined than the others, thus making better
soldiers.”129
There is other side of the British mentality:
“Along the same lines, the Criminal Tribal Act of 1871
put entire caste groups under the suspicion of being
criminal. The Punjab Alienation Land Act, with its
implicit view that caste identity is to define one’s
occupation, is clearly part of this move towards caste
directed legislation. However, contrary to recruitment in
the army or suspicion to be a criminal which where of
concern for only a minority, it affected deeply the life of
vast majority of the inhabitants of the Province of
Punjab, and thus created a strong incentive for caste
identity manipulation.”130
The Biradari impact was advanced and ensured by the British Raj in Punjab
particularly to fortify the political adequacy of the arrived elites. The dispossession of
the working class and its overwhelming obligation were effective instruments in the
hands of the provincial forces on the grounds that the arrived elites, the Biradaries
impact was instrumentally practical in the financial and additionally social abuse of
proletariat. The authoritative measures further vested power in the hands of arrived
elites. The Punjab Descent of Jabir Law, the Punjab Pre-emption law, the Punjab
Tenancy Act 1887 and the Punjab Alienation Act 1900, were the illustrations of how
127
In India this system for revenue collection was introduced by Thomas Munro in 1820. Under it,
owernship rights were handed over to peasants.Govt collected Tax directly. 128
Inam means reward in service of colonial rulers. 129
. Guilhem Cassan, “British Law and Caste Identity Manipulation in Colonial India: the Punjab
Alienation of Land Act,” 2010, 8, http://www.econ.upf.edu/docs/seminars/cassan.pdf Accessed April
20, 2013. 130
Ibid, 8.
61
the arrived elites had been getting a charge out of the support of the British Raj.
Consequently;
“The landed aristocracy stood aloof from the nationalist
and revolutionary movements and continued to work
against such political endeavours made by the
intelligentsia and masses to mobilize action for the
benefit of the community and ambitiously copied
British customs and manners. They had their own
organization, which met annually and reiterated its
pledge of loyalty to the Raj. The organization of
chieftains and other influential members of the landed
aristocracy were called Association of Landed
Aristocracy in the Punjab. Later it was named as the
Punjab Chiefs Associations.131
The Biradari in Punjab legislative issues stayed instrumental in administration
and applause of the British Raj. The arrived elites framed a political stage when they
assembled to make Unionist Party. They did changed their Biradari Associations to a
political Party, yet they couldn't express for a solitary minute their own particular
feelings and choices. They had been looking towards the Raj to do what they would
have been advised by the Raj to do Biradari was a restricted gathering. Such a
structure could hold a city or locale for long yet its adequacy was constantly reliant
upon their supporters. It might be said that they upheld the provincial and magnificent
outlines.
They reaped more and put just their devotion in stuff and status. They
permitted their British benefactors to amplify their investments and profits at the
expense of their kindred natives. They marked settlement with Muhammad Ali Jinnah
yet kept their fidelity to the British Raj in place. It should as pointed out that national
developments do think that it hard to cruise easily when gatherings like Biradaries,
tribes and tribes seek after their own particular motivation. It might be troublesome
yet not unthinkable.
Thinking once more at the social scene of British India, there seem enormous
families with aspirations bigger than customary living. They imagined that the credit
was there to be picked up as the normal social components had been oblivious of the
social and financial open doors display on account of provoking the reason for the
rulers. They could listen to and appreciate the music of force consequently. The
131
. Khurram Mahmood, Iqbal and Politics of Punjab (1926-38) Lahore: Royal Book Co. 2010, 43.
62
Biradari elderly folks, the arrived first class pioneers and influentials were getting to
be procuring apparatuses of pressure and restrictions in the hands of rulers to farthest
point the flexibilities and to extend the spaces of force. They may have been
uninformed of the truth that the unequal appropriation of social power regularly
prompted the climax of flexibility in any social set-up. When they embraced ways and
intends to amplify their benefits and profits, even their Biradaris, their own energy
base, couldn't reap any great however to get misused by their elderly folks. So the
Biradari was changed into methods, rather than stage or the reason, to win the
greatest from the British rulers and return least to the individuals from the Biradari.
It is self-evident, that arrived elites and their powerbases, the Biradaris, were
permitted deliberately by the rulers to play their fortunes without those limitations and
pressure their kindred nation people had been encountering. It would be expressed
with no trepidation of foreswearing that the elites forced themselves even over their
Biradari colleagues to advance the unequal medications. They changed their impacts
and relations inside their own particular Biradaris to make them to do what they
would not do with their freedom of thought. At the point when increased to the
coercive force of the British guideline and its relations to themselves, they set aside
the standards of social obligation. They had less apprehension of ability and more
insatiability for prizes. Their connection to their kindred nation people was secured to
trade or deal engages. Biradari people were crashed into a perpetual risk of hardship
of their family advantages.
There were different ramifications of the Biradari impact to gain and pay a
traded profit. Biradari older folks won distinction through the control of their
positions and the misuse of the circumstances all that much ready for the individuals
who could use their behavioral demeanors. Their benefactors connected power in
overabundance to make circumstances. They utilized circumstance to pass on the
message that anything shy of political savagery may be endured yet with a certain
value would need to be paid. The outcome was clear too. Pioneer rulers practiced their
energy relations to change neighborhood observation into a feeling of compliance.
Nobody could even consider disregarding the principle of law in any capacity.
Biradari control over their individuals was additionally fortified in such a situation of
intimidation and control. Biradari elderly folks were in full control of chances and
dangers for their kindred Biradari individuals in kind and in human relations.
63
English Raj was instrumental and reactant in procuring more incomes, gaining
political mileage and keeping up social request all the while. The arrived first class
was serving the Raj in return of impact, status and monetary profits. Political hobbies
were shielded by these elites also.
More stunning gives extremely extensive record of the part of Biradaries as he
calls attention to that Biradari was a vital contraption of the pioneer principle. He
refers to Land Alienation Act of 1900 as the evidence of centrality of Biradari in the
British strategy making, even in drawing and delineating the limits of areas. Such
strategies were utilized to "make nearby fortresses for arrived elites and tribal and
Biradari pioneers who co-picked to keep up political solidness in their general
vicinity of control."132
English received certain approach destinations on vital and strategic premise
to keep up, manage and afterward delay the pioneer principle. Such strategy targets
were to create and gather incomes to meet the capital needs to run the legislative
hardware, take measures to unite regulatory and financial set-ups and to reinforce the
political economy of their Indian state. The hegemonic points incorporated a vital
powerbase in Asia to assume a world part.
English Raj took measures to segregate assets for the individuals who had
been ready to collaborate consequently to livens, benefits and distinction with a
specific end goal to hold anything they thought valuable to their end. The locale
organization will likewise go under examination to search for the system and
strategies of force governmental issues at this level. This will be useful in
discovering the linkages and parts of different vested parties as a rule and that of the
Biradari and the position frameworks specifically. Similarly vital will be the
investigation of the character and the part of the neighborhood persuasive as they had
been forced to bear the benefits and profits picked up from organization
consequently for income accumulations and political matchless quality for their
supporters. The association and administration of area possessions, the advancing
periods of station framework in degree to power, the fortifying of the Biradaries, the
debilitating of the social fabric in the sub-landmass, and obviously, the combined
132
Ibid
64
political effect created through these and different means are all indispensable
portions and elements history unfolds before a sharp eyewitness.
The courses of action and structures received by the British standard to
support and draw out their Raj in the sub landmass are crucial in understanding the
system of the British to make and solidify relations with indigenous elites and force
circles. English principle used these relations to debilitate the local safety. As a
consequence of such measures they empowered Biradari structures in financial and
political areas. Biradari assumed the huge part in accomplishing their hobbies.
Biradari likewise turned into a device in supporting the British guideline to
accomplish frontier targets in the sub landmass.
The British utilized their earnest attempts and assets to change the social and
social characters of their Indian settlement. In spite of the fact that they couldn't do
what they had been seeking after on these fronts, yet they were fruitful to such a
degree as to set up a class of individuals who introduced themselves as valuable
chumps and sidekicks. They would not like to teach the masses in India in the
genuine feeling of that Endeavor. They essentially embraced ways and intends to
make cluster of Faithfull. Hindus progressed quickly and grasped new chances to
instruct themselves and their future eras. Muslims kept themselves away and
standoffish in suspecting the terrible signs and squandering of their prospects.
Macaulay (1800-1859)133
place it in basic however in effective words as
"It is outlandish for us, with our constrained intends to
endeavor to instruct the collection of the individuals.
We should at present try our hardest to structure a class
who may be translators in the middle of us and the
millions whom we represent; a class of persons, Indian
in blood and shading, however English in taste, in
assessment, in ethics, and in mind."
Strategists in the sub-landmass supported the rise and improvement of the
associations with neighborhood persuasive's deliberately. They created fellowships
with local people. Such creating of the companionship was not enthusiastic. It was
clearly instrumental with the destination to respond neighborhood and local
administrations with prizes and grants that was really the improvement of clientage
on pretty much a compensation premise. The clientage was obliged to respond with a
133
He is famous for his educational reforms in India.
65
quick support. The fundamental normal for such supporter customer relationship was
that it was an intentional employment. The summon was in the hands of the
"benefactors" who were British. The progressive system was basically held by the
leaders of the time. This relationship was administered by force, however willful.
This force made controls. Lukes explains such powers as:
“…is it not the supreme and most insidious exercise of
power to prevent people, to whatever degree, from
having grievances by shaping their perceptions,
cognitions and preferences in such a way that they
accept their role in the existing order of things, either
because they can see or imagine no alternative to it, or
because they see it as natural and unchangeable, or
because they value it as divinely ordained and
beneficial?.134
Patron-Client135
relationships, either seen as natural, or divinely ordained thus
not changeable, they were beneficial. The Management of land according to the local
realization of colonial objectives, clients was wealthy, influential and politically
established entities, either individually or as a group in the form of clan, caste or
Biradari. They earned funds and peace for their patrons and were reciprocated in
securing vast patches of land, winning awards and titles and finding place in
“Durbar136
”. Clients were not completely handicapped or paralyzed in such
relationships. “…those clients have ‘power’ over their patrons and they have
“weapons” to ensure that patrons not only satisfy their obligations, but restrict their
demands. Patrons have public power mechanisms, which are easily equated to the
powers that the state tries to monopolise, clients must rely on other power
mechanisms which may go unacknowledged but which nevertheless may have
considerable influence on behaviours”.137
Each powerful was not received as a customer by the British Raj. A customer
was one who could further the goals of the supporter. The Biradari older folks were
picked particularly on the grounds that they had their following in their Biradari and
in zones in impact notwithstanding serve the monetary and managerial investments of
the British Raj.
134
. Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1974), quoted in Stephen,
Power and Patronage in Pakistan PhD thesis, 2002, University of Kent. UK 19. 135
A person seeking the protectionor influence of some one ownership. 136
This term is used for a court in Urdu from the Persian. 137
. Ibid., 26.
66
British employed tactics to create their clients. They disposed of old nobility and big
zamindars especially in Southern India. They encouraged dominant groups to share
the burden of revenue collection and other administrative tasks. “Most of those who
acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower-
caste cultivators became their tenants.”138
These dominant castes and Biradaries got
capital and influence as “Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One
of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land
values and rents. The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax.”139
Everyone of any Biradari was not privileged as a client, as mentioned earlier. British
Raj kept reshuffling the power basis of her clients. Rules and Regulations were
introduced off and on with respect to local power needs to upset the established
landlords and jagirdars. Any jagirdar could lose his holdings and someone else would
be signaled to replace the loser. Colonial rulers “removed the class of jagirdars who
had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who
could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the
product.”140
The organization and the British Crown advanced Zamindar as its customer
right from the earliest starting point. One can see that the Zamindar was the customer
of the rulers and the customer really taking shape too. There were other secured
customers also. Zamindar was getting a charge out of legal powers in his regions,
however not on a congruous character all over India. Such powers changed them into
masters of their region. Their court was Zamindar Adalat. They required fines, got
blessings and advantages and now and again, some offer in the administration of
common and criminal equity.141
Under changeless settlement strategy, the landholders of all aforementioned
classes were announced proprietors of area. Zamindars needed to pay a settled
assessment and could exchange or home loan their property possessions; the property
138
. Angus Maddison, Class Structure and economic growth: India and Pakistan, Routledge, (2005) 8. 139
. Ibid, 9. See particularly R.C. Dutt, op. cit. Dutt was a spokesman of landlord interests who argued
strongly against ‘excessive’ land taxation. He was one of the early leaders of the nationalist
movement whose spurious arguments still unfortunately carry some weight. 140
. Ibid., 10. See D. Thorner, The Agrarian Prospect in India, Delhi School of Economics, 1956, p. 12:
“The primary aim of all classes in the agrarian structure has been not to increase their income by
adopting more efficient methods, but the rise in social prestige by abstaining insofar as possible from
physical labour.” 141
Ibid
67
was then inheritable among the successors of the zamindars. They needed to come
back to the pioneer control the income consistently else they would be stripped of
their territories as the possessions would be sold. In spite of reservations and open
apprehensions, zamindars had no choice yet to comply. The customer had nothing to
revolt. Lasting settlement had the real effect in the responsibility for area. People
profited from that plan of possession as the families did. Landholders were given the
property rights in the involved area.
English clients were using the hardship of the workers and workers to pay to
their supporters by snare or by law breakers. The anguish was that the same Biradari
or area had truly diverse fortunes for two individuals. The Biradari boss were
fortunate to such a degree as to collect every profit either through working class and
Biradari individuals or through the advantages and benefits from their British
benefactors. This was the distinction in the fortune of individuals that had been
putting intolerable weights towards the end of the nineteenth century.
English utilized strategies as diverse overseeing plans of the area possessions
in distinctive parts of the state. They urged nearby families to a certain breaking point
through recompenses and prizes. In the meantime, the litmus test was to be passed in
restricted or the other to show and demonstrate steady devotion to the Raj. Support
was given to Biradaries and clientage was to be practiced in the give and take hit and
trial and separation and principle governmental issues.
In compatibility of the arrangement, British continued disposing of and
devastating the secured classes and making new sharks with flurry and waste of local
impacts. New arrived elites were likewise made from amongst the common
bureaucracy, shipper classes and other capital diversions. The investigation of
European pilgrim history clarifies that the concentrate in doing as such was to attain
to land-work degree to expand the income gathering at the expense and remnants of
the local populaces. English did this with the assistance of the arrived elites. They
made private area holders, honored titles and unfathomable patches of grounds to win
loyalties of the Biradari Chiefs. The private property rights were pertinent in
restrictive domains. Such rights were honors or blessings for substantial families,
Biradaries and gatherings having endogamous relations. Property rights fortified the
blood ties and made theocracy of landowning elites. The hardships were for the
individuals who were not proprietors. They were compelled to go into shoddy work
68
power different artisans were left with no alternative to serve the arrived world class.
The inhabitant was left on the kindness of the Biradari senior citizens, the landowner
as a Kammi, doing begaar, a work without profit.
Land proprietorship constituted a town chain of importance. That progression
was special to call Panchayats142
, choose insignificant debate, remove or urge
approximately occupants from the agrArian or residential area. That pecking order
was additionally engaged to distance area, experience the agrArian produce, rights to
watered or not to inundate area to their rebellious occupants, and so forth. In
Sargodha, Shahpur and different ranges contiguous the region, the occupants, artisans,
workers and individuals from the poor classes couldn't have their creatures touching,
having, and so forth. They were completely depended and entirely handy-caped.
2.7 Biradari Elite143
in Punjab
“At one level, the British reliance upon Punjab’s rural
elites was not entirely unexpected. When the Sikhs
established their rule over Punjab in 1799, following
decades of instability, war, and peasant rebellion
directed against the Mughals, the potential had existed
for a complete transformation of the political order.
Instead, while the upper echelons of the political
formations were reshaped, the hereditary landowning
elites who had formed the core of the Mughal
administrative system at the local level were
incorporated within the new regime.”144
Biradari society was particularly solid in the Punjab. At the point when British
attacked Punjab in 1849, Biradari came to reinforce the British lead in Punjab.
English secured private property in area. Another area arrangement was actualized;
cultivators were the managers of their properties until and unless challenged in an
unexpected way, inhabitants until and unless challenged in an unexpected way,
occupants were announced as inhabitance inhabitants or the occupants to exchange
freely.
British held both economic and military backing, yet they required the
assistance of the landed elites to make sure the collection of revenues, recruiting
142
A village council in India consist of 5 influential older men acknowledged by the community as its
governing body. 143
A selected group that is superior in term of ability or qualities to rest of a group of society i.e.
intelligence, social standings etc. 144
. Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,”
PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012, 338.
69
soldiers for defense and maintaining order in Punjab. They were clearly mindful of
the influence and tendency to serve the local elites, consisted of the rich landowners
and traditional aristocracy of their localities, also instrumental to the effective exercise
of power and authority. They held monopoly in the politics of the province and
bolstered their political positions relatively more efficiently than other groups and
classes in the society. They were well equipped to serve the interests of the colonial
rule. They proved themselves instrumental in transforming the political environment
in Punjab.
As a result or reward, British Raj reshaped the political hierarchy by
incorporating the landed aristocracy within the regime’s machinery. Although British
were well aware of the opportunism, yet they accommodated those elite groups to a
significant degree of continuity. Punjab’s landed aristocracy and Biradaries politics
remained in the central core of the system of governance. These elites entrenched
themselves in the political, economic and social structure of Punjab. They developed
their young generations to hold position in the bureaucracy as well by educating them
on western patterns.145
Those measures fortify British hang ashore administration. Arrived nobility
was recompensed new Jagirs and authoritative powers too. Arrived elites were
showered profits through the approach of cooption. That approach fortified Legharis,
Mazaris, Mamdoots, Noons, Maliks, Khattars, and Daultanas and so on. They had in
their positions Zaildars, Sufedposh, Honourany Magistrates and Durbaris also.
Such regulatory and financial measures were made effective through reason
situated companionships with neighborhood elites as an instrument of administration
and control. Such nearby elites were enormous proprietors, devoted and rank based
influentials. Those companions were individuals from a club with British rulers and
authorities their benefactors. So a persuasive and workable clientage was developed
and creates from amongst those British companions. In Shahpur, for case, Tiwana
family was furnished with colossal influence to increase capital and area assets and
improve enrolled troopers for the British armed force and gathered income. Tiwana
family broadened their territories for the development of private channels. Mubraiz
145
Ibid
70
Khan was Risaldar-Major in the eighteenth Bengal lancers, finished his vocation. His
private channel watered 8,000 sections of land.
English system was backed for empowering present day settled farming
especially in West Punjab. Sargodha and Shahpur were likewise included all the
while. The technique was to expand rural create and keep up political control over the
locale. One manifestation of open was to put resources into watering system. Second
part was lucrative. It was area stipend program. That program was gone for settling
towns on waste grounds. Around then, there were towns in little numbers neighboring
the Jhelum and Chenab streams. In Sargodha and Shahpur, Biradaries were utilized to
evacuate the imperatives in the best approach to advance agribusiness. The area
allows and leases were reached out to Tiwana Biradari to build rural populace. It
extraordinarily served to increment both populace and agrArian area. The region
under development was multiplied in 20 years.
An alternate strategy used to disposses' proletariat from the area. Workers
were left helpless before enormous landowners, accordingly abuse a political prize for
the rulers and the elites and a direct discipline for the regular laborer. That joint effort
was commensurate to structure political tip top. The innate landowning elites of the
Mughal period were the indispensable piece of the British Raj also and freely.
Another social chain of importance was produced to practice a squeezing social
disparity. The approach of dispossession left the proletariat in vigorously obliged
circumstances and helpless before cash banks for the most part Hindus and Sikhs.
Few Muslims positions like Khawjas, Parachas, Khokers, Sheikhs and Pathans were
little scale dealers. Jats, Arians, Rajputs and so on were Muslim throws. They were
the area nobility of the Punjab Awan, Gujjars, Syed, Qureshi were additionally
enormous Muslim Biradaries scattered in different urban areas of Punjab.
The micro-management in governance was an outcome of the power. The
infrastructure had given to the British rulers. The other benefit was the military
independence. The combining effect of the infrastructural power and the military
independence was that the need to rely upon the local elites, landowners and others
was reduced to a little with the passage of time and enhancement in power dynamics
in the hands of the rulers.
71
Anil Seal146
and Christopher Bayly147
have strong argument that indigenous elites
never lost their role and character and these classes remained instrumental in the
colonial governance. Both agree that those elites were the local power brokers and
holders to whom British Raj could not ignore for long. They were part and parcel to
the colonial hegemony. The revenue system was much more dependent upon them as
they were the practical access to the land and agriculture and deeply rooted in the
traditional framework of kinship and followings in the peasantry.
English Raj embraced administrative and managerial measures to develop the
country urban clash in Punjab. A trio of measures was particular to this impact. The
authorization of property rights, new land administration and presentation of another
legal set-up to guarantee peace. The accomplishment of these measures and a strict
managerial effect upon masses was the way to achievement. English authorities were
sharp in provincial urban or rural and non-horticultural part in Punjab. That part was
embraced to make spaces and adequately actualize land income strategies. The mind
dominant part of Punjab populace was country with substantial reliance upon
horticultural.
When someone goes through the policies and practices of the British Raj in
Punjab through 1860s, it becomes apparently fundamental to the governance strategy
that a coherent policy framework was chalked out by the rulers to accommodate the
landed elites. Measures were taken to protect the interests of those landed elites. The
enactment of the Land Alienation Act of 1900 was an example in that direction. That
was the Act to align the interests of the elites. That measure was a part of strategy to
get greater amounts of revenue, recruit more and more for the military, influencing
Punjab’s social life and supporting the castes, clans148
and Biradaries in Punjab. The
outcomes were encouraging for the Raj as it emerged enough confident in allowing a
limited representative system with local governance in the early years of the 20th
century. The electoral process invested power into the hands of the landed elites,
helping the Raj to have local neUtralizers to the political challenges the political
powers had been posing. British introduced legislative assembly and district board
set-ups. It was all favourable to strengthen the Unionist Party, the political platform of
146
. Anil Seal was an Indian author. He wrote The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and
Collaboration in the Later Nineteenth Century. 147
. C. A. Bayly is Professor of Imperial and Navel history at the University of Cambridge. 148
It is an informal Social institution in which actual Kinship based on blood or marriages. Clans are
identity networks consisting of an extensive web of horizontal and vertical Kin based relations.
72
the landed elites and their respective Biradaries in Punjab. That was the institutional
patronage in practice to further the interests of the Raj through providing political
opportunism to Biradaries.
“British agrarian policy in the Punjab was geared to
maximize revenue collection, through high, fixed and
rigid land revenue. Extension and commercialization to
further colonial interest, led to large scale indebtedness
met by half-hearted remedial measures and
‘legitimization’ of moneylenders and a series of serious
problems in the region. It was certainly not bene4ficial
to the farmer who was burdened by debt. In 1865, only
6 percent cultivators were in serious debt, by 1879, 80
percent were indebted, which increased up to 87 percent
in 1923 as a direct consequent of British agrarian
policy.”149
The divisions of individuals along the Biradari lines was changed into
divisions of warriors and workers to serve the British principle both in the field of war
and the field of wheat and cotton.
“One of the first measures taken by the British after
annexation was to establish private property in land. For
this purpose all the land was carefully surveyed and
individual rights were defined and recorded. The basis
for determining individual rights was generally as
follows: First, cultivators were entered as owners of
land in their possession, unless ownership was contested
by other members of the village to the satisfaction of the
settlement officer, in which case the cultivator was
entered as a tenant, second, tenants were divided into
two categories (occupancy ten ant and transfer at
will).”150
British were preparing the ground for their political and economic objectives
in Punjab to gain maximum benefits from the land and people of Punjab.
“So as to strengthen and consolidate their rule, the
British made the landed aristocracy more powerful than
ever before. Jagirs151
were bestowed upon them and
even magisterial powers were given to them in their
149
. Kewal Krishan Amrohi, “Land Revenue Policy in the South-Eastern Punjab under Colonial Rule,”
International Journal of Management and Social Sciences Research (IJMSSR) 2, no. 5(2013):18.
Accessed April 20, 2013. 150
. Naved Hamid, “Dispossession and Differentiation of the Peasantry in the Punjab During Colonial
Rule,” The Journal of Peasant Studie 10, no. 1 (1982): 53.
http://www.creb.org.pk/images/drnaved/publish%20paper/6-
Dispossession%20and%20Differentiation%20.%20.%20.%202.pdf. Accessed: April 20, 2013. 151
Estates
73
areas. In Western Punjab, the British co-opted the rural
elites into their administrative system. Following the
policy of cooption, chieftains like the Legharis,
Mazaris, Mamdots, Khans of Kasur, Noons, Maliks,
Khattars, Daultanas, Syeds, Qureshi, Gilanis, Gardezis,
Qizilbashis, Chatthas, Sials, Gaurmanis, Cheemas and
Tiwana were all tempted to offer their allegiances to the
Raj. They were incorporated into the administrative
system by offering them the semi official posts of
Zaildars,152
Sufedposh,153
Honourary Magistrates and
the members of the Durbar.”154
On the other hand the common farmer or the peasant was deprived of its land
and other belongings through a systemic dispossession policy of the British rule in
collaboration of the landed elites and capitalist elements.
“At the beginning of the British rule it was calculated
that of the cultivated area, nine-tenth is held by
cultivating proprietors and only one-tenth by landlords
(great and small) who do not themselves cultivate the
land. Thus we may assume that the tenant-cultivated
area in 1855 was around 1.5 million acres. In 1890-91
the tenant-cultivated area in Punjab was 46 per cent of
the total area, i.e., about 12 million acres. In other
words, the tenant-cultivated area increased by about
10.5 million acres, which is greater than our estimate of
village common land, brought under cultivation during
this period. Thus we may conclude that not only was the
peasantry dispossessed from a large part of its share of
the village common land but it also lost some of the
cultivated land in its possession.”155
The dispossession of the worker from area was an entrepreneur pattern that
created the laborer to leave the area and to acknowledge obligation. The presentation
of an assemblage of enactment in Punjab brought about putting the property and
credit in the hands of the cash banks. The configuration was obtained from the Great
Britain and the formulae were nearby in their application. Laws identifying with the
area issues were the duplicate of the laws being utilized as a part of Britain with their
strategies and examples were unfathomable for the nearby rancher. That industrialist
group of the enactment took the area tariff framework into its overlap too.
152
It was a feudal title, and a grand Jagirdar of the area, incharge of a zail under colonial ruler
administration. Each zail was consist of forty to hundred villages. 153
Colonial ruler in India created an honorary post for the special people in response to their services
for the British. 154
. Mahmood Khurram, “Iqbal and Provincial Politics of Punjab 1926-1938,” PhD Thesis, Quaid-i-
Azam University, 2005, 42. eprints.hec.gov.pk/2449/1/2315.htm. Accessed: April 20, 2013. 155
. Hamid, Dispossession 56.
74
A settled area duty was entirely upheld that expense was obligatory to pay without
impact of the nature of the harvest and changes in the business sector costs in spite of
the profit of the worker. Settled area assessment wiped out the little worker into the
ocean of obligation.
The entrepreneur, the moneylender and the official of the pioneer apparatus
were associates to one another in indebting the worker, denying him of his territory,
making him to pay usurious premiums and rendering him completely powerless
through controlled records to making the moneylender's grasp both excruciating and
decimating the law made the deal and exchange of private property a round of the
huge landowners, the moneylenders and the state bureaucratic device. So another area
business sector created and the dispossession of working class was made simple.
Dispossession was an instrument of syndication and controls over the harvest
and in addition the area proprietorship. In precolonial time, the offer in the town land
for the laborer or his family was unmistakably characterized. That impart was
perceived and would never be grabbed from the worker or the crew. English Raj
acquainted laws and strategies with change the course and an area business was
produced. Area overviews were completely done and a method was embraced in
determination of individual rights cultivator was pronounced the holder of the area. In
the event that he was not tested or challenged for that possession, he would be an
occupant. Inhabitant may be an inhabitance occupant on the off chance that he had
been developing the area for most recent 12 years on the off chance that he was an
inhabitant. The length of time would be 20 years for a non-inhabitant cultivator,
inhabitance occupant had the privilege to acquire, exchange or be a perpetual holder
subject to paying the settled rent or Malikana to the state. The other inhabitant was an
occupant voluntarily.
English or British colonization through its promotion of capitalism embraced
approaches of cooption, dispossession, and joint efforts for promoting their operations
via land governmental issues and Biradari controls. The prosperous Punjab was
utilized to boost the goal of income gathering by the British and Biradari. It was the
position and Biradari with their various leveled nature and practice of force strategies
that had been gravely hampering the political safety of the prevalent patriot outskirts.
Biradari boss attempted to backing the Raj and to gather various prizes, Jagirs and
political status. They bought impact to seek after their elitist plans
75
British authorities introduced a Zamindar land taxation system in Northern India. In
these areas the land tax was fixed 20 to 30 years. The land tax was to be paid by each
owner. The system defined “the share of the produce of an estate ordinarily receivable
by the landlord either in money or in kind”156
“soon after the establishment of the British rule two
basic conditions for the development of the land market
had been created. Land lord not only been converted
into private property and thus could be freely sold or
mortgaged, but it also yielded an increasing rent to its
owner. As a result the ownership of the land became the
object of struggle in rural society, which gave rise to a
process of dispossession of the peasantry.”157
So the dispossession was made a business sector capacity. Laborer was
compelled to deal the area to pay obligation of the moneylender. The Zamindars
seized the greater part of the town basic area. That diagram helped the pilgrim powers
to make new customers in provincial society. They were fat cats of their provincial
imparts and they were adjusted to the bigger landowners. They were belittled and
made lumbardar158
of their ranges of impact. They were area charge gatherers for the
state hardware and recipients in town land up to 75 sections of land of the waste area.
The lumbardars made another club of syndication and got to be instruments of the
state mechanical assembly against their own particular kinsmen, relatives and town
colleagues. They misused the nearby conditions, supplanted the Punchayati
framework and interceded the contentions between the pilgrim powers and the
villagers. They were obviously playing the round of the pilgrim experts.159
The land Revenue Act of 1900 was promulgated to reshape the politics of the
land. That Act forced the landed elites of all three major religions, Islam, Sikhism and
Hinduism to secure their prestige and power at the cost of their fellow castes, tribes
and Biradaries. The landlords were compelled, or to say encouraged becoming part of
a new political platform. The new political platform was actually a club of the elites.
They named it as the Unionist Party of India. It was formed in 1923. Sir Fazl-i-Husain
156
Sir James M. Douie, Punjab Settlement Mannual, Chandigarh-India: Controller of Printing
Department, Govt. of East Punjab 1974, 27 157
. N. Hamid, Dispossession and Differenciation of the Peasantary in the Punjab during colonial rule,
Journal of Peasants Study, 1982 Issue I pp 52-72. 158
Village headmen. 159
Ibid
76
was the representative of the interests of Muslim landlords, Biradari chiefs while Sir
Chhotu Ram was leading the Hindu interests.
The Hindus were mostly Jatt agriculturalists. They stood for the interests of
the rural agriculturalist classes. They were in practice a direct challenge and obstacle
at the same time for the nationalist political aspirations led by All India Congress and
All India Muslim League. So they were not simply representing the rural folks but
dividing the political process on the urban-rural patterns. Their most prominent
feature was their hold on the respective caste and Biradari systems in their religious
denominations. The rural population was a direct target to be kept away from the
popular anti-British sentiment or the quest for a national aspiration.
They state in their writings that the urban was mostly or predominantly a
centre of Hindu interests. They claim this on the basis that Indian National Congress
was the single and sole representative of the urban voices in the sub-continent. Even
in the unionist party, Hindu landlords felt the need to hit an alliance both with the
Muslim as well as Sikh counter parts to yield to the interest in status and power.
Castes, Biradaries and alike groups in the Unionist party managed to keep the people
of their regions away from the national sentiment for three long decades they were
custodians of regionalism, caste system and Biradari culture in their own and that of
the colonial support. They were self-proclaimed vanguards of the interests of landed
elites and peasant proprietary. Their claim was also that they had the symbolic
significance of a cross-communal alliance in times when two nations theory was at it
full swing.
The Muslim Biradari elders joined hands in hands with the Hindu caste
leaders. Their alliance is declared a plague for the rest of the sub-continent by
historians. Their politics helped the colonial authorities to benefit from the
ineffectiveness of both the Indian National Congress and All India Muslim League in
meaningfully mobilizing the rural communities in their programmes of national
character. Unionist Party managed this separation in Punjab. That alliance was broken
by the Hindu elements in it exactly when they thought that their time to harvest
benefits with the Unionist Party was no more fruitful. So the cross-communal alliance
of the unionists was challenged by the Hindu Jatts.
77
The fortifying of Biradaries and getting power by the arrived elites had the
political drop out on the basic reason for the Muslims in the sub-landmass. Biradaries
legislative issues was mainstream in nature, internal practically speaking and
antagonistic to the national assumption that was the means by which and why the
Unionist Party of India, the political stage of major Biradaries won decisions in 1923,
1926 and 1930 with 33, 31 and 37 seats individually for the Punjab Legislative
Council Party won 1937 decision with overwhelming larger part and left just two
seats for the Muslim League. In these races, Noon, Syed and Qureshi Biradaries won
1 seat every while the Tiwana Biradari won 3 seats. These outcomes were for the
Sargodha area for the participation in PLC. Biradaries got decent footing in the
neighborhood and in addition common legislative issues of Sargodha. The Biradari
Party or the Unionist Party rose fruitful with 88 seats out of an aggregate of 175.
Khizar Hayat Tiwana succeeded too.
In 1946, Biradaries confronted political reality shockingly. From Sargodha,
Shahpur and Khushab, 4 seats were open for the challenge. Tiwana Biradari won 2
seats while Piraccha and Nagiana won 1 seat every fro PLC. Tiwana applicants were
part among political gatherings. Unionist Tiwana won 1 seat, Muslim League Tiwana
additionally won an alternate seat. Unionist party lost from Khushab one Tiwana and
one Nagiana seats. Sir Siukandar Hayat Khan shaped the Punjab Government when
felt potential risk from Centeral Government, he got organization together to advance
Jinnah's reason. The 1946 races were challenged for this reason with the personality
of 'Pakistan Vote'. Muslim League won 73 out of 86 Muslims seats. Unionist Party
was lessened to 13 seats. So the Biradari legislative issues was a configuration to
annihilation the more noteworthy reason. Thus, it might be inferred that:
i) The expansion in the role of Biradari underminded the greater and collective
role of the Muslim community in the subcontinent, thus promoting the British
objectives at the cost of political standing;
ii) Common man and the peasantry were deprived of the belongings and force to
share the burden transferred by the British Raj to the elite classes;
iii) The policies of cooption and dispossession immensely hindered the balanced
development for the prosperity of the Muslim population on economic,
educational as well as social fronts.
78
Keeping in mind the end goal to win the loyalties of the nearby boss the
British Raj did strategy of belittling the Biradaries by favoring and regarding their
boss with prizes and honors. The persons who were given the legislature
employments were for the most part the persuasive individuals of their particular
Biradaries. In every decision particularly from 1920 to 1946, Biradaries were given
most extreme significance. While drawing constituent bodies electorate, British
deliberately endeavored to join country zones with a piece of urban terrains so that the
nearby landowners could control the urban focuses. They minimized the urban voting
demographics, and deliberately expanded the quantity of rustic electorates to exceed
the developing white collar class in the urban areas.
The individuals who challenged from urban focuses were not permitted to
challenge from a country supporters. Such arrangements of British rulers fortified the
part of Biradaries in the force governmental issues of pilgrim South Asia in which
rustic first class were favored over the urban elites. In the races of 1946, the British
authorities made it a strategy to consider the Biradaries and property of the
competitors while deciding qualification of the hopefuls. So the hopefuls of
persuasive families were favored.
It might be expressed that the home human advancement, the fruitful Punjab,
turned into the powerhouse involved by the trespassers that had never been
completely possessed by them. The intrusion was monetary, social, political and
regulatory. Nearby persuasive's carried on and double-crossed the famous supposition
of the larger part of the people groups, religions and societies of indigenous character
in working together with the British Raj to stack and harvest diversions and prizes. It
might be seen too through the dynamic part of the Biradari controllers. Biradari was
scattered and spread in Punjab with unfathomable assets accessible to them to win
political and monetary space for the activity of force and power by the British Raj.
Two-countries hypothesis of Muslim patriotism and Hindu patriotism got
responded by a third strand of common patriotism. The legislative issues of the nearby
tip top gatherings grasped third strand in spite of the way that they were completely
without any kind of hypothesis. Their sole destination was to win the status of the
customer from their benefactor who was the British. In the Sub-Continent, Muslim
populace was walking towards solidarity guided by the conclusion of a different
country from that of the Hindu country.
79
Interestingly the defenders of two country's hypothesis were not religious
pioneers. They were advanced in their training, dynamic in their social character and
dynamic in their political aspirations and national feeling their correspondence from
the Muslim group was the Biradari legislative issues, common in nature, internal by
and by and unfriendly to the national assessment. English disparaged that kind of
governmental issues to stance test to the legislative issues of the different nationhood
and country, or the legislative issues of patriotism.
The arrived elites composed a political stage to defend their hobbies in the
changing environment of the sub-landmass. The tip top gatherings were watching the
result of the British measures nearly. Three Biradari Chiefs, in particular Sir Sikandar
Hayat Khan (1892-1942)160
, Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Sir Chhotu Ram established the
political front with the target of advancing their diversions by supporting and serving
the British Raj.
A new political chapter expended in Punjab in the early
twentieth century and was dominated by leaders like Sir
Muhammad Iqbal (1875-1938), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-
1928), Sir Muhammad Shafi (1869-1932), and Sir Fazl-
i-Husain (1877-1936). It was a new phase in agitation
politics, and it began to impact the people at large These
political stirrings resulted in the creation of political
organizations, such as Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI),
Khaksars, Mahasabha, Unionist Party and Akali Dal.161
Individuals, particularly authorities of the Muslim urban intellectuals in the
Punjab were feeling denied of any political representation. The Indian National
Congress (INC) couldn't fulfill the politically irritated Muslims because of its
inclination and preference for the prevalence of Hindu attitude. A religion situated
character was crawling under the aspirations and goals of the Congress
administration. The MAI union with the All India Muslim League (AIML) couldn't
get by for long, overall the course of Muslim legislative issues would have changed
emphatically. The missing connection was that the Muslim authority barely perceived
the hugeness of the Muslim vote in Punjab. The Unionists had their energy base in the
ranges of their control. Their Jagirs were their supporters. They challenged for the
160
He was the premier of the united Punjab from 1937 to 1942. 161
. Awan Samina, “Nationalist Politics in the British Punjab: An Alliance between Muslim League
Parliamentary Board and Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture (December
2009), 68.
http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/3.%20Nationalist%20Politics,%20Samina%20Awan.
pdf Accessed May 3, 2013.
80
Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) and Central Legislative Council (CLC) when the
fundamental patriot gatherings, AIML and INC, were on appointive blacklist. That
blacklist coupled their prosperity with the British backing ruled the PLC.
“It may not be outlandish to suggest that the Unionist
pressure also played a critical role in making MAI to
reserve its alignment (with AIML). Another unresolved
point of conflict was the Ahrar insistence that there
should be a clause in the Oath of the Punjab Muslim
League candidate that he would struggle for the
expulsion of Ahmadis from the Muslim Community.
Interestingly, the Unionists were not willing to accept
that as well. Still another point of conflict was that in
some cases, the candidates of both the parties wanted to
contest the same constituencies in urban areas.”162
Unionists were united in a gathering to get chose to secure position and status
in the force passages. The union was comprised at first of 24 Muslim proprietors and
6 Hindu Jats. Rao Bahadur Lal was the pioneer of the Unionists with Nawab
Muzaffar Ali Qazilbash, Nawab Shah Nawaz Mamdot, Malik Khizr Hayat Khan
Tiwana,163
Malik Atta Muhammad Khan Nawab of Kalabagh and Mian Ahmed Yar
Khan Daultana were the proprietors in the Unionist Party. Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Sir
Muhammad Zafarullah Khan were Unionist pioneers too. They kept their bodies
electorate in place in decisions from 1921 to forward.
Here is the detail of the performance of each winner group in elections of
1921, 1926 and 1930 in Punjab Legislative Assembly (PLC).
Table 7 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) Results
Year Winning Party Total Parties in
the election
Seats Won
1921 Unionist Party 4 33
1926 -do- 6 31
1930 -do- 3 37
162
. Ibid., 77. 163
He was the Premier of the united Punjab from 1942 to 1947.
81
“The strength of the Punjab Legislative Council was
increased to 94 members out of which 23 members
were to be nominated and 71 elected. These reforms
also enlarged the functions of the Legislature….
Though the franchise was direct but was limited under a
strict criterion of qualifications and disqualifications for
voters, eventually a little over 3 percent population was
enfranchised in Punjab at the time.”164
English Raj about quiet and fulfilled on the event of 1921 Punjab Legislative
Council (PLC) races. There was no political danger as the political gatherings or the
gatherings alike failed to possess any far reaching motivation for individuals on both
sides of the contention. Races in 1921 were an individual fighting for the challengers
in the region. The outcomes were likewise not undermining deliberately or on the
strategic justification for the Raj. In races, 35 Muslims, 21 Hindus and 15 Sikhs were
risen as PLC individuals. In a place of 71 chose individuals, Unionists were effective
in the races as the larger part party with most extreme seats won. Independents were
second in number of seats while Swaraj Party won 12 seats in 1923 as a second vast
gathering, Hindu Mahasabha with 12 seats in 1926 and National Progressive Party
with 20 seats in 1930. In PLA decisions the story continued as before in 1937 when
Unionist Party won 98 seats out of 175, with Indian National Congress 18 and
Muslim League just 2 seats.
The 1937 decisions were unique in relation to the races of 1921 in that the
political fronts had been dynamic as the years progressed. Sikhs were spoken to by
Shiromani Akali Dal, the Chief Khalsa Diwan. It was the Khalsa National Party that
was a piece of the 1937 decisions as a stage for the Sikhs of Punjab. In 1946 decisions
the discretionary situation changed for AIML as it won 75 seats, Congress 51 and the
Unionists were fruitful on 19 seats in the place of 175 individuals. In 1937 elections,
Unionist Party was led by Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan.
“The only party present in all the five elections was
the Unionist Party. It could be possible for the central
parties of the Muslim League and the Congress to
develop their vote bank in Punjab only after the
introduction of 1935 Act, that too with the support of
local bodies. Entrance of these central political parties
164
. Ali Azra Asghar, Awan Sajid Mahmood, “Political Development and the Political Parties in Punjab:
1849-1947,”Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 29, no. 1 (June 2009), 68.
http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/vol29no1_2009/PJSSArtical06.pdf. Accessed: April 13, 2013.
82
in Punjab resulted into the communal divide of the
politics and of the political parties of Punjab.165
Congress Party (1885)166
had been demanding that the Central Government
would be solid. Party pioneers realized that they had been preparing for a Hindu
larger part focal government. Party plan couldn't meet the goals of the zones ruled by
Muslim lion's share. In Central and Southern India, Hindu held the numeric dominant
part while the Muslims were in minority. Congress and different gatherings were
proliferating that the Muslim League had been working for the foundation of a
country or a Muslim country state at the expense of Muslims of the Hindu larger part
regions.
“In the 1937 elections the Unionist Party was able to
win a heavy mandate of the Muslims of the Punjab. On
the other hand the Punjab Muslim League was able to
win only two seats in the Punjab Assembly. One of the
winning candidates, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan deserted
the AIML as soon as the results were officially
announced. Raja Sahib was offered a position of
parliamentary secretary ship of the ruling Unionist
Party. Sir Fazl-i-Husain died in 1936, leaving the way
clear for Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan to become the Chief
Minister of the Punjab….”167
Congress pioneers were in force in the Central Government their most extreme
exertion was to topple Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan's (1892-1942) Punjab Government to
introduce a congress service. Nehru's talk was coordinated towards defaming Hayat
service by terming it the durbar of the British Raj. It was genuine that the Unionists
were most extreme faithful to the British yet Hindu themselves were different
durbaries. Nehru's political mottos were telling very much an alternate story. Nehru
was asserting over and again that there were just two powers in India and those were
the Congress and the British Government. Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948)168
answered to Nehru.
“I refuse to line up with the Congress, Jinnah insisted,
when he heard Nehru’s simplistic analysis in Calcutta
165
. Ibid., 73. 166
It was established by A. O. Hume in 1885. 167
. Q. Abid / M. Abid, “Unionist Muslim League Relations and the Punjab Administration,”
http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/Current%20Issues/Q.%20Abid%20%20M.%20Abid.pdf
Accessed: May 3, 2013. 168
Founder of Pakistan.
83
early in January. There is a third party in this country
and that is the Muslims.”169
Nehru’s campaign fired back. Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan felt the threats. Nehru
opened the doors on the Muslim League and the Unionists to get allied to promote the
Jinnah’s model. A Sikandar Jinnah pact was signed in October 1937 during the
Lucknow session of the Muslim League.
“It may be pointed out that Sikandar – Jinnah agreement
was more in favour of the Muslim League but the
Unionist leaders like Sikandar Hayat and Khizr Hayat
Tiwana misinterpret the agreement to suit their own
definition. “By early 1946, the Muslim League had been
able to secure the support of many leading families of
Punjab and also eminent Pirs170
and
Sajjadanasheens171
. Quaid-i-Azam MA Jinnah issued
statements criticizing what he called “shameless
interference” in the election by Unionist Party and
criticized Governor’s bias in favour of the ruling
Unionist Party.172
Punjab Legislative Council had a quality improved from 94 to 175 under the
Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms in the Act of 1935. The 1937 decisions were a race
among Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs through their tip top identities. From the Muslim
side were the Ahrar, Ittihad-i-Milat from the arrived world class front the Unionist
Party was in the run, having landowners and Biradari elites in its crease. It was
rightly called the Zamindara gathering of the Punjab. Congress was likewise there.
In Unionists, the biggest inlet was evident in the middle of Tiwana and Noon
Biradaries. Both were generally hailing from Shahpur. They were the Jagirdars,
medieval masters and the fat cats of arrived privileged there. The Tiwana of the
Unionist Party had restricted the arrangement of Nawab Muzaffar Khan as Revenue
Member. Tiwana and Noons delighted in backing in distinctive regions. Nawab
Muhammad Hayat Qureshi was a nearby companion of Sikandar Hayat Tiwana.
Tiwana gathering had arrangements to thrashing this companion in races for the race
of top opening in Punjab. There were different clashes and divisions in the Unionist
169
Ibid., 89. 170
It is a title for a Sufi master or spiritual guide. 171
A hereditary administrator of the shrine. 172
Q. Abid / M. Abid, “Unionist Muslim League Relations and the Punjab Administration,”
http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/Current%20Issues/Q.%20Abid%20%20M.%20Abid.pdf
Accessed: May 3, 2013. 106.
84
positions. The Unionist proclamation was less huge that the pioneers in the battle for
the Legislative Council Membership.
The 1937 decisions were limited as in just the landowners of particular
positions, moms or the dowagers of military officers or general society hirelings could
get to be possibility for decision. The Biradari seniors of the Unionist Party had no
belief system aside from decision the masses. Congress and Akali Dal were in seat
conformity in different parts to thrashing the Unionists whom the two considered a
Muslim-commanded front. The decision results were as given here:
Table8 Party Position in 1937 Elections for PLC
Party Seats
Punjab Unionist Party 98
Khalsa National Party 13
Indian National Congress 18
Hindu Mahasabha 12
Shiromani Akali Dal 11
Ahrar 02
Muslim League 02
Congress Nationalist Party 01
Source: KC Yadav, Election, P133, 134
Following table gives a picture of Biradari position in Sargodha in 1937
elections for the Punjab Legislative Council. Tiwana won 3, Noon, Syed and Qureshi
Biradaries won 1 seat each. All the 6 successful were Unionists – the strong hold of
the Biradaries.
85
Table 9 (Khushab) Biradari Position in 1937 (PLC) Elections
Election
Year
Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1937 Punjab
Legislative
Council
Noon
Tiwana
Syed
Qureshi
1
3
1
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
All 6 winners belonged to Unionist Party
Region: Sargodha
Unionists = 6 out of 6
The 1937 decisions sent Biradari possibility to the agent organization. The
Unionists, really the proprietors and Biradari candidates succeeded immensely and
they caught 88 seats from a sum of 175. The figured out how to secure loyalties of 8
more chose individuals and got 96. It is barren to note that such a win was exceptional
as the Unionists crushed both All India National Congress and All India Muslim
League competitors. Biradari had demonstrated that it held the force both in Punjab
and Shahpur, Khizr Hayat Tiwana developed successful because of the impact of his
Tiwana Biradari in the zone. His gathering sacked 77 every penny votes in Shahpur.
Lord Wavell (1883-1950),173
the Viceroy of British India (1943-47), announced
on 19 September 1945 the schedule for elections, known as 1946 elections. Those
elections were fought by All India Muslim League as “Pakistan vote”. The results
produced the following outcomes:
Congress won 923 while Muslim League 425 seats, with a percentage of 58.23
and 26.81 respectively, out of a total of 1585 seats;
In Assam, Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Madras, NWFP, Orissa and
United Provinces, Congress formed the governments;
The Muslim League formed governments in Bengal and Sindh; while,
The Congress, the Unionist Party and the Akali Dal constituted government in
Punjab.
173
Penultimate Viceroy of India.
86
The Unionists were confined to the Punjab politics only
Table 10 Biradari Position in 1946 Elections (Khushab)
Election
Year
Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1946 Punjab
Legislative
Council
Tiwana
Pracha
Nagiana
2
1
1
Tiwana
Syed
Qureshi
1
1
1
Winners: Tiwana, Piracha from Muslim League
Tiwana from Unionist Party
Runner – ups: Tiwana, Nagiana from Unionist Party
Syed, Qureshi from Muslim League
Unionist Winners- 2 PM Winners -2
On 4 seats from Sargodha, Shahpur and Khushab, Tiwana Biradari won 2
seats while Piracha and Nagiana Biradaries won 1 seat each. The vital peculiarity
was that the Tiwana Biradari changed faithfulness from the Unionists on one seat.
The other Tiwana seat was unquestionably won by the Unionist Party. Muslim
League won 2 seats as Piracha Biradari was supporting the Muslim League. It was
the defining moment for the Unionist Party as it lost 5 seats as a gathering and one
seat as a Biradari of Tiwana lost one and agreed with Muslim League on the other.
The 1946 races were won by the Muslim League on the 'Pakistan Vote'. Party
got 73 seats from a sum of 86. Unionists succeeded on 13 seats. On the subject of
Pakistan six of the victor Unionists changed their gathering after triumph and joined
Muslim League with respect to interest for Pakistan. Muslim League measured the
Biradari applicants in Sargodha and honored tickets to three noteworthy Biradaries
e.g. Tiwana, Noons and Pirachas. The accomplishment of Muslim League was
likewise because of the Biradari vote.
2.8 Biradari and Politics in Pakistan
Pakistan is a mixed feudal and capitalist society. By the powerful we mean, of
course, those who are able to realize their will, even if others resist it. No one,
accordingly, can be truly powerful unless he has access to the command of major
institutions, for it is over these institutional means of power that the truly powerful
are, in the first instance, powerful. Higher politicians and key officials of government
87
command such institutional power; so do admirals and generals, and so do the major
owners and executives of the larger corporations. Not all power, it is true, is anchored
in and exercised by means of such institutions, but only within and through them can
power be more or less continuous and important.174
Biradari has its congruity in force progress after autonomy of Pakistan to
some degree in the comparable example with the change of watchmen in the Patron-
Client connections. It has created and is delivering impacts that gravely undermine the
smooth working of the political organizations including chose bodies, political
gatherings and the fair culture overall.
The establishment of Biradari is basic peculiarity of Pakistani society. It
differentiates the conventional part to current political foundations like political
gatherings, races and parliamentary matchless quality. The nearby Biradari boss have
the numerical quality of voters and electables for assuming indispensable part in the
achievement of any political gathering in races. These are nonpolitical components
which settled in towns to keep up their political and economic wellbeing. They have
no political devotion yet are faithful to the group and Biradari. The political
gatherings appear to be separated into nearby gatherings and Biradaries rather than
philosophy. Political gatherings offer tickets to the hopefuls as per the impact of
Biradari in the electorates.
Rustic life is particularly tolerating the impact both of theBiradari and the Sufi
request. A Sufi might either be Chishti,175
Qadri,176
Suharawardi177
or Naqshbandi,178
different in methodology and activity of the convictions. The Biradari requests in
Punjab likewise change from each other in appearance, otherworldly standing,
considerations on socialization and their political affiliations. An alternate normal
peculiarity in Biradari elites and Sufi elites is their proceeded with ownership of ripe
terrains, denying indigenous agriculturists of their produce and in addition patches of
174
C. Wright Mills. The Power Elite, New Yark: Oxford University Press, 1956, 9. 175
This Sufi order was found by Abu Ishaq shami in village Chist near Herat Afghanistan. In India
Moinuddin chisti introduced it Suffi of this order kept them from worldly power. Famous practice is
Sama and Qawali. 176
This Sufi order derives its name from Abdul Qadir Gilani (1077-1166). 177
This Sufi order was founded by Diya-al-din(1097-1168) in Balkh area of Kurdistan.They fellow
Imam Shafi.This order was spread by founder nephew Abu Hafs al-Suhrawardi(1145-1234).In india,
Baha-ud-Din Zakaria of Multan spread it. 178
This Sufi order was founded by Bahaudin Naqashband Bukhari (1318-89).
88
area. Castillejo sees it through the viewpoint of rejection of the individuals from the
rights, benefits and necessities of life. She contends.
“Pakistan has a feudal land system in which 2% of the
population owns 45% of the land. These big landowners
form the country’s main political power. Meanwhile,
half of the rural households are landless and experience
profound economic, social and political exclusion. This
population is entirely dependent upon the landlords for
whom its members work as tenant farmers and
labourers in exploitative conditions.”179
This medieval area framework appreciates the nexus created among
administration, military foundation, representatives of force, sanctum elites and
arrived elites. With the progression of time the separating of the medieval elites from
the mechanical elites has diminished and a collusion of the elites has risen. This
cooperation incorporates entrepreneur strengths, patrilineal linkages and Sufi
hallowed places, hence barring the center, lower center and the denied classes of the
general public. The imposing business model and matchless quality of such collusions
generally and broadly owe to their proficient and also bureaucratic support by the
strengths of foundations, Biradari solid footings in common society and other
association too.
The development of such unions and classes drove the country through poor
execution and control of force and resulting politicizing of the strategy making. The
power of the state vanished consistently and quickly. These nexuses and systems
turned the tables on the normal man. Their load was an aggregate work of amazing
nepotism, standing based strategies and waywardness of the destinations and
execution of improvement projects. The normal man was viewed as a piece of steady
the less wealthy. The administration framework declined as well as the way of life
and society was crumbled so seriously that the will to improve would have been
extremely tested.
The debilitating of the average workers in urban focuses, the wickedness of
the lower class and country society moved ahead on parallel lines as the dictator
administrations got stronger and quicker witted. That two sides decrease in good,
monetary and political spaces vanquished the will of the basic man. Furthermore, safe
179
. Castillejo Clare, “Exclusion: A Hidden Driver of Pakistan’s Fragility,” NOREF Policy Brief, 2012.
http://www.peacebuilding.no/Regions/Asia/Pakistan/Publications/Exclusion-a-hidden-driver-of-
Pakistan-s-fragility. Acccessed: June 17, 2013.
89
houses, enclaves and supports were offered to stall the democratization even in times
of constituent legislative issues. A study investigates the flow of the shortcomings of
the individuals and getting power in close to outright terms in different urban
communities and provincial ranges in Pakistan. Watching distinctive neediness lists
(Po, P1, P2), with Po as the Poverty Incidence, it peruses:
“Overall results ascertain that poverty is absolutely a
rural phenomenon in the Punjab province. Overall Po
declined in Divisions across all levels, except DG Khan
at its overall urban levels and rural Lahore.
Corresponding P1 and P2 also declined across all levels,
except urban areas of DG Khan Division… Maximum
decline in overall Po was observed in Rawalpindi,
followed by Faisalabad and Sargodha Divisions, while
maximum decline in corresponding P2 was observed in
Faisalabad, followed by Sargodha and Rawalpindi
Divisions.”180
Castillejo in her finishing up comments on the examples of prohibition holds
the perspective as the provincial poor get to be urban poor they may be less compelled
by primitive Patron-Client relations and better ready to assemble and make requests
for consideration. Kaplan is not as hopeful as Castijello in view of the developing
disparity in urban rustic separation and in both locales too. Kaplan states:
“Such dynamics are hard to change, given the relative
dearth of strong independent intermediate institutions,
such as media, Independent Monitoring Organizations
(IMOs) and Civil Society Organizations (CSO) that are
able to hold government accountable. More often than
not, existing ones are either too small to make a
difference or as elitist as the rest of society. As a result
they either lack resources to confront the elites or are
beholden to more powerful interests, as in the case of
the media, or the government itself in terms of
funding.”181
The force, power and the benefits are those fixings in the hands of such world
class structures that control even the procurement of bread and margarine to regular
individuals, regularly named or called as "Kammies". These elitist structures make
180
. Ikram Ali, A. Saboor, S. Ahmad, and Mustafa, "A Profile of Regional Contribution of Rural
Poverty in Punjab: Some Hidden Dynamics," Pakistan Journal of Life and Social Sciences 8, no.
1(2010): 37. http://www.pjlss.edu.pk/sites/default/files/8.%20Ikram%20%2835-41%29.pdf.
Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 181
. Kaplan Seth, “Power and Politics in Pakistan” NOREF Expert Analysis,
2013.http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/07f02d6b2e01427f1ece
edc9cf4f4e14.pdf.Acccessed: June 17, 2013.
90
circumstances or reason degeneration in circumstances of need. They enable their
instruments or apparatuses to improve or diminishing the probability of a family
reliant upon them. It so happens too that a world class gathering looses control in a
certain interim of time. In the meantime, the living principles of the individuals and
families relying on that aggregate's support face serious circumstances including evil
and craving.
“This effect does not appear to be long lasting, as
households who are eligible for assistance may be the
target of this clan effect.”182
Diverse examinations and studies uncover that 33% of the family units
accepting any help, in kind or overall, from such first class structures, particularly
Biradari, have a place with the same gathering of patrilineal linkages. The elites or
the supporters in such circumstances, control the voting conduct to such an extent that
they consider heads every family their voters. Any deviation by same individual from
such families may bring him or her to earnest results and disciplines.
In post pioneer period, Pakistan was a home of about two dozen world class
families at the time of autonomy. Those families were really the players in force
legislative issues prior and then afterward autonomy, reinforcing and growing the part
and offer of neighborhood Biradaries, particularly in the Punjab area. Pakistan kept
on securing honest to goodness foundations in the entire nation while, prevailing
Biradaries crushed this move roughly to keep up their power and control framework.
The presence and sustenance of these Biradaries are further fortified because
of the vicinity of casual correspondence designs that attest the force held by these
tribes over the administrative organizations. With the progression of time, the level of
inclusion of different Biradaries inside Punjab has upgraded essentially. Biradari
legislative issues has brought on various hardships even to the individuals from those
Biradaries that have been holding power in their districts. Underdevelopment,
absence of training and wellbeing offices and supported destitution are the yields of
such Biradari structures. Unlimited trusts and improvement ventures couldn't change
the urban and additionally social living.
182
. Vybomy Kate, Chaudhary Azam, “Patronage and the Poor: Evidence from Rural Punjab, Pakistan,”
Working Paper Presented in Oxford, 2013, 8.
http://dial2013.dauphine.fr/fileadmin/mediatheque/dial2013/documents/Papers/69_UK_Vyborny_Chau
dry.pdf. Acccessed June 17, 2013.
91
The primary component that has prodded this pattern is that the nearby
decisions were challenged on the premise of the Biradari framework as opposed to
the political partisanship. General Zia's neighborhood bodies framework further
united the strength of Biradaries thus the character and control of political gatherings
over force legislative issues was minimized an excessive amount of more noteworthy
degree. It was in 1985 when the non part races occurred in Pakistan. These decisions
were turned out to be a noteworthy help for the Biradari framework at the grass root
levels. In 1985 Punjab Assembly was contained 240 individuals while 124 were
Biradari based individuals.183
That procedure acted as it had worked for the frontier bosses who were
supplanted by military administrations in Pakistan. Biradaries served the both in both
periods. National plans were traded off and present day political and social
foundations were debilitated. That technique additionally attempted to kill religious
force and verbosity to leave mosque as a position of simple ceremonies. An all the
more socially subordinate society of Thana184
and Kachary185
was elevated to aid
Biradaries and groups to practice their impact over masses for the determination of
their trivial issues. Individuals have been rendered debilitated so they look for
salvation. This salvation gets to be as a separate gift from Biradari delegates.
Same has been the situation of nearby economy. Nearby bodies were
instrumental being developed approaches, projects and tasks, again equipping the
Biradaries, groups and neighborhood influentials to augment their control over
neighborhood improvement reserves and different assets. That was the structure of
legislative issues to battle the political establishments, parties and the group too. The
outcome was an increased political and social segregation for non-political on-screen
characters, Biradari was the most compelling portion of such supported performing
artists.
Punjab is the breadbasket of Pakistan and Biradari is the force administrator in
Punjab. The populace is overwhelmingly country and agrArian. There are huge
landholdings in Southern locale of Punjab. In focal Punjab, landholdings are littler.
The social structure rotates around family for personality, insurance and socialization.
183
. Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan data.http://ecp.gov.pk/GE/MNAs7297.aspx.
Accessed March 20, 2013. 184
Police Station. 185
Courts
92
The voting conduct is additionally represented and decided on the Biradari or faction
premise Biradari linkages are participial basically.
Punjabi population is predominantly rural and agricultural in background.
Broadly speaking the main characteristics of the southern districts of the Punjab is big
landholdings and feudal social structures. The central districts are characterized by
relatively smaller landholdings of peasant proprietors.186
Social life in Punjab is organized and circles around a certain kinship and family
structure. Family, in its extended forms, is very much significant. The identity,
protection and socialization depend upon family and its culture.
“Descent is reckoned patrilineally,187
those related
through male ancestors are considered relatives. The
Biradari or group of male kin (the patrilineage) plays a
significant role in social relations. Its members neither
hold movable property in common nor do share
earnings, but the honour or shame of individual
members affect general standing of the Biradari within
the community.”188
Andrew R. Wilder189
writes:
“It is commonly argued that ‘primordial’190
group
identities as family, kinship and caste, or membership in
a village faction, play a more significant role in
determining voting behavior in the sub-continent, than
individual political preferences.”…191
“In theory, members of a Biradari are co residents of
a single village. In some areas, however, land
fragmentation and generation of out-migration have
led to the dispersal of many members of the Biradari
among various villages, regions and cities. Patrilineal
kin continue to maintain ties with their natal village
186
. Muhammad Azam Choudhary, “Religious Practices at Sufi Shrines in the Punjab,” Pakistan
Journal of History and Culture 31, no. 1(2010): 1-30, 3.
http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/1.%20Religious%20Practices%20at%20Sufi%20Shri
nes,%20Azam%20Ch.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 187
Tracing Kinship and descent through the male line. 188
. Pakistan Traditional Kinship Patterns,
http://www.photius.com/countries/pakistan/society/pakistan_society_traditional_kinship_~10381.html.
Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 189
He is a famous author of the book “The Pakistan Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting behavior in
the Punjab (1999) OUP Pakistan. 190
Giving origin to something derived or developed. 191
. Andrew Wilder, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behavior in the Punjab
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 177.
93
and enjoy the legal rights of first refusal in any
Biradari land sale.”192
In Punjab, biradri systems give a powerful wellspring of social and political
liking, which can likewise be abused for political purposes. Major Biradaries in
Punjab are Jatts, Awan, Rajputs, Araiens, Gujjars, Sayads and Balochs. In northern
Punjab, Rajput Biradari looks predominant. Jatts are driving in focal Punjab
furthermore offering in southern Punjab. Arains are imparting impact in focal Punjab
while Balochs are ruling in southern Punjab.
An importance of the Biradari in Punjab is that it is the center of a nexus of
organization, military foundations, intermediaries of local and also nearby power,
sanctums and arrived elites with characterized political diversions. Feudal lords lead
such nexuses and organizations together. This may be termed tip top that spins around
the Biradari culture and force. Such collusions and linkages control territorial
divisional and locale legislative issues. These structures control land, capital assets,
state choices and arrangement making procedures and systems, to such an extent that
the non-Biradari substances think that it troublesome and regularly close to difficult
to breakaway with their hold and control. That is the motivation behind why change
plans wilt away and assets assigned for those changes go waste or can't be used
whatsoever.
192
. Traditional Kinship Patterns,
94
CHAPTER 3
INFILTRATION OF BIRADARI
IN STATE INSTITUTIONS
In this chapter we will address the questions how the Biradari affiliation
helped the scions of some biradaeris getting power through the institutions of the state
of Pakistan. In Pakistan generally power has been converged in the institutions of the
state other than parliament. Especially the army and bureaucracy have been stronger
than other institutions of the state. During the period under our study also the army
either was enjoying power directly or was controlling the country from back ground.
This chapter will highlight the fact that the affiliation of Biradari gave to many people
of major Biradaries in Khushab district the chances to enter and progress in the
institutions of state which had power in their control. We examine how far Biradari
plays important role in army and civil bureaucracy which are major power centres in
Pakistan.
Another Point to explain is the role of army in Pakistan. This chapter will
address the question how army is powerful in Pakistan and how Biradari is associated
with the army and bureaucracy? The chapter will maintain that most period under
study remained under military rule. Even during democracy the role of military
cannot be denied. The major Biradaries of the district succeeded to get positions in
the army and thus power could be got by them easily. Thus the major Biradaries
automatically were able to get power.
3.1 Biradari in Army and Bureaucracy193
Army bureaucracy is informal keystone of power politics in Pakistan. Major
policy issues and the government’s overall strategy are supposed to be decided
through consultations or directions from the army. Of course the Prime Minister or
President has a pre-eminent place as the chief executive of the county but army
general has such power that exactly forces the chief executive to make decisions in
the light of his directions. Thus chief and generals of Pakistan army are very powerful
figures in Pakistani political context. They are not required to share power with any
193
It is a way of administratively organizing large number of people who need to work together (an
administrative policy making group).
95
other political entity of the country. They command and are the members of
controlled centralised bureaucracy whose principle is
the defence and loyalty of the state of Pakistan.
Power in Pakistan, as Khushab has been selected as a case district of Pakistan
for this study, has been mostly in the control of major institutions of Pakistan namely
army, bureaucracy and judiciary. Within the machinery of state of Pakistan, the army
and the bureaucracy as opposed to the political elites in Pakistani civil society have
often been combined ‘as co-sharers of the piece of the power cake’. 194
Stephen P. Cohen mentions in his work The Idea of Pakistan that Pakistan is
controlled by a small but “culturally and socially intertwined elite” comprising about
five hundred people who form part of the establishment. Belonging to different
subgroups, these people are known for their loyalty to the “core principles” of a
central state. The elite to which Cohen has pointed out is not formed of politician
altogether. The subgroups which form these elite are, along with land lords, retired or
in service army officers, former or present bureaucrats, and judges in various courts.
In the modern democracies the military is one of many organizations of
government that is assigned with the goal of defence and security of country and it
struggles to fulfil its targets. However in Pakistan it is the most powerful institution.
In 1988 major newspapers were calling it ‘the backbone of the nation’.195
Ayesha
Siddiqa terms military as the most powerful institution of Pakistan. It is so larger in
number of members (700000 personnel) that there appears no single democratic
institution in country may claim to have this number of members. In comparison of its
strength the democratic system and other institutions of the state are weaker.196
The institution of Pakistan army has ruled over Pakistan directly through
military governments for more than half of Pakistan’s existence since its birth in
1947. For the remainder, army has ruled indirectly by undermining and manipulating
other civilian institutions and political parties and by pro-actively manipulating the
194
Mushahid Hussain and Akmal Hussain, Pakistan Problem of Governance (New Delhi: Vanguard
Books, 1993), 195
The News, Lahore, 15 January 1988 196
Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York:
Palgrave, 2001), 55-56
96
domestic political developments.197
In Pakistan the office of the Chief of the Army
Staff has emerged as the focal point of power. The bearer of this office calls the tune
in military as well as political matters of country. This particular position holder has
always been instrumental in imposing military rule.198
During the period under consideration i.e. 1982 to 2008 the Army enjoyed an
ultimate power position in Pakistan’s power politics owing to martial law government
from 1977 to 1985 and military’s take over from 1999 to 2008. This had a long-
lasting effect on the political environment and, as a result, successive political
governments, despite the restoration of democracy in 1985, have existed under the
psychological and political domination199
of the Army.200
In some cases the army
chief himself plays the role of the head of the state. More than half of the period under
our discussion (1982-2008) witnessed chief of army staff as the chief executive of
Pakistan.
The structure of the state of Pakistan evolved in such a way that politicians
and political parties were weakened due to interplay of international, regional and
domestic factors and the institutional balance was tipped in support of the army as
well as the civil bureaucracy.201
During the period under study army in Pakistan took
prominence for gaining power due to some major factors. Firstly during this period
army had been busy with international conflict in Afghanistan. During eighties it was
helping USA to divert Soviet advance in Afghanistan. Then In nineties army was
significant in dealing with Mujahideen and Taliban in post-USSR Afghanistan. In the
first decade of twenty-first century army had prominence due to the war on terrorism
waged in Afghanistan by US led international forces. Secondly in Pakistan army is
also powerful due to its role in defence of country from its traditional and larger rival
India.
Along with the assumption of responsibilities of guarding the frontiers of
Pakistan, during eighties Army also got the responsibility of defending the Islamic
ideological identity of Pakistan. The policy makers in Pakistan have always been
197
C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of
Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 63 198
Ayesha Jalal, The State of Martial Rule (Lahore: Vanguard, 1991)
200
Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York:
Palgrave, 2001), 61 201
Ayesha Jalal, “Pakistan: a dialogue between history and politics,” Fifth Manzur Qadir Memorial
Lecture, Lahore Pakistan, December 1989
97
under sheer fear of Indian hegemony in region. Actually on some occasions the very
existence of the country was on stake under the military threat of India. This threat
from stronger neighbouring state has forces Pakistani policy makers to build a strong
military.
The anxiety from Indian threat has oriented obvious ideological grounds.
Pakistanis are bound to have an idea that India with its predominantly Hindu
population and religious extremism cannot accept the existence of an Islamic state of
Pakistan. Therefore Pakistan needs a defence establishment that may be able to
provide external security to this ideological state. Even internal insecurity in Pakistan
is viewed by the policy makers as the continuity of external threats. 202
Moreover during US led war on terror in Pakistan’s adjacent areas of
Afghanistan and infiltration of combatant militants from Afghanistan to Pakistan and
vise versa Pakistan had to face a threat for internal security from military
organisations which were rival to USA as well as Pakistan. It was only army of
Pakistan more than other institutions of state that was able to ward off this threat to
internal security of country because no formal institution had the capacity of fighting
militants within the borders of country. Army, therefore, became the focus of
attention and ultimately it was prominent power holder in Pakistan.
The path dependent nature of military intervention has made the persistence of
military power in Pakistan possible.203
In fact the military had involved itself in the
government and activities of government in the earlier years of Pakistan. This
involvement made the military able to form not only its own political orientation204
but also the institutional framework of politics so that repeated rounds of entry of
army in to the political system might become easier. Every coup of the military
increased its capacity to embed itself in power. It thus has been able to impose
restrictions on unmanageable political rivals and it could also provide patronage to its
political allies. This process and political work of army endured the de facto army
power even when there were civilian rule. Thus military continued its control not only
over issues related to the internal security, foreign policy and defence but also over
202
Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York:
Palgrave, 2001), 56 203
M. Aziz, Military Control in Pakistan: The Parallel State (London: Routledge,2008)
98
the issues of economy through threat of intervention.205
Army’s power also has been
ensured through legal and legislative cover with the assistance of flexible courts and
puppet assemblies. This cover ensured legitimacy of army’s power that was required
to fulfil its political agenda.206
Writing in the context of Pakistan’s military in power Ayesha Siddiqa has
divided the period from 1977 to 2005 in three phases. She establishes that during first
decade i.e. 1977 to 1987 the military engaged in coercion. From then onwards it
negotiated the partnership with select members of the dominant classes through the
use of subtle coercion and bribery. The last seven years are more noticable for the
consolidation of military’s power.207
Though Pakistan has been under direct control of military from 1977 to 1985
and from 1999 to 2008 the remaining period from 1985 to 1999 did not see army less
powerful in Pakistan. When in 1985 Gen. Zia-ul-Haq lifted martial law he had got
himself accepted himself as president of Pakistan in democratic setup also. After
eighth amendment in the revived constitution of Pakistan 1973 president had been
centre of power and army chief Gen. Zia remained on this powerful position till his
sudden accidental death along with a number of other generals in 1988. After his
demise notwithstanding democracy in country military, in order to sustain its own
power base, kept on replacing one set of allegedly corrupt politicians with another.208
Benazir Bhutto was elected prime minister of Pakistan after the demise of
Gen. Zia. Though she was a democratic leader yet she had to make adjustments with
the army leadership at that time. The differences between army and Benazir marred
within two years of her rule to such an extent that on 6th August 1990209 Pakistan
army supported then president Ishaq Khan to depose Benazir. The army had such
influence on president that Lawrence Ziring termed that it was Pakistan army who in
205
Samad, Y 1994 ‘The Military and Democracy in Pakistan’, in Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 3,
No. 3 206
Newburg, P 2002 Judging the State: Courts and Constitutional Politics in Pakistan, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. 207
Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 82 208
Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 95
99
collaboration with president deposed Benazir just after four days of American
invasion in Iraq.210
New elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif also retained leverage with Pakistan
army.211
In 1993 Nawaz Sharif saw his influence with the army diminished. However
his target was President Ishaq who then dissolved the assembly as well as the
government of Nawaz Sahrif. The army command came forward unified in support of
presidential action, and it joined ranks against the Prime Minister.212
The judiciary
gave verdict against the dissolution of assembly but the resolved prime minister was
not accepted by the president. The tussle between the prime minister and president
prevailed. The power of army chief as arbiter of power manifested itself when its
chief General Waheed Kakar213
intervened and called upon both the President and
Prime Minister to resign their positions. Under pressure from the army both leaders
tendered their resignations on 18th July 1993.
Again Benazir was elected as Prime Minister and she assumed this office on
17 October 1993. Before starting her tenure she had decided to co-exist with the army
and would not challenge the authority of Army in certain sectors. Her entire focus was
to eliminate potential threats to her continuity in office.214
Thus during the
government of Benazir Bhutto army was quite free to exercise its control over all of
the matters which military considered its area of prestige.The power of army in no
way weakened.
In 1997 Nawaz Sharif again returned to power. During his tenure though
Nawaz Sharif dismissed two army chiefs yet the power and status of army did not fall
before democratic leaders. The army was kept engaged in the vital activity of census
taking and operation against corruption in WAPDA.215
The army’s influence on the
government was also reflected in the decision of government for nuclear tests on the
direction of army. The army’s strength in the country was evident on the removal of
Nawaz Sharif who lost power in 1999 due to his open confrontation with the Chief of
210
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the Crosscurrent of History (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003),
216 211
Ibid, 218. 212
Ibid, 226. 213
Ibid, 227. 214
Sartaj Aziz, Between Dreams and Realities (Oxford: OUP, 2009), 147. 215
Ibid, 342
100
Army Staff General Musharraf, whom he had removed from office. Dismissal of
Nawaz Sharif brought the military directly back into the seat of power.216
3.2 Biradaries in Pakistan Army
Having come to know that the institution of Pakistan army is major centre of
power in Pakistan the induction as officer in army means the assumption of power.
Now it is discussed how Biradari mattered in getting important positions and to what
extent major Biradaries in district Khushab got significant positions in the most
powerful institution of the country namely Pakistan army.
Historically the leadership of Pakistan army is constituted with the aristocrats.
Guided by their quest for greater revenue, as well as their increasing dependence on
Punjab as a recruiting ground for the Indian army and informed by their perception of
Biradari in Punjabi society, the British actively cultivated the support of
agriculturalist Biradaries and local chiefs, making them a focal policy concern. Thus,
when the British established the canal colonies in central Punjab at the end of the 19th
Century, bringing into cultivation millions of acres of hitherto barren land, or when
they began to include Punjabis within the formal administrative apparatuses of the
state, priority was given to the inclusion of landholders within these schemes 217
of
canal colonies as well as induction in army.
The policies of British were to prefer aristocratic Biradaries in army. The
major Biradaries of this district like Awan and Tiwana got the chances to enter into
army. During and after the war of independence in 1857 Tiwana got recruited one
thousand cavalry men in the British Army.218
This area has been major source of
recruitment in British army and police.219
Direct military rule in Pakistan is often accompanied by attaching of military
officers in top positions in the civilian administration, semi-government organisations
and autonomous institutions of state. The first step of military rule, thus, is to locate
216
Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 96 217
Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,”
PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012,10 218
J. Wilson, Shahpur/Sargodha Gazetteer 1897, translated by Naeem Ullah Malik (Sargodha:
University of Sargodha, 2014), 55. 219
Ibid, 88.
101
proven loyalists to military institution in upper places of the economy of country.220
The landed families have already proved loyalties with army institution. Therefore it
is very easy for landed Biradaries with retired army and civil officers in there fold to
get higher positions in the country again.
Many officers of Pakistan army had come from the land owning families or
they have been landowners, notwithstanding dispute on the size or extent. Analysing
this situation in 1950s Janowitz reported that Pakistan army was one of only two
armies from the sample of fifty three where a significant number of officers had been
recruited from aristocrats or land-gentry groups at the time of national
independence.221
Despite the admission to the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) (the training
centre for officers in Pakistan army) is very competitive officer222
candidates
generally are selected for the PMA based upon on merit223
but it is a fact that the
leading Biradaries had opportunities to get commission in the army more than other
population. The accumulation of many officers in one family where son of the
commissioned officer also got the commission and his son was also a general shows
that the kinship was preferred in the process of recruitment. Moreover it is unwritten
convention that the candidate whose near kin has already served the army is preferred
to other candidates by the selectors especially in the interview. In Bio Data form, the
very first form that the candidates have to fill for the commission, there is one full
page that asks the candidate about his relations in army. Answers to such questions
help the selectors prefer such candidates whose near relation is already in army. One
question is related to the caste and sub caste of the candidate. This also shows
preference as candidates from lower Biradaries are not selected. If someone from
lower Biradari wants to join army as commissioned officer, he has to forge his
Biradari otherwise he is rejected during the process. This notion is supported with the
argument that army has special traditions and the person from the family that already
knows these traditions is most suited for the army.
220
Ayesha Jalal, “Pakistan: a dialogue between history and politics,” Fifth Manzur Qadir Memorial
Lecture, Lahore Pakistan, December 1989. 221
Raymond A. Moore, “The Army as a Vehicle for Social Change in Pakistan,” The Journal of
Developing Areas 2 (October 1967-July 1968) : 59 (57-74) 222
C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of
Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 68. 223
Ibid, 70.
102
The kinship with the army officer supports the candidate in the interview in
this respect also that he can easily get guidance from one or many who always have
gone through this process. Another convention in the recruitment process that prefers
the kinship in the army is the reward to the martyr. One of the rewards to the martyr
that army gives is the provision of same or superior job to his near kin in the army.
Ten of his near relatives are passed through the recruitment process and one of them
is selected for the job.
At the time of independence the recruitment base of Pakistan was centred on
the Potohar Plateau of northern Pujab. After the separation of Bangladesh army has
tried to broaden its recruitment base. Since the 1990s, the Army followed an explicit
policy of broadening its recruitment base.224
According to the Pakistan Army’s ten-
year recruitment plan launched in 2001, by 2011 the Army hopes to increase Pashtuns
from 13.5 percent to 14.5 percent; Sindhis from 15 to 17 percent, and the Baluchis
from nearly nil to 4 percent. In addition, the Army hopes to increase the numbers of
persons from Azad Kashmir and Northern Areas from nearly zero to 9 percent of the
force. Punjabis would make up the balance of 55.5 percent. Minority recruitment
would be increased marginally.225
However major Biradaries from district Khushab
were able to get induction as army officers during the period under discussion.
Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz observe that from 1982 to 2005, an average of
1000 officers annually were inducted in Pakistan Army.226
From 1984 to 1994 1 to 3
percent were commissioned from district Khushab. It means estimated average of 2
percent of total officers (i.e. 20 every year) in army was commissioned from Khushab
annually. Figures 3, 4 and 5 in the work of Fair and Nawaz depict that this percentage
was less than 1 for next decade (1995-2005) which means that less than 10 army
officers annually were taken from Khushab district.227
This rough estimate shows that almost 300 officers were inducted in Pakistan
army during 1984 to 2005. We have found the names of more than 75 officers only
from leading Biradaries. Almost 125 others whose names could not be collected have
224
C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of
Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 79 225
Sher Baz Khan, ‘Punjab’s dominance in army being reduced: ISPR’, The Dawn, 14 Sept. 2007,
www.dawn.com/2007/09/14/top13.htm4. C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan
Army Officer Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 79 226
Ibid, 80. 227
Ibid, 82-84.
103
been commissioned from the leading Biradaries. Thus two third of the number of
officers from very few Biradaries and one third from all other population points out
the convergence of the army power positions with some powerful Biradaries.
Lt. Gen Muhammad Saleem belongs to Padrahr Awan family of Soon Valley.
He was retired in 1998 as Major General. He is son of Brig. Rtd. Malik Sanwal Khan
who was first officer commissioned in British Army from Khushab has played major
role in unification of Awan tribes under the slogan of Awan kari (Awan Brotherhood).
He was one of those leading personalities who made Awan united and motivated them
to enter into struggle for power. Lt. Gen. Saleem is the real brother of Malik Naeem
Khan Awan who was elected as an MNA in 1985, 1988 and 1993 consecutively.
Malik Naeem was also Federal Miniter for Communication, science and technology
during premiership of Mian Nawaz Shareef. In 1985 elections Malik Naeem Khan
Awan appeared as a new dynamic politician from Awan tribe of Padhrar family and
defeated Tiwana supported candidates in consecutive elections from joint
constituency of Khushb/Sargodha.228
Muhammad Ali Sanwal, son of Lt. Gen. Saleem, later on entered in political
arena and he submitted his nomination papers for election of National Assembly from
constituency NA 69. He failed to get support of Awan Biradari and found no other
way except to withdraw his candidature against Umar Aslam Awan, his maternal
cousin and former MNA. Another contestant of elections in the same constituency
was Sumera Malik Awan who was wife of Tahir Sarfraz Awan, serving Deputy
Commissioner at the time of elections and cousin of Umar Aslam Awan and maternal
nephew of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and former Federal Minister Malik Naeem Awan.
Heads of Biradari including Lt. Gen. Saleem supported Sumera Malik and she won
the elections. 229
Lt. Gen. Saleem and Malik Naeem, two sons of Brig. Sanwal Awan, differed
with each other on the division of huge mine business in salt range set up by their
father during military rule of Ayub Khan. Malik Naeem did not marry and he
nominated his nephew Malik Umar Aslam as his heir in politics when he left politics
due to falling health in 1997 instead of Muhammad Ali Sanwal, son of Lt. Gen.
228
Prof.(R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interview by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014. 229
Ibid.99
104
Saleem. Second cause of the difference between two brothers was that Malik Naeem
handed over all of his assets, mines and business to Umar Aslam, shifted his residence
in Lahore with Umar Asalm and neglected his brother. Traditionally in Awan Biradari
it is disliked that someone should reside in his sister’s house and Umar Aslam was
son of the sister of two brother. So Malik Naeem and Umar Aslam not only lost the
support of Lt. Gen. Saleem but also lost the support of other Biradari elders. Though
Umar Aslam won one election of 1997 cashing overwhelming popularity and
performance based politics of Malik Naeem yet in the long run he could not remain in
power due to Awan Kari and consecutively lost elections against Sumera Malik who
got support of Lt. Gen Saleem along with other elders of Awan family.230
Brigadier Malik Hayat Khan, maternal uncle of Malik Naeem Awan and Lt.
Gen. Saleem Awan, served as Director General Military Intelligence in 1956. He was
elected senator of Pakistan on 21st March 1991 and retired on 20th March 1997.231
He
is only senator elected from the area of district Khushab till now.232
Brigadier Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan, brother of Brigadier Malik Hayat
Awan, maternal uncle of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and Malik Naeem Awan, served as
Director General Pakistan Rangers Punjab from August 1975 to March 1980.233
After
retirement he contested elections from NA 69 with pitcher as election symbol. He lost
elections but he remained influential due to wide range of kinship and ownership of
mines that he had established during his tenure. He also was influential in power
politics to weaken Malik Naeem’s political influence because he had personal and
family grudges and grievances with Malik Naeem. Though he lost elections yet he
was successful in gaining his political goal of weakening and strengthening the
political position of Karam Bux family, another important branch of politicians from
Awan Biradari of Padrhar.234
230
Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher,
District Bar Office, JauharabadJauharabad, January 27, 2015. 231
Senate Secretariat, Senate of Pakistan, LIST OF SENATORS RETIRED ON 20-3-1997 SHOWING
THEIR PERMANENT ADDRESSES, 232
Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher,
District Bar Office, JauharabadJauharabad, January 27, 2015. 233
www.pakistanrangerspunjab.com, on 03 February 2015 234
Malik Shakir Bashir Awan, fomebr Naib Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, MNA-NA 70 (Memebr of
National Assembley) interview by the researcher, Karamabad (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, 10
February 2015.
105
Malik Arif Hayat Awan, son of senator brigadier (Rtd.) Muhammad Hayat,
brother of Malik Asif Hayat Chairman FPSC, maternal cousin of Lt. Gen. Saleem
Awan and Federal Minister Malik Naeem Awan, maternal uncle of MNA Umar Aslam
and Tahir Sarfraz, Secretary social welfare Punjab was Lt. General in Pakistan Army.
He remained CEO and Managing Director of Fauji Fertilizer Company March 2009 to
March 2012. This post marks his position and status in Pakistan Army that is hub of
power in Pakistan. Not to mention of this position he remained Director General at the
General Headquarters of Pakistan army during Musharraf regime and he was on the
key position making important decisions for the government of Pakistan.235
His power
easily could strengthen his Biradari fellows and kins as he himself was able to get
such powerful positions as well as entry into army with the help of his senator and
brigadier father. The head of Fauji Fertilizer Company becomes instrumental in the
arena of power as it supplies and gives economic benefits to the farmers through
supply and availability of fertilizers, benefits to the businessmen though allotment of
fertilizer agencies and advantages to the common man by providing them jobs
throughout the country. This is what power defines and does.236
Muhammad Mumtaz Awan from Noshehra Soon Valley was commissioned in
army and he was excelled t o the rank of Brigadier. His brother Muhammad Aziz
Awan was commissioned in Pakistan army and he was excelled to the rank of
Brigadier. Brig (R) Malik Aziz also served as the Director General Pakistan
Agriculture Storage and Service Corporation (PASSCO), an institution that ensures
the affordability, accessibility, and availability of food grains, especially wheat all
over Pakistan and for the institution of army as well.237
Thus both brothers became
influential in power circles of Pakistan and they were able to make relationships with
other power players in the country.
The sister of Malik Naeem (Federal Minister) and Malik Saleem (Lt. Gen.)
was married with Brigadier Aziz Awan. His son Faisal Aziz Awan, later on, was
commissioned and excelled to the rank of Major in Pakistan army. Then he moved to
Pakistan Rangers as GSO II training. Faisal Aziz Awan got married with daughter of
Senator (2003-06 and re-elected in 2012) Farhatullah Babur, another influential and
235
Dawn, 11 January 2007, Dawn, 9 October 2006. 236
Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014. 237
http://www.passco.gov.pk/introduction, Accessed 5 February 2015.
106
powerful figure in Pakistan. Senator Farhatullah Babur had served as president of
Pakistan Engineering Council for more than ten years. During Zardari regime he was
very close to President Zardari and worked as press secretary and spokesman to
President Asif Ali Zardari. Formerly he had been very close friend to Pakistan Atomic
Energy Commission Chairman Munir Ahmad Khan and played vital political role in
formulation of Pakistan’s policy for nuclear safety.238
These positions in the Army, Rangers, and power circles enabled Faisal Aziz
Malik to popularize in the area by giving benefits to his favourites and linkages
especially Biradari fellows. The psyche of the people of Pakistan in general and
people of Punjab in specific is attracted automatically to a person who is son of a
military officer, son-in-law of very close friend of the president and himself is also
army official. This haunts the minds of the people and they become prepared to accept
the power of such a man. Due to supporting his family fellows he was called Awan
Prast (the sponsor of Awan). His cousin opponents, who were affected by his
positions, filed enquiry against him and he resigned and opted to enter in electoral
politics at provincial level. 239
A power grasping family of Awan through institutions of the state is notable in
the respect that five members of the family were key officers in army and civil
bureaucracy. Four brothers Lt. Gen. Qazi Shafique Awan, Col. Muhammad Iqbal
Awan, Muhammad Safdar Superintendent Police and Col. Muhammad Jameel and son
of Col. Jameel, Brigadier Aftab belong to Noshehra sub tehsil of District Khushab and
head quarter of Soon valley. All four brothers got married within their Biradari and
close kinship. In this way they continued the link within the Biradari and did not
detach themselves from their relations.240
Lt. Gen. Qazi Shafique remained the
Chairman Overseas Employment Corporation Pakistan. They were caring for their
Biradari and helping to the fellows of their Biradari. They were also source of
insPiration for other people of the area. Notwithstanding their impartiality they were
the members of the Biradari and remained in the institution of Army that is the most
powerful institution of Pakistan. One can easily understand that five members of a
238
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farhatullah_Babar, Accessed 5 February 2015. 239
Umar Daraz Awan alias Mittho Awan (Manager Awan Bus Service, Sub Office Khushab) interview
by the researcher, Awan Hotel & Resturent Khushab Chakwal Road, Union Council, Kattah Saghral
Distt: Khushab 240
Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015.
107
family are able to get senior posts in army and bureaucracy and they can influence on
the power game.241
Maj. Gen. Mahboob Alam Awan belongs to Dhaka village very adjacent to
Noshehra. He was military secretary in GHQ for posting and transferring of officers
during 1993-94. He supported his Biradari fellows to such an extent that he did not
care for his post. He was committed to his Biradari and worked for his fellow men on
the basis of Biradari. The employment to the people was major need of time. His son
also got commission in Pakistan army and is major presently.242
Maj. Gen Tariq Saleem Malik belongs to Awan family of Noshehra
commanded 12 Div of Pakistan Army as GOC. He also served as military attaché in
Saudi Arabia. His brother Brig. Badar Awan also served as central commandant
Armerd Corps Nowshehra (KPK) and Military Intelligence.243
Major Muhammad Latif Awan was commissioned in British Army. The name
of mohalla Latifal, one of four major parts of city Noshehra sub tehsil headquarter
was coined on the name of Maj. Latif. This aspect shows the importance and prestige
of Maj. Latif in the city. His son Col. Muhammad Iqbal Awan served and was retired
from Remount Veterinary & Farms Corps (RV&FC). The power continued in the
third generation as the son of Col. Iqbal, Muhammad Hayat also was commissioned in
army and was retired as brigadier. He also got the position of Director General Fauji
Fertilizer Company.244
Muhammad Sarfraz Khan Awan, from village Khaliq Abad, got commission in
army and promoted till the rank of brigadier before his retirement. He also served as
2-Commando Colonel at Mangla. He was teacher of President Pervez Musharaf when
he got commando training. He was well wisher of Biradari and a social person.
Though his student became president of the country yet he did not accept any post in
reward to his teaching in prestige. This man, however, was influential in power
241
Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interview by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015. 242
Muhammad Mumtaz Qureshi, Primary School Teacher, Village Dhaka (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 10, 2015. 243
Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley)
Khushab, March 02, 2015. 244
Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley)
Khushab, March 02, 2015.
108
corridors and people of the area converged around him whenever he visited his home
village residence.245
Malik Meer Baz Khan from a small village Pindi was a captain in British
Army and he purchased one hundred and twenty five acres of fertile agricultural land
in the area. His grandson Brigadier Ghulam Hussain Awan was promoted as the
commandant Baloch Regment Recruitment Centre Abottobad. He became
instrumental in recruitment of the people of whole district Khushab and was famous
as Brigadier Khushabian. He also served in Fauji Fertilizer Company. He was also
granted with fifty acres of agricultural land near Head Sulemanki as a reward to his
services in the army. His brother Meer Baz Khan Awan also got commission in army
and excelled to the rank of major.246
He became chief security officer of Fauji Cement
Factory Nizam Pur Taxila. Another brother Muhammad Ali Awan supervised
agricultural land of the family in village Pindi Union Council No. 17 Waheer. He
takes part in the local politics and won elections of Nazim Union Council. Colonel
Khuda Dad, son of Brig. Ghulam Hussain, is serving in Baloch Regiment.247
Ahmad Nawaz Zafar Awan got commission in army and was promoted to the
rank of Brigadier in Air Defence. He also served as incharge army recruitment
artillery centre Attock. He is from village Dhokari where his real brother Malik Haq
Nawaz Awan is active in local politics and he wins the elections at the Union Council
level. He has been elected as the chairman Union Council Choha. Muhammad Amir,
the maternal nephew of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz, is serving as Lt. Col. in Pakistan
army.248
Muhammad Aziz Sagu was retired Lt. Colonel from Artillery in 2006. He
belonged to Sagu (Khokhar) tribe scattered in about seven villages in tehsil Nurpur
Thal. He married in Awan Biradari of Khaliqabad. During service he qualified MBA
and after retirement he was appointed as registrar Vutural University Islamabad and
later on he taught in National University of Science and Technology Islamabad. His
245
Malik Moula Dad Khan, former Nazim Union Council Kund, interview by researcher, village
Khaliqabad (Distt: Khsuhab) February 03, 2015. 246
Muhammad Ishaq Awan, Headmaster Govt. High School Shahpur Distt: Sargodha, interview by
researcher village Waheer (Distt: Khushab) February 04, 2015. 247
Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015. 248
Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014.
109
father in law was XEN in irrigation department. One of his brothers in law is the son
in law of Lt. Gen Ata Muhammad Utra (Khokhar) of village Utra. Colonel Ghulam
Muhammad Utra, from village Utra, was cousin of Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra,
former MPA from PP 34 in 1997. Hayat Utra remained active in electoral politics for
more than a decade and he contested continuously three elections, 1993, 1997 and
2002. Hayat Utra won the presidency of district Bar Khushab in 1978 and in 1981.249
Muhammat Hayat Sagu joined education core of Pakistan Army and was retired as Lt.
Colonel in 2008. He had passed the degree of MSc Mathematics that helped him after
retirement get job in administration branch of National University of Science and
Technology. He assisted many of his Biradari fellows in joining Army Medical Corps
(AMC) and other corpses of army. He is regarded a very valuable personality in his
Biradari due to this service to the Biradari. He is often respected in settling disputes
in the Biradari as well as in the community.250
Zuhar Khan of Gunjial Biradari got commission in Pakistan Army and was
promoted to director General Directorate of Federal Government Institutions
Islamabad that operates the schools and colleges run under auspices of Pakistan Army
throughout Pakistan. He is relative of Saleh Muhammad Gunjial who was elected
MPA for two times in 1993 from PP34 and in 2002 from PP 40.251
Captain retired Abd-ur-Rehman Tiwana belonged to village Hamoka (Hasan pur
Tiwana). He was the younger brother of Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana who became the
provincial minister in various governments. Malik Khuda Bux was also first elected
Chairman District Council in 1982. He is head of Tiwan group in Khushab. Another
brother is Malik Saifullah Tiwana who was also an MNA and District Nazim
Khushab. Another brother named Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana was elected as
MNA. Another brother Malik Ehsanullah Tiwan was elected as district Nazim. Thus
all brothers enjoyed power in one or other way. 252
249
Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher
Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village
Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015. 250
Ibid.87 251
Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of
Sargodha, interview by researcher, village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12,
2015. 252
Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana, former MNA and Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher,
village Hamoka (Hassan Pur Tiwana) Distt: Khushab, April 15, 2015.
110
Ata Muhammad Malik Awan from village Soddi Jay wali joined Pakistan
Army and promoted up to the rank of brigadier. He was appointed first centre
commander of air defence wing in Pakistan Army.253
Brigadier Sher Jang Awan of village Mardwal is serving in GHQ. Two of his brothers
are also officers in Pakistan Army. One is Lt. Col. Naeem Awan and second is Major
Shahid Awan. They are not directly linked with politics but obviously they have got
power in institution of army and they are member of Awan Biradari.254
Brigadier retired Muhammad Akram Awan belongs to village Anga Soon
Vally. He served in Special Services Group of Pakistan Army. His maternal nephew
Brig. Umar Awan is serving in Pakistan Army as incharge Mujahid Centre. He is also
people friendly and Biradari supporter. The cousins of Akram Awan take part in local
politics.255
Group Captain retired Saeed Malik belongs to village Mardwal. He was
influential in recruitment of his Biradari fellows in Air Force. Another of his brothers
Lt. Col. Saifullah Awan is serving in DSG. They are the sons of Malik Ameer
Abdullah Awan who was retired in 2000 as deputy controller Pakistan Broadcasting
Corporation Peshawar Centre. Another member of their family is Colonel Ahmad Yar
Awan from village Mardwal. He serves in Missile force Attock.256
Major Nadeem and Major Asad are brothers belonging to village Mardwal.
Major Nadeem joined politics after retirement. He came very close to MPA Asif Bha.
This boosted his power as well as the political power of the group of Tahir Sarfraz
Awan that he joined after association with Asif Bha.Lt. Colonel Sadeeq of Kufri runs
SOS village in the Sargodha. He has three daughters who are doctors. He has strong
bent to the social welfare. Notwithstanding he did not take part in politics he could
assert power in the area if power is defined as the influence.257
253
Muhammad Pervez Awan (R) Instructor, Cadet College Hassan Abdal, interview by researcher
village Ochala (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, April 23, 2015. 254
Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview
by researcher, April 27, 2015. 255
Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015. 256
Muhammad Farooq Awan, (R) JCO Pakistan Airforce, village Mardwal, interview by researcher ,
Awan Marble Near Qanchi Mor, Sargodha, March 19, 2015. 257
Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab,
interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015.
111
Wing Commander Rizwan Ahmad Awan is a medical specialist PAF Hospital
Sargodha belongs to village Jabba Khushab. He family members are active in the
politics of union council. As a doctor he is respected in the area to much extent. Lt.
Col. Tipu Sultan belongs to village Nowshehra is serving in ISI. Major Babur belongs
to village Dhaka is serving at Lahore. He is son of ex Major General Mahboob Alam
Awan. Lt. Col. Nasrullah Awan from village Mardwal bears many relatives who are
officers in Pakistan army. Major Qasim Ali also belongs to this family settled in Wah
cant. Lt. Col Imran and Major Muhamamd Iqbal are brothers from Mardwal. They are
from Awan Biradari and assert much influence in power circles of the district.258
Baloch Biradari also has one officer in the high ranks of army. That officer is Maj.
Gen. Chiragh Haider who belongs to village Girote Khushab. Air Comodore Amjad
Malik from Khushab city served in PAF Peshawar. Lt. Gen. Maqsood Ahmad belongs
to Khushab city from Jatt Biradari. Col. Tauqeer Qazi belongs to Jauharabad. Col.
Arshad Malik belongs to village Maardwal. His father Ata Muhammad Awan was a
retired subedar. He was awarded land in Badin Sindh during Ayub’s reign. Col.
Qasim from village Anga is a nephew of famous writer Ahmad Nadeem Qaasmi. Lt.
Col. Ghulam Shabeer from village Bola Shareef also is from Baloch tribe. He is close
friend to Jahangir Badr, General Secretary of Pakistan Peoples’ Party.259
He has
acquired land in district Sajjadanasheenan. Lt. Col. Muhammad Iqbal belongs to
Sodhi served in artillery recruitment centre. Brig. Ghulam Muhammad of Awan
Biradari belongs to village Sodhi. He served in Air Defence Centre Karachi. Lt. Col.
Moazzam Iqbal Tiwana belongs to village Mitha Tiwana, Captain Muhammad
Rafique was retired from Pakistan Navy. He belongs to Awan Biradari. Maj. Gen.
Muhammad Tariq Awan from village Nowshehra. He served in ministery of Defence
Islamabad.260
Col. Mahmood ul Hasan Awan son of Qazi Mureed Ahmad Awan, a member
elected for Punjab Assembly in 1946 and 1951 on the ticket of Punjab Provincial
Muslim League, is influential in the power corridors. Nasrullah Awan is another scion
258
Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interview by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt: Khushab) November, 15,2014. 259
Syed Abid Hussain Shah, (R) JCO Pak Army, village Bola Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher,
General Bus Stand Juharabad, April 22, 2015. 260
Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley)
Khushab, March 02, 2015.
112
of Awan Biradari from Mardwal who progressed to the rank of colonel. He married in
a family of Awan of village Lava who were active in local politics.261
Tiwana Biradari relies much on farming and less on the buearucratic
positions. Even then there are important bureaucratic positons in control of Tiwana
Biradari. Brig. Azam of Tiwana Biradari (village Hidali) was excelled as the Director
General of Airport Security Force (ASF) that is part of the Ministry of Defence and is
responsible for protecting the airports, air facilities and the aeroplanes. It safeguards
the civil aviation industry against unlawful interferences, adopting counter terrorism
measures, preventing crime and maintaining law and order within the limits of
Airports in Pakistan.262
Sher Ahmad Tiwana, the brother of Brig. Azam Tiwana, is
serving as Deputy Superintendent in Sargodha Police range. The influence of police
in the government and society is, thus, evident of the power of Tiwana.263
Malik Ahsan Tiwana (village Hadali) also reached the rank of Brigadier. After
his retirement he also served on important positions of Punjab government serving as
head of vigilance Cell of Punjab Irrigation Department formulated by Punjab
Irrigation Minister Ch. Amir Sultan Cheema to facilitate the complaints of farmers all
over Punjab against water theft,264
Managing Director of Cholistan Development
Authority,265
and Chairman of Punjab Information Technology Board.266
Though he
was considered an honest officer yet his affiliation with Tiwana Biradari cannot be
ignored to show the power in the hands of his Biradari in Khushab district.267
The General Manager Admin and Security of Mari Petroleum Company that is
one of Pakistan’s largest Energy and Patroleum companies operating Pakistan’s
second largest gas reservoir at Mari Field at Ghotki Sindh was the scion of Tiwana
Biradari Malik Nazar Tiwana who was retired as Brigadier from Pakistan Army
before joining this company. He belongs to village Mitha Tiwana. Lt. Gen.
261
Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview
by researcher, April 27, 2015. 262
http://asfpakistan.weebly.com/join-asf.html 263
Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha
Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 264
Dawn, 01 November 2003 265
The News, 31 March 2008 266
World Times, 01 May 2008 267
Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha
Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015.
113
Muhammad Arshad who belongs to village Jabbi is serving in GHQ of Pakistan
Army. He is member of Awan Biradari.268
Brig. Retrired Muhmmad Saleem belongs to Araen family. His brother is
elected as Nazim of UC 22 Khushab. One of his sons is major in Pakistan Army. Maj.
Gen. Maqsood son of Ch. Aish Muahammad Arain belongs to village 47 MB. One of
his counsin Muhammad Sarwar has been chairman of State Life Insurance
Compony.269
Maj. Retired Shahadat Tiwana belongs to village Mitha Tiwana. His
brother Muhammad Deen Ayub Tiwana contested elections for MPA from PP40 and
got considerable votes. He also became one of the factors for the defeat of his rival
Umar Aslam Awan in elections 2013.270
Besides the Lt. Generals in Pakistan army from major families, 9 Lt. Colonels
from Khushab District belonged to Awan Biradari only. Likewise Awan Biradari took
a major share from the officers of the rank of major. 21 officers of Pakistan Army
from Awan Biradari rose to the rank of majors. When we compare these numbers
with the officers of other Biradaries Awan statnd at the top and many Biradaries even
do not have any officer in the Pakistan army. Only two officers, one Lieutenant
Colonel and one major, was found from Tiwana Biradari. Two majors were from
Utra family while 2 majors from Baloch family. Only seven officers could be found
out from other biarderis.271
Maj. Rtd. Ubaidullah Anwar belongs to village Chanki Shareef. Two of his
brothers, Lt. Col. Muhammad Ayub Awan and Maj. Muhammad Yaqoob Awan, were
granted commission in army. He was son in law of Malik Gulbaz Khan Awan, retired
district attorney Sargodha and Colonel Rtd. Shah Muhammad Awan village Mardwal.
Lt. Col. Muhammad Ayub got married in village Khoora with the daughter of Malik
Akmal Deen Awan (Retired DIG Police). Malik Akhtar Hayat Awan is elder brother
of Ubaidullah. He got married with the daughter of Malik Karam Bux Awan of village
268
Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab)
interview by researcher, January 29, 2015. 269
Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as
Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt:
Khushab, February 12, 2015. 270
Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha
Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 271
Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of
Sargodha, interview by researcher , village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12,
2015.
114
Padrhar, former MNA and member of Shoora formed during period of Zia ul Haq.
Another member of this family Munawar Awan was elevated to the rank of Colonel.
He is younger brother of Malik Karam Bux Awan of Padrhar. Daughter of Col.
Munawar is cousin of Malik Shakir Basheer Awan MNA as well as Malik Javed Awan
MPA, Amna Malik was active worker of PML-N in Khushab. She was appointed as
media coordinator for election campaign of Mian Nawaz Sharif (Prime Minister of
Pakistan) in elections 2013. Two sons of Malik Karam Bux, Malik Basheer Awan
(Late) and Malik Javed Awan and brothers in law of Malik Akhtar Hayat Awan were
MPA in Punjab Assembly. Son of Malik Basheer Awan is Malik Shakir Basheer Awan
has been former District Naib Nazim and is MNA now. Major Muhammad Yaqoob
also served as head of Pakistan Chapter of World Bank in Islamabad.272
Major Retired Malik Ikram Awan from village Chanki has been nazim of UC
city Jauharabad, Khushab. His brother Muhamamd Ehsan Awan is a dealer of
currency on international level.273
There is another major family of Awan Biradari from the villages Jabbi and
Dhokari which has accumulated military and political power in their family as many
members of this family elevated to high ranks of army and others were active in
electoral as well as local politics. Mehr Muhammad from village Jabbi was
commissioned in Pakistan army and rose to the rank of major. He was married with
the sister of the wife of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz Zafar of village Dhokari. The son of
another sister of their wives, Amir Nawaz reached to the rank of Lt. Colonel.274
The
brother of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz Awan, Malik Haq Nawaz played active role in local
politics of Union Council Warhcha and was elected as chairman unopposed. The
unopposed election means that he had such links which could influence other
interested candidates of the area to withdraw in his favour. He was able to achieve
such links definitely with the help of power that his Biradari fellows had assumed in
army.
272
Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015. 273
Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015. 274
Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014.
115
Gunjial Biradari also shared power in the officers of Pakistan army.
Interestingly the officers in Pakistan army from Gujial family were also associated
with the prominent political family of the area. Col. Alam Sher Gunjial and Major
retired Nawaz Gunjial are the brothers of Saleh Muhammad Gunjial who had been
elected as member of the provincial assembly from his constituency PP 34 later on
PP40. The son of Muhammad Nawaz Gunjial, Malik Hasan Nawaz Gunjial contested
elections in 2008 from PP 40 and got 24190 votes while winning candidate Malik
Karam Elahi Bandia bagged 26494 votes. Malik Hasan, thus, lost the election by a
very narrow margin.
The clusters of major political figures as well as civil and military officers in
one family of major Biradaries highlighted the path dependence of political figures
with the officers of army. Army officers and bureaucrats belonging to the families
who took part in electoral politics mark the fact that power was converged in the elite
of major Biradaries. The major Biradaries were in politics and they managed their
kins to be inducted in officer cadre of army and civil bureaucracy or the civil or
military officers made the figures of their Biradari to be successful in the politics.
Thus power in one type also helped the assumption of power from other type of
power.
A junk of officers and politicians can also be traced in other Biradaries which
were comparatively smaller than Awan, Tiwana and other major Biradaries. Syed
Biradari’s scion Muhammad Iqbal from village Sat Shahani Union Council Khai
Khurd No. 47 rose to the rank of Lt. Colonel. The first maternal cousin of this army
officer was elected as Nazim Union Council named Nusrat Ali Shah in elections of
2002. He also served as chairman public safety committee district Khushab. Another
first cousin of these personalities, Ali Ameer Shah became the deputy superintendent
Jail Raheem Yar Khan. Syed Enayat Ali Shah, the uncle of Col. Muhammad Iqbal,
was elected as chairman Union Council in local bodies’ election in 1984. 275
Malik Munawar Ahmad Majoka was a CSP officer who rose to the position of
secretary revenue Punjab. The son of his maternal uncle, Ibraheem Majoka, remained
the chairman Union Council and a cousin of Munawar Majoka was elected as nazim
275
Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as
Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt:
Khushab, February 12, 2015.
116
Union Council Sat Shahani in opposition to the Syed Family. Another brother of
Malik Munawar Majoka, Ameen Majoka reached the rank of Lt. Colonel. Ameen
Majoka’s son also reached the rank of major in Pakistan Army. 276
There are some instances of the social alliance of powerful Biradaries with
each other through matrimonial relations. Major Ahmad Nawaz Bandial belonging to
village Bandial is the son of Malik Alam Sher Bandial famous founder of Bandial
Bus transport. Ghulam Muhammad Bandial, another son of Malik Alam Sher was
PCS officer. In order to establish relationship with other powerful Biradari Ghulam
Muhammad Bandial was married with the daughter of Malik Karam Bux Awan of
Padhrar. Another family member Malik Pervaiz Bandial elevated to the position of
Additional Director Local Government. They are close relative of Fateh Khan Bandial
and Malik Ata Muhammad Bandial former PCS officer in British period. They are
also cousins of members of Provincial Assembly Malik Khaliq Dad Bandial and
Karam Elahi Bandial. Other cousins of this group of powerful personalities are Malik
Farooq Bandial and Malik Muzaffar Bandial who is the executive of the Biggest
Transport Company of Sargodha Division namely Bandial Bus Service. Malik
Muzaffar Bandial also had been elected as vice chairman of District Council
Khushab. Another son of this family Shairi Bandial established links with the royal
family of Bronai Darussalam and married a princess of royal family. He resides in
Bronai and supports his kins economically as well as politically.277
Uncle of Brigadier retired Malik Kabeer Ahmad Joiya, Ata Muhammad Joiya
was retired Honourary Captain in British Army. His cousin Lt. Col. Ahmad Khan
Joyia and Maj. Retired Muhammad Azam Joiya served in Pakistan Army.
Every major Biradari that had control over the electoral politics had some type of
officers in Pakistan. It can be observed that number of officers in the army was
changed according to the political position of the respective Biradari.278
Table 11: Officers in Pakistan Army from MajorBiradaris
276
Muhammad Ibrahim Majoka, former Chairman Union Council Khai Khurd, Tehsil Noorpur Distt:
Khushab, interview by researcher, December 14, 2014. 277
Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher,
February 19, 2015. 278
Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of
Sargodha, interview by researcher , village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12,
2015.
117
No. Name Position Biradari Village
1 Muhammad Taj Colonels (retired) Awan Kufri
2 Muhammad Munawar Colonels (retired) Awan Padrhar
3 Ata Rasool Colonels (retired) Awan Kabeki
4 Muhammad Aslam Colonels (retired) Awan Kufri
5 Sarfraz Malik Colonels (retired) Awan Padrhar
6 Sher Muhammad Colonels (retired) Awan Jabi
7 Fakhar Husain Colonels (retired) Awan Jabba
8 Jamshed Akhtar Khan Colonels (retired) Awan Anga
9 Muhammad Iqbal Colonels (retired) Awan Soddi Jay Wali
10 Alah Bux Awan Colonels (retired) Awan Pindi Waheer
11 Dost Muhammad Major (r) Awan Jabbi
12 Ameer Afzal Khan Major (r) Awan Bhukki
13 Mansabdar Khan Major (r) Awan Khabeki
14 Basheer Ahmad Malik Major (r) Awan Khabeki
15 Muhammad Zafar
Saeed
Major (r) Awan Kufri
16 Muhammad Qasim Major (r) Awan Jauharbad City
17 Shahnawaz Malik Major (r) Awan Jauharbad City
18 Shahjahan Major (r) Awan Khurra
19 Nizamuddin Malik Major (r) Awan Kufri
20 Muhammad Zafar
Alam
Major (r) Awan Uchala
21 Qazi Mukhtar Ahmad Major (r) Awan Jauharabad City
22 Muhammad Aziz-ur-
Rehman
Major (r) Awan Hadali
23 Abd-ur-Rasheed Malik Major (r) Awan Noshehra
24 Fateh Khan Major (r) Awan Jabbi
118
25 Zia-ud-Din Major (r) Awan Jauharabad
26 Abd-ul-Ghaffar Major (r) Awan Noshehra
27 Muhammad Aftab
Alam
Major (r) Awan Kufri
28 Muhammad Khalid Major (r) Awan Jauharabad
29 Ahmad Sher Major (r) Awan Kufri
30 Gul Nawaz Major (r) Awan Bhanaka
31 Major Ahmad Khan
Malik
Major (r) Awan Khushab city
32 Ahmad Nawaz Awan Major (r) Awan Pindi Waheer
33 Mehr Muhammad
Awan
Major (r) Awan Jabbi
34 Altaf Hussain Lt. Colonel Tiwana Hadali
35 Mureed Sultan Major Tiwana Mitha Tiwana
36 Ahmad Yar Major Utra Qaidabad
37 Alamgir Khan Major Utra Utra
38 Gul Haider Khan Major Baloch Jamali Balochan Thal
39 Nazar Hussain Major Baloch Jamali Balochan Thal
40 Shafeeq Ahmad Lt. Colonel Qureshi Tiba Qaim Deen
41 Noor Muhammad Major Araeen B
42 Muhammad Shafeeq Major Gunjial Gunjial
43 Muhammad Ramzan Major Burana Nurpur Thal
44 Fida Muhammad Major Wattoo Watwan
45 Muhammad Khan Major Bandial Bandial
46 Muhammad Qasim Major Khokhar Rang Pur Bhagoor Thal
Sources: District Soldier Board opposite Fawara Chowk, Khushab City
119
Table 12: Army Officers from Biradaris
Ranks Awan Tiwana Utra Baloch Other Total
Lt. Colonels 10 1 0 0 1 12
Majors 23 1 2 2 6 34
Total 33 2 2 2 7 46
This data shows that out of 12 Lt. Colonels from District Khushab 10
belonged to Awan Biradari only. Two belonged to other Biradaries out of which one
was also a Tiwana, that was one of the major Biradaries of the district. As the ranks
go downwards the share of other Biradaries rise. This can be seen on the rank of
majors. Total 34 majors were retired from district Khushab. Out of those 23 were also
Awan and 11 were from biaraderis other than Awan. Again 6 were from major
powerful Biradaries (2 each from Tiwana, Utra and Baloch Biradaries). In the total
70 percent of officers of Lt. Colonel and major ranks were from Awan Biradaries.
Share of all Biradaries other than major ones was 16 percent and major Biradaries
including Awan, Utra, Baloch and Tiwana was 84 percent.
Table 13: Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Air Force
Name Rank Biradari Village
1 Nazir Malik Wing Commander Awan Soddi Jay Wali
2 Haider Khan Wing Commander Awan Soddi Jay Wali
3 Zia-ud-Din Squadren Leader Awan Jauharabad city
4 Gul Nawaz Squadren Leader Janjua Katha Sagral
5 Javed Akhtar Squadren Leader Baloch Jamali
6 Rasheed Akhtar Squadren Leader Baloch Jamali
7 Tariq Javed Squadren Leader Tiwana Hadali
Awan 72%
Baloch 5%
Utra 4%
Others 15%
Tiwana 4%
Graph 1: Army Officers from
Baradaris
120
8 Sultan Ali Squadren Leader Tiwana Mitha Tiwana
9 Arshad Majeed Group Captain Majhoka Jauharabad city
10 Muhammad Shafeeq Group Captain Baloch Khushab City
11 Saeed Akhtar Group Captain Baloch Khushab City
12 Tahira Shah Jahan Group Captain Awan Jauharabad city
13 Muhammad Haneef Group Captain Awan Anga
The inclusion of officers from major powerful Biradaries on officer ranks is
not special with Pakistan army. The major Biradaries were able to get officer rank
positions in Air Force and Navy as well. One can see the Awan, Tiwana, Baloch from
district Khushab as officers in Pakistan Air Force and Pakistan Navy. There is very
small share of other Biradaries in these armed forces as well. Awan are forward in
this respect also. Thus Awan are leading in this aspect of power in the district.
Table 14: Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Navy
Name Rank Biradari Village
1 Mian Muhammad Lt. Commandar Awan Jauharabad city
2 Naveed Masood Malik Lt. Commandar Awan Noshehra
3 Altaf Hussain Shah Lt. Commandar Syed/Qureshi Pail
4 Muhammad Ashraf Lieutenant Tiwana Mitha Tiwana
5 Noor-ul-Haq Shaukat Lieutenant Syed/Qureshi Jauharabad city
6 Muhammad Afzal Lieutenant Bhatti Mitha Tiwana
7 Muhammad Javed Akhtar Lt. Commandar Awan Khoora
8 Khursheed Ahmad Malik Lt. Commandar Awan Khushab city
9 Muhammad Taj Lt. Commandar Baloch Khushab city
10 Muhammad Munawar Lt. Commandar Baloch Jamali
11 Fakhar Hussain Lt. Commandar Baloch Boonga
The discussion in this section highlights that major ranks and positions in the
institution of army were got by the members of major Biradaries in the area. These
ranks were achieved often under the influence of kinship. The ranks afterwards helped
the biaraderies in getting the hold in the power politics and the major ranks in the
army made the person who was holding them as the powerful in the politics as well.
3.3 Civil Bureaucracy and Power with Biradaries
Like army though less than it the higher bureaucracy in Pakistan had been
holding enormous power.279
So long as the army had been controlling the process of
policy-making, the privileged bureaucracy got assured of its status in power circle.
The presence of army in the corridors of power remained a guarantee for the share of
279
Lawrence Ziring and Robert LaPorte, Jr., “The Pakistan Bureaucracy: Two Views,” Asian Survey,
Vol. 14, No. 12 (Dec., 1974), 1086-1103, 1087.
121
power for the bureaucracy. Lawrence Ziring opines that whenever the direct or
indirect and conscious or subconscious support of army got removed, the higher
bureaucracy became unable to protect itself from the combined opposition of
politicians, intellectuals and common citizens.280
Thus the share of power for
bureaucracy during the support of army has not been denied by any one. However the
powerful position of bureaucrats in Pakistan even without the support of army cannot
be altogether ruled out.
It was in the words of Mohammad Waseem “bureaucratic paternalism” that
was central to the British imperial project in the Sub-Continent.281
At the time of
creation of Pakistan the power transferred to the bureaucracy was not as result of any
‘overt coup’ but quite imperceptibly. In view of the enormous difficulties the state of
Pakistan had to grapple with some institutional changes were made, enabling the
bureaucracy to operate independently of the political leadership. The most significant
of the all such changes was the subordination of the entire bureaucracy under newly
created post of the Secretary General.282
Resultantly in the fifties bureaucrats were
preponderant with Army acting in a subsidiary role.
The authoritarian rule of Ayub Khan inverted the relationship between army
and civil bureaucracy and army assumed greater significance. Nevertheless the Army-
bureaucracy nexus sustained and politicians were given a rough shod.283
Bhutto also
tried hard to clip the wings of bureaucracy whom its many critics called the ‘Sultans
of Pakistan’ and ‘the best organized political party in Pakistan’. While announcing the
civil service reforms, Bhutto emphatically said “No institution in the country has so
lowered the quality of our national life as what is called “Naukarshahi”.284
Subsequently Bhutto was left with no other option but to rely on bureaucracy
particularly during the latter part of his rule.285
Instead of dominant position of the past, in the eighties bureaucracy emerged
as junior partner in its alliance with army over control of state power. Civil Service
Reforms of Z. A. Bhutto in 1973 that mixed the CSP cadre into a mobile and
280
Ibid, 1086-1103, 1087-88. 281
Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan,
2008), 15 282
Ibid, 34 283
Ibid, 11 284
Ibid, 90 285
Ibid, 92
122
hierarchical framework of twenty-two scales weakening elite status of CSPs had
reduced the power of bureaucracy. Gen. Zia-ul-Haq, during his regime, strengthened
this status quo and let the power of bureaucracy remain diminished. Although during
this period the reliance of the military over bureaucracy stopped the declining of the
status of bureaucracy yet some steps like the induction of army officers into civil
service, movement of officers across cadre and rise in the number of government
servants due to free hand in their recruitment weakened the bureaucratic power more.
After sudden death of President General Zia-ul-Haq on 17th August 1988, it
was Pakistan’s bureaucracy that assumed the power. Power was not altogether
unknown to the bureaucracy but now accidentally bureaucrats had to manage the
country by filling the breach that had emerged due to sudden crisis. An old
bureaucrat, Ghulam Ishaq Khan assumed the power as President of Pakistan. Ishaq
had personal record of long service in Pakistan and he was aware of almost all matters
relating to finance and defence, therefore, he was most suitable person at that time to
take the control of country.286
His friends, colleagues and juniors in the civil services
were nonetheless relieved from the falling status of bureaucracy. Again the
bureaucracy shared the cake of power during his presidency.
Control over local government has been one feather in the cap of bureaucracy.
Notwithstanding loosening of de jure control of bureaucracy over local government
during Zia period, the deputy commissioner of the district kept de facto control over
local government. Musharraf’s devolution process abolished the office of deputy
commissioner and reassigned large proportion of its functions to elected local
government. The process also made District Coordinating Officer that replaced
Deputy Commissioner accountable to elected nazim that apparently weakened the
provincial bureaucracy. This, for a small period, showed the weakness of bureaucracy
with respect of local government but de facto control of bureaucrats remained intact.
Moreover the weakening of the provincial bureaucracy was limited because the
provincial secretariats still retained considerable administrative authority over district
bureaucrats.
286
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the Crosscurrent of History (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003),
207.
123
Apparently it looked that devolution process during Musharraf period
deprived the bureaucracy of the absolute powers it had been enjoying previously.287
However while the bureaucratic control over power before Musharraf is obvious, after
devolution too the wings of bureaucracy could not be clipped altogether. The
bureaucrat remained a powerful person as he had links with army and ruling elite as
well as more awareness about the affairs of the state. The bureaucracy itself did not let
it subdued for a long period as local government institutions were demolished in the
democratic setup following Musharraf. The bureaucrats had very tight clutches over
the state machinery and rising to the high positions as bureaucrat is definitely not only
a sign of power but is actual assumption of power.
Though there is no preference for the kinship in the selection of bureaucrats as
a very competitive examination is held for induction of officers in bureaucracy.
Federal Public Service Commission and Provincial Public Commissions arrange for
those examinations annually for the selection of gazetted officers (high officers of
above grade 17). Unlike army there is no apparent preference for the candidates who
have already kinship in bureaucracy. The officers are selected apparently on the basis
of their personal capacities. The preference takes place on the highers stages where
choice is very few. However corruption and approaches to the members of service
commissions as well as the personal bent of the member of commission towards his
Biradari fellows cannot be completely ruled out.
Members of political Biradaries either occupy important positions in
Pakistan’s federal or Punjab’s provincial bureaucracy or have close relations through
marriages with families of bureaucrats and police officers. Thus these civil and
military officers have a prominent role in electoral success of the members of their
Biradaries. The honesty and impartiality of a number of senior bureaucrats, police
and army officers is above board, therefore such officers of political families have
been performing their duties creditably, no matter who held the reins of power.
Nonetheless the way of their public dealing and contacts with the people have
definitely, even though indirectly, benefited the political personalities of their
families.288
287
Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan, 191. 288
Maqsood Awan, “Scions of Political Families Occupy Important Positions in Federation, Punjab,”
The News, 19 November 2012.
124
In district Khusab a large number of civil servants who remained on high
positions belonged to major Biradaries of the district. Kinship becomes a source of
alliance between the bureaucracy and politics. Strong Biradari affiliation gives
chance for easy alliance of bureaucrat, army officer and politician who mutually
grasp, hold and continue power in their control. A very prominent example of such
alliance can be found with Captain (R) Tahir Sarfaraz Awan who rose to the position
of Secretary Social Welfare Department Punjab. He was the husband of PML-Q
MNA and former woman minister Sumera Malik. He is also the nephew of former
minister Malik Naeem Awan, brother of Farhana Afzal, MPA from Punjab, and also
the brother-in-law of former MNA Aaila Malik.289
Another instance of the alliance between bureaucrats and politicians due to
Biradari affiliation and on the basis of kinship is that of Mohammad Ali Nekokara,
Senior Superintendent Police (SSP). He is the son-in-law of Lt Gen (R) Saleem Malik,
brother of Malik Naeem Awan, former MNA from Sargodha. Again one can give
example of Retired IG Police Punjab and currently Secretary to President of Pakistan
Malik Asif Hayat who was the son of the late senator Mohammad Hayat Khan, who is
uncle of Malik Naeem Awan.290
Malik Asif Hayat Awan, son of Brig (R) Mohammad Hayat Kahn Awan,
Senator, was one of leading personalities of Awan Biradari who got bureaucratic,
military and political power as he was commissioned in army, transferred to civil
bureaucracy and his father became a senator. His father was close friend of President
Ayub Khan. Likewise he was close to to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Brig. Hayat Khan
remained chief of Military Intelligence Karachi. On that position he helped Ayub
Khan to be saved from a plan of sacking made by Iskander Mirza. Due to this help he
got confidence of Ayub Khan and was able to get post of advisor to the President.
Later on he got the pleasure of Bhutto to be nominated for the seat of Senator. His son
Asif Hayat was commissioned in Pakistan Army in 1968 but took early retirement
when he was major in 1975. Then he joined Civil Service of Pakistan and was
inducted in Police Service where he rose to the highest office in police and became IG
in 2002. Prior to that, he had served as Director General of Federal Investigation
Agency (FIA) from 1999-2002, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Crimes for Govt of
289
She is grand daughter of Lagharis of DG Khan and daughter of Nawab Muzzafar Awan of Kalabagh
estate. 290
Ibid
125
Punjab, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Pakistan Railways Police in Lahore,
Deputy Inspector General (DIG) for NWFP Police, Deputy Director and Joint
Director of Intelligence Bureau (IB) Islamabad. During his tenure in Pakistan Police,
he was also sent as Counsellor at the Pakistan Embassy in Abu Dhabi, UAE. During
his appointment as the first SSP of Islamabad, he was able to create the police force
for Islamabad. He was promoted to position of Additional Secretary Prime Minister's
Secretariat and then as Federal Secretary of the Railways Division. He was retired
from the civil service as Federal Secretary for Labour and Manpower Division. After
superannuation, he remained re-employed on contract as Secretary to the President of
Pakistan Mr. Asif Ali Zardari at the President's Secretariat (Public). On 26 December
2012, he was appointed the Chairman Federal Public Service Commission of
Pakistan.291
Malik Muhammad Ashraf Awan belongs to village Nara was promoted to the
post of DIG and was murdered by his gunman in 1997. His son was commissioned in
Pakistan army and was serving Pakistan army as captain. The brother of Malik Ashraf
is Muhammad Sher Awan, DSP. One of his sons, Khalid Mahmood Awan is inspector
in Punjab police. They have considerable influence and political worth in the area
where they reside.292
Malik Asim Tiwana was another member of Tiwana Biradari who was
inducted on the powerful positions of bureaucratic institutions of Pakistan. He
remained Director Trade Development Authority Pakistan and Deputy Secretary
Punjab Public Prosecution Department.293
Haq Nawaz Tiwana,belonging from village Hadali, DIG Punjab Police, a
founding DG of FSF with Masood Mahmood during Bhutto era. He also established
Pakistan Rangers. This bureaucrat of Tiwana family remained too powerful in
Pakistan’s bureaucracy. He gave benefits to his biaraderi and got their support as
well.294
291
http://www.petaro.org/cadets%201957-69/605-MalikAsifHayat.htm, Accessed 03 February 2015. 292
Malik Muhammad Sher Awan, Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, former DSP (Deputy
Superintendent Police) Legal Branch, Khushab, interview by researcher September 10, 2014. 293
Muhammad Hafeez Tiwana, MA (History) Auditor District Accounts Officer Sargodha, interview
by researcher, on December 17, 2014. 294
Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana
House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab, October 13, 2014.
126
Tiwana Biradari got bureaucratic power through many officers of this
Biradari. Rab Nawaz Tiwana had been Senior Superintendent Police. Malik Afaq
Tiwana was Director General Excise Punjab and Malik Shafaat Ahmad Tiwana, was
appointed as Director Excise and Taxation. He was married with sister of Captain
retired Abd-ur-Rehman Tiwana, Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana, provincial minister in
different governments, Malik Saifullah Tiwana MNA as well as District Nazim
Khushab, Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana, MNA and Malik Ehsanullah Tiwana
district Nazim. Shafaat Tiwana was inducted in the civil services after special age
relaxation was managed for him by Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana who was minister of
prison department at that time.295
Malik Saifullah Tiwana, (Hadali village) Senior Superintendent Police was
retired in 1979. Though he was retired before the period under study yet his influence
after retirement continued and he was able to get his works done by the links he had
established during his service. Malik Muhammad Afaaq Tiwana from Mitha Tiwana
had been Director Excise & Taxation. This officer enjoyed bureaucratic power as his
family members and Biradari fellows were enjoying political power. Malik Amjad
Zubair Tiwana (Village Hamoka now Hasan Pur Tiwana) served in grade 20 FBR. He
is close relative of Tiwana elders of village Hamoka. These Tiwana were politically
powerful as well. They combined the political and bureaucratic power in one
Biradari.296
Malik Khair Muhammad Tiwana, retired deputy commissioner, village Ghous Pur
Tiwana. He owns agricultural land in Sargodha and Khushab districts. He belonged to
powerful Tiwana Biradari and being land owner economic as well as bureaucratic
power was combined in his personality. Abdul Majeed Khan Tiwana, (Hadali) started
his career as judge of lower courts and was retired as justice Punjab High Court,
Rawalpindi Bench.297
295
Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha
Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 296
Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana
House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab, October 13, 2014. 297
Malik Muhammad Ansar Tiwana, MA (History) Nutritional Supervisor Punjab Health Department,
Rural Health Center, Chak 58-NB, Sargodha. (It is important to mention here that Malik Kher
Muhammad Tiwana has a vast agriculture land in village 58-NB and Malik Abdul Majeed Khan
Tiwana, Justice (R) has also agriculture land in village 34-NB about 6 Km east from village 58-NB)
interview by researcher, December 09, 2014.
127
Awan were not behind in getting bureaucratic power. Maula Bux Awan, CSP
belongs to village Dhamak Thal Awan tribe’s headquarter in Thal. He is advocate
having degree of LLB. He was class fellow and close friend of Malik Muhammad
Waris Kallo (Joyia) MPA and Muhammad Saeed Sagu (Retired Director Planning in
the office of DPI Colleges Punjab Lahore). He was dismissed from service due to his
political affiliation with PPP. He started practice and contested election for provincial
Assembly and lost the election because he was unable to get support of Biradari. He
registered case in Federal Tribunal and was reinstated and became the Registrar of
Unversity of Sargodha. Now a days he is serving as Director General of Federal
Government Housing Employment Society Islamabad. During his whole career he got
his Biradari fellows recruited in various departments.
The political and social figures of Padhrar have their repute in the politics and
social welfare of the District Khushab. Many of the political and social figures of
Padhrar are well known at the district as well country level. Many of them have their
role in the politics of Pakistan. Some of the political figures of Padhrar are: Malik
Karam Baksh Awan (Ex-MNA, Ex-President Tanzeem-ul-Awan, Pakistan), Malik
Naeem Khan Awan (Ex- Federal Minister), Malik M. Bashir Khan Awan (Ex-Avisor
to Chief Minister, Punjab, Ex. President Tanzeem-ul-Awan, Pakistan), Brig. Malik
Hayat Awan (Ex. senator and ambassador), Malik Umer Aslam Awan EX. MNA,
Sumera Malik (MNA NA-69, Ex Federal Minister), Malik Shakir Bashir Awan (MNA
NA-70, President Tanzeem-ul-Awan Pakistan, Ex-Dist Naib Nazim Khushab), Malik
Javed Iqbal Awan (MPA PP-39), Malik Asif Hayat (Secretary President Secretariat
Pakistan, Ex. IG punjab, bureaucrat), Malik Saleem Awan (Ex. Maj. General Pak
Army), Malik Arif Hayat Awan (Ex. Lt. General Pak. Army), Malik Riaz Awan (Ex-
Nazim Jauharabad) Malik Tahir Sarfraz Awan (bureaucrat, , Malik Shah Muhammad
Awan (Ex. Nazim Padhrar), Malik Muhammad Nazir (Nazim Padhrar), Malik
Saifullah Khan Awan (Member Youth Parliament of Pakistan), Malik Imran Bashir
Awan (PhD Scholar & caretaker youth wing PML(N)Khushab).Sub.Ghulam Hussain
(Welfare Officer of Padhrar). Malik Sikendar Khan (Ex.Ps to President of Pakistan)
and now a day Chairman Zakat & Usher Committee of khushab.298
Malik Muhammad
Shafi Awan, collector income tax Quetta region and his son served in Pakistan army
as captain.
298
https://m.facebook.com/Padhrar?v=info&expand=1&nearb , Accessed 03 February 2015
128
Awan Biradari assumed power through many civil officers from this Biradari.
Some of them can be mentioned here. Malik Khuda Bux Awan belongs to village
Uchali, Soon Valley. He is also CSP officer. He started his career as ASP, served on
various posts in Punjab and KPK. He also served as Director Anti Corruption
Peshawar. He served as IG Azad Kashmir. Malik Nasir Awan, former Medical
Superintendent DHQ Khushab, was elder brother of Malik Khuda Bux. Malik
Sikandar Hayat Awan, CSP joined police service as ASP in Sindh Province. He
belonged to village Uchali. He served as SP Rawalpindi now.299
Malik Akbar Hayat Awan, MSc psychology, cousin of Malik Khuda Bux
Awan and Malik Nasir Awan. He joined education department and started his career as
lecturer on adhoc basis. His service was terminated and he started politics at district
level. He was elected as member district council Khushab. Later he was reinstated on
the orders of court and again continued his service in education department and
presently serves as Assistant Professor at Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad. He
is good and famous horse rider.300
Malik Fateh Khan Bandial, former Chief Secretary Punjab, Federal Secretary,
belongs to village Bandial. His Biradari is Khokhar Bandial. He is cousin of Malik
Khaliq Dad Bandial who was elected as MPA. He is also very close relative of Malik
Muzaffar Khan Bandial, owner Bandial Bus Transport Service and former member
District Coucil Khushab.301
Malik Amjad Ali Noon, former district Nazim Sargodha, and Chairman
Pakistan State Cement, member Prime Minister Inspection Team. He is son in law of
Fateh Khan Bandial. Umar Ata Bandial, rose to the post of Chief Justice Lahore High
Court. He is son of Fateh Khan Bandial. Malik Kamran Awan, CSP income tax
department, former PA to Speaker National Assembly, Fahmida Mirza. Malik Habib
Nawaz Awan, belongs to village Jabbi, was a CSP in Trade and Commerce
Department. Malik Zafar Iqbal Awan, belongs to village Jabbi, serving as DPO.
299
Malik Muhammad Akbar Hayat Awan, former Member District Council Khushab, now serving as
Assistant Professor Psychology in P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, October 19, 2014. 300
Dr. Badar Munir Awan, Department of Urdu, Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, telephonic interview
by researcher, December 2014. 301
Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher,
February 19, 2015.
129
Adbdul Jabbar Shaheen, village 22 MB, Secretary Schools education Lahore is from
Araen family.302
There are also such cases where a family became a web. Different members of
the elite family of a particular Biradari got positions in various power centers i.e.
bureaucracy, army, judiciary, bar council, local government and lagislatures. Their
mutual collaboration heightens the power of the family as well as Biradari. Kazim Ali
Gujjar, Advocate, started his practice as lawyer in Khushab district courts place at
Jauharabad. He contested elections of president Bar Coucil during 1970s. He is
famous for his honesty. He joined judiciary as additional session judge in the period
of Justice Falak Sher, Chief Justice Lahore High Court. He was appointed as incharge
monitoring cell to check the performance of judges in courts of Punjab. Later on he
was appointed as judge of of High Court at Rawalpindi bench. He also served as
Director General Anti Corruption Punjab in 1997. He served as judge of Punjab
election tribunal. He belonged to Nurpur Thal city. His brother Nazim Ali Gujjar rose
to the position of manager of United Bank Limited. His uncle Mahboob Ali Gujjar is
active in local politics. Mostly as the leaders of Gujjar Biradari they support Sardar
Shuja Muhammad Khan Baloch, former MNA, MPA and head of Baloch Biradari in
district Khushab.
Baloch Biradari also shared the power in the institutions as the Awan got it
proportionally more than the Baloch Biradari. Two major instances of Baloch
Biradari are Brig. Muhammad Javed Iqbal and Muhammad Ikhlaq Khan. Brigadier
Muhammad Javed Iqbal belonged to village Jamali Balochan. He belonged to Baloch
tribe. He was able to get powerful postion of Director General in NADRA Punjab. He
is very popular in the area for his public service and helping people in getting jobs to
his hins. Again Muhammad Ikhlaq Khan who was retired as DSP in 2007 was a
Baloch.
A large number of civil bureaucrats belonged to the Awan Biradari. The
proportion of the population can be one factor but one is surprised to see that majority
of the bureaucrats belonged to those few villages which could be called the power
centre of the Awan Biradari.Mardwal, Padhrar, Jabbi, Anga and Suraki were major
302
Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher
Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village
Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015.
130
villages where major elite families of Awan Biradari reside. Malik Sher Afzal Awan
from village Mardwal, served as deputy secretary civil secretariat Islamabad. Ata
Muhammad Malik, Awan belongs to village Panja, retired as DSP Legal on 13th
December 2011. Malik Muhammad Iqbal Awan SP Punjab Patroling Police belongs to
village Jabbi. Malik Farooq Ahmad Awan, belongs to Suraki Soon valley presently
serving SP Karachi. Likewise Ghulam Ali, DSP Headquarters, Jauharabad was Awan
and belonged to Jabbi.303
Abdul Malik Jasra belongs to village Peelon Wans. He became CSP Income
Tax Thal. Jasras and Kaloos are dominating Biradaries of this village. Literacy rate of
this village is 100 percent that is the highest in district Khushab. It is called the village
of judges as about thirteen judges of different courts come from this village. Jasras
and Kalloos are opponent to each other in union and tehsil politics. Abdul Basit Jasra
is serving as Deputy Accountant General Punjab who belongs to this village. Israr
Ahmad Jasra, former member Punjab Bar Council also remained UC nazim of Peelon
Wans. His younger brother Muhammad Safdar Jasra is serving as additional session
judge. Malik Muhammad Hayat Jasra, CSP, retired Additional Accountant General of
Pakistan also belongs to this village after retirement he served on deputation and
commerce department Government of Pakistan.304
The institutional power in the grip of a family through powerful positions
helped the families to get political power and sometimes the powerful positions in the
institutions became the destiny of the same family due to the political power that the
family enjoyed. Malik Mian Muhammad Awan served as commissioner Income Tax
Lahore. He was from village Mardwal. His brother Malik Rab Nawaz Awan was a
famous contractor who later on was elected as the member of district council
Khushab. Rab Nawaz was popular in the area and people would regard him as patron.
Malik Gulbaz Awan served as district attorney Sargodha. He was from village
Mardwal. His son was elected as Nazim Union Council Mardwal. He has strong
Biradari hold and was active in politics. Again there is another instance of Malik
Ahsan Akhtar Awan from village Khabeki. He was raised to the position of federal
secretary to Federal Government. He was son in law of Qazi Mureed Ahmad Awan,
303
Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab)
interview by researcher, January 29, 2015. 304
Muhammad Waris Jasra, Advocate, Former President District Bar Jauharabad, interview by
researcher November, 2014.
131
former MPA in 1951. One of his brother in law was colonel in the Pakistan Army.
Khuda Dad Joiya retired Magestrate belongs to village Aano. His father Muhammad
Bux remained a chairman of union council. Joiya Biradari is fourth number in
population after Baloch, Tiwana and Sagu Biradaries in tehsil Nurpur Thal.305
The powerful position holder in one institution also helped his family kin to
get another powerful position in another institution. Thus a family remained in the
power through continuity of getting powerful positions in the institutions. In this
regard the family of Sher Muhammad Awan from village Hadali can be mentioned.
He was retired from police as Dypurty Suprintendent Police. His elder son Khalid
Mahmood Awan took the opportunity to join the police department and is serving as
SHO Jaura Kalan. Notwithstanding the son might be capable enough to get the post of
SHO the continuity of the power position in a family rose the prestige of the family in
the area.
In politics Biradari often become faction and fight amongst each other.306
The
officers of dominant birderies discriminate the kammis in their pursuit to power.
There are certain ways to suppress the kammis. The officers of dominant parties make
the kammis remain busy in false litigation. The kammis having no resot in thane
darbare (police station and courts) are bound to bow before the influence of dominant
Biradaries. The decisions and contests in the courts produce a numbr of problems for
the kammis. Their financial position weakens due to which they have to bear the
burden of debt that transferred to their generations. They also use the kammis in their
personal and professional rivalries with other dominant biraders. In the result of this
the rivalry of the kammis with other group develops and thus the permanent enemities
take place. That did not let the children of kammis get higher positions.
Family disputes among the kammies are aired by the officers and rulers of
major families. The big and dominant Biradaris incite one faction of the kammis to
fight or start dispute with other faction which is supported by other bigh and dominant
Biradari. Kidnapping of the girls is common practice in the kammis. Dominant
Biradaris highlight such issues that generate enemity. The dispute in the court
305
Malik Iftikhar Awan, famous businessman & social worker, interview by researcher at Awan Market
Naushehra October 06, 2014 and Shoukat Raza Awan, Lecturer (History) Govt. College Darya Khan,
interviewed by researcher at Tehsil Noorpur, Distt: Khushab, October 08, 2014. 306
Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison (London: Sage Publications, 2012),
43
132
diminishes the position of the kammis more and they become more dependent on the
big Biradaries. The fight of the Kammis307
give the opportunity to the big and
conflicting Biradaris to give and take in the existing conflict between the big
Biradaries.
In this way the big Biradaris settle their political disputes on one hand and in
contrary also overcome the position of kammis. Such dominance to the big Biradaries
become possible for them due to their powerful positions in civil and military
bureaucracy.
The given data shows the picture that the army officers and bureaucrats from
the district Khushab were converged in some families. These in turn were the leading
families of very few Biradaries. Thus the power that was vested with major
institutions of the state of Pakistan came into the control of Biradaries. The powerful
Biradaries not only became powerful through getting the positions in the powerful
institutions they also got political power with the help of institutional power positions.
Sometimes it too happened that the politically powerful families got the powerful
positions in the inistitutions. This trend ultimately intermingled the biradri affiliation
with the power.
307
Working class.
133
CHAPTER 4
BIRADARI’S CONTROL OVER
ECONOMIC RESOURCES In this section of thesis we will try to answer two major questions. At the first
place we shall compare whether riches or kinship is significant in relation to securing
power in the area of our case study – Khushab. Second aspect of the question is that
wealth has been concentrated in major Biradaris who in turn manage to grasp the
power in the area. Thus the alliance between wealth and Biradari has emerged as
major power broker in the politics.
Democratic power is achieved due to Biradari numbers which is then
translated into other forms of power. The leaders of Biradaries manage to win the
power through counting the voters of their families in their support. The political
power then gives them chance to get wealth that strengthens their power position even
more. The wealth is generated through contracts, lease and jobs etc. The numerical
strength of the Biradari enhances the supremacy of the Biradari chiefs in respect of
prestige, dominance as well as economy.
4.1 Importance of Biradari vs Wealth
As far as the answer of the question whether riches is significant for getting or
determining power or Biradari is significant for retaining the power it is evident that
there are many instances where affiliation of the Biradari made a poor or middle class
person able to get high power position in politics or institution. One can see that Malik
Karam Bakhsh Awan basically belonged to business class family before entering into
active politics during sixties. He established Tanzeem-ul-Awan, an organisation for
the restoration of Awan Biradari’s power and prestige in the power politics of tehsil
Khushab. When Malik Karam started his work for the upbringing of his Biradari the
numerically less but more in wealth Tiwana were dominating the power politics of
district Shahpur (now distt. Sargodha). Awan Biradari was in majority but that
majority was politically powerless. Malik Karam mustered the support of Biradari,
collected the people on the name of Awan Kari (Awan brotherhood) and challenged
the hegemony of Tiwana in the area. He started to publish a monthly magazine titled
“Tanzeem-ul-Awan. In that journal he included the stories of the great personalities of
Awan tribes, the history of their conviction, courage, loyalty, bravely and
commitment. He also focused on the concepts of brotherhood and solidarity with
134
Awan Biradari. He raised the slogan of the superiority of the Awan Biradari. He also
managed to publish the genealogical history of the various sub-castes, clans and
various branches of Awan. He developed the studies of tribal configuration of Awan
Biradari. He highlighted the military services of Awan soldiers that could nourish the
Biradari affiliation among the people.
Malik Karam Bakhsh focused on the deprivation of the Awan people and said
that despite the area of Soon Valley inhabited by Awan possessed three lakes as well
as scenic beauty and could be developed as a public resort. This area was neglected
because of the rule of Tiwana tribes. He filled the Awan with the sense of deprivation
and pushed them that the wealthy Tiwana had kept them in backwardness and poverty
with the help of their control of politics. He succeeded inculcating in them the sPirit
of self help, self confidence and self reliance for getting the power. That sPirit
ultimately made easier for him to win the elections of 1970 notwithstanding he
possessed less wealth than his wealthy competitors - Qureshies and Tiwana. On the
basis of Biradari affiliation this middle class man also got the membership of shura
during Zia regime while there were many wealthier candidates for the post. This
middle class man founded a political dynasty as his son Malik Basheer Awan got
power on various occasions and then his grandson Shakir Basheer Awan also became
a successful politician in power struggle of the district Khushab.308
Mian Sultan Awan started his career as a transporter. He entered in political
arena during 1960s and won elections for MPA against the wealthier Tiwana
candidate. The majority of Awan Biradari supported him and he not only got the
power but also was able to develop his business and became owner of Awan Bus
Transport later on.309
Another example where the affiliation with the Biradari defeated the wealth
for grasping the power can be presented from elections of 2002, 2008 and 2013 that of
Waris Kalu Joyyia in contest of Shuja Muhammad Baloch. Waris Kalu had the
support of Biradari behind him although he was not a wealthy person in 2002. On the
contrary Shuja Muhammad was a wealthier person but could not rally Biradari behind
308
Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interviewed by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt: Khushab) November, 15,2014. 309
Malik Faisal Sultan Awan former Union Nazim village Khura (His father Malik Mian Sultan Awan
(Late) was MPA & founder of Awan Transport Bus Company (Awan Express)
135
him. Therefore later though wealthier lost and former on the basis of the Biradari won
the power.310
Ameer Mukhtar SAngah, well known owner of the mines and mineral
resources in the district Khushab, who used all of his resources in order to win the
sympathies of his tribe, lost the elections for the provincial assembly in 2008 against
Malik Javed Awan of Padhrar family of Awan tribe because the heads of Awan tribes
decided to support the their Biradari fellow, Javed Awan as padhrar family of Awan
had made their marks in civil, Military and politics.311
Malik Mukhtar Ahmad from village Khabeki Soon valley emerged as a new
opponent of Malik Karam Baksh Awan family. Mukhtar was less wealthy in
comparison with Karam Bakhsh but he managed to get the support of the heads of the
Awan Biradari of the area. Though Karam Bakhsh family who with the passage of
time had become richer could win the elections with the help of their riches and
resources but when the decisions of family heads went against them they could not
survive politically. The support of Biradari chiefs again changed from Mukhtar Awan
to Malik Basheer who won the elections of election of provincial assembly in 1990
with very close margin. Again the wealth lost and Biradari factor won the power. 312
In the elections of 1993 Malik Mukhtar Awan had to contest two wealthier
contestants. One Malik Tanveer Sultan Awan was the owner of Hajveri Airlines. The
other Ifthikhar Awan belonged to commercial wealthy class and he used his riches
during the elections in form of giving scholarships, dining parties, employment
promises, publicity and media. The wealth of the contesting candidates could not
prevent the victory of Biradari affiliation with Malik Malik Mukhtar.313
4.2 Concentration of Wealth in Influential Biradaris
It is hall mark of the politics of the area that affiliation of the Biradari affects
the riches in elections as well as in society. When it not possible that richess may be
310
Malik Muhammad Waris Kalu, MPA(PP-42) & Parliamentary Secretary, Interviewed by the researcher at Waris abad, Village Rodda (Distt: Khushab) November 30, 2014. 311
Malik Ameer Mukhtar Sangah Awan, former Tehsil Nazim Khushab, interviewed by researcher
Sangah House Khushab Mianwali Road, Jauharabad, September 08, 2014. 312
Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan, former MPA, interviewed by the researcher at village Khabekhi (Soon Valley), Distt: Khushab, December 5, 2014 313
Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interviewed by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015.
136
defeated Biradari affiliation makes it easy for middle class man to get riches on the
grounds of links formed on the basis of Biradari affiliation.
“The area of Salt Range is major economic source in
district Khushab as most part of Salt Range 47 miles is
situated in present district and old tehsil Khushab.
Along with the fertile land there are the mountains of
sandstone. The salt produced from Warhcha district
Khushab is better in quality than that of Kheora.”314
The economy of the district relies over the agriculture, forests and mineral
resourses. The industry shares less in the income of the district. The possessors of the
fertile land, forests or the mines in the district hold almost ninety percent of the source
of production and income in the district.”
The major Biradaries also have been able to acquire major sources of
economy in their hand. The acquisition of the resources thus enables them to enjoy
the power that economic resources promise.Major Biradaries of the district have
managed to acquire the forests in the area. They are major share holders in parallel to
government administered forest areas in the district. Following table shows the figures
and proportion of the total land in the area and ownership of the forest land by
government and non government entities which are mostly major Biradaries.
4.2.1 Forest Land
Table 15: Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government and
Biradaris
Tehsil
Total Forest Area
(In Acres)
Government
occupied area
Area under
Biradaries
Khushab 80540 42213 38327
Nurpur Thal 1178 567 611
Quaid Abad 19450 11322 8128
Total 101168 54102 47066
Source: District Forest Officer Jauhar Abad (Khushab), Official Record
314
J. Wilson, Shahpur/Sargodha Gazetteer 1897, translated by Naeem Ullah Malik (Sargodha:
University of Sargodha, 2014), 11, 13, 23.
137
Graph2: Forest Land of District Khushab occupied by Government and
Biradaris
One can see that Biradaries of the district share major portion of the forest
land with the government. The share of the Biradaries in the forest land of the district
is 46.52 percent. Thus major bararadries of the area occupy a major source of income
as well as the means of production in their control. Following table shows the share of
the different Biradaries in forest land of the district.
Table 16: Possession of Forest Land by Biradaris
Area
Total
Forest
Land
Governmen
t Occupied
Land
Area Occupied by Biradaries
Bandia
l Awan
Tiwan
a
Gunjia
l
Joya/Kall
u
Baloc
h
Khusha
b
80540
42213 7123
1533
0 6245 4530 0 5099
Nurpur
Thal
1178
567 0 0 387 0 64 160
Quaid
Abad
19450
11322 2076 1427 3513 764 0 348
10116
8 54102 9199
1675
7 10145 5294 64 5607
Source: Additional District Collector Khushab, Annual Land Use (Milan-e-
Raqba) 2013-14
0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000
Government occupied Area
Baradris' occupied area
Khushab
Nurpul Thal
Quaid Abad
138
4.2.2 Cultivated Land
Table 17: Cultivated Land Occupied by Major Biradaris
Area
Total
Land Others Bandial Awan Tiwana Gunjial Joya/Kallu Baloch
69567 264 211423 45140 5047 3054 81294
Nurpur
Thal
516314
88234 0 856 299660 0 53242 74322
Quaid
Abad
128545
45837 5580 24978 49872 870 443 965
1060648 203638 5844 237257 394672 5917 56739 156581
Source: Additional District Collector Khushab, Latest Register Haqdaran
Zameen (Land possessors) and Recorded in Lal Kitab (Red Book) District
Khushab 2013-14 NTO 868, 20-11-2014
The situation of occupation of other cultivated land that is sown area in district
Khushab also marks the domination of big Biradaries. The landlords of the district are
Tiwana Biradari. These landlords have been owner of major part of the land of
district since colonial period. The income from mines have been collected with Awan
Biradari. Tiwana Biradari and Awan Biradari both together possess more than half of
the fertile agriculture land. Eighthy-one percent of the agricultural land is in
possession of five major Biradaries of the district namely Tiwana, Awan, Baloch,
Bandial and Gunjial and Joiya. The possession of these lands enables major
Biradaries to control the most important source of income in the area that proves
major source of economic power. The land helps them get political power as well as
social prestige in terms of provision of livelihood to poor farmers and labourers.
Thecultivators of the land are work force for the land owners. Along with their
agricultural services they also become vote bank for their land owner in elections.
Moreover they virtually are the ruled ones in their daily social affairs. In the life of
village the land owners become the lords and they drive all matters of the society
according to their will. This may be called the social or economc power that the land
owners possess.
139
Graph 3: Net Land Sown by Biradaris
4.2.3 Power Struggle between Feudal Lords of Biradaries in Conflict
with Kammis
The landlord-tenant relation is what Pakistani writers generally refer to as
‘feudalism’. Landlord earn their living from the surplus they extract from the tenant in
the form of the share. Landlords mostly extract labour from landless share croppers,
but they may also utilize the labour of poor or middle peasant. In addition they may
also employ wage labour, especially during the harvesting and planting season when
the need for labour is high. However, even though land is owned in large estates, it is
actually cultivated in small parcels because landlords rent or lease land out to share
croppers in parcels averaging about 15 acres.315
Traditionally, landlords belongs to the higher Biradaries of the zamindar
caste. For instance, landlords in the Punjab belong to the Syed Rajpoot, Jaat castes.
The Syed claim area descent and trace their linage back to the prophet Muhammad.
Rajpoot literally means “the king’s son”. Some of the influential tribes of the Punjab
that are part of the Rajpoot caste includes the Bhattis, Punwars, Chuhans, Minhas,
Tiwnas, Noon, Chibs, Ghebas, Jodhra, Janjua, Siyals, Wattoos etc. Similarly a large
number of Punjabi zamindars belong to the Jatt caste.316
During the pre-colonial period the jagirdars was the representative of the state.
Similarly the landlords of the contemporary Pakistan retain control not only over the
village panchayat but also over the instrument s of the modern state. Hence, to gain
access to the organs of the state for social services, law and order or other concerns
315
Taimur Rahman, The Class Structure of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 115 316
Ibid
Others 19% Bandial
1%
Awan 22% Tiwana
37%
Gunjial 1%
Joya/Kallu 5%
Baloch 15%
140
villagers have to mostly go through the landlords. Landlords are able to retain a
despotic status in relation to the peasants by maintaining monopoly control over
modern state institutions.
Traditionally, non-agrArian rural work was mostly done by the members of
the various kammi castes. More recently the development of commodity production
has given rise to a market driven non agricultural rural sector that is often dominated
by small capitalist enterprises employing wage labour or petty commodity
producers.317
In Pakistan Biradaries are broadly divided into two distinct systems: land-
owing Biradaries are known as zamindar Biradaries, and laboring class Biradaries
are known as kammi Biradaries. Zamindar Biradaries include those that work their
own land as well as those who mainly live off the rent from their share cropping
tenants. The more powerful zamindar Biradari tends to dominate village life.
Working Biradaries are known as kammi Biradaries. There are numerous kammi
Biradaries. These working Biradaries making up over a quarter of the population,
were largely composed of “the great mass of such aboriginal element [tribe] still to be
found in the Punjab”.
Today state appears simply as one element – whose functionality is
historically specific and contextually variable – in multitude circuits of power,
connecting a diversity of authorities and forces within a whole variety of complex
assemblages.318
Such ideas of diversity have been advocated by Akhil Gupta who shows that
“the state” in Indian area is composed not only of the three branches of government
(administrative, legislative, and judiciary), but also of multiple levels (federal, state,
district, sub-district, and block) and numerous bureaus and programs (dealing, for
example, with education, medical care, housing, agriculture, and commerce). Far from
operating as a seamless, purposeful, and well-integratedwhole, the Indian bureaucracy
instead bumps along in fragmented, uncoordinated and decentralized fashion.319
317
Taimur Rahman, The Class Structure of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 115-
123 318
Nikolas Rose, Powers of Freedom Reaffirming Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2003), 5 319
Akhil Gupta, Red Tape: Bureaucracy, Structural Violence and Poverty in India Durham, (NC: Duke
University Press, 2012. 384
141
Kammis320
– the circuits of power – bear the vote bank as they are large in
numbers. On one hand the kammis are the resistant force in the war of power but on
the other hand they become instrumental in the achievement of power by leading and
ruling Biradaris. The Biradari that is successful in bagging the majority vote of
kammis wins the power. A new trend is that kammis also move from village to the
cities or towns in search of their living and by this act they get out of the influence of
major Biradari and become independent in the game of power. Such kammis take the
form of resistant element for the control and hegemony of ruling Biradaries.
This element, rather modern in many aspects, is problematic for Biradari
domination on the basis of modern education as well. The kammis get education and
are able to get jobs that make them go out of the sphere of influence of ruling
Biradaries. Such lower caste people are becoming pivotal in the decisions of
elections. To counter such kammis the Biradari waderas use the feudalism as a tool to
get the support of their tenants in the elections. Their tenants, due to their economic
compulsions are forced to support their feudal lords and thus power economic as well
as political remains in the control of major Biradari chiefs.
In district Khushab the best example of the support of tenants for the lord of
major Biradaris can be presented in the victory of Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan of
Khabeki as member of provincial Assembly of Punjab. There were two major factors
responsible for his victory; one was the affiliation with the Biradari and second is that
the number of his tenants is large who supported Malik Mukhtar. He also has
distributed temporarily the land free of cost to the kammis to build up his vote bank.
The kammis have built their houses over that land of which the rights of ownership
had not been given to them.321
Malik Javed iqbal Awan, an elected member of the Provincial Assembly, use
tact to win the electoral support of the kammis and lower Biradari. He and his family
members have taken the contracts of major coal mines in district Khushab. The
kammis and low-Biradari men take jobs in these mines and being the labour
employees they are bound to give votes to their employer politicians. The lower
Biradari workers also work in the goods transport and hoteling business of this
family. They, therefore, are bound to support their political masters. These
320
Working class 321
Malik Khuda Dad Awan, Interview by researcher.
142
arrangements have made the government of this family so permanent that they are
ruling over the area from three generations.
In the local government system the hegemony of the Biradari elites could be
eclipsed with the reserved seats of tenants, labourers and non-Muslims. However the
electoral college of these members remained the elected members who belonged to
the ruling Biradari or who were under direct influence of the ruling Biradaries. In this
way the kammis and tenants again remained under the hegemony of ruling Biradari.
However the devolution plan of General Musharraf empowered the kammis and lower
caste people by raising their seats and by changing the mode of election into direct
form in the union councils, tehsil councils and district council and municipal
corporations. . The constituency of the seats for all was broadened to the Union level,
tehsil level and district level. These steps empowered the kammis much. In 2005 the
major Biradaries were alarmed and on their initiation the number of seats were
decreased in the next local bodies elections in 2007.
In the result of reforms in the local government system it became likely to
essential for the kammis to contest elections on general seats. The zamindar
Biradaries, in order to win the important seats of chairmen and in order to satisfy the
kammis, let the kammis contest the elections but the opponent of that kammi is also
selected from the kammies by the opponent zamindar group. In this way the kammies
are not empowered.
4.2.4 Mines and Minerals
There are huge coal deposits in whole Salt Range. District Khushab is one of
those districts (Mianwali, Jehlum, Attock and Chakwal) where main coal deposits
exist. In this area thickness of coal seams generally ranges from some centimeters to
one and half meters. The coal found in this area is of sub-bituminous quality.Salt
Range Coal fields extend from 12.5 miles north of Khushab to about 15 mile north of
Khewra within an area approximately 100 square miles. Coal occurs in the Patala
Formation. Coal seam ranging in thickness from few inches to a maximum of five feet
is available in the whole Salt Range. The coal has been classified as high volatile
bituminous with high ash and sulpher contents. Its calorific value in BTU varies from
7100 to 11100. Reserves have been estimated to be 75 million tons. Moreover caol
143
reservoirs fireclay deposits are also found in District Khushab. Chambal, Padhrar,
Katha SAghral are important places where fireclay deposits are found.322
The production of minerals (in hundred metric tons) in Khushab district during
2009-10 marked that 2143 hmt caol was produced in district Khushab. The production
of lime stone stood at 16687 hmt. 9049 hmt rock salt was also produced from the area.
Land of mines and minerals is government property and cannot be sold and bought.
These mines and mineral resources are auctioned by the government. Different people
and companies acquire the mines through auctions. Different influential families of
major Biradaries struggle to keep control over the contracts of these resources. The
deposits from mines where less technicality or lower techonology is required are
utilized by the small enterprises of local people. For difficult and high technological
mines the companies from out of Khushab have the capacity to produce minerals.
However middle class production that is almost 46 percent of total production of the
minerals is in possession of major Biradaries of Khushab district. Following table
shows how much production of the mineral resources is in possession of the elite
families of major Biradaries.
Table 18: Mineral Production in District Khushab in Hundred Metric Tons for
2009-10
Minerals Production
(hundred
metric tons)
2009-10
Government Local
Biradaris
Companies
Outside
Khushab
Common
People
Argillaceous Clay 1909 0 1330 509 70
Bauxite 78 0 0 78 0
Bentonite 44 0 20 17 7
Coal 2143 0 1687 309 147
Fireclay 396 0 226 113 57
Gypsum 773 0 400 295 78
Lime Stone 16687 0 9345 3267 4075
Marble 30 0 30 0 0
Ochers 44 0 0 44 0
Rock Salt 9049 7450 1100 385 114
Silica Sand 348 0 301 0 47
322
http://punjab.gov.pk/mnm_dimop
144
Latrit 65 65 0 0 0
Total 31566 7515 14439 5017 4595
Source: Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket
Book of the Punjab, 278.
Graph 4: Mineral Production in District Khushab 2009-10 (in hundred metric
tons)
Table 19: Production in possession of Local Biradaries
Minerals
Total
Production
Production
owned by
major
Biradaries Awan Gunjial Bandial Tiwana
Agrillacious
Clay
1909 1330
723
308 195 104
Bentonite 44 20 13 5 1 1
Coal 2143 1687 1454 114 34 85
Fireclay 396 226 180 46 0 0
Gypsum 773 400 103 90 107 100
Lime Stone 16687 9345 4453 4112 780 0
Marble 30 30 6 24 0 0
Rock Salt 9049 1100 686 219 195 0
Silica Sand 348 301 153 118 30 0
Government 24%
Local Biradaris 46%
Outside Khushab 16%
Common People 14%
145
Total 31379 14439 7771 5036 1342 290
Source: Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket
Book of the Punjab, 278.
Graph 5: Production owned by Major Biradaris
4.2.5 Ownership of Factories and Influence of Biradaris on Labour Force
The factories that produce heavy products in Khushab are less in number than
other districts of Punjab due to specific reasons of the districts. One of the reasons is
that during imperial rule the hilly part of Khushab was major source of recruitment in
the army on the persuasion of Tiwana. Secondly less industrialisation in this area is
because of shortage of raw material sufficient for the attraction of industrialists.
Thirdly less quantity and quality of the raw material is a major cause of less
industrialization.323
During the Ayub and Zia regimes the tax holiday was declared for the district
Khushab and process of industrialization started on slow paces in jute sector and
sugar and cotton sectors. This industrialization stopped due to the declaration of
323
Malik Muhammad Azam Khan Rajar, Awan, former Member Punjab Assembly & President District
Bar Council Khushab, Interviewed by researcher, 13 December 2014
Awan 54%
Gunjial 35%
Bandial 9%
Tiwana 2%
Production owned by major Baradaris
146
industrial zone of Chunian during the government of Nawaz Sharif in 1993 and the
industrialists diverted their attention from Khushab to Chunian.324
The powerful Biradaries did not let the industry develop in the area despite
having resources to establish the industry. They thought that the industrialization
might weaken their power and control of resources in the area because
industrialization needed the coalition with other people and labour unions could create
problem for them.325
There are only 29 factories in the district till 2009.326
Table 20: Labour Force in Factories
Total factories
(1947-2009)
Factories where Labour
is less than 100
Factories where Labour is
more than 100
Total Labour
force
29 16 13 11095
Source: Bureau of Statistics GOP, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab,
235, 270
Despite less industrialization in the area, again major Biradaries got control of
some of the factories established in the area.
4.2.6 Transport Business
One of the major sources of income of Khushab district is business of goods
transportation and travel transport. This business was occupied by major Biradaries of
the district. Two routes - Sargodha to Rawalpindi via Khushab and Chakwal,
Sargodha to Rawalpindi via Khushab and Talagang – cover vast hilly and backward
areas of whole salt range and provide a lot of money to the transport companies which
dominate over the business of transport. Two dominating transport companies are
Awan Bus Service and Super Awan Bus Service. Even the names of the companies
mark the Biradari culture that dominates major economic source. Awan Bus Service
is owned by Mian Sultan Awan of village Khura Soon valley Khushab who later on
became MPA. Super Awan Bus Service is owned by Malik Gul Zaman Awan of
Uchali village Soon valley. Thus transport was dominated by two Awan who got the
possession of all other smaller routes and companies in the district. No transport
company thus can operate in the district and in adjacent areas without the cooperation
324
Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interviewed by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015. 325
Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jouharabad (Khushab) interviewed by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014. 326
Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab, 270.
147
of Awan. This transport business thus became a weapon in the hands of Awan to
compete the hegemony of Tiwana.
The development of Awan in the transport business was a direct threat to the
hegemony of the Tiwana who resorted to make differences in the Awan and they
supported the second group of Awan led by Gul Zaman Awan. The rivalry of the
Awan groups resulted in the murder of so many people and finally Gul Zaman Awan
was killed by Mian Sultan group. But soon after the heads of Awan Biradari realised
the density of this consPiracy against the Awan rising status and they reconciled the
rival Awan groups and Mian Sultan group became dominant in the transport business.
This was used by Mian Sultan for promotion of his political stature.327
Bandial family too inserts its control on the transport business. Lahore
Mianwali via Sargodha and Khushab is in their professional control because their
village Bandial is located at the Khushab Mianwali Road and that area is influenced
by Bandial family. Malik Muzaffar Khan Bandial founded Bandial Bus Service and
organised the Bandial family in this business of transport. Thus he gained wealth,
fame, respect and ultimately the power and was elected as a member district council
Sargodha when Khushab was not district. After 1982 when Khushab became district
the role of Bandial family in the politics of district rose much more than previous
period that is still continued.328
4.2.7 Important Economic Positions
Awan of Khushab, especially from Padhrar village, got another advantage over
other Biradaries in respect of getting economic power that one of their Biradari
fellow Lt. Gen. Malik Arif Hayat was able to get the position of CEO of Fauji
Fertilizer Company (FFC), which is the largest urea manufacturing company in
Pakistan that creates over 50 percent of Pakistan’s demand of fertilizers. The
company, during the tenure of Malik Arif, also started to manufacture steel from
scrap.329
Such position that is crucial not only for the economic well being of the area
andBiradari but also for whole of Pakistan can easily make the person one of the
powerful figure in not only in area even in country due to socio-economic and
327
Malik Akhtar Nawaz Awan (Former Manager Super Awan Bus Service) Nowshehra (Soon valley)
Khushab , interviewed by researcher, 3 January 2014. 328
Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher,
February 19, 2015. 329
Javed Mirza, “FFC plans venture in steel manufacturing, coal gasification,” The News, 11 March
2012
148
political linkages with other powerful people all over the country. This position also
enabled Malik Asif Awan to establish his Biradari fellows economically through
dealership of fertilizers and employment in FFC.330
4.2.8 Dominance of Biradaries on Economic System of Zakat and
Usher
Zakat is religious fund reserved for the needy and poor, neglected and down
trodden, cripples, disables and orphans as well as the non curable patients and
indebted people. In Pakistan General Zia ul Haq introduced the system of Zakat and
Usher in 1981. This was part of the reforms of Gen. Zia that he made for his
programme of Islamization. Therefore a system was introduced on the federal and
provincial level and an organisation was established for implementation of zakat
under ministry of religious affairs. The zakat and usher committees became a tool of
economic well being as well as the manifestation of the economic power in the eyes
of the common people on behalf of the state as well as the concerned committees. The
functions delegated to the zakat and usher committees also produced impression of
the power of the state in the economic field. It could boost up the image of the welfare
state.
The zakat and usher committees, therefore, were considered as the show of
power for the common people. The poor and needy would look to the members and
chairmen of the committees as the agents who could help and assist them in way of
dowry fund and student scholarship. They could enhance the economic activity
through the provision of training through handicraft and small loans and funding. The
image of the members of zakat committees in the eyes of common man was that of a
powerful personality at least equal to if not more than that of the chairman of local
bodies.
Owing to the image and impression of zakat committies in the public and
political spheres the powerful people were attracted to the membership of these
committies. Through that membership they could on one side equalize themselves
with other holders of power positions in politics as well as institutions of the state. On
the other hand such membership gave them control over a huge amount of funds and
they would find that fund on their disposal. Ultimately they could make many people
330
Prof.(R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interviewed by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014.
149
bow before them for the sake of completion of their economic needs. Despite the
opportunities of corruption for the member they could also use those funds for the
increase of their support in the public. Thus the game for the achievement of the
membership of zakat committees made the members of powerful Biradaries enter in
the struggle of getting positions in the committees. They took keen interest for
achievement of such positions.
The village chairmen and the members of the Zakat committees were decided
to be elected in the public gatherings in the mosques of respective villages and town.
The members of Zakat committees in this way were representatives of the people in
one sense. The politics entered in the elections of the members and in this politics the
the powerful Biradaries of district Khushab penetrated in the zakat system too. The
powerful elite of the area, the powerful heads of the biradris in the district, could
induct their Biradari fellows in the zakat committees with the help of their social
influence on the basis of Biradari affiliations as well as their control over the
powerful positions in the state and politics.
Table 21: Chairmen of District Zakat and Usher Committees Khushab 1982-
2008
Sr.
No.
Duration Name Biradari Description
1 24-10-1982 to
10-07-1983
Haji Malik Dost
Muhammad
Awan Head of powerful faction of Awan Biradari
from village Sodhi Soon valley. His son was
Col. Hameedullah and he was son in law of
Brig. Aziz of Nowshehra who was brother in
Law of former federal minister Naeem Khan
Awan.
2 03-02-1984 to
13-04-1988
Hafiz Muhammad
Hasan
Awan His family was famous owing to the religious
services and were called Mianey. He was
resident of Khushab city where he had long
range of Biradari and social linkages.
3 14-04-1988 to
31-01-1992
Haji Abdul Quddus Awan Resident of village Kufri. He was respectable of
the Awan Biradari. He was real uncle of Malik
Tanvir Sultan Awan, owner of Hajveri Airlines,
who contested elections from PP 33 in 1993 and
NA 51 Khushab in 1997. In 1993 just after one
year of end of the term of Haji Abdul Qudus,
150
Tanvir Sultan was able to manipulate the
popularity that his uncle had gained through the
position of his uncle when he contested
elections. Tanvir Sultan contested elections
again in 2008.
4 15-12-1992 to
24-04-1993
Brig. Retired Ata
Muhammad Awan
Awan Village Khoora. Uncle of Wing Commander
Malik Safdar Awan. This family was staunch
supporter of his Biradari fellow and sitting
MNA Malik Naeem Khan Awan former federal
minister.
5 28-04-1993 to
30-06-1994
Muhammad Riaz
Dhuddi
Awan Village Waheer. His father Malik Ghaus
Muhammad was retired captain from British
Army. The maternal relatives of Muhammad
Riaz were Mianey of Khushab. His elder brother
Muhammad Yousaf was Xen in Irrigation
department. His brother Muhammad Aslam
Advocate was among the founding members of
Tanzeem-ul-Awan that was established in 1970s.
His brother Muhammad Akram was lawyer.
They possessed large patches of land in village
Waheer. Another brother of his served as
session judge. All of the brothers had strong
affiliation with their Biradari fellows sitting
MNA Naeem Awan and MPA Mukhtar Awan.
6 03-01-1995 to
13-10-1996
Muhammad Basheer
Awan Advocate
Awan Village Padrhar. He supported the Karam Bux
Awan faction that was anti to MNA Naeem
Awan’s faction. Therefore his tenure could not
prolong than to two years.
7 12-09-1997 to
16-05-2002
Brig. Retired Ata
Muhammad
Awan Again nominated as Umar Aslam, the maternal
nephew of Malik Naeem, won the elections for
National Assembly and Ata Muhammad had
affiliation with Malik Naeem Awan’s group.
8 16-05-2002 to
30-09-2004
Malik Ehsan Ullah
Rajar
Awan Village Rajar. Close relative of Malik Nazeer
Ahmad Rajar former member district council
Khushab and Malik Muhammad Azam Rajar
MPA and president district bar Khushab.
151
9 03-10-2004 to
10-11-2007
Syed Faiz ul Hasan
Gillani
Syed Gaddi Nasheen famous shrine of Gunjial
Shareef. He was sPiritual leader of Malik Umar
Aslam Awan, the runner up candidate of MNA
in elections 2002.
10 11-11-2007 to
29-10-2010
Mahr Muhammad
Basheer
Arain Resident of village Mitha Tiwana, headquarter
of famous Tiwana Biradari. He was retired
superintendent from education department. The
Tiwana needed the support of Arain Biradari
from 3 to 4 union councils of NA 70 in the
national elections of 2008 against Malik Shakier
Basheer Awan.
Sources: Office of the District Zakat and Ushar, Oppositte General Bus Stand (Old)
Khushab
4.2.9 Dominance of Biradries on Market Committies in District
Khushab
Mitha Tiwana, Jauharabad, Qaidabad, Rangpur Bagoor are four market
committees in district Khushab.
The market committees are assigned to establish any market facility connected
with the sale and purchase, storage and weighment as well as processing and pressing
of the agricultural products in the area. It is authorised to issue, renew, suspend and
cancel the licences to brokers, weighmen, measurers, surveyors, warehousemen, changers,
palledars, boriotas, tolas, tokrewalas and rehriwalas for carrying on their occupation in the
market area in respect of agricultural products and without the licence issued by market
committee any above mentioned businessmen cannot carry their business activity in the
specified market area.331
A market committee consists of 10-17 members from growers, dealers and
consumers.332
It can also levy fees on the agricultural productions bought or sold in
the market. Its multiple functions are also that it can aquire land for the establishment
of markets. Major economic activity is centred around market committee as it
maintains and improves the markets including construction of storages, platforms
small pullies, culverts and roads. It also collect and disseminate information regarding
all matters relating to marketing in respect of the agricultural produce and propaganda
in favour of agricultural improvement and thrift. It provides facilities such as cleaning
331
The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978 332
The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978
152
sets, plants for grading, standardization, packing and processing of agricultural
produce. Moreover for the benefit of growers it constructs cold storages, werehouses
and godowns.333
Being the member or chairman of the market committee means the
acquisition of major decisions of local economic activity in one’s control.
Chairmen/Administrators of the market committee thus would have vast influence
over the business activity in the area. In the ordinary law it was prescribed that the
members of the market committee would elect their chairman.When there would have
been duly elected local government in the area the chairmen of the market committee
would be elected and when there was no duly elected local government the
administrator would be appointed to look after the affairs of the market committee.
The influential Biradaries took firm hold of the market committees most of the time
whenever there was a chairman.
Table 22: Administrators/Chairmen Market Committees in District Khushab
No. Name Post From To
1 Malik Shafaat Ahmad Tiwana Chairman 29-11-1982 10-12-1983
2 Nisar Ali Malik Administrator 11-12-1983 30-06-1984
3 Ch. Nazir Ahmad Administrator 01-07-1984 23-10-1984
4 Malik Fazal Mahmood Awan Chairman 23-10-1984 18-05-1987
5 Muhammad Sharif Kasana Administrator 19-05-1987 11-10-1988
6 Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan Chairman 12-10-1988 05-06-1993
7 Muhammad Ameer Khan
Niazi
Chairman 06-06-1993 30-10-1993
8 Maqbool Ahmad Khan DC
Khushab
Administrator 14-10-1993 20-04-1994
9 Haq Nawaz Tarar DC
Khushab
Administrator 21-04-1994 15-04-1995
10 Abd-us-Sattar Dyputy
Director Agriculture
Administrator 16-04-1995 25-12-1995
11 Tajamal Chatta Dyputy
Director Agriculture
26-12-1995 02-02-1997
12 Malik Muhammad Shafi Administrator 03-02-1997 31-07-1997
333
The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978; Punjab Local Government Ordinance,
1979 (VI of 1979) and the Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 1979 VI of 1979); the Punjab
Agricultural Produce Markets (Amendment) Ordinance, 2001, (XXIII of 2001; Punjab Agricultural
Produce Markets (Amendment) Ordinance, 1984 (XXXIII of 1984; Punjab Agricultural Produce
Markets (Amendment) Act, 1994 (IV of 1994).
153
13 Haji Muhammad Mushtaq
Tiwana
Administrator 01-01-1998 19-10-1999
14 Imdad Ullah Busal AC
Khushab
Administrator 20-10-1999 01-02-2000
15 Shoaib Ali Syed AC Khushab Adminstrator 02-02-2000 01-02-2001
16 Haji Shahid Basheer Virk AC
Khushab
Administrator 21-02-2001 14-08-2001
17 Malik Ayub Bha Awan Administrator 05-09-2001 28-01-2002
18 Malik Masood Nazir Rajar
Awan
Chairman 29-01-2002 20-05-2005
19 Saifullah Khan Tiwana Administrator 21-05-2005 25-04-2008
20 Muhammad Tahir Agriculture
Officer
Administrator 26-04-2008 03-08-2010
21 Sheikh Muhammad Rafique Administrator 04-08-2010 .....
Source: Office of the Administrartor/Chairman Market Committee, Oppositte General Bus
Stand Jauharabad
Malik Shafaat Tiwana was the brother in law of Khuda Bux Tiwana, then
chairman of District Council Khushab. The affiliation with the Biradari helped Malik
Shafaat Tiwana to rise to the position of Exise and Taxation Officer and was retired as
director Excise and Taxation Sargodha and now a member Khushab Bar.
Malik Fazal Mahmood Awan has been chairman for three long years. He was Biradari
fellow and strong supporter of Malik Naeem Khan Awan, Federal Minister.
Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan, a big mine-owner belonged to the Biradari of Malik
Muhammad Azam Rajar Awan former MPA and president district Bar Khushab. He
also belongs to Malik Naeem Khan group. Malik Muhammad Ayub Bha Awan, later
on, became tehsil nazim Khushab and his nephew Malik Muhammad Asif Bha Awan
is continuously elected as MPA since 2002. Malik Masood Nazir Rajar Awan, the son
of Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan became chairman on 20-01-2002 to 20-05-2005. He
supports Sumera Malik group .
Saifullah Khan Tiwana (Ad) is brother of Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana former
Minister and heads of Tiwana in Punjab. Later he chose to becme MNA and district
Nazim Khushab. 21-05-2005 to 25-04-2008 he remained the administer market
committee.
154
4.2.10 Dominance of Biradries on District Bar Council Jauharabad
/Khushab
The practice of law is a major powerful profession that on the one hand
provides a wealth generating chance and on the other it deals with the significant
department of law that is associated with almost every person. The office bearer of
Bar Association then enjoys much power being the elected leaders of the advocates.
The Bar Associations were led by major Biradaries. The regular elections of the bar
also generate a political activity.
Bar Associations are well organised associations in Pakistan. The elections
within the associations every year replace the old leadership with fresh one with
mandate of the lawyers who belong to all vistas of the society. The candidates are
traditionally elected based on their Biradari or personal advantage to the voters.334
The importance of the position of the office bearer of Bar can be determined from the
fact that the traditional campaign for the Lahore High Court Bar Association
presidency usually starts in August and costs each candidate Rs 4 to 6 million.335
The respect, honour and dignity of the winner of the election put him in an influential
position in profession as well as in society. The practice of the winner flourishes as he
becomes famous in the clients and public spheres and their chambers become the
centre of political and social gatherings. The office bearers of the Bar are also
recognised as experts of law who may get the positions in the judiciary as the judges
of high courts and Supreme Court as well as the majority of MPAs and MNAs start
their political careers from bars and ultimately rise to the height of power.
The office bearers of the bars are highlighted in the various social gatherings,
especially arranged by their Biradari fellows. They are envied by the members of
Biradari in order to express pomp and show. Besides their influence in the judiciary
they also enjoy great respect and influence in the civil executive and bureaucracy. The
political parties also honour them and desire to give them important positions in the
party in case some office bearer becomes prominent in the Bar. The office bearers
also affiliate themselves with many NGOs working for the welfare of the masses.
Through such NGOs they make their roots within the public and also with the funding
sources. In collaboration with these NGOs they also play significant part in protection
of human rights within the society. As the issues of human rights have got much
334
Rizwan Ullah Kokab, Lawyers’ Movement in Pakistan (Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, 2013), 181. 335
Ibid, 182.
155
prominence on the international and national agenda the office bearers of the bars also
rise to the prominence.
The Biradari affiliations helped the elected office bearers of the bars in
winning the elections and mostly members of a few prominent Biradaries were able
to win the elections of the bar. During the election campaign the Biradari plays
significant role for attraction of the voters. This is evident with the mention of
Biradari of the candidate in the canvassing material namely the posters, wall
chalking, banners, public announcements, placards, stickers and media
advertisements.
The Bar Association of Khushab was Tehsil Bar Association in District
Sargodha till 1982 after which it was changed into District Bar Association. Available
record of this Bar Association from 1966 to 2011 mentions many important leaders of
major Biradaries who first won the powerful offices of bar and then were able to
achieve the social as well as political power in the district, province and country.
Table 23: Positions in Bar held by Major Biradaris
Year Presidents General Secretaries
1966 Qazi Muhammad Afzal Awan Muhammad Mumtaz Baloch
1967 Malik Sarfraz Khan Awan Malik Ghulam Sarwar Awan
1968 Malik Abdul Hameed Tiwana Muhammad Bashir Awan
1969 Ghulam Haider Syed Ghulam Muhammad Awan
1970 Ghulam Haider Syed Abdul Hafeez Tiwana
1971 Nazeer Alam Awan Abdul Hafeez Tiwana
1972 Ghulam Haider Syed Najm-ul-Hasan Syed
1973 Mian Nazeel Alam Awan Gul Nawaz Rajpoot
1974 Muhammad Razzaq Awan Gul Baz Khan Awan
1975 Muhammad Aslam Awan Muhammad Hayat Utra
1976 Muhammad Aslam Awan Kazim Ali Gujjar
1977 Muhammad Basheer Awan Jafer Khan Baloch
1978 Muhammad Hayat Utra Altaf Hussain Bhagoor
1979 Muhammad Riaz Mahil Altaf Hussain Bhagoor
1980 Jafar Khan Baloch Habib Nawaz Tiwana
1981 Muhammad Hayat Utra Muhammad Hussain Burana
1982 Zulfikar Ali Bhagoor Dildar Hussain Baloch
1983 Muhammad Hayat Utra Muhammad Afzal Syed
156
1984 Kazim Ali Gujjar Dildar Hussain Baloch
1985 Khan Muhammad Mahil Muhammad Irshad Rajpoot
1986 Muhammad Shareef Awan Muhammad Iqbal Awan
1987 Khan Muhammad Mahil Iftikhar Ahmad Awan
1988 Khan Muhammad Mahil Iftikhar Ahmad Awan
1989 Muhammad Hayat Utra Naimtullah Gahi
1990 Muhammad Hayat Utra Sakhi Muhammad Awan
1991 Muhammad Hayat Utra Sakhi Muhammad Awan
1992 Inam Qadir Syed Muhammad Iqbal Utra
1993 Muhammad Hayat Utra Iftikhar Ahmad Awan
1994 Muhammad Azam Awan Mian Khan Awan
1995 Imdad Hussain Syed Ansar Hayat Naich
1996 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Mukhtar Hussain Khokhar
1997 Muhammad Shareef Awan Muhammad Basheer Awan
1998 Khan Muhammad Mahil Abid Hussain Rajpoot
1999 Muhammad Azam Awan Abid Hussain Rajpoot
2000 Imdad Hussain Syed Ahmad Nadeem Awan
2001 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Shafqat Hayat Baloch
2002 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Aman Ullah Gunjial
2003 Mian Khan Awan Shafqat Khan Baloch
2004 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Muhammad Arshad Rajpoot
2005 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Muhammad Arshad Rajpoot
2006 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Aman Ullah Gunjial
2007 Mian Khan Awan Azam Khan Awan
2008 Mian Khan Awan Fiaz Hussain Baloch
2009 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Mubashar Mahil
2010 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Faiz Rasool Awan
2011 Azam Khan Awan Shafqat Hayat Baloch
Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab
Awan = 36 seats
Baloch = 9 seats
Utra = 9 seats
Syed = 8 seats
Tiwana = 7 seats
Rajpoot = 6 seats
157
Mahil = 6 seats
Bhagoor = 3 seats
Gujjar = 2 seats
Burana = 1 time
Gunjial = 2 seats
Khokhar = 1
Naich = 1
Gahi =1
Graph 6: Major Offices held by Biradaris in Bar Association
Table 24: Members Punjab Bar Council Khushab Seat
Dost Muhammad Awan 1984-88
Muhammad Riaz Mahil 1989-1994
Muhammad Hayat Utra 1994-99
Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab
Table 25: Members Executive Committee Punjab Bar
(Replacing the nomenclature of seat from member Punjab Bar Council)
Muhammad Hayat Utra 1999-2004
Muhammad Hayat Utra 2005-2009
Khan Muhammad Mahil 2008-09
Habib Ullah Tiwana 2009-2014
Awan 39%
Baloch 10%
Utra 10%
Syed 9%
Tiwana 8%
Rajpoot 7%
Mahil 7%
Bhagoor 3%
Gujjar 2%
Burana 1%
Gunjial 2%
Khokhar 1%
Naich 1% Gahi
1%
0%
0%
Major Offices in Bar Association
158
Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab
Malik Sarfraz Ahmad Awan (President Bar in 1967) had been a Member West
Pakistan Assembly. Abdul Majeed Tiwana (President Bar in 1968) was promoted to
the powerful positions of Additional Session Judge, justice Lahore High Court. Malik
Gulbaz Khan Awan (General Secretary Bar in 1974) was elevated to the powerful
position of Lahore High Court. He was member of the bench that heard and decided
the trial that sentenced Z. A. Bhutto to death. Malik Muhammad Aslam Awan,
advocate of village Vaheer (President Bar in 1975 and 1976) was founder leader of
Tanzeem-ul-Awan, an organization that was organized for the purpose of restoration
of Awan prestige. He was staunch supporter of the unification of Awan Biradari
against Tiwana Biradari in Khushab.
Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra (Secretary Bar in 1977, President Bar in 1978,
1981, 1985, 1989, 1990, 1991 and 1993) was also powerful in the general politics by
being elected as MPA in 1990, 1993 and 1997. He was member Punjab Council
(1994-99) and member Executive Committee from 1999 to 2009, two consequtive
terms.
Malik Kazim Ali Gujjar (Secretary Bar in 1976, President Bar in 1984) was
elevated to the position of session judge and rose to the position of justice in Lahore
High Court. Then he was included in Service Tribunal. He then got the position of
member of Election Tribunal.
Malik Muhammd Azam Khan Advocate (President Bar in 1994, 1999, 2011
(unopposed) had been elected as MPA in 1970 before he won the elections for the
seat of President. Malik Muhammad Ameer Khan Niazi (President Bar in 2006) had
been administrator of Market Committee Khushab.336
It has been maintained in this chapter that Biradari affiliation has become in
district Khushab more significant in grasping of power than riches. Even if the riches
is more important, the riches can be increased due to links established on grounds of
Biradari affiliation. The economic resources in district Khushab were taken into
possession by major Biradaries in many ways. One was was the ownership of forest
as well as agricultural land that was acquired by major Biradaries of the district
historically in British period. Mines and mineralas are second major source of
336
Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jouharabad
(Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014.
159
production in the district. These have also been owned by the members of major
Biradaries right from the British period.
Industry could not flourish in the district. Notwithstanding that major
Biradaries were able to secure control over little number of factories established in
the district. However major Biradaries, especially Awan Biradari, owns the business
of transport, third major source of income of the district. Influential people of major
Biradaries also can be instrumental to enrich themselves as well ass their Biradari
felllws through frunds of market economy by becoming members, chairmen and
administrators of market committees. They also could use the funds of zakaat at their
disposal by becoming the members and chairmen of zakat committees. The control of
major Biradaries on another important occupation, law, is evident by the fact that
major office bearers of bar belong to major Biradaries. Thus economic power is
concentrated in major Biradaries of the district.
160
CHAPTER 5
Biradari in Power Through Electoral Politics and
Political Parties
This part of the study explores significant issues and aspects of Biradari
bearing significance in electoral politics generally in Pakistan and particularly in
district Khushab. The electoral performance of different Biradaries in this district
from 1982 to 2008 will be studied, examined and its outcomes would be ascertained.
Another finding will be attempted to review and gauge the impacts of patronage
politics with respect to Biradari influence in particular and common voting behavior
in general. This chapter explores the electoral politics and the role of power brokers in
it in district Khushab. The context will be the method of gaining and exercising power
through electoral process. A review of electoral data from general elections 1985 to
the 2008 general elections in Pakistan will guide the study to ultimate outcomes and
differences in the voting and political behaviours.
5.1 Electoral Significance of Biradaries in Khushab
Elections are held in various countries at different levels to determine and
decide the representative authority to run the affairs of the state, province, city or even
the commune. There are different modes, different procedures and diverse rules and
regulations employed to ascertain in an impartial, just and independent environment
that holds the confidence of the electorate. This process seems simple yet bears
multiple aspects, variety of complexities and play of actors and brokers. Elections
connect the people to the political representatives, either elected or defeated. The
electoral behavior transcends the political behavior of any people, community or
nation. Likewise, the voting behavior determines the significance of elections as the
voter casts his or her vote to stamp the as Pirations, concerns, needs, demands and
utility requirements of subjective orientation and objective considerations. The social
life accepts the impacts and undergoes transformation in either constructive manner or
the otherwise depending upon the final effects of the whole process. This is equally
part of experience and practice that elections and its politics expose the underlying
predispositions in the system and society, explain relations of intra-party and inter-
party nature, reveal the ecological influences and political interests of not only the
161
political parties taking part in election but also those of other groups, structures,
regions, clans and tribes. Local Biradaries constitute an important impact on such
interests, issues, problems and considerations.
Political scientists have presented various models to describe and determine
the electoral behaviour. Such models include both proximity and directional models.
For the first time such model was produced by Anthony Downs. The model that he
presented was called the spatial and proximity models. He observed that
interdependence between the decisions of parties and voters can be judged. In this
model the positions for issues of voters as well candidates are translate into the
preferences of the voters and the strategies of the candidates. Other factors like the
direction of the movement of candidate away from the old status co to the new
according to the aspirations of the voters are also measured.337
In the local contexts of
Pakistan, as in any district as Khushab, the relation between voters’ preferences and
candidate’s strategy is a big question mark. The reason is that the way the candidate
adopts strategies the electoral fronts does not necessarily leads to fulfill or even to
address the voter’s preferences. This relation is affected by a plurality of other non-
political concerns. The non-political concerns may be the Biradari preferences,
individual-cum community decisions, elders’ directional voting patterns or the victim-
voter syndromes. A victim voter is one who yields to unseen pressures, open and
directed threats and contempt and other temptations of monetary value. Under such
circumstances of no-preference, voter casts the vote.
Dr. Mughees Ahmad explains the role of Biradari in voter-candidate
relationship in Pakistani culture. He observes that Biradariesm is the main component
of local political culture as well as voting behavior in Punjab.338
He draws three
conclusions from his discussion and analyses of the voting behavior in the rural
constituencies and finds Biradaries in numerical majority in Faisalabad as successful.
He counts ratio in favour of Biradari candidates 74 per cent. His second conclusion
points towards a trend in political parties to award tickets to candidates with Biradari
affiliation. His third conclusion also signifies the Biradari influence. He points
337
Akhtar, Elections and Social Scientists, 455. 338
Mughees Ahmed, "Voting Behaviour in Rural and Urban Areas of Punjab," Journal of Political
Studies 14,no. 1 (2008): 46.http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/pols/Currentissue-
pdf/voting%20behaviour.pdf. Accessed: June 25, 2013
162
towards the change of sides by candidates from the same Biradari to different
political parties in different elections to acquire political power.339
It is evident from the electoral history of Pakistan that such patterns existed
and vanished depending upon the political environment obtaining before and during
the electoral processes. For instance, in 1970 elections, a strong wave wiped out petty
considerations and Pakistan People’s Party emerged as the main destroyer for politics
of the Biradaries in the West Pakistan. Biaderis like Qizilbash, Noon, Tiwans, Syeds,
Gillani, which were representing in legislative institutions since the electios of 1921,
got defeated.”340
Craige Baxter also viewed the change in voter behavior in Punjab.
He observed that the election results in 1970 testified that in Punjab old order had
been changed. The politicization in rural areas had developed more than the
expectations and many residents of the rural areas sought the radical solutions to their
problems and the influence of major landlords was no longer the dominant factor in
the politics of Punjab and the connections of Biradari as well tribe which would
control voting behavior in past had broken. 341
But these patterns of voting behavior based on Biradari affiliations revived in
the next elections, which were held on non party basis in 1985. Zia-ul-Haq’s non-
party elections swept away the national thinking processes and replaced them with
localization of politics, breaking the party lines to give way regional, sectArian,
familial and tribal aspirations. “Rasul Baksh Rais observes that in the elections 1985
the interplay of traditional forces had an overawed influence in determining the
electoral decisions. … Party less nature of elections and the ban on traditional means
of electioneering prevented debate on national issues… for that reason, the election
campaign in rural areas were dominated by local issues, the personal influence of the
candidate, the ties to the clan, tribe or Biradari and feudal social bases in particular
largely determined the outcome of elections.342
Dr. Mughees Ahmed also draws similar conclusion stating that one of Zia’s
legacies was the ‘localization of the politics’ which changed the political attention far
339
Ibid., 47. 340
Baxter Craig, “Pakistan Votes—1970,” Asian Survey 11, no. 3(1971): 213. DOI: 3024655. Accessed: June 25, 2013. 341
Ibid., 213. 342
Rais Rasul B., “Elections in Pakistan: Is Democracy Winning,” Asian Affairs 12, no. 3(1985): 43-61, 47. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30171997 URL: Accessed June 25, 2013.
163
from national politics and local issues as well as local identities again emerged in the
politics of Punjab. Political loyalties were increasingly determined by family, faction,
and Biradari ties, and political power was determined by the amount of patronage at
one’s disposal.”343
Highlighting the Biradari role in elections he said that the alliances
in the elections were made on the basis of major and minor Biradaries and central
issue in the election campaigns seemed to be the Biradari affilitation.344
Localization of politics and dominant Biradari culture in legislative business
of the country fill the void created by Martial Laws and absence of national politics
resulted in the slow but steady demise of the democratic norms. Fresh thinking
retarded and the national discourse on issues and problems checked. An interesting
and eye-opening survey was conducted by S. Akbar Zaidi. That survey examined
various aspects and backgrounds of the members of the National Assemblies since
1970 elections. In addition to the stated objectives of this survey, another
phenomenon was evident that occasional breaks and designed accidents in the
political history of Pakistan damaged the smooth journey on the democratic high
ways. People elected for the assemblies without political or legislative expertise or
experience were mostly party candidates, rather than Biradari candidates. Biradari
candidates contested and won for more than one time.345
5.2 Biradari’s Influence in Politics of Parliamentary Elections
Elections have determined the power in Pakistan at many times but not
always. In more than half of the age of Pakistan the military takeovers and not the
elections determined the holder of power in Pakistan. The elections have not been
held regularly. This table shows the holding of elections after irregular periods and
varying nature of the experiences in governance from 1982 to 2008.
343
Mughees Ahmed, “Local Bodies or Local Baradari System: An Analysis of the Role of Baradaries
in the Local Bodies System of the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture 30, no. 1(2009): 81-
92, 84. 344
Ibid., 87. 345
S. Akbar Zaidi, “Elected Representatives in Pakistan: Socio-Economic Background and Awareness
of Issues,”Economic and Political Weekly, Volume 39, No. 45 (November 6-12, 2004), pp. 4935-4941
164
Table 26: Power Decided on Elections from 1982 – 2008
Priod Election
Years
Description Elections Held Political Focus
1982-85 Military Rule Martial Law
1985-88 1985 Democratic
with military
ruler
1 Controlled Democracy
1988-1999 1988,1990
,1993,
1997
Democratic 4 Parliamentary
Democracy
1999-2002 Military Rule
2002-08 2002,
2008
Democracy
with military
ruler
2 Controlled Democracy
In the period under study 7 elections for national and provincial assemblies
were held in total. In all these elections, Biradaries prevailed either in individual
capacity or in alliance or candidature as political party ticket holders. Biradari leaders
held their seats fast both in the provincial as well as national election only with some
tilt in favour of or against personalities. The actual power had been held by the
Biradari.
Politics differs at different levels in elections pertaining to the mode and
nature of participation of key players. These players may be parties, elites, Biradaries
or other manifestations of influence and interest. It has often happened that there are
people or groups of people that remain away from the electoral presence but play
decisive roles through their support for certain candidates. In case of Biradaries, it
appears that every Biradari seldom takes part in every level of elections i.e. local,
provincial and national. Some of these players opt for only local bodies as the case of
Rajar, Baghoor and Saggu Biradaries in the Khushab local politics with some degree
of prominence. These three Biradaries are absent in national elections without any
presence in winners or the runner-ups. Likewise, Khokhars, Utras, Pathans, Arians,
165
Nangianas, etc are present at the provincial level but have no prominent role in the
national elections. It is, however, significant that their support for other players at
national level would be vital for the electoral victory. In this way the political process
gives space to primary, secondary and even tertiary players to have their influence
accounted for the success of the candidates of much strong Biradaries. In return they
either win some sort of agreements or the political bargain in the region. Such
influences often make or break the political success.
In Khushab, one can see that Biradaries like Awan, Balochs, Tiwana, Bandials
and Gunjials are almost present in every level of elections, either national or
provincial or the local one. They have their areas of influence in the form of Union
Council presence at the Nazim and Naib Nazim levels. Such presence helps them to
muster up enough support for victory at the provincial as well as national levels. They
have their members who served both national as well as provincial cabinets as
ministers.
Since 1937 to 2008, 7 Biradaries (Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Aahir, Bandial,
Qureshi and Gunjial) took part in elections on national scale; 14 Biradaries (Awan,
Tiwana, Baloch, Qureshi, Bandial, Syed, Piracha, Nagiana, Arian, Khokhar, Utra,
Pathan, Gunjial and Kallu were active on the provincial front; while 11 Biradaries
(Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Bandial, Syed, Joya, Rajar, Baghoor, Saggu, Arian and Utra
were contesting elections of local bodies or local governments in the (Khushab region
now status of district) Khushab district.
Table 27: Biradari Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Assembly
Elections Khushab
Election
Year
Biradari
Winner
Political
Affiliation
No. of
Seat
Biradari
Runner-
up
Political
Affiliation
No. of
Seats
1985 Aahir
Awan
-
-
1
2
Qureshi
Awan
-
-
1
2
1988 Awan
Tiwana
IJI
Independent
1
1
Awan
Aahir
PPP
IJI
1
1
166
1990 Awan
Tiwana
IJI
IJI
1
1
Awan
Baloch
Independent
PDA
1
1
1993 Awan
Baloch
PML(N)
PML(N)
1
1
Awan
Tiwana
PPP
PML(N)
1
1
1997 Awan
Baloch
PML(N)
PML(N)
1
1
Awan
Tiwana
Independent
Independent
1
1
2002 Awan
Tiwana
NA
Independent
1
1
Awan
Awan
PML(Q)
PML(Q)
1
1
2008 Awan
Awan
PML(N)
PML(N)
1
1
Awan
Tiwana
Independent
Independent
1
1
The hold of Biradaries over electoral politics continued from the past. On the
national front in 1962 Zakir Qureshi, as independent candidate succeeded against
another independent Fateh Muhammad Tiwana. In the next elections of 1970, Awan
Biradari defeated Aahir candidate. Babu Karam Bakhsh Awan from Council League
defeated Nasim Ahmed Aahair of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). It was a big victory
because People’s Party was the most popular electoral party under the leadership of
Z.A. Bhutto. On the second seat, Zakir Qureshi was successful. He defeated Malik
Najib Ullah Borana of PPP. It showed the strength of the Biradari followings in
district Khushab. In 1977 elections, one Awan defeated the other Awan as Karam
Bakhsh was declared successful on PPP ticket against Qazi Mureed Ahmed of
Pakistan National Alliance. Nasim Aahir of PPP succeeded against Qari Abdul Sami
Gunjial of Pakistasn National alliances (PNA). The 1977 elections became highly
controverSial as serious charged of rigging were made and the anti-government
movement was launched by PNA, an alliance of 9 political parties.
The conditions at national level supported the Biradari in electoral politics
after Khushab was given the status of district. The 1985 elections were non-party
elections which produced new conflicts and cleavages in the society. The individuals
and their Biradaries were empowered. From Khushab, in Punjab Assembly elections,
Awan, Baloch and Tiwana Biradaries won 1 seat each. It was the re-entry of Tiwana
167
Biradari in list of elected politicians. Malik Nasim Ahmed Aahir and Muhammad
Naeem Khan Awan were elected as Member National Assembly. In 1988, Malik
Naeem Khan Awan joined IJI and defeated Malik Sultan Awan of PPP. Malik Khuda
Bakhsh Tiwana won election as independent, defeating Nasim Ahmed Aahir who
changed side and joined IJI. In 1990 elections, Malik Naeem Khan Awan again
emerged successful on IJI ticket. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana joined IJI as well and
won his seat.
Table 28: Biradari Position in 1985 Provincial Elections Khushab
Election
Year
Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1985 Punjab
Assembly
Awan
Baloch
Tiwana
1
1
1
Awan
Gunjial
Baloch
1
1
1
All winers and Runner-ups were independents and without declared party affiliation
The 1988 was another beginning of civil rule in Pakistan. General Zia was
killed in air crash on August 17, 1988. He had already dissolved Junejo Cabinet and
1985 parliament, levelling allegations of corruption and abuse of power. The 1988
elections produced a hung parliament and an unstable, uneasy and coalition
government. In 1988 elections, Khushab witressed once again the strong grip of the
Biradari phenomenon over electoral politics. The Awan Biradari won 1 seat out of 3
with Tiwana and Arian Biradaries one seat each. In the runner-ups, to Baloch
candidates and one Awan emerged.
Table 29: Biradari Position in 1988 Provincial Elections (Khushab)
Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1988 Punjab
Assembly
Awan
Tiwana
Arain
1
1
1
Awan
Baloch
Baloch
1
1
1
Party affiliations not specified.
168
In 1990 elections, again Tiwana Biradari won 2 seats for provincial assembly
from Khushab and one seat was won by Awan Biradari. One Awan and two Baloch
were in the runner-ups.
Table 30: Biradari Position in 1990 Provincial Elections Khushab
Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1990 Punjab
Assembly
Awan
Tiwana
Tiwana
1
1
1
Awan
Baloch
Baloch
1
1
1
In 1993, Malik Naeem Khan Awan from the PML (N) ticket won his seat in
National Assembly. The Islami Jamhoori Ittihad (IJI) was broken up and PML (N)
contested elections as a single challenger to PPP. Sardar Shuja Khan Baloch was the
first appearance as elected member of National Assembly in 1993 elections. He was
also a PML (N) candidate.
In 1993, Tiwana Biradari was defeated on its Punjab Assembly seat while
Awan, Khokhar and Arian won 1 seat each.
Table 31: Biradari Position in 1993 Provincial Elections Khushab
Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1993 Punjab
Assembly
Awan
Khokhar
Arain
1
1
1
Awan
Tiwana
Aahir
1
1
1
In 1997, the members for the National Assembly from Khushab were Malik
Umer Aslam Awan and Sardar Shuja Muhammad Baloch, both on PML (N) tickets. In
1997 provincial elections, Awan retained their one seat but Khokhar and Arian lost
their seats to Utra and Pathan Biradaries. In the runner-ups, in Khushab were Awan,
Tiwna and Naich Biradaries.
169
Table 32: Biradari Position in 1997 Provincial Elections (Khushab)
Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
1997 Punjab
Assembly
Awan
Utra
Pathan
1
1
1
Awan
Tiwana
Naich
1
1
1
General Musharraf held elections in 2002 and 2008. Musharraf era was very
supportive to Biradari politics and a disaster for the political parties. A PILDAT
Survey on 2002 general elections reveals that Biradari influence worked deeply in
election results. The voting behavior in Punjab suggests that 23.8 percent of the voters
cast their vote to the candidate belonging to their tribe, caste or Biradari. The
candidate of the Biradari and the political affiliation combined and got 55.36 percent
of polled votes. Thus the prospect of the Biradari candidate with certain political
party won almost double votes as compared to only Biradari candidate. It is important
that 37.8% voters had the opinion that their problems and basic service delivery in
Punjab. It is also impotant that 38 percent voters vote for the same candidate in every
election regardless of their record of services to the voting community.
From Khushab, Awan Biradari won two seats from the PML (Q) tickets. The
Awan Biradari was again going with the wind. Gunjial and Kallu Biradaries won also
one seat each for the Punjab Assembly. Awan, Bandial, Tiwana and Baloch
candidates were among runner-ups. Sumera Malik Awan won elections in 2002 and
2008 on PML (N) tickets. On the other seat, Malik Saifulah Tiwana won as an
independent. Malik Shakir Bashir Awan won on the other seat in 2008, defeating
Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana.
170
Table 33: Biradari Position in 2002 Provincial Elections (Khushab)
Election
Year
Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
2002 Punjab
Assembly
Awan
Gunjial
Awan
Kallu
1
1
1
1
Awan
Bandial
Tiwana
Baloch
1
1
1
1
Winners: Awan (PML(Q)
Gunjial independant
Kallu Independent
In 2008 elections, 2 Awan, 1 Bandial and 1 Kallu candidates won their
provincial elections with Awan, Tiwana, Gunjial and Syed were in the runner-ups.
Table 34: Biradari Position in 2008 Provincial Elections Khushab
Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups
2008 Punjab Assembly Awan
Bandial
Awan
Kallu
1
1
1
1
Awan
Gunjial
Tiwana
Qureshi
1
1
1
1
Winners: All independents
Looking back at the history of Biradari in electoral politics for power since
1982 to 2008, the number of elected members for 15 seats of National Assembly from
Awan Biradari were 9, Tiwana were 3, Baloch were 2 and Aahir 1. Runner ups were
also from major Biradaries. They were 8 Awan, 2 Tiwana, 1 Baloch, 1 Aahir and 1
Qureshi. The Biradaries got control over the provincial electoral politics as well. 9
Awan, 4 Tiwana, 2 Arain, 1 Khokhar, 1 Utra, 1 Pathan, 1 Gunjial, 1 Kallu and 1
Baloch won the seats out of 21 contested seats for provincial assembly.
171
If we look at the total winners and Runner ups in five National Assembly elections
during 1982 to 2008 three major Biradaries, Awan, Tiwana and Baloch were
dominating then political system in the district. Out of these three Biradaries Awan
was at the top with 60% power positions.
Table 35: Number of Winners/Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections
Biradaries Winners in
NA
Runner Ups in
National
Assembly
Total
Awan 9 9 18
Tiwana 3 3 6
Baloch 2 1 3
Qureshi 1 1 2
Aahir 0 1 1
Total 15 15 30
Graph 7: Winners and Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections
Awan 60%
Tiwana 20%
Baloch 10%
Qureshi 7%
Aahir 3%
172
Table 36: Number of Winners/Runner Ups in Provincial Assembly Elections
Biradaries Winners in
NA
Runner Ups in
National
Assembly
Total
Awan 9 9 18
Tiwana 3 3 6
Baloch 2 1 3
Qureshi 1 1 2
Aahir 0 1 1
Total 15 15 30
Graph 8: Winners and Runner Up of Biradaris in Provincial Assembly Elections
There is diversity in the Biradaries at provincial level elections. The number
of power holding Biradaries has increased but the domination of three maor
Biradaries which were dominating in the elections at national levels was
unquestionable. Awan, Tiwana and Baloch Biradaries were dominating the elections
at provincial level. The collective ratio of three Biradaries in victors or second vote
holders in provincial elections (71 percent = Awan 38% + Tiwana 19% + Baloch 14
%) is obvious greater than total sum of all other Biradaries.
Awan 38%
Tiwana 19%
Baloch 14%
Qureshi 3%
Aahir 3%
Arain 5%
Khokhar 3%
Utra 2%
Pathan 2%
Ganjial 5%
Kallu 2%
Bandial 2%
Naich 2%
173
Graph 9: Biradaris’ Seats in National and Provincial Assemblies
The results of these elections show the following trends:
Biradari politics is not specific with any political party, trend or ideology.
Each of the Biradaries in Khushab, as may be the case elsewhere, evaluates the
circumstantial needs for contesting elections, so they choose their platform with ease
or otherwise fight as independents;
Biradari leaders with political affiliations seldom embark upon new journeys
with uncalculated risks;
Biradari voting behavior compels the political parties to award tickets to
Biradari influentials considering them potential winners, so the political philosophy
gets secondary or ever tertiary position in selection of candidates by the parties.
Political alliances among Biradaries cause great hurdle in the way of party leaders as
two Biradari might bargain on the provincial seats for the one and the national seats
for the other.
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Winners in NA
Winners in Provincial Assembly
Runner Ups in National Assembly
Runners Up in Provincial Assembly
174
Running-up in elections is also a constant and on-going phenomenon as the Khushab
election results show that first and second position always went to the Biradari
candidates on the seats they contested.
There are many more power mongers who act as brokerage units including the
strong influences of Biradari affiliations, interest groups of social as well as capital
orientations and the power sharing procedures. Local orientation of needs and
delivery of such needs hinder the way to a more harmonious journey to democracy.
Influences, aspirations and predispositions all count but encircling them without a
clear and unambiguous role-playing as a representative needs more and exclusive
public support. When one represents only one institution, for instance, Biradari or
ethnicity, he or she may fall prey to the temptation of personal agenda.
5.3 Affiliation of Biradaries and Political Parties
The political affiliations, alliances or support for political parties also present
an interesting pattern. Aahir Biradari contested elections independently on one seat
while opted to fight on 2 seats with PPP. Awan were present in every sequence and
affiliation. They fought independently, with IJI, PML (N) and PPP. Baloch also joined
ranks of Peoples Democratic Alliance (PDA) and PML (N). Tiwana sided with IJI and
PML (J) in addition to their independent status.
Reviewing the political affiliations of the Biradaries in Khushab, their
candidates contested elections on party tickets as well as independents. In National
elections, for instance, Aahirs contested from 2 seats as PPP candidates while 1 was
independent. Awan were 20 in total in elections from 1970 to 2008 with 4 on PML
(N), 5 independents, 3 each on IJI and PPP tickets. Baloch were 3 with 2 from PML
(N) and 1 PDA tickets. Tiwana were 6 in total with 4 independents. A detail is given
here in the following table.
175
Table 37: Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections Khushab
(1970-2008)
Caste/Political Affiliation No. of Candidates
Aahir 3
IND 1
PPP 2
Awan 20
Council League 1
IJI 3
IND 5
NA 1
National Alliance 1
PML(N) 4
PML(Q) 2
PPP 3
Baloch 3
PDA 1
PML(N) 2
Borrna 1
PPP 1
Gunjial 1
National Alliance 1
Qureshi 2
Council League 1
IND 1
176
Tiwana 6
IJI 1
IND 4
PML(J) 1
Grand Total 36
Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Data
Graph 10: Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections
(Shahpur and Sargodha) Khushab (1970-2008)
5.4 Role of Biradari in Khushab Elections
In the provincial elections, Biradaries proved their political strength in each of
the elections held. Awan and Tiwana were well ahead from other Biradaries winning
most of the seats in all elections. Baluch showed up their political share with two seats
in elections in 1985 and 1990. They could have one seat in 2002 and then in 2008. A
Biradari-wise review of the results of elections since 1937 would explain the trends in
power politics with focus on the Biradari power display through those elections.
The Biradaries’ politics of alliances in the elections takes place in the pattern
of needs. The number of people and the resources are two major requirements of
1
2
1
3
5
1 1
4
2
3
1
2
1 1 1 1 1
4
1 0
1
2
3
4
5
6
IND
PP
P
Co
un
cil L
eagu
e IJI
IND
NA
Nat
ion
al A
llian
ce
PM
L(N
)
PM
L(Q
)
PP
P
PD
A
PM
L(N
)
PP
P
Nat
ion
al A
llian
ce
Co
un
cil L
eagu
e
IND
IJI
IND
PM
L(J)
Aahir Awan Baloch Borrna Gunjial Qureshi Tiwana
177
victory in the elections. In this respect three types of Biradaries are called major
Biradaries. One of these three Biradaries bears abundance of land. The second type
of these is more exceeds others in respect of number. Third type of Biradaries bears
abundance of land or resources as well as majority of the people in their fold. These
major Biradaries make alliances with each other and manage victory in the elections.
The alliances among these major Biradaries are established through kinship
network. The chiefs of large groups of voters make their dhara (groups) and make
alliances on the basis of kinship with those who are well off and possess big lands.
Kinship makes it easy for them to be affiliated with each other in the way that
contacts are easily established and it is not hard to convey and share the feelings of
each other. The honour of family elders becomes the cause of common prestige.
Every voter is easily attached to the group for the sake of honour of the elders as well
as the Biradari.
Let’s review and analyze the role of major Biradaries with special reference to
their political power in the district Khushab.
5.4.1 Awan Biradari
The Awan Biradari is the leading Khushab Biradari. The leaders of this
Biradari were insignificant in political arena of Khushab from 1937 to 1970. That was
a long period in insignificance in the national politics. Yet they remained in lime
lights just after independence in the provincial scenes. In 1951 and 1956 respectively
they won one seat in each elections while remained runner-up on the same number
since 1970 to 1977, they took part both on the provincial as well as national levels.
Following table shows the successful and runner-up candidates of Awan family till
2008.
Table 38: Awan Biradari’s Share in Provincial and National Elections
Awan Provincial Elections National Elections
Election
Years
Seats
contested
Winners Runners
Ups
Seats contested Winners Runner Ups
1937 , 1946 - - - - - -
1951 1 1 1 - - -
178
1956 1 1 1 - - -
1962 1 1 1 - - -
1965 2 2 1 - - -
1970 3 2 1 1 1 0
1977 3 3 0 2 1 1
1985 2 1 1 2 1 1
1988 2 1 1 3 1 2
1990 2 1 1 2 1 1
1993 2 1 1 2 1 1
1997 2 1 1 2 1 1
2002 3 2 1 3 1 2
2008 3 2 1 3 2 1
Total 30 21 8 24 12 11
Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk
In provincial elections Awan contested on 29 seats. They emerged successful
on 21 provincial seats and on 8 seats they stood as runner-ups. In National Assembly,
they got 12 seats and 5 of their candidates lost elections as runner-ups. These figures
were greater than the number of candidates of any other Biradari. Their overall
performance is given in the following table.
Table 39: Awan Biradari Electoral Performance
Natures of Candidature - AWAN Provincial
1937 – 2013
National
1962 – 2013
Total
Winners / Runner Ups (Both) 30 17 47
Winners (only) 21 12 33
Runner ups (only) 8 5 13
Total 29 17 46
Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk
179
These results show the dominance of Awan Biradari in the district politics of
Khushab. A one sided view may deduce that the people cannot decide their future
away from the monopoly of any particular Biradari or clan. A more balanced and
pragmatic approach may be altogether different from this one. There may or may not
a strong following on political as well as social terms, despite the economic constrains
hold significance that lead or pursued people to have a certain voting behavior in
favour of or against some specific Biradari.
It also happens that voting behaviours are influenced through a more personal
lens without any logical reasoning or mounting pressures to make voting decisions.
Yet another shade of opinion may be there. An urban viewer or even an analyst may
weigh the Biradari systems as a source or symbol of some particular identity with not
so preferable textures or flavours, yet such a symbolism stands significant in the life
and death matters for the followers of that particular Biradari. So it may be an unjust
way to denote bad omens to such symbols.
Looking at the history of the Awan of Khushab, all the factors and reasons
mentioned above hold credibility. The continuity is of significance. The
representation is continuous with some change. A Biradari for any Awan in Khushab
may be as sacred as for a Baluch or a Tiwana.
This so happens as well that the fame or reputation of someone may be an
issue of liking. Such a candidate may not be considered a very noble person as his or
her personality is concerned, yet voters would make rows and line up to vote for that
person on pure Biradari basis. So is the case with Awan in the Khushab district.
The local government elections of 2005 were contested mainly on the basis of the
Biradari. The alliances emerged on the grounds of Biradari. Two major political
alliances emerged on Biradari basis. In these alliances major and minor Biradaries
tied themselves to contest the major event of elections. First one was the Awan
alliance comprised of former federal minister Malik Naeem Khan Awan and the Chief
of Tanzeem-Al-Awan Malik Bashir Awan. The group was supported by Shuja Baluch
from the Baluch Biradari. Second alliance was that of Tiwana – Sumera alliance
comprised of former provincial minister Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana and State
Minister Ms. Sumera Malik and supported by Gunjial and Bandial Biradaries.
Analyses, before the holding of elections, declared no one favourite to sweep the vote.
180
Awan won 4 seats in the district council. In final episode, Malik Muzaffar Ahmad
Bandial turned up as Chairman while Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan as Vice
Chairman.
5.4.2 Tiwana Biradari
The Tiwana Biradari took part in provincial elections from 1937 to 2008 with
exceptions of 1962 and 1965. They fielded 21 provincial candidates of which 14 were
elected as members and others as runner ups. In the elections of National Assembly
they contested 7 seats and won 3 of those while they were runner up on 4 seats.
Table 40: Tiwana Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections
Tiwana Provincial Elections National Elections
Election
Years
Seats
contested
Winners Runners Ups Seats
Contested
Winners Runner
Ups
1937 ,1946 3 , 3 3 , 2 - - - -
1951 , 1956 2 , 2 2 , 2 - - - -
1962 , 1965 - - - 1 , 0 0 , 0 1, 0
1970 ,77 1 , 1 1 ,1 - 0 , 0 0 , 0 0,0
1985 1 1 - 0 0 0
1988,1990,
1993 , 1997
1,2,1,1 1,2,0,0 1,1,1,1 1,1,0,0 0,0,1,1
2002 , 2008 1 ,1 0 ,0 1 1 ,0 0 , 1
Total 21 14 7 3 4
Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk
Except for 1962 and 1965, Tiwana Biradari held its presence in the National
Elections from the region being studied throughout from 1937 to 2013. They won 3
seats in pre-independence period, 2 seats in post-independence period till 1956.
Biradari significance is obviously was in favour of Awan who held 30 seats since
1937 to 2013 with the membership ladder increased from 1 to 3 seats. Tiwana
181
followed with 21, Baluch, Bandial and Gunjial 4 each while Joyias 3 in a totally of 87
seats in total of all Biradaries during and through all elections.
A persistent decline yet persistent presence is seen in the graph of Tiwana
Biradari. In 1937 and 1946 provincial elections, that Biradari won 3 seats in each, 2
seats in next two elections and then continuous one seat in all election till 2013 with
the exception of 2 seats in 1993 elections when the turnout was a record low than
other elections.
Tiwana Biradari has a history of political supremacy in the Shahpur and then
the Khushab. This Biradari has been truly challenged in the post-independence era by
the Awan birdari. This Biradari is scattered over the most of the plains of Khushab.
Tiwans’s rival and other Biradaries have their origin and presence in different valley
of the region. During the lifetime of Pir Nowbahar Shah was the center of political
activity in the soon valley. Malik Shahnawaz was centered in Khabaki while Malik
Hayat in Jabba during colonial regime.
Tiwana Biradari has enjoyed top slots both in Sargodha as well as Khushab,
Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana was Chairman of Sargodha district before Khushab
became a district. He was elected as the first Chairman of district Khushab. He served
as Punjab Provincial Minister and then elected MNA. His younger brother Malik
Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana was Zila Nazim of Khushab. He defeated Shakir Bashir
Awan and Shuja Khan. He was elected MNA and MPA from Khushab. Tiwana
Biradari has also been famous as the Awami group in the power politics. This
Biradari enjoys a strong allegiance in the district unlike other political groups and
Biradaries. The edge of this Biradari has over other groups and Biradaries has been
discussed earlier. Awan remained confined to Padhrar in the soon valley.
5.4.3 Baluch Biradari
Baluch Biradari remained insignificantly in elections till 1977. They firstly
contested elections on non-party basis with quite hesitant moods. They took part in
provincial elections and won 1 seat out of 2 candidates contested. They could win no
seat on provincial level since 1988 through to 1997, four elections in a row-they could
win one seat of the National Assembly in 1993 and 1997 respectively. They won 1
seat of Punjab Assembly in 2013 with no seat in the National Assembly.
182
Table 41: Baluch Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections
Baluch Provincial Elections National Elections
Election Years Winners /
Runner
ups
Winners Runners
Ups
Winners /
Runner
ups
Winners Runner
Ups
1937 ,1946 - - - - - -
1951 , 1956 - - - - - -
1962 ,1965 - - - - - -
1970 , 77 - - - - - -
1985 2 1 - - - -
1988,1990,1993
1997
2,2, 0,0 - - 0,1,1,1 0,0,1,1 1
2002 – 2008 1,0 - - 0-0 0,0 -
Total 8 1 7 4 2 2
Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk
Baluch Biradari fielded provincial elections since 1937-2013 of which only 1
was winner while 7 were runner ups. In National Assembly, they field 4 candidates as
winners and runner-ups of 4, only 2 were elected and other 2 were runner ups. In
total, they fielded 12 candidates of them 3 were winners and 3 were runner-ups.
Table 42: Baluch Biradari Electoral Performance
Nature of Candidature –
BALUCH
Provincial
1937 – 2013
National
1962 – 2013
Total
Winners / Runner Ups (Both) 8 4 12
Winners (only) 1 2 3
Runner ups (only) 7 2 3
Total 16 8 18
Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk
183
5.4.4 Bandial Biradari
Table 43: Bandial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections
Provincial Elections National Elections
Electio
n Year
Winners/Runn
er ups
Winner
s
Runne
r ups
Electio
n Year
Winners/Runn
er ups
Winner
s
Runner
ups
1937-
1946
1937-
1946
-
-
-
-
-
-
1951-
1956
1951-
1956
-
-
-
-
-
-
1962-
1965
1962-
1965
-
-
-
-
-
-
1970-
1977
1 - 1 - 1970-
1977
-
-
-
-
-
-
1985 1985 - - -
1988-
1993
1988-
1993
-
-
-
-
-
-
2002-
2008
1 -
1 -
-
1
-
-
2002-
2008
-
-
-
-
-
-
Bandial Biradari could win only 3 seats in Punjab Assembly in 1970, 2002,
2008 and 2013 elections. Bandial Biradari remained low in electoral performance.
They could not win a single seat in National Assembly. There was no Bandial Nazim
in 2002 or 2005 local government elections. Malik Muzaffar Ahmad Khan Bandial
the Chairman District Council Khushab, elected in 1983 local bodies elections.
184
Table 44: Bandial Biradari Electoral Performance
Nature of Candidature Bandial Provincial
1937-2013
National
1962-2013
Total
Winners-runner-ups (Both) 4 4
Winners (Only) 3 - 3
Runner-ups (only) - - -
Total 7 - 7
5.4.5 Gunjial Biradari
Table 45: Gunjial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections
Provincial Elections National Elections
Election Year Winners
/Runner
ups
Winner
s
Runner
ups
Election
Year
Winner
s/Runn
er ups
Winner
s
Runne
r ups
1937-1946 - - - 1937-1946 - - -
1951- 1956 - - - 1951- 1956 - - -
1962- 1965 1962- 1965 - - -
1970- 1977 - 1 - 1 1970- 1977 1 1
1985 - - - 1985 - - -
1988- 1993 - - - 1988- 1993 - - -
2002- 2008 1 1
1
1
-
2002- 2008 - - -
Gunjial Biradari appeared in electoral politics in 1970 but could not won
provincial seat. Biradari won nothing in National Assembly elections in 1977. Only 3
seats in provincial assembly of Punjab in 2002, 2008 and 2013 were won by the
185
Biradari, one seat in these elections respectively. Overall Biradari position is given in
the following table.
Table 46: Gunjial Biradari Electoral Performance
Nature of Candidature Provincial
1937-2013
National
1962-2013
Total
Winners-runner-ups (Both) 4 1 5
Winners (Only) 3 - 3
Runner-ups (only) 1 1 2
Total (Winners) 3 - 3
5.4.6 Joyia Biradari
Table 47: Joyia Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections
Provincial Elections National Elections
Election
Year
Winners/Runn
er ups
Winner
s
Runner
ups
Electio
n Year
Winners/Runne
r ups
Winner
s
Runne
r ups
1937-
1946
- -
- -
-
-
-
-
1937-
1946
-
-
-
-
-
-
1951-
1956
- -
- -
-
-
-
-
1951-
1956
-
-
-
-
-
-
1962-
1965
- -
- -
-
-
-
-
1962-
1965
-
-
-
-
-
-
1970-
1977
- - - - 1970-
1977
-
-
-
-
-
-
1985 - - - 1985 - - -
1988-
1993
- -
- -
-
-
-
-
1988-
1993
-
-
-
-
-
-
186
2002-
2008
1 -
1 -
1
1
-
-
2002-
2008
-
-
-
-
-
-
Joyia Biradari entered in provincial politics in 2002 and won one seat in each
election of 2002, 2008 and 2013. No National Assembly seat was won by Joyia
Biradari. Biradari could not muster up enough support from electorate in National
Assembly elections. Joyia Biradari`s overall performance in given in the following
table.
Table 48: Joyia Biradari Electoral Performance
Nature of Candidature Provincial
1937-2013
National
1962-2013
Total
Winners-runner-ups (Both) 3 - 3
Winners (Only) 3 - 3
Runner-ups (only) - - -
Total (Winners) 6 - 6
5.4.7 Other Biradaries
Table 49: Other Biradaries Share in Provincial and National Elections
Provincial Elections National Elections
Electio
n Year
Winners/Runn
er ups
Winner
s
Runner
ups
Election
Year
Winners/
Runner ups
Winner
s
Runne
r ups
1937-
1946
3 -
4 -
3
2
-
-
1937-
1946
-
-
-
-
-
-
1951-
1956
- -
- -
-
-
-
-
1951-
1956
-
-
-
-
-
-
1962- 1 - - - 1962- 1 - 1 -
187
1965 - - - - 1965 - - - -
1970-
1977
1 - - 1 1970-
1977
- 2
- -
1
-
1
-
1985 1 1 1985 - 1 - 1
1988-
1993-
97
6- 5
- -
-
-
-
-
1988-
1993
-
-
-
-
-
-
2002-
2008
1 -
1 -
-
-
-
-
2002-
2008
-
-
-
-
-
-
There have been Biradaries other than Awan, Tiwana, Baluch, Bandia,
Gunjial and Joyia. These Biradaries collectively won more seats than Bandial,
Gunjial and Joyhia Biradaries since 1937 to 2013 in Punjab electoral politics and
since 1962 to 2013 in National Assembly elections. These Biradaries won 10 seats in
the province, 2 in the centre with the runner-ups in Punjab and 2 in the centre. An
overall performance of these (other) Biradaries is given in the following table. These
others are Aahir, Borala, Qureshi etc.
Table 50: Other BiradariesElectoral Performance
Nature of Candidature Provincial
1937-2013
National
1962-2013
Total
Winners-runner-ups (Both) 19 4 23
Winners (Only) 10 2 12
Runner-ups (only) 2 2 4
Total (Winners) 31 8 39
5.5 Local Government Elections and Biradari in Khushab
Local representatives are the immediate leaders in any community. Local
governance is the answer to problems people face in daily business and social
188
relations. The direct contacts with common people through this system make it
feasible for service delivery, local development programmes and resolution of social
conflicts. Local governance has been a continuous focus of the policy makers,
politicians, bureaucrats and the masses.
Local government system in Punjab can be seen in two segments of legislation
introduced and exercise of the laws, rules and regulations introduced and enforced
before independence in 1947. This segment of local governance history opens the
strategies and tactical approaches. These approaches help the student of this system to
understand that such system puts the local government in the hands of elected local
leaders. Undoubtedly, it is true but the bureaucratic character of such systems holds
the balance in favour of the state. Acts of law are passed by the elected representatives
but enforced, interpreted and exercised by bureaucrats.
In local governance system a paradigm shift came when in 2000. The
Decentralization of Powers Act was enforced by the regime of General Pervaiz
Musharraf. In Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 2001, the system was evolved to
curb and curtail the bureaucratic structure under the banner of the unity of command.
The shift was perceived to put powers in the hands of the local representatives but it
was clearing aimed at the attaining benefits in political and administrative domains for
the military regime. The system was unique in the larger interest of the masses as
well. The structure and function of the local government at the district level were
designed with essentially eliminating the rural-urban divide in governance. The
revenue procedures were also made a new to empower the district administration
under the command of the District Nazim. So the whole saga of devolution of powers
to the local governments was put in place.
In the rural areas, the 1979 system was two tiers. These two tiers were Union
Council and Zila Council. It was one tier in urban areas. It was either Town
Committee or Municipal Corporation. The 2001 Local Government System changed
this composition as well as its character. In it, the Union Council was the basic unit.
The system was comprised of Union, Tehsil, Town, District and City District
Governments. At these levels, the relative bureaucratic apparatus was held answerable
to these elected bodies. It was claimed that the system had made the ownership of the
people in governance. It was also aimed at eliminating the urban and rural
189
classification in governance. The basic objective of that system was declared in the
Ordinance 2001 to manage the unplanned and unchecked growth of urban areas.
In General Zia’s system of local government, local body elections were held in
1979, 1983 and 1987 and then in 1991. The period from Basic Democracy to Local
Bodies has seen no representative character and run by bureaucracy. In 1975, People’s
Local Government with a system of four tiers of Tehsil, District, Division and
Provincial Development Advisory Councils.
In the Local Government elections held in 2001, despite the government’s
claims that the elections had brought in a new tier of local politicians untainted
through association with Pakistan’s widely discredited political parties, the results of
the elections made it clear that traditionally powerful actors in Pakistan, particularly
the Punjabi landed elite, continued to play a significant role in the political process.346
5.5.1 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1982
Table 51: Local Bodies Election 1982 District Council Khushab
S.No. Name Designation Caste
1 Malik Khuda Bukhsh Tiwana Chairman Tiwana
2 Haji Afzal Golay Khail
Vice
Chairman
Golay
Khail/Pathan
3 Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan Baloch Member Baloch
4 Khan Muhammad Khan Baloch Member Baloch
5 Malik Alam Sher Bandial Member Bandial
6 Afzal Baghor Member Baghoor
7 Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Member Awan
8 Muhammad Razaq Member ---
9 Raza Muhammad Hayat Member ---
10 Ghulam Yaseen Member ---
346
Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,”
PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012, 4
190
11 Haq Nawaz Member ---
12 Malik Muzafar Khan Member Awan
13 Haji Khan Muhammad Baloch Member Baloch
14 Chudri Sadique Maseh Member Masih
Source: (Register 1981) Zila Council Khushab
This table shows that yesterday’s local level councilors are now the political
stalwarts of their Biradaries and regions. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana was elected
Chairman of the Khushab District Council in 1982. Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan
Baluch, Malik Mukhtar Awan and others entered provincial as well as National
Politics and appointed as Federal and Provincial Ministers in their party rule after the
demise of General Zia-ul-Haq. There were 3 Baluch councilors and 2 Awan
councilors District Council Khushab in 1982. Tiwana, Bandial and Baghoor took one
seat each in the council.
Khushab tehsil was upgraded to the District by military government on July
01, 1982. District management in districts of Pakistan, as in Punjab, has been
convergent towards the headquarters. Any district headquarters, mostly an urban
region, receives and redirect resources, development projects and uplift schemes
towards itself. The adjacent areas, tehsils and others remain on the periphery of
development. That trend leaves tehsils underdeveloped. Political leaders from the
areas away from the District headquarters, try their best to have their areas uplifted
and upgraded. Khushab was a tehsil of Sargodha district. It was an agreed stance of
political parties, Biradaries and other social groups that Khushab deserved to be made
a district on July 01, 1982, Khushab was declared a district. District Khushab was
comprised of 35 Union Councils, 6 Marksz Councils, 5 Town Committees, 1
Municipal Committee and 1 Zila Council. Union Council was the basic unit in the
administration. Each Union Council was consisted of 8 to 12 rural areas or villages.
The population of a Union Council was 10,000 to 15,000 persons.
Town Committee was the next tier of the system with a population not more
than 30,000 persons with all elected members in it. The number of elected members
ranged from 9 to 15 according to the population. Then came the Municipal Committee
of the region haring population above 30,000 persons. Members of the Committee
191
would be 15 to 35 as the population increases. Under 100,000 persons, the number of
elected member was set at 15, while exceeding 500,000, the number was 35 Zila
Council was the next tier of the system with an elected Chairman and an elected Vice
Chairman by the members of the Zila Council.
District Khushab was consisted of 35 members initially in 1983. The local
institutions of Khushab were Zila Council, Municipal Commuttee Khushab, 5 Town
Committees in Jauharabad, Madali, Mitha, Towana, Noor Pur Thal and Naushera.
5.5.2 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1983
In 1983, the Khushab Districty council, showed a healthy presence of the
Biradaries in local bodies’ elections, held under Martial Law of General Zia ul Haq.
The following table reveals the hold of Biradaries. Malik Muzafar Ahmad Bandial
was the Chairman, Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan Vice Chairman with a mix of
Biradaries having Awan more than any other caste.
Table 52:Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983)
Sr# Name Designation Caste
(i) Malik Muzafar Ahmad Bandial Chairman Bandial
(ii) Malik Muhammad Aklber Awan Vice Chairman Awan
(i) Syed Ghulam ud Din Shah Member Syed
(ii) Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra Member Uttra
(iii) Malik Sher Muhammad Awan Member Awan
(iv) Qazi Noor Muhammad Member Awan
(v) Malik Muhammad Bakhsh Joya Member Joyia
(vi) Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Member Rajar
(vii) Malik Muzafar Khan of Nali Member Awan
(viii) Malik Muzafar Khan Baghoor Member Baghoor
(ix) Mushtaq Bhatti Member Baloch
(x) Muhammad Saeed Member Saggu
192
(xi) Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana Member Tiwana
(xii) Mushtaq Maseh Member Masih
(xiii) Lady Norai Bibi Member Baloch
(xiv) Fateh Bibi Member Arian
Source: Official Record of Zila Council Khushab
In 1983 elections for Khushab district, Bandial Biradari took the slot of the
Chairman with Awan as the Vice chairman. In the District Council, Biradari
representation is shown in the list. Awan occupied the major share with 4 members
including Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan as Vice Chairman, Baluch were 2 an1
Arian, Baghoor, Bandial, Rajar, Saggu, Syed, Tiwana and others one seat each in
1983 district council. The Biradari frequency is shown by a graph of District Council
Khushab, 1983.
Graph 11: Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983)
5.5.3 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1987
The 1987 was another episode that enhanced the role of Biradaries in local
politics in Khushab. The District Council had the same constituent Union Councils
that were comprising the elected house in 1983. It is significant to note that held on
Arian 7%
Awan 25%
Baghoor 7%
Baloch 13%
Bandial 6%
Joyia 6%
Masih 6%
Rajar 6%
Saggu 6%
Syed 6%
Tiwana 6%
Uttra 6%
193
no-party basis. Biradari and local grouping were on the serge. Political parties were
dormant and kept away from these polls. But this claim might be an exaggeration that
political underpinning was nowhere. The truth remains such that three no-party
elections were a boost for localization, regionalism and of course, Biradariesm.
In Khushab, these main groups took part in 1987 local bodies elections. These
groups were Naeem Khan Group, Tiwana Group and the Baluch Group. It can be
conceived that these three lines in polls were the traditional ones. Results favoured
Tiwana Group and Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana as elected as Chairman of Zila
Council members, there were Tiwana, Awan, Baluch but that was not the end of
Biradari presence in the council. Rajar, Utra, Aghral, Virak, Naich, Joyia, Kalasi,
Baghoor, Syed and others were elected as Zila Council members.
5.5.4 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1992
The 1992 local body elections were first polls that were held under
democratically elected government. The other and salient feature was that 1992 polls
were party based. Political parties alone and in alliances took part in these elections.
In alliances were Islamic Jamhoori Itthad (IJI) and Muttahida Mahaz or the United
Front. In the polling scheme, Khushab was divided into 23 ward constituencies. The
results were presenting IJI successful on 20 seats and the United Front got only 3
seats.
The 1992 elections posed a challenge of credibility to the MNAs and MPAs
from Khushab. Anyone of them was active to win back the basic constituencies under
their national or provincial constituency Tiwana group, Awan group and Baluch group
took part in the District Council elections. Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana was elected as
District Chairman and Malik Hayat Awan elected as Vice Chairman of the Khushab
council. In the member lists were Utra, Bandial, Niazi, Sangha, Baluch, Syed, Kalasi,
Joyia, Saggu, Baghoor with Awan, Tiwana and Baluch Biradaries.
The 1992 elections proved to be the last elections held under 1979 local bodies
system. From 1993 to 1998, no local bodies could take shape and bureaucracy called
the shots. The 1999 military take over further put a road block in the way towards
local representation but for a short while.
194
5.5.5 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1998
In 1998, local body elections were held under Nawaz Sharif government.
Biradari was on the move. The number of union councils was raise4d to 43. The
Khushab district was comprised of 43 union councils, 6 Markaz councils, 5 Town
Committees, 2 Municipal Committees and 1 Zila council. In these elections, the
alliance of Tiwana, Gunjial and Awan Biradaries was active and effective. Muslim
League and the Awami group gained 19 seats each. Among independents were 5
members elected. The slot of the Chairman of Khushab District Council was won by
an Awan. He was Malik Ameer Mukhtar Saugha, a sub-caste of Awan. Malik
Muhammad Ameer Utra, Ghulam Muhammad Shabazi and Muhammad Bakhsh Joyia
were elected vice Chairman.
5.5.6 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2002
The 2000 was the year that marked another come back of local bodies. That
time the bodies were replaced by governments. The chairman and vice chairman were
removed by Nazim and Naib Nazim. The Nazim was the head of the district
government with all district bureaucracy under the command of Nazim. Some
analysts pointed out the similarity to the military structure that worked under unity of
command. Nazim was the symbol of this command in the district government.
In 2002 elections for the local government under the Musharraf Devolution Plan
2000, the Biradaries that participated in the process were 10 in number with the
following characteristics:
Awan Biradari was clearly dominant in 14 union councils of Khushab District
while Tiwana Biradari held overwhelming support in only 2 councils;
Syed, Joyia, Bandia, Gunjial, Rajput, Baghoor, Jusra and Sheikh Biradaries held one
union council each;
Awan allied with Syed in UC 7, Raja in UC 10, Mayo in UC 13, Arian in UC
21, Chidhar in UCV 24, Tiwana in UC 30 and with Baluch Biradari in UC 40.
Tiwana Biradari held majority in UC 16 with support of Kalyar, Syed in UC 27 and
with Gujjar in UC 32.
195
Tiwana Biradari won three union councils through alliance with Kalyar
Biradari in UC 16, with Syed in UC 27 and Gujjar in UC 32. Kalyar and Gujjar
Biradaries could not win in any union council.
Mayo, Arian, Chidhar, Kalyar and Gujjar Biradaries could nhot get enough
votes to stand victorious or running-up in local elections.
Table given in the following gives a bird’s eye view of the position of
Biradaries in district council, elected on union council seats:
Table 53: Awan Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab
Awan Won 14 UCs (1,2,3,4,5,6,8,12,14,18,25,33,35)
Tiwana Won 2 UCs (15, 31)
Syed (1) Joyia (1) Bandial (1) Gunjial (1)
UC 17 UC 29 UC 36 UC 38
Rajput (1) Baghoor (1) Jasra (1) Sheikh (1)
UC 41 UC 43 UC 50 UC 22
A closer look at the data of the election results in Khushab district shows the
pattern in favour of Biradari monopoly at local, provincial and national levels. It is
obvious, for instance, that in local government elections, held under the
decentralization and devolution of powers plan, Biradaries held the majority. In 2002
elections, 57 successful candidates were those representing various Biradaries on 97
general seats and in 2005, the number were 52 out of 100. In total 197 seats in both
elections, non-Biradari members were 88 while the only Awan were 70 in the rest of
109 members representing Biradaries in Khushab. The seats of Nazims in Khushab
Union Councils won by Biradari candidates were 37 both in 2002 and 2005 elections.
It means in total 100 Nazims of both elections, 64 were Biradari representatives.
Among them 37 Nazims belonged to Awan. The Naib Nazims were 46 in 97elected. It
shows that Biradaries opted to have alliances with other Biradaries and non-Biradari
candidates according to the ground realities.
196
5.5.7 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2005
In 2005 elections for the local government of Khushab, Awan Biradari again
emerged the largest Biradaries of electables in 12 union councils with Nazim and
Naib Nazim positions. In these councils, Biradari won all 4 general councilor seats in
UC 1 to 4, then 5, 7, 11, 14 and 34. On other general councilor seats, Awan Biradari
made adjustments or the other Biradaries won. In all these seats of general councilors,
Awan were 41 out of 48, 2 Syeds, 1 Kasab, 1 Rajput, 1 ansari, 1 Chachar and 1 Baluch
succeeded. On Kisan seats, a were Awan out of 12, 1 Banfinda, 1 Mochi and 1
Seeyah. In labour councilors, Awan were 7 while Hajam, Dhadur, Ansari and Tarkhan
won one seat each was gone to Khibki, qurehis, Tarkan, and Mughal Biradaries.
Awan made adjustments with other Biradaries mostly on women seats, either
Lady Labour or Kisan or even the general seats. In each union council, 2 seats were
reserved seats, Awan woman candidates were compromised with other Biradaries.
Awan won 7 out of 24 seats in 12 union councils of their great majority, 2 gone to
Dhadhur while 1 each to Sheikh, Hajam, Qureshi, Mochi, Chaudhry, Kasab, Kumhar,
Syed, Theem and Mughal Biradaries. Following table gives the detail of these 12
union councils of Awan majority.
Table 54: Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan Majority Union Councils
UC
No.
Nazim
and Naib
Nazim
(1+1)
General
Councilors
(4)
Kisan
(1)
Labour
(1)
Lady
Kisan
(1)
Lady G.
Councilors
(2)
Lady
Labour
(1)
Minorit
y
1 Awan 4 Awan Awan Ansari Awan 1Awan
1 Sheikh
Ansari -
2 Awan 4 Awan Bafin
da
Awan Awan 1 Awan
1 Hajam
Mistri -
3 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Awan 2 Awan Awan -
4 Awan 1 Awan
1 Kasab
1 Rajput
Awan Hajam Awan 2 Awan Awan -
197
1 Ansari
5 Awan 4 Awan Awan Hajam Awan - - -
6 Awan 3 Awan
1 Syed
Awan Dhudhu
r
Khibki 1 Awan
1 Dhudhur
Awan -
7 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Dhudhu
r
1 Dhudhur
1 Qureshi
Hajam -
11 Awan 4 Awan Moch
i
Awan Qureshi Maachi
Chaudhry
Kasab
12 Awan 1 Syed
3 Awan
Awan Awan Awan Kasab
Kumhar
Mochi -
14 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan
Swah
Dhadhur -
18 Awan 2 Awan
1 Chachar
1 Bcluch
Seeya
h
Tarkhan Turkha
n
Theem
Syed
Qureshi -
34 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Mughal Mughal
Mochi
Lohar -
Awan Biradari made alliances in 7 union councils. In these councils, Nazims
were Awan and Naib Nazims were Rajay, Bhatti, Rajput, Namdgar, Chudhur, Theem
and Chena Biradari nominees. In these councils, Awan Biradari tried to hold majority
in general councilor seats. That was why the Biradari in 4 union councils (8, 12, 13,
24, 25) won three seats out of 4 for general councilors.On woman general seats (2 in
each union councils) Awan won only 3 seats out of 14 lady general councilors.
Following table represents the position and status of each Biradari in these 7 union
councils.
198
Table 55: Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan in Alliance with other
Biradaries
UC
No.
Nazim
and Naib
Nazim
(1+1)
General
Councilor
s (4)
Kisan
(1)
Labour
(1)
Lady
Kisan
(1)
Lady G.
Councilor
s
(2)
Lady
Labour
(1)
8 Awan
Rajay
3 Awan
1 Rajay
Awan Awan Awan Kumhar
Awan
Awan
10 Awan
Bhatti
2 Awan
1 Syed
1 Janjua
Awan Awan Khokha
r
Bhatti
Janjua
Bhatti
13 Awan
Rajput
3 Awan
1 Syed
Kumha
r
Rajput Kambo Maachi
Rajput
Kambo
22 Awan
Namdgar
1 Jat
1 Baluch
1
Namdgar
Sheikh Arian Ansari Khokhar
Khawaja
Ansari
24 Awan
Chudhur
3 Awan
1 Rajput
Awan Janjua Bhatti Awan
Rajput
Joyia
25 Awan
Theem
3 Awan
1 Qureshi
Awan Syed Shawtra Jeweler
Awan
Khilan
51 Awan
Chena
1 Awan
1 Syed
1 Yahwar
1 Mithar
Arian Gujar Bhatti Rajput
Rahdari
Theem
199
Tiwana Biradari could not win any union council exclusively. Tiwana were
Nazims in 4 union councils (UC No.17, 27, 30 and 40) while Naib Nazims were 4
Awan and one Syed. Even Tiwana Biradaries could not keep majority in general
councilor seats both of male and female. On male general councilor’s 16 seats,
Tiwana were 8, Shami, Shawli, Mochi, Qureshi, Bhatti, Gamgoli and Dhadhur were
one each. On lady general councilor seats Tiwana were 2 out of 7, Hajam, Mughal,
Mochi Kumhar and Arian were one each. Following table shows position of different
Biradaries in these 4 union councils.
Table 56: Tiwana Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab
UC
No.
Nazim
and Naib
Nazim
(1+1)
General
Councilor
s (4)
Kisan
(1)
Labour
(1)
Lady
Kisan
(1)
Lady G.
Councilor
s
(2)
Lady
Labour
(1)
17 Tiwana
Syed
2 Tiwana
1 Shami
1 Shawli
Awan Sheikh Qureshi Hajam
Mughal
Sheikh
27 Tiwana
Syed
1 Mochi
1 Qureshi
1 Bhatti
- - - 1 Mochi -
30 Tiwana
Awan
3 Tiwana
1 Gamgoli
Mochi Chaudhr
y
Mochi Tiwana
Kumhar
Noorghi
40 Tiwana
Awan
1 Tiwana
1 Dhadhur
2 Awan
Baluch Awan Tiwana Arian
Tiwana
Arian
200
On other remaining union councils (UC No.9, 16, 19, 26, 29, 35, 38, 39, 41 to
45) the Nazims were Janjua, Wadhal, Rajput, Jutt, Joyia, Syed, Khokhar, Bandia and
Arian. Janjua, Khokhar and Arian were Naib Nazims as well.
These constitutencies show that in most union councils, it is nearly impossible
to contest election exclusively on a single Biradari basis. There are voting pockets of
every Biradari and large Biradaries cannot ignore them while constesting elections.
Alliances, adjustments and compromises are made on most union council seats.
Following tbale tells the actual story of Biradari position in these councils.The study
of electoral politics and results in district Khusahab reveals that major Biradaries
often secured major share of power through elections whether they were at nation,
provincial or local levels. The voting behavior in the district is Biradari centred where
the candidates of major Biradaries baged the seats mostly.
Table 57: Other Biradaries Presence in Union Council Election (2005)
UC
No.
Nazim
and Naib
Nazim
(1+1)
General
Councilor
s (4)
Kisan
(1)
Labour
(1)
Lady
Kisan
(1)
Lady G.
Councilor
s
(2)
Lady
Labour
(1)
9 Janua
(1+1)
Sanadhu
Dhool
Theem
Mochi Jandran - Janjua
Ansari
Awan
16 Wadhal
Kalyar
2 Angra
1 Jaythal
1 Bhood
Bhasen Sunbli Wadhal Sheikh
Sunbli
Sapra
19 Rajput
Arian
2 Awan
1 Mahil
1 Baluch
Khokha
r
Arian - Burhan
Qazi
-
26 Jutt
Bhatti
4 Rajput Jutt Jutt Mayo Jutt
Jutt
Rajput
201
29 Joya
Mumk
RAngars
Syed
Chaudhry
Bahsin Baluch Tarkhan Qureshi
Sheikh
Bhatti
32 Rajput
Tiwana
Rajput
Jutt
Bhatti
Tiwana
Burhan Maghi Jutt Tiwana
Arian
Mughal
35 Syed
Awan
2 Miana
1 Bhatti
1 Awan
Pathan Pathan Jutt Sheikh
-
-
36 Khokhar
(1+1)
2 Bandial
1 Wirk
1 Khega
Bandial Bandial Bandial Baig
Pathan
Bandial
38 Gunjial
Khel
1 Gunjial
2 Khel
1 Arian
Hajam Arian Gunjial Gunjial
Gunjial
-
39 Arian
(1+1)
1 Awan
1 Lohar
1 Khel
1 Arian
- - - Baluch
-
-
41 Arian
(1+1)
2 Arian
1 Joyia
1 Pathan
Arian Arian Arian Arian
Rajput
Arian
42 Salhal
Rajput
1 Kalyar
1 Dhoon
Khatem
a
Sheikh Sheikh Rajput
Sheikh
Sheikh
202
1 Olukh
1 Chena
43 Baghor
Rajput
2 Baghor
1 Khera
1 Rajput
Rajput Baghar Khatem
a
Qureshi
Rajput
-
44 Rahdari
Jumat
1 Jumat
1 Wadhal
1 Bomb
1 Phalwan
Raja Yahwar Dhodha Yahwar
Rahdari
Rahdari
45 Sagho
Waghra
2 Sagho
1 Chan
1 Waghra
Kartana Raja Jhara Sagho
Waghra
-
Baluch Biradari held voting pockets in different union councils with varying
strengths. Biradari made alliances for the Naib Nazim seats for others and for Baluch
Nazims in UC No. 20, 21, 28, 48 and 49. The Naib Nazims in these councils were
Arian, Sajra, Chauns, Jusra and Joyia. For detail of representation, see the following
table.
Table 58: Local Government Khushab (2005) Baluch Majority Union Councils
UC
No.
Nazim
and Naib
Nazim
(1+1)
General
Councilor
s (4)
Kisan
(1)
Labour
(1)
Lady
Kisan
(1)
Lady G.
Councilor
s
(2)
Lady
Labour
(1)
20 Baluch
Arian
1 Sheikh
1 Jutt
2 Arian
Wadhal Arian Mochi Sheikh
Arian
Sheikh
21 Baluch 2 Baluch - - Qureshi Syed
203
Sajra Rehmani
1 Khokhar
1 Chohan
Rajput
28 Baluch
Chauns
1 RAngar
2 Syed
1
Chaudhry
Bahsin Baluch Tarkhan Qureshi
Sheikh
Bhatti
48 Baluch
Jura
1 Baluch
1 Joyia
1 Sher
1 Astar
Baluch Jura Jura Sheikh
Baluch
Jura
44 Baluch
Joyia
1 Awan
1 Baluch
1 Joyia
1 Dhut
Mughal Awan Sheikh Mughal
Rajput
Sheikh
Table 59: Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim
Local Government Elections 2002-2005
Caste 2002 2005 Grand Total
Aahir 1 - 1
Awan 34 36 70
Baloch 6 6 12
Bandial 2 - 2
Gunjial 3 1 4
Joyia 3 2 5
Others 40 48 88
204
Tiwana 8 7 15
Grand Total 97 100 197
Graph 12: Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government
Elections 2002-2005
Awan, Tiwana and Baluch are the three main Biradaries in Khushab local
government elections. In 2002 elections of the local government, being the first
elections held under devolution plan introduced by Musharraf regime, the results were
as follows:
For the Nazim and Naib Nazim elections, candidates made their panels. In
total of 97 Nazim and Naib Nazim seats, Awan Biradari won 34, Tiwana Biradari, 8
and Baluch Biradari won 6 slots;
Gunjial and Joyia Biradaries were next to Tiwana with 3 seats each, while
Bandial 2 and Aahir one;
Other candidates out of 97 in total, 40 were non-Biradari successful.
In 2005 elections, the results were not so different for the Biradari successful.
The followings were the outcomes.
Again for the Nazim and Naib Nazim slots, Awan birdari won 36 seats, 2 more
than 2002. Tiwana lost one and achieved 7 while Baluch Biradari maintained the tally
with 6 successfuls.
Bandial Biradari lost its representation with no success, while Gunjials
reduced to 1 and Joyias to 2 from 3 each in 2002.
An increase of 8 seats observed in the non-Biradari successful in 2005 than in
2002. The 2002 local government elections, the Nazims and Naib Nazims included 35
Aahir 0.51%
Awan 35.53%
Baloch 6.09%
Bandial 1.02%
Gunjial 2.03%
Joyia 2.54%
Others 44.67%
Tiwana 7.61%
205
percent successful from Awan Biradari, 9 percent Tiwana, 6 percent Baluch, 3
percent each for Joyia and Gunjial Biradari and only 2 percent Bandial Biradari.
Let’s have an analytical review of the status of Biradaries in provincial as well as
national elections since 1937 to 2013. The results of elections 1937 and 1946, pre-
independence elections are included to portray the trends of Biradari influence before
and after independence.
This chapter concludes that the role of Biradaries in power politics in the
district of Khushab is decisively important. This importance also includes the fact that
major social, political as well as economic institutions have been influenced by the
Biradari systems. The organization, function and impact of political institutions e.g.,
local bodies or the governments, the political alliances and affiliations are more
decided more on the Biradari basis and less on political basis. Such an impact on the
national and provincial politics enables the influentials to behave as patrons for the
masses of whom votes they acquire status and prestige. Such relationships seldom
reciprocate in favour of the common people of the patron’s constituencies various
factors act as roadblocks and hurdles, multiple intermediaries and different interest
groups come into play their own agenda. It is also evident from the history of
development socially and politically that democracy often fails to clear the way
towards common goods.
This failure transcends the monopoly of certain corners over policy
frameworks and implementation phases, the widening gaps between the elected leader
and the constituency, the status and prestige problems and the lack of will and
understanding of the elected ones of the issues and problems to be identified and
addressed.
Biradari interests and the preference for the followings in the Biradari circles
draw a line of discrimination between that following and the common people. That is
the trend reminds every awakened and enlightened person that Biradari affiliations
play magic on one side of the horizon and cut the sorry figure on the other side. When
horizons change, visions scatter and hopes become the diminishing commodity. Such
a capitalist approach to the solution of common problems retards progress of the
region.
206
This power play reinforces the Biradari influence and hopelessness prevails in
those attitudes and minds that feel loneliness in the political decision making. The
lack of the participative sense, once prevailed, creates cadres of deprivation and
depression. The remedy is awakening the masses to transform their voting behavior
on solid basis of national thinking and rational conduct in casting their vote. It is also
needed that repeated and continuous electoral process should be ensured from the
local level to the national level.
It is also needed to educate and facilitate Biradaries in such a style that their
political capacity building, social grooming and quality leadership training become
essential ingredients of their political role playing such engagements should focus to
address issues and problems of local and national significance. It is impossible to
discard Biradaries but it is very much possible to transform their leadership style and
orientation to a greater extent.
207
CONCLUSION
The concept of Biradari has been evolved from the tribal affiliation. As the
population of the tribe grew it changed into the clan and then reached to the status of
Biradari with the passage of time. The concept of Biradari became significant in the
period when Hindus of India developed affiliations on the basis of caste; the Muslims
had to adopt the contrary concept of Biradari. The conflict for power among Irani,
Turani, Afghani and Indian factions in the politics of Muslim India are the expression
of such affiliations on the grounds of kinship. Some Biradaris took dominance and
developed during British government due to the patronage of the government. The
division of land in Punjab grew the Biradaris like Tiwana, Awan,Bandial,Gunjial,
Wattoo, Joyas, Syeds, Noon, Dareshaks, Daulatana and Rajpoots etc.
The statement of this research holds value as the Biradari based politics has
been manipulative of power and authority in such a manner that it makes it very
difficult for a non-Biradari, even for a politician in opposition or of progressive
stance, to play a vital role to change or challenge the course of power dynamics set by
the Biradari politics. The variables of institutional positions, wealth and elections are
dependent on the affiliation of the Biradaris. These variables help the elite to gain
power that is used to establish these factors even more. The control over power and
authority of the masses and other political entities is very limited. It is found that
power and prestige are vested in the political structures and institutions and
Biradaries hold such power and prestige in district Khushab.
Biradari politics provides the apparatus and infrastructure for power politics in
Distict Khushab. As it has been illustrated already in the thesis, Biradari provides a
system of networks, economic patronage and affiliation which promise members of
the Biradari an entry into the state and social institutions which constitute the political
system of power. The Biradari politics in District Khushab is strong because of strong
affiliation based on the kinship. The affiliation has been strong due to the economic
benefits which, the affiliation with Biradari promises to the members of Biradari. The
land and property was inherited through the affiliation with the Biradari. A major
land owner of a Biradari is able to get cooperation of other land owner belonging to
the same Biradari for achievement of important power positions. Likewise the
positions in the institutions of the state can easily be grabed with the help of the
kinship and it is very easy to bag the majority vote required for winning the seats in
208
national, provincial or local elections. The ease and comfort in manipulation of the
power politics through the Biradari affiliation has promoted the Biradari politics in
district Khushab.
In order to get power, the major families of the big Biradaries used three sets
of tactics. One set comprised of the economic techniques for strengthening their
economic position. This economic position in turn helped the Biradari to get power in
the district. For achieving their control on the economic resources the agricultural
land was allotted by heads of the Biradaris. They also managed to collect the sources
of minerals and mines. The inheritage of the wealth to the members of family helped
them in grabbing the power. Second set of tactics is based on acquiring the positions
in important institutions of the state. When a person of one Biradari got any important
position in an institution he not only became himself powerful but also generarated
opportunities for the members of his Biradari who were educated or were eligible for
the criteria to enter in that institution. One powerful person thus opened more
opportunities for his Biradari fellows. Third set of tactics consists of the electoral
tricks. The majority of Awans in the area, for instance, was convinced easily to vote
and support to the cnadidates of their Biradari on the name of kinship. The Awans
naturally wanted that candidate of Awans may win the seat. Likewise the Tiwanas
wanted that the Tiwana candidate should win the seat. One Biradari would make an
alliance with other Biradari in order to win a particular election. These three sets of
tactics combined ensure the power for major Biradari in District Khushab.
The affiliation with political parties is weaker than the affiliation with the
Biradari. The politics on the basis of ideologies is weak and political parties are less
organized. It is easier for a political leader to get power through the Biradari
affiliation than doing a lot of struggle in organizing a party. The workers of party may
demand benifits and development and may not be easily satisfied, while the Biradari
fellows can easily be tackled and their support can easily be achieved through the
established norms in the society. That is why a person changes the national party
according to his political needs while Baradri based workers and party members do
not change parties so easily. The political parties also do not possess funds more than
the wealthy families of big Biradaris which are necessary to win the elections.
Pakistan Peoples’ Party has never been able to get control in this district. PPP
has been an ideological based party consisting upon the government of the poor.
209
Though PPP was able to bring in its fold major Biradari chiefs in other districts, in
Khushab it could not bring the chiefs of major Biradaris of the district in their fold.
The chiefs of major Biradaris felt it easy to get places in othe political parties which
could be helpful for them to consolidate their power in the district. PPP leadership
focused on direct contact with the people through leaders who did not belong to major
Biradaris. These leaders could not get mass support and vote due to the all-spread
Biradari politics in the district.
The Biradari politics also did not give any chance to religious parties to get
control of politics in the district. The people of rural areas of district Khushab have
not produced such religious leader who might challenge the land owners and major
politicians belonging to major Biradaris of the district. The people of the district like
secular minded Biradari chiefs are in politics due to their traditional control over the
politics. The religious political parties, therefore, could not get organized and become
strong to get the votes of people on the grounds of religious beliefs. The strong
clutches of the chiefs of major Biradaris over the politics of the district do not leave
any chance for the religious leaders for convincing the rural people for supporting
them on religious grounds. However if a religious leader would belong to one of the
influential Biradaris, the religious political parties would have been able to influence
in the politics of the district.
Tiwanas did not exceed the Awans in number but they continued their control
over the politics of the district not less than the Awans. Their control over politics was
due to the British support which they were able to get before the establishment of
Pakistan. Tiwanas continued their historical hegemony in early decades of Pakistan’s
history. However as soon as the elite of Awans succeded in controlling over the
politics of the district the Tiwanas had to retreat due to their numerical inferiority in
contrast to Awans. Even then their role as one the most influential Biradaris of the
district in power remains intact. Though less than the Awans they have won the seats
in assemblies and councils and they have also powerful position in the district.
Historically, Punjab has been driven by the politics centred around the kinship
since the start of modern political system in South Asia when the British began
colonial rule here. Political power was occupied by the British who were foreign
colonial masters. In order to control the system and the millions of people through a
short number of officials and politicians the colonial rulers used the Biradari as a
210
converging element. Notwithstanding that the social institution of Biradari in India
was not introduced by the British. It was present in social life of India even before the
arrival of the predecessors of the British, the Mughals. However the British not only
promoted this already existing phenomenon but also used it in order to fulfil the
colonial needs of grasping and enhancing the power in India.
The power was concentrated in the colonial rulers through inter Biradari and
intra Biradari distribution of power. On first instance some of the Biradaris were
preferred to the others. Then the elites of the privileged Biradaris, assigned with the
responsibility of controlling not only their own Biradari but also other population of
the area, were benfited and power was used through them. They were provided with
resources and jobs more than other people. They were utilised in the army,
bureaucracy and other institutions of state. Thus the power scattered in economic
resources, powerful institutional positions and political parties was concentrated in the
elite that was formed of the few people. Tiwana, Awan, Baluch, Joyia, Bandial,
Gunjial and other Biradaries hold the political scene in the district Khushab. Every
Biradari has a history to tell its significance and prestige. These Biradaries control
the political as a well as Governmental atmospheres in district Khushab. Their
allegiance to British Raj and power structures in Pakistan and Punjab has been a long
journey into status, power and prestige.
The Biradari dominated system in Punjab was inherited to Pakistan after its
emergence from the colonial India in 1947. Though the trend of party politics and
equality of rights of every one for participation in the government had established
more yet the traditional style of power politics on the basis of Biradari affiliation not
only continued but also gained more modernised and developed form. The power was
not distributed among all the citizens without any distinction of blood relations. The
Biradaris which held power during the British period continued to hold it in a new
way.
The power in Pakistan was concentrated in the institutions of army and
bureaucracy. There were certain factors which did not let the newly born state of
Pakistan flourish on the basis of true democracy. The authoritarian nature of
government was established by the most organised and well disciplined institution of
Army. Most of the time army remained the sole ruler of Pakistan and for the other
remaining time it remained powerful from behind. The army was already
211
representative of some special Biradaris. This historical trend continued as the
recruitment from some specified areas was continued. Moreover only the traditionally
privileged elite of selected Biradaris got commission in the army. In case of district
Khushab these Biradaris were mostly Awan and Tiwana.
The people who were commissioned in Pakistan army kept on supporting their
Biradari fellows and power thus remained in their hands as the army was most
powerful in the country. Second important power centre in the country was
bureaucracy. Despite the well structured public service commission was there to
recruit the suitable candidates for the bureaucracy, the education and other facilities
limited to privileged elite of specific Biradaris gave opportunity of entering in
bureaucracy only to the members of some Biradaris. The bureaucracy is not only
symbolical ruler of the country; it also operates the power machine in orderly manner.
It had been helpful to civilian as well as army rulers in maintaining the control over
political power. The bureaucrats belonging to a few families kept on the control over
power through the institution of bureaucracy. The statistics and situations reveal that
in many cases more than one army officers and bureaucrats belonged to one family of
a Biradari.
If one officer gets opportunity to grasp a powerful position in the institution of state,
he patronizes and supports his Biradari fellows to get other powerful positions and
when a good number of positions belong to that family or Biradari, they make liaison
in such a way that one position would help the other one in maintaining the control
over power. The authorities and influence is utilized to get powerful status in the state
as well as socity.
Significance of the Biradari in Punjab is that it is the core of a nexus of bureaucracy,
military establishments, brokers of regional as well as local power, shrines and landed
elites with defined political interests. Feudals rule such nexuses and alliances. This
may be termed elite that revolves around the Biradari culture and power. Such
alliances and linkages control regional divisional and district politics. These structures
manipulate lands, capital resources, state decisions and policy making processes and
procedures, so much so that the non-Biradari entities find it difficult and often near to
impossible to breakaway with their hold and control. That is the reason why reform
agendas wither away and resources allocated for those reforms go waste or cannot be
utilized at all.
212
Wealth is second important factor of determining the power. The wealthy
people easily can exploit the power with the help of the resources they possess. The
wealth has been accumulated in the elite classes since centuries. The feudal system
made easy for elite of the Biradaris to possess most of the resources. These resources
in the form of agricultural land, forest land, the mines and minerals, the transport
business, some of the industry and professionally monopoly gave chances to very few
elite groups to have wealth. These elite groups in fact were affiliated with major
Biradaris. The wealthy elite of the Biradaris thus manipulated to grasp political
power with the help of their wealth.
The political parties and the elections were the democratic institutions and in
these institutions common man without the distinction of caste or kinship could get
the chance of sharing power. However the wealthy and institutionally strong elite of
Biradaris could easily win the elections by manipulating institutional positions,
wealth and affiliations based on kinship. The analysis of the result of the elections
reveals that often the candidates belonging to major Biradaris were able to get the
seats. The political parties did not function on the will of the workers but the leaders
belonging to the Biradaris kept on changing the parties and wherever they moved the
party accepted them as the candidate of that party.
The Biradaries with Awans in the lead have their mark on the electoral politics
and power centers on the electoral politics and power centers in the district Khushab.
Their electoral significance is proven through their performance in elections from
1937 to 2008 on the provincial level and from 1962 to 2008 on the national level.
Their electoral presence is beyond any doubt decisive. They held and sustain their
majority. It is very difficult for any non-Biradari or even member of a Biradari in
opposition to play any vital role in the development and planning of the district.One
can grasp this influence of these Biradaries easily if he or she has a look at the
outcome of the local bodies or local government elections. Such elections have been
termed rightly as local Biradari elections by a renowned analyst of the Biradari role
in politics. The 1983 local government elections or the successive provincial as well
as national elections reveal the hold and significance of the Biradari in power politics
of district Khushab.
The religious parties could not succeed in Khushab. In all elections only
Jamat-i-Islam could bag one seat in the elections. That seat was also won on the basis
213
of individual linkages of the candidate who was local physician and had helped the
poor patients with generous provision of medical facilities. The religious parties like
the political ones could not penetrate due to the strong grip of feudal and ethnic
politics. The religion in some cases collaborates with the feudals but here in Khushab
such collaboration does not exist.
It may be concluded that, this study has explained how and to what disturbing
extent, in the district of Khushab, the critical elements of power politics in relation to
social, economic and psychological elements jeopardize the ordinary life. The
legacies persist. The way ahead is to modernize socio-economic system not only in
the district of Khushab but also in the rest of Punjab as well.
i) The power, authority and the privileges the local elite groups enjoy,
prove roadblocks for the reform and progress once collide with their
interests.
ii) The control over resources, the role in the decision-making structures
of the Biradari representatives also control practically the bread and
butter of the common man;
iii) The local majority achieved or attained by Biradari elites may create
situations adversial to the common good, increasing or decreasing the
likelihood of the successful implementation of development projects
and programmes.
iv) There is a huge gulf of haves and have-nots between the landholding
elites, Biradari elders and the masses. This gulf renders the masses
politically ineffective despite the fact that the vote of the masses adds
power to the glory of such elites in the form of Biradari supremacy.
The Biradari’s role in the politics does not let the forces of
advancement work properly. The ignorance in the district under study
suits to the major families. Therefore no major educational institution
like university has been established. The powerful rulers of the district
consider themselves responsible not to the masses but to the Biradari
middle men who can better their image in their respective Biradari
members, they, therefore, do not pay attention to the politics of
development and service to the masses. They, on the other hand, focus
on the tactics that suit Biradari politics for the sake of grabbing power.
214
This ultimately keeps the people under developed. The grip on
agricultural and mineral resources of the powerful Biradaris has
prevented their interest in the industrial development. That is why the
district under study could not have developed industrially and one does
not find major industrial units developed in the district. The political
parties will have to be strong in order to get rid of the losses caused by
Biradari politics.
SUGGESTIONS
1- A large quantity of mines and minerals are produced in the area. Despite this
fact the industrialization did not develop. The strong culthes of feudal lords
and Biradari heads did not pay heed towards the industrialization. It was
definitely in their interest the mode of production and the set up of society
may remain agrarian. The conversion of agrarian society into industrial can
change the trend from Biradari politics to democratic politics.
2- Khushab was given the status of tax free zone during eighties. Even then it
could not attract large scale investment. The local ruling Biradaris did not
have interest in establishment of industry in the area. The external
industrialists did not find facility in having conflict with the local lords. The
danger, the fear and the suspicion of failure, conflict and fight did not let the
area change into industrial zone. When the industry flourish in the area the
trade unions are formed and a type of democracy and need of democratic set
up is felt as it happened in eighteenth century Europe. The industrialization
promotes cultural plurality as new actors move in the society through increase
in mobility of human and financial sources. Lower middle and middle classes
emerge and a conflict in the society cleanse it from the problems of feudalism.
Industry also increase economic development that develops social conditions.
3- Cottage industry has been developed in the past. With the emergence of new
era it must have been developed but it declined with the course of time.
Potential for its revival is there. The small industry like lungi, khes and dodha
production can be enhanced very easily. This may mark the development of
local industry.
215
4- In Thal area the government should introduce schemes for the promotion of
live stock and Diary development.
5- Government should spend the money on giving funds to under developed
areas. The infrastructure should be developed. The government’s role is vital
in this respect. It cannot be denied.
6- Soon Valley is the beautiful area of the District. In this hilly area cultural
resorts and archeological sites can be developed for the development of
tourtist industry. Hotel industry can be developed with the help of government
schemes. The tourism will increase the mobility and socio-cultural links of
Khushab with external world. That will increase the awareness in the people.
7- Urbanisation is less in Khushab that is why it is backward and baradrism is
strong here. In Bhakar, Chakwal and Jhang districts like Khushab the clutches
of baradrism are stronger and urbanization could not develop. Sargodha
comparatively has promoted the urbanization that gave vent to the democratic
form of society and the Biradarism has started to decrease there.
8- Political parties should set up their offices at Union Council level. They
should keep record of their meetings. This will enhance the political culture
and the role of political parties will increase in contrast to biradarism.
9- Migration from Khushab is continued and people do not permanently live
here. During the British period under Ghori Pal scheme the people of this area
were moved to Bahawalpur, Faisalabald, Sargodha, and Montgomery as they
got the lands allotted there. This trend of migration should be checked to
decrease the influence of major biradries by promoting infrastructure in the
District.
10- Poverty in the area is cause of the increased trend of baradrism. Poverty, in
turn is due to the lack of development plans. Tourism can be a good source of
income of the people but no infrastructure has been developed here. Khushab
was selected as one of the choices of capital of Pakistan. Later for some
factors Islamabad was selected. It at least proves that the area is suitable for
development. The development schemes on pattern of Murree schemes can be
useful for the upbringing of the area in eradication of biraderism.
216
11- District Khushab is a plain area and agriculture is major source of income. The
agricultural growth is possible with the proper arrangement for decrease of
loss during floods. The salinity can be controlled through the cleanliness of
drainage system. The researcher contacted the authorities who told that the
drains are cleaned after three years period. In Nur pur Thal, Rang pur,
Baghoor and adi circle areas have been badly hitting by salinity. Whole
drainage system in the District is in bad condition. Tube-wells have been
installed by the government to better the irrigation but the stoppage in the
drains due to late cleanliness does not better the irrigation in the area. This
traditional method of cleanliness should be changed in order to change the
economic conditions of the area that will diminish the baradrism in the area.
12- In Thal there is no infrastructure. The area of Thall is adjusted to Jhang and
Bhakar but there are not even roads in the area. This is the area of the Tiwana.
The river flows in the area for almost 150 kilometers but there is no recreation
resort on the bank of river. There is no any scheme of usage of river water for
the irrigation of area. The Chashma Jehlum canal bank can be used for fish-
forms. There are chances of the development of small business of fisheries but
no such plan was made. The attention to such plan can change the culture of
biradarism in the area.
13- In all backward and underdeveloped districts of Punjab the British government
formed the rest houses on the canal banks keeping in view the beautiful
conditions of the area. Bungalows were constructed with those Rest Houses.
Some acre land was also allotted to that rest house. Our government can
promote such rest houses as tour-places. The Government should stop to
auction these places. Such sites should be declared as national heritage. These
sites also work as recreation resorts as well as touring place. This will increase
the awareness as well as the mobility of the people and grow the
consciousness in the people against baradrism.
14- Military officers and bureaucrats who flourished from this area got benefits on
the basis of belonging to this area but when they reached on the hiegths of
their career they forgot the development of their area. Those influential people
could change the conditions of the area. Such people need to take the
responsibility for upbringing their native place.
217
15- The political parties will have to reform themselves in many aspects. One
major step that the political parties will have to make is to make themselves
freer and self relient economically. They must be in position that they might
support financially a poor candidate belonging to lower Biradaris or without
the focused Biradari support for getting power in politics.
16- Another workable solution of the challenge is the provision of political
consciousness among the common residents. The parties should be organized
well to such an extent that they may not need Biradari support for winning the
seats in the elections. The parties also will have to increase the public will
while making decisions within the parties. For this trend of personality
oriented politics will have to be changed into ideology oriented politics.
17- The personality oriented politics can be diverted into public welfare politics
through the establishment of political force on national level that may take the
task of competing the Biradari and personality oriented politicians. That
national level political force or party can convince the people of any district to
follow the national trend. The efforts made only on the district level can not
bring the fruit of preventing the Biradari politics because local leaders of
Biradaris have links on national level and they can do politics in order to grab
power in the district. They are also so powerful that the local political force
cannot succeed in subduing them in power politics.
218
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http://lokpunjab.org/elections/slideshowkhus.html. Accessed: March 27, 2014.
Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey, MICS, Punjab 2007-08. Lahore: Government of
the Punjab Planning & Development Department Bureau of Statistics, 2009.
Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Punjab 2007-08 (Khushab: Government of
the Punjab Planning & Development Department, 2009).
http://www.pndpunjab.gov.pk/user_files/File/Khushab09.pdf. URL:
Acccessed June 17, 2013.
232
THESES
Ahmed, Mughees. “Faisalabad Division Ke Siasat per Biradarism kay Asraat.” PhD
Thesis., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 2004.
http://www.researchgate.net/publication/259400008_Faisalabad_Division_ke_
Siasat_per_Biradarism_kay_Asraat. Accessed: March 20, 2013.
Hassan, Javid. “Class, Powerand Patronage: the Landed Elite and Politics in
Pakistani Punjab.” PhD diss., The London School of Economics and Political
Science (LSE), 2012.
Hussain, Syed Ahmad-ud-din. “Development of Local Government Institutions in the
Province of the Punjab: A Critical Assessment.”PhD diss., Bahauddin
Zakariya University, 1994.
Ibrahim, Muhammad. “Role of Biradari System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post
Independence Period.” PhD diss., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 2009.
http://prr.hec.gov.pk/thesis/1234S.pdf. Accessed: March 20, 2013.
Lyon, Stephen M. “Power and Patronage in Pakistan.” PhD diss., University of Kent
Canterbury, 2002. http://www.dur.ac.uk/s.m.lyon/Publications/Lyon.pdf.
Accessed: March 20, 2013.
Mahmood, Khurram. “Iqbal and Provincial Politics of Punjab 1926-1938.” PhD diss.,
Quaid-I-Azam University, 2005.
Brown, Ryan. “The British EmPire in India,” PhD diss., Ashland University, 2010.
http://ashbrook.org/programs/citizens/publications/theses/. Accessed April 11,
2013.
Salamat, Zarina. “The Punjab in 1921-31: A Case Study of Muslims.” PhD thesis.,
University of the Punjab, 1991.
NEWSPAPERS
Daily Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore
Daily Express, Sargodha
Nawa-i-Johar, Jahurabad
Tijarat, Sargodha
WEBSITES
http://www.punjab.gov.pk/
http://www.Khushab.gop.pk/
http://Khushab.gop.pk/html/About_District.html#About_District_Tribes
http://www.ecp.gov.pk/
http://www.pildat.org/
http://www.census.gov.pk/
http://www.britishemPire.co.uk/article/castesystem.htm
233
INTERVIEWS
Prof. (R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College
Sargodha, Interview by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab)
October 5, 2014.
Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by
the researcher, District Bar Office, Jauharabad, January 27, 2015.
Prof. (R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of
History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interview by the
researcher, village Jabba (Distt :Khushab) November, 15,2014.
Malik Shakir Bashir Awan, former Naib Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, MNA-NA70
(Memebr of National Assembley) interview by the researcher, Karamabad
(Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, 10 February 2015.
Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College
Jauharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad,
October 10, 2014.
Umar Daraz Awan alias Mittho Awan (Manager Awan Bus Service, Sub Office
Khushab) interview by the researcher, Awan Hotel & Resturent Khushab
Chakwal Road, Union Council, Kattah Saghral Distt: Khushab
Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village
Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015.
Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice
chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interview by the researcher at village Khaliq
abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015.
Muhammad Mumtaz Qureshi, Primary School Teacher, Village Dhaka (Soon Valley)
Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 10, 2015.
Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra
(Soon Valley) Khushab, March 02, 2015.
Malik Moula Dad Khan, former Nazim Union Council Kund, interview by researcher,
village Daira Malik Muhammad Khan Awan of Kund (Distt: Khsuhab)
February 03, 2015.
234
Muhammad Ishaq Awan, Headmaster Govt. High School Shahpur Distt: Sargodha,
interview by researcher village Waheer (Distt: Khushab) February 04,2015.
Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab)
interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10,
2014
Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office,
Higher Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore,
interverview by researcher, village Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt:
Khushab, April 10, 2015.
Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science,
University of Sargodha, interview by researcher, village Golly Wali, Tehsil
Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12, 2015.
Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana, former MNA and Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, interview
by researcher, village Hamoka (Hassan Pur Tiwana) Distt: Khushab, April 15,
2015.
Muhammad Pervez Awan (R) Instructor, Cadet College Hassan Abdal, interview by
researcher village Ochala (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, April 23, 2015.
Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt:
Khushab, interview by researcher, April 27, 2015.
Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley)
Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015.
Muhammad Farooq Awan, (R) JCO Pakistan Airforce, village Mardwal, interview by
researcher, Awan Marble near Qanchi Mor, Sargodha, March 19, 2015
Syed Abid Hussain Shah, (R) JCO Pak Army, village Bola Distt: Khushab, interview
by researcher, General Bus Stand Juharabad, April 22, 2015
Malik Zia-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village
Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015.
Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt:
Khushab) interview by researcher, January 29, 2015.
235
Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad,
recently serving as Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad,
interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt: Khushab, February 12,
2015.
Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab,
interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015.
Pir Ahmad Hassan, Assistant Professor, Department of History and Pakistan Studies,
University of Sargodha, village Gunjial Sharif Distt: Khushab, interview by
researcher, December 16,
Muhammad Ibrahim Majoka, former Chairman Union Council Khai Khurd, Tehsil
Noorpur Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, December 14, 2014.
Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by
researcher, February 19, 2015.
Malik Muhammad Sher Awan, Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, former
DSP (Deputy Superintendent Police) Legal Branch, Khushab, interview by
researcher September 10, 2014.
Muhammad Hafeez Tiwana, MA (History) Auditor District Accounts Officer
Sargodha, interview by researcher, on December 17, 2014.
Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by
researcher, Tiwana House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab,October 13,
Malik Muhammad Ansar Tiwana, MA (History) Nutritional Supervisor Punjab Health
Department, Rural Health Center, Chak 58-NB, Sargodha. interview by
researcher, December 09, 2014.
Malik Muhammad Akbar Hayat Awan, former Member District Council Khushab,
now serving as Assistant Professor Psychology in P.G College Jauharabad,
interview by researcher, October 19, 2014.
Dr.Badar Munir Awan, Department of Urdu, Govt. P.G College Jauharabad,
telephonic interview by researcher, December 2014.
Muhammad Waris Jasra, Advocate, Former President District Bar Jauharabad,
interview by researcher November, 2014.
236
Malik Iftikhar Awan, famous businessman & social worker, interview by researcher at
Awan Market Naushehra October 06, 2014 .
Shoukat Raza Awan, Lecturer (History) Govt. College Darya Khan, interviewed by
researcher at Tehsil Noorpur, Distt: Khushab, October 08, 2014.
Malik Faisal Sultan Awan former Union Nazim village Khura (His father Malik Mian
Sultan Awan (Late) was MPA & founder of Awan Transport Bus Company
(Awan Express)
Malik Muhammad Waris Kalu, MPA(PP-42) & Parliamentary Secretary, Interviewed
by the researcher at Waris abad, Village Rodda (Distt: Khushab) November
30, 2014.
Malik Malik Ameer Mukhtar Sangah Awan, former Tehsil Nazim Khushab,
interviewed by researcher Sangah House Khushab Mianwali Road,
Jauharabad, September 08, 2014.
Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan, former MPA, interviewed by the researcher at village
Khabekhi (Soon Valley), Distt: Khushab, December 5, 2014
Malik Akhtar Nawaz Awan (Former Manager Super Awan Bus Service) Nowshehra
(Soon valley) Khushab, interviewed by researcher, 3 January 2015
237
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
District Wise Ranking of Social Development in Pakistan
Top Quartile 10 Districts Range – Highest = 26.0147
Second Quartile 20 Districts WFS – Lowest –9.4706
Third Quartile 24 Districts Range – Highest 33.7790
Bottom Quartile 40 Districts Z-Score - Lowest –12.6158
Total District 94 Districts
FIRST QUARTILE DISTRICTS (TOP 5)
Districts WFS Districts Z-Score
Karachi 26.0147 Lahore 33.7790
Rawalpindi 16.9032 Rawalpindi 21.7602
Lahore 15.8617 Karachi 15.0423
Faisalabad 10.2559 Faisalabad 14.4723
Gujranwala 9.0223 Peshawar 9.6742
Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.
238
APPENDIX B
Third Quartile Districts and Khushab
Districts WFS Districts Z-Score
Sukkur 0.6430 Khushab 2.2490
D.I. Khan 0.6428 Nawabshah 1.5610
Swabi 0.5445 Malakand 1.3358
Rahim Yar Khan 0.2881 Sheikhpura 1.2868
Khushab 0.2413 Laakli 0.6170
Kasur 0.2153 Swat 0.4668
Layyah –0.2253 Sukkur –0.4690
Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.
239
APPENDIX C
LOCAL BODIES ELECTION 2005
(KHUSHAB DISTRICT)
Union Council No.
Nazim N.Nazim General Councilor Kisan
Councilor Labour Councilor Lady Kisan
Councilor
Lady G.Councilor Lady L. Councilor
Minority Councilor
1 2 3 4 1 2
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
1 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Ansari Awan Awan Sheikh Ansari -
2 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Bafinda Awan Awan Hajam Mistri -
3 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan - - - - - - -
4 Awan Awan Kasab Awan Rajput Ansari Awan Hajam Awan Awan Awan Awan Masih
5 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan - - - - - -
6 Awan Awan Awan Syed Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar Khibki Awan Dhudhar Awan -
7 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar Dhudhar Qureshi Hajam Masih
8 Awan Rajay Rajay Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Awan Awan -
9 Janjua Janjua Sanadha Dhool Them - Mochi Jandran Janjua Ansari Chidhar Masih
10 Awan Bhatti Awan Awan Syed Janjua Awan Awan Khokhar Bhatti Janjua Bhatti -
11 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Mochi Awan Qureshi Maachi Chaudhry Kasab Masih
12 Awan Awan Awan Syed Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Kasab Kumhar Maachi -
13 Awan Rajput Syed Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Rajput Kambo Maachi Rajput Kambo Masih
14 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar -
15 - - - - - - - - - - - - -
16 Wadhal Kalyar Angra Jaythal Angra Bhood Bhasen Sunbli Wadhal Sheikh Sunbli Sapra Masih
17 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Shawli Shami Tiwana Awan Sheikh Qureshi Hajam Mughal Sheikh Masih
18 Awan Awan Awan Awan Chachar Baloch Seeyah Tarkhan Tarkhan Theem Muslim Sheikh Qureshi Masih
19 Rajput Arian Awan Awan Mahil Baloch Khokhar Arian Burhan Qazi
20 Baloch Arian Sheikh Jutt Arian Arian Wadhal Arian Mochi Sheikh Arian Sheikh Masih
21 Baloch Sajjra Rehmani Khokhar Chohan Rehmani Bloch Qureshi Rajput Syed
22 Awan Namdgar Namdgar Jutt Baloch Sheikh Arian Ansari Khokhar Khawaja Ansari Masih
23
24 Awan Chidhar Awan Awan Awan Rajput Awan Janjua Bhatti Awan Rajput Joya Masih
25 Awan Theem Awan Awan Awan Qureshi Awan Syed Shawtra Jeweler Awan Khilan Masih
26 Jutt Bhatti Rajput Rajput Rajput Rajput Jutt Jutt Mayo Jutt Jutt Rajput Masih
27 Tiwana Syed Mochi Qureshi Bhatti Mochi
28 Baloch Chauns RAngar Syed Chaudhry Syed Bahsin Baloch Tarkhan Qureshi Sheikh Bhatti
29 Joya Mumk Noon Rajput Joya Joya Joya Kumhar Joya Joya Tarkhan
30 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Gamgoli Machi Chaudhry Mochi Tiwana Kumhar Noorgi Masih
31 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Shawli Shami Tiwana Awan Muslim Sheikh Muslim Sheikh Hajam Mughal Qureshi Masih
32 Rajput Tiwana Rajput Jutt Bhatti Tiwana Burhan Maghi Jutt Tiwana Arian Mughal Masih
34 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Mughal Mughal Mochi Lohar Rajput
35 Syed Awan Miana Bhatti Miana Awan Pathan Phatan Jutt Sheikh - - -
36 Khokhar Khokhar Bandial Bandial Wirk Khaga Bandial Bandial Bandial Baig Pathan Bandial Masih
240
37 - - - - - - - - - Sheikh Sheikh - -
38 Gunjial Khel Gunjial Khel Khel Arian Hajam Arian Gunjial Gunjial Gunjial Gunjial Masih
39 Arian Arian Awan Lohar Khel Arian - - - Baloch - - -
40 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Dhudhar Awan Awan Baloch Awan Tiwana Arian Tiwana Arian -
41 Arian Arian Juiya Arian Arian Pathan Arian Arian Arian Arian Rajput Arian Masih
42 Salhal Rajput Kalyar Dhoon Olukh Chena Khatema Sheikh Sheikh Rajput Sheikh Sheikh Masih
43 Baghor Rajput Baghor Khera Baghor Rajput Rajput Baghor Khatema Qureshi Rajput - -
44 Rahdari Jumat Jumat Wadhal Bomb Phalwan Raja Yahwar Dhodha Yahwar Rahdari Rahdari
45 Sagho Waghra Sagho Sagho Chan Waghra Kartana Raja Jhara Sagho Waghra - -
46 Baloch Sagho Pathan Baloch Pathan Kalyar Kalyar Kalyar Bhatti Kalyar Kalyar Kalyar
47 - - - - - - - - - - - - -
48 Baloch Jura Baloch Juiya Sher Astar Baloch Jura Jura Sheikh Baloch Jura -
49 Baloch Juiya Awan Baloch Juiya Dhut Mughal Awan Sheikh Mughal Rajput Sheikh -
50 - - - - - - - - - - - - -
51 Awan Chena Awan Syed Yahwar Mithar Arayan Gujar Bhatti Rajput Rahdari Them -
241
APPENDIX D
Provincial Assembly Results (1937-2008)
PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position
Landowner 1937 Khizar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1
Landowner 1937 Sikandar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1
Sargodha 1937
Muhammad Hayat Khan
Noon Noon Others Unionist 1
Sargodha 1937 Allah Bukhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1
Sargodha 1937 Syed Nawazish Ali Shah Syed Others Unionist 1
Sargodha 1937
Hayat Muhammad
Qureshi Qureshi Others Unionist 1
Bhulwal 1946 Fazal Haq Piracha Piracha Others
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1946 Malik Mumtaz Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1946 Khizar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 2
Sargodha 1946 Allah Bukhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1
Sargodha 1946 Qalndar Shah Syed Others
Muslim
League 2
Shahpur 1946 Sultan Ali Nagiana Nagiana Others Unionist 1
Shahpur 1946
Muhammad Hayat
Qureshi Qureshi Others
Muslim
League 2
Khushab 1951 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1951
Fateh Muhammad
Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1951 Habib Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana
Jinnah
Awami
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1956 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1956
Fateh Muhammad
Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana
Muslim
League 1
Khushab 1956 Habib Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana
Jinnah
Awami
Muslim
League 1
PW-60 1962
Malik Sarfaraz Khan
Awan Awan Awan Convention 1
PW-60 1962 Sultan Ali Nangina Nangina Others Convention 2
1965
Malik Muhammad Aslam
Khan Awan Awan Awan
Convention
Muslim League 1
242
PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position
PW-62 1965 Muhammad Ali Awan Awan Awan
Convention
Muslim
League 1
PP-36 1970 Muhammad Azam Awan Awan PPP 1
PP-36 1970 Qadir Yar Khan Lak Others Independent 2
PP-37 1970
Malik Muhammad
Akram Awan Awan PPP 1
PP-37 1970 Muhammad Ali Tiwana Tiwana
Council
Muslim
League 2
PP-38 1970 Khaliq Dad Bandial Bandial Bandial
Council
Muslim
League 1
PP-38 1970
Mehmood ul Hassan
Khan Awan Awan PPP 2
PP-37 1977
Malik Dost Muhammad
Awan Awan Awan PPP 1
PP-38 1977 Malik Sultan Awan Awan Awan PPP 1
PP-39 1977
Malik Muhammad Azam
Khan Awan Awan PPP 1
PP-40 1977
Malik Muhammad
Anwar Khan Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana PPP 1
PP37 1985 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed Awan Awan IND 1
PP37 1985
Malik Muhammad Akbar
Khan Awan Awan IND 2
PP38 1985 Shujah Muhammad Khan Baloch Baloch IND 1
PP38 1985 Atta Muhammad Gunjial Gunjial IND 2
PP39 1985 Sikandar Hayat Khan Baloch Baloch IND 2
PP33 1988
Malikk Muhammad
Bashir Awan Awan Awan 1
PP33 1988
Malik Mukhtar Ahmed
Awan Awan Awan
2
PP34 1988
Malik Khuda Bukhsh
Khan Tiwana Tiwana 1
PP34 1988 Sardar Shuja Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2
PP35 1988
Dr. Captain Muhammad
Rafique Arain Others 1
PP35 1988 Khan Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2
PP33 1990
Malik Mukhtar Ahmed
Awan Awan Awan 1
PP33 1990
Malik Muhammad Javed
Awan Awan Awan 2
243
PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position
PP34 1990
Malik Khuda Bukhsh
Khan Tiwana Tiwana 1
PP34 1990
Sardar Shuja Muhammad
Khan Baloch Baloch 2
PP35 1990
Malik Khuda Bukhsh
Wadhal Tiwana Tiwana 1
PP35 1990 Khan Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2
PP33 1993
Malik Mukhtar Ahmed
Awan Awan Awan 1
PP33 1993
Mr. Iftikhar Hussain
Awan Awan Awan 2
PP34 1993
Alhaj Malik Saleh
Muhammad Gujial Khokhar Others 1
PP34 1993
Malik Khuda Bukhsh
Khan Tiwana Tiwana 2
PP35 1993
Dr. Captain Muhammad
Rafique Arain Others 1
PP35 1993 Muhammad Ejaz Aahir Aahir Aahir 2
PP33 1997 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed Awan Awan 1
PP33 1997
Malik Muhammad Javed
Awan Awan Awan 2
PP34 1997 Muhammad Hayat Utra Uttra Others 1
PP34 1997
Malik Khuda Bukhsh
Khan Tiwana Tiwana 2
PP35 1997 Tasawar Ali Khan Pathan Others 1
PP35 1997
Malik Muhammad
Rafique Naich Naich Others 2
PP39 2002
Malik Muhammad Javed
Iqbal Awan Awan Awan PML(Q) 1
PP39 2002
Malik Mukhtar Ahmed
Awan Awan Awan NA 2
PP40 2002
Malik Saleh Muhammad
Gujjal Gunjial Gunjial NA 1
PP40 2002 Karam Elahi Bandial Bandial Bandial IND 2
PP41 2002 Muhammad Asif Malik Awan Awan PML(Q) 1
PP41 2002
Malik Muhammad Abdul
Rehman Tiwana Tiwana IND 2
PP42 2002 Muhammad Waris Kallu Joyia Joyia IND 1
PP42 2002
Sardar Shuja Muhammad
Khan Baloch Baloch PML(Q) 2
PP39 2008
Malik Muhammad Javed
Iqbal Awan Awan Awan IND 1
244
PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position
PP39 2008 Faisal Aziz Awan Awan PML(Q) 2
PP40 2008 Karam Elahi Bandia Bandial Bandial IND 1
PP40 2008
Malik Hassan Nawaz
Gujjal Gunjial Gunjial IND 2
PP41 2008 Muhammad Asif Malik Awan Awan IND 1
PP41 2008
Malik Muhammad Ehsan
Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2
PP42 2008
Malik Muhammad Waris
Kallu Joyia Joyia IND 1
PP42 2008 Syed Zulqarnain Shah Syed Others IND 2
245
APPENDIX E
National Assembly Results(1962-2008)
Halqa Year Name Biradari Biradari~ Party Position
NW-
29 1962 Zakir Qureshi Qureshi Others IND 1
NW-
29 1962 Fateh Muhammad Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2
NW-
42 1970 Babu Karam Bukhsh Awan Awan
Council
League 1
NW-
42 1970 Nasim Ahmed AAahir Aahir Aahir PPP 2
NW-
43 1970 Mian Zakir Qureshi Qureshi Others
Council
League 1
NW-
43 1970 Malik Najib Ullah Borrna Others PPP 2
NA-
53 1977 Karam Bukhsh Awan Awan Awan PPP 1
NA-
53 1977 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan
National
Alliance 2
NA-
54 1977 Nasim AAahir Aahir Aahir PPP 1
NA-
54 1977 Qari Abdul Sami Gunjial Gunjial
National
Alliance 2
NA-
53 1985 Malik Nasim Ahmed Aahir Aahir IND 1
NA-
53 1985 Aziz ul Haq Qureshi Qureshi Others IND 2
NA-
54 1985 Muhammad Naeem Khan Awan Awan IND 1
NA-
54 1985 Alhaj Karam Bakhsh Awan Awan Awan IND 2
NA-
51 1988
Malik Muhammad Naeem
Khan Awan Awan IJI 1
NA-
51 1988 Malik Mian Sultan Awan Awan Awan PPP 2
NA-
52 1988
Malik Khuda Bakhsh Khan
Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 1
NA-
52 1988 Nasim Ahmed Aheer Awan Awan IJI 2
NA-
51 1990
Malik Muhammad Naeem
Khan Awan Awan IJI 1
NA-
51 1990
Malik Muhammad Bashir
Awan Awan Awan IND 2
NA-
52 1990 Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IJI 1
246
Halqa Year Name Biradari Biradari~ Party Position
NA-
52 1990
Sardar Shujah Muhammad
Khan Baloch Baloch PDA 2
NA-
51 1993 Malik Naeem Khan Awan Awan PML(N) 1
NA-
51 1993 Malik Bashir Awan Awan Awan PPP 2
NA-
52 1993 Sardar Shujah Khan Baloch Baloch PML(N) 1
NA-
52 1993 Malik Ghulam Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana PML(J) 2
NA-
51 1997 Malik Umer Aslam Awan Awan PML(N) 1
NA-
51 1997 Tanveer Sultan Awan Awan Awan IND 2
NA-
52 1997
Sardar Shuja Muhammad
Khan Baloch Baloch PML(N) 1
NA-
52 1997
Malik Ghulam Muhammad
Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2
NA-
69 2002 Sumaira Malik Awan Awan NA 1
NA-
69 2002 Malik Umar Aslam Awan Awan PML(Q) 2
NA-
70 2002
Muhammad Saifullah
Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 1
NA-
70 2002
Malik Muhammad Shabbir
Awan Awan Awan PML(Q) 2
NA-
69 2008 Sumaira Malik Awan Awan PML(N) 1
NA-
69 2008 Umer Aslam Khan Awan Awan IND 2
NA-
70 2008 Malik Shakir Bashir Awan Awan Awan PML(N) 1
NA-
70 2008
Malik Muhammad Ehsan
Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2