ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES FOR NEWLY ARRIVED LATIN AMERICANS IN LONDON:
Assessing barriers, skills and needs
Report prepared for Celebrating Enterprise - City University and the Carnaval del
Pueblo Association
October 2007
Centre for Enterprise and Economic Development Research (CEEDR) Middlesex University The Burroughs London, NW4 4BT 020 2411 6563 E-mail: [email protected]
1
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.……………………………………………………………………………………3
1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 4
1.1. Latin America: ‘a migrant-producing factory’................................................................................ 4
1.2. Latin America and the United Kingdom .........................................................................…………6
1.3. ‘Others’, ‘strangers’, ‘unaccounted for’ ..........................................................................…………8
1.4. Aims ...............................................................................................................................…………9
1.5. Methodology ..................................................................................................................…………9
1.6. Profile of the sample ....................................................................................................…………10
2. ASSESSING CONDITIONS OF ENTRANCE TO THE LABOUR MARKET...................…………14
2.1. Reasons for coming to the UK .....................................................................................…………14
2.2. Formal education levels and skills ...............................................................................…………15
2.3. English proficiency .......................................................................................................…………16
2.4. Immigration status........................................................................................................…………17
3. ACCESSING EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES..........................…………19
3.1. Main activity .................................................................................................................…………19
3.2. Main occupation...........................................................................................................…………20
3.3. Job-seeking strategies .................................................................................................…………21
3.4. Employment conditions and rights ...............................................................................…………22
3.5. Conditions of entrance to labour market reconsidered ................................................…………26
3.6. Self-employment and enterprise ..................................................................................…………28
4. ASSESSING TRAINING NEEDS....................................................................................…………33
4.1. Experience of personal development activity in Britain................................................…………33
4.2. PDA needs...................................................................................................................…………34
4.3. Latin culture, PDA and socio-economic opportunity ....................................................…………36
4.4. Delivery model .............................................................................................................…………37
2
4.5. The role of migrant organisations ................................................................................…………40
5. POLICY IMPLICATIONS ................................................................................................…………45
REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................…………48
APPENDIX 1.......................................................................................................................…………50
LIST OF MIGRANT ORGANISATIONS..............................................................................…………51
3
Acknowledgements and Disclaimer The study on which this briefing paper is based was conducted by Leandro Sepulveda. It was funded by Celebrating Enterprise through the European Social Fund Equal Programme. The funding bodies accept no responsibility for any information provided or views expressed. The author gratefully acknowledges Celebrating Enterprise partners City University London and Carnaval del Pueblo Association for the support received to this project. Our gratitude also goes to all the Latin American organisations which participated in the study and, most importantly, to the fifty two Latin American ‘amigos’ and ‘amigas’ who kindly collaborated with the study. Support in recruitment and data collection was provided by July Camacho Castillo and Marcelo Gabriel Baños (research assistants).
4
ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES FOR NEWLY ARRIVED LATIN AMERICANS IN LONDON: ASSESSING NEEDS AND SKILLS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Latin America: ‘a migrant-producing factory’
A long history of economic, political and institutional ‘disasters’ has transformed the Latin American
continent from being a region of immigration1 to a region of emigration, especially from the 1980s
onwards when Latin America (LA) turned into a ‘migrant-producing factory’ (El País, 12/10/2005).
Hence it is said that Latin America is ‘on the move’. In 2005 there were approximately 25 million Latin
American and Caribbean citizens living overseas. This is equivalent to thirteen per cent of the
worldwide total migrant population, and 5 million more than in the year 2000, with most countries in
the region having more than half a million of their citizens living abroad (ECLAC, 2006). While the
United States is the preferred country of destination for most ‘Latino/a’ immigrants (approx 18 out of
the total 25 million reside in the USA), Europe has recently become an attractive point of destination
for newer members of the expanding ‘new Latin Nation’ (Portes, 2004). Recent studies revealed that
around the year 2000, an estimated total of 3 million Latin American and Caribbean nationals left the
region and settled in countries other than the US, with Europe being one of the main reception areas
(ECLAC, 2006; Pellegrino, 2004).
Latin American migration to Europe and especially to Southern European countries such as Spain and
Italy - both countries with historical economic, political and cultural ties to LA - has grown dramatically
in the last decade (Pellegrino, 2006). Spain is the second-largest country of destination for Latin
American immigrants after the US (ECLAC, 2006; Pellegrino, 2004), with a total of approximately 1.1
million documented migrants in 2006 (35% of the total 3,021,808 foreign population living legally in
Spain towards the end of 2006), mainly from Ecuador, Colombia, Peru, Argentina, Dominican
Republic and Bolivia (Gil, 2005). It is estimated that between 2000 and 2005 the Latin American
population in Spain alone increased sixfold (Gil, 2005; Torrado, 2005). According to Pellegrino
(ECLAC, 2006), Latin immigrants have made up almost half of all foreign nationals entering Spain
since 2000. Likewise, Latin American and Caribbean migration has diversified in terms of countries of
destination and other European countries such as Portugal, Switzerland, Sweden, and the United
Kingdom, are now part of the geography of the rising international Latin American diaspora (ECLAC,
1 Millions of immigrants from South European countries including Spanish and Italian migrated to the ‘the new world’ from the nineteenth until the mid-twentieth centuries.
5
2006; Pellegrino, 2004). Caribbean migration to the UK however has a distinct history, and does not
follow the LA pattern.
A combination of ‘pull’ and ‘push’ factors, in the context of globalising North/South relationships, has
fuelled the increasing flows of Latin American migration to Europe. Among ‘pull’ factors that attract
Latin Americans to Europe the most obvious are the tightening of immigration controls and visa
regimes in the US after 11 September 2001, the development of Latin American social-migratory
networks in several parts of Europe, and the demand for migrant labour by many EU countries - which
results in amnesties (for example in Spain) or diverse visa regimes (in the UK) for foreign workers.
‘Push’ factors stem from recurrent economic crises, and political and armed conflicts which plague
Latin America. Broadly speaking, contemporary flows of Latin American migration have been divided
into two different trajectories of migration. The first relates to those who have fled their countries due
to political persecution, torture, kidnapping, and killings, as a result of dictatorial right-wing military
regimes in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay in the 1960s and 1970s, and armed conflicts in
Central America in the 1980s (i.e. Salvador and Nicaragua) and Colombia, from 1990s until present.
These are known in Latin America as ‘political refugees’.
The second and most important trajectory of migration relates to those Latin Americans who leave
their countries in search of better economic opportunities, known in LA as ‘economic refugees’. This
trend has a long history deepening dramatically following the ‘external-debt crisis’ of 1982, which
wiped out economies from Mexico to Chile, and the neo-liberal economic policies which since then
have been imposed by the ‘Washington Consensus’ throughout LA. Liberalisation, deindustrialisation,
privatisation and the hollowing-out of the state apparatus resulted in the so-called ‘lost decades’ where
unemployment, poverty and social injustices raged. Argentineans (2001-2002), Ecuadorians (1990s),
Peruvians and Bolivians (late 1990s and 2000s) are examples of the most recent ‘casualties’ of neo-
liberal policies. Despite the latest improvements observed in LA’s macro-economy, which in The
Economist’s words ‘is starting to transform social conditions with astonishing speed’ (18/08/2007), the
exodus of Latin Americans continues as inequality in income distribution and political/armed conflicts
continue to dictate the rhythms of production of this ‘migrant-producing factory’ (approx 38.5% of
people remain poor according to ‘optimistic’ national definitions). In reference to the UK case,
Mcllwaine (2007:8) is therefore right in pointing out that ‘Latin Americans have migrated to the UK for
a range of reasons relating to an intersection of political freedom and economic opportunity’.
The distinction between ‘political’ and ‘economic’ refugees is a highly controversial one. In fact,
political and economic reasons fuelling Latin American migratory flows are inevitably intertwined and
6
cannot be explained without reference to each other. This said, political refugees from Latin America
are in general more politically active and hold higher levels of formal education and/or skills in
comparison to economic immigrants. This has resulted not only in different trajectories of integration in
refuge countries, notably in the labour market, but also in different trajectories of institutional
development (i.e. establishment of migrant organisations). Furthermore, the fact of being officially
granted ‘refugee’ status in some EU countries confers special rights to immigrants (i.e. access to
different forms of public support) which make the trajectories of socio-economic integration necessarily
different than those deployed by ‘pure’ economic immigrants i.e. to access employment and enterprise
opportunities in host societies. Hence, although at times artificial and politically controversial, the
distinction does matter especially in the countries like the UK.
1.2. Latin Americans and the United Kingdom
The origin of Latin American ‘migration’ to the UK can be traced to the latter period of the Spanish
colonisation of the new continent (1780s to 1800s) when the sons of the ‘criolla’ aristocracy would
travel to England to study in British art, science or military academies while lobbying for the
independence of the colonies from the Spanish crown. Strong financial and trading ties were created
with London following the independence of the Latin American colonies during the first half of the
nineteenth century which gave rise to an intense flow of diplomats, intellectuals and business people
to London from Latin America (Miller, 1998). In the aftermath of the World Wars and the Great
Depression, trans-Atlantic trade declined but London, as well Paris and increasingly the US, continued
to be a popular destination for privileged members of the Latin American upper classes.
It was not until the 1960s and 1970s that the concept of migration as such was introduced to describe
the arrival of Latin Americans in the UK. Unlike the previous period, Latin American migration gained
political momentum as a result of the consecutive waves of South Americans who sought asylum in
London (Argentineans, Brazilians, Chileans, Uruguayans and then Colombians). Refugee pro-
democracy/ human rights activists worked in solidarity with local trade unions, political parties and civil
and religious movements. The same period saw the establishment of a Latin American migrant
institutional framework. The Campaign Against Repression in Latin America (CARILA) and Casa
Latino Americana were created in 1977, the Latin American Women’s Rights Service (LAWRS) in
1978, and the Chile Democrático, which became the Indo-American Migrant and Refugee
Organisation (IRMO) in the early 1990s once democracy returned to Chile (Mcllwaine, 2005; 2007).
Thus the socio-economic background of new arrivals changed dramatically in comparison to previous
periods in which only privileged members of the dominant classes visited London. ‘Political refugees’
7
were generally members of the middle and working classes and therefore better reflected the
condition of the majority of migrants from developing countries to wealthier Northern economies as an
economically vulnerable and ‘needy’ population. Arguably, social and economic diversification among
Latin American immigrants has become even more evident in the last decade or so as a result of
increased flows of ‘economic immigrants’ from the most diverse nationalities which have recently
entered the UK, more noticeably Brazilians, Ecuadorians, Peruvians, and lately Bolivians (Carlisle,
2006; Mcllwaine, 2007). It is important to highlight that, among these groups of new arrivals, many,
including Colombians, are choosing to enter the UK illegally, which is partly due to the tightening of
migratory controls by the Home Office and the high rate of refusal of asylum claims (Mcllwaine, 2005;
2007). Another aspect to bear in mind is the feminisation of recent flows of Latin American migration to
the UK and elsewhere, which should be understood as a gendered response to economic hardship in
the continent, which has affected women the most (Gil, 2005; Pellegrino, 2004).
As a consequence of the combination of past and recent developments the Latin American community
has began to re-shape itself and redefine its character as one of London’s new/emerging Black and
Minority Ethnic (BME) communities (Finella, 2005; Spence, 2005). In response to mounting demands
generated from within the community most Latin American ‘political’ organisations created in the
1970s have evolved into service-provider organisations (Mcllwaine, 2007), typically providing advice
and support to individuals on issues such as English language (ESOL classes), migration, housing,
benefits, health and care, and domestic violence, besides the organisation of social and cultural
events. New institutions have been established, including Latin newspapers (Noticias Latin America,
Express News, and Brazilian News), websites, radio programmes, religious groups, and religious
festivities. Entrepreneurship is also rising with many small businesses developing since the early
1990s (i.e. restaurants, cleaning companies, remittances and shipping houses, grocers, hairdressers,
clothing retailers, and Salsa nightclubs). Enterprise developments have also given rise to the
establishment of a dedicated Latin American development agency which provides business advice to
entrepreneurs in London (Latin American Development Association –LADA).
Cultural and artistic events are also booming. The Carnaval del Pueblo (Latin America People’s
Carnival), which takes place every August in Burgess Park (South London), is the largest Latin
American outdoor event in Europe. Attendance has grown significantly from 4,000 people in 1999 to
more than 130,000 in 2007 (Metropolitan Police).
1.3. ‘Others’, ‘strangers’, ‘unaccounted for’…
8
One of the most contentious debates among migrant organisations, and in the limited literature
available on the Latin American community in London, is that of its size. This research does not
attempt to unravel this mystery. As Mcllwaine (2007:6) recently put it in her report on the Latin
population in London, ‘the simple answer is that no one knows’ – just as no one in the British
government knows the number of East European immigrants and asylum seekers living in Britain.
Estimates vary enormously from source to source and so do ‘guesstimations’ among the Latin
organisations consulted. They range from official estimates based on the 2001 census, which
calculate that approximately 46,000 nationals from Latin American countries reside in the UK, to
700,000-1 million according to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office report on Latin America (FCO,
2007).2 What it is widely accepted however is that the Latin American population in the UK is growing,
diversifying, concentrating in London, and seems to be here to stay.
The gap that exists between the smallest and largest estimates reflects not only a problem in the way
in which statistics on migration are collected but one with deep political and economic connotations.
Understanding the latter is as important as knowing how many Latin Americans actually reside in the
UK. Firstly, it is widely accepted that there is a high proportion of undocumented and individuals in an
‘irregular’ migratory situation within the Latin community, who do not appear in official Home Office
statistics (Mcllwaine, 2005, 2007; IRMO, 2006; Carlisle, 2006). Some Latin organisations put the figure
of ‘sin papeles’ (people without papers) at anywhere from 40 to 60 percent of the total population.3
Secondly, it is has been said that the Latin community is an ‘invisible’ community (Mcllwaine, 2007).
This invisibility relates to different factors. These include language barriers, lack of a permanent
address (which make them undetectable for census or survey purposes) (IRMO, 2006), and the
statistically irrelevant numbers of Latin Americans registered on local electoral registers (which
migrant organisations claim makes them politically negligible for local MPs despite the high
concentration of Latin Americans in some London boroughs). There is also the fact that Latin
Americans do not constitute a separate statistical category for the Home Office, being designated
instead as ‘other’ (IRMO, 2006; Mcllwaine, 2007).
2 A recent Labour Force Survey in June 2006 estimated that since 1997 there were 18,000 Colombians (a substantial increase from 8,000), 25,000 Brazilians (an increase from 4,000), 4,000 Argentineans (an increase from 3,000), and 1,000 Chileans (a decline from 2,000) (Mcllwaine, 2007). Recent studies on specific national groups of Latin Americans in London however contested this LF survey citing much higher figures. Colombians are estimated at 50,000-70,000 (Guarnizo, 2006) to 150,000 (Mcllwaine, 2005); Ecuadorians between 30,000 to 75,000 (James, 2005); and Bolivians between 15,000 to 20,000 (Sveinsson, 2007). More surprising were figures provided by a recent Foreign and Commonwealth Office report on Latin America which estimated that there are between 700,000 to 1,000,000 Latin Americans ‘visiting or living’ in the UK, including 200,000 Brazilians (the largest group); 140,000 Colombians; 70,000 to 90,000 Ecuadorians and 10,000 to 15,000 Peruvians (FCO, 2007:5). 3 This figure is consistent with estimations in the US where half of the 18 million Latin and Caribbean immigrants are undocumented (Pellegrino, 2006).
9
Finally, there is the issue of the patterns of insertion into the UK labour market and the place that Latin
Americans occupy in what some have referred to as London’s new ‘migrant division of labour’ (May et
al, 2007, cited in Datta et al, 2007). Immigrants from Eastern Europe and less developed third world
countries, including Latin Americans, are a major new source of cheap labour for London’s expanding
low-wage economy which, as this report claims, seems to ‘submerge’ the Latin population further into
the obscurity of antisocial working hours, anonymity in most jobs they carry out, and the shadowy trap
of informalisation and the ‘cash-in-hand’ economy.
1.4. Aims The aims of this study are:
• To investigate patterns of insertion of Latin new arrivals into London labour markets and the
strategies pursued and assets mobilised to access the labour market.
• To examine the main barriers faced by Latin new arrivals in accessing job opportunities and
‘decent work’ – as defined by the International Labour Organisation (ILO, 1999; 2002).4
• To identify the main training and skill development needs of Latin Americans and to determine
which are perceived as a potential means to overcome these barriers.
• To explore the nature of an ideal delivery model aimed at supporting Latin American immigrants in
order to improve their prospects in the UK labour market and analyse the role that migrant
organisations can and do play within this model.
• To make policy recommendations to migrant organisations, local authorities and policy makers for
reaching and engaging more effectively with Latin immigrants and supporting them to access
better job opportunities.
Finally, the study must be seen as part of the recent interest observed among academics and
practitioners in London and beyond in this fast-growing, yet very under-researched community.
1.5. Methodology
The research methodology comprised the following elements:
• A review of existing academic literature on Latin American migration and other secondary sources
of information. 4 ‘Decent work’ relates to the aspirations of people in their working lives. It involves opportunities for work that are productive and deliver a fair income, security in the workplace and social protection for families, better prospects for personal development and social integration, freedom for people to express their concerns, organise and participate in the decisions that affect their lives and equality of opportunity and treatment for all women and men.
10
• Semi-structured interviews with 52 Latin ‘new arrivals’ were completed between July and August
2007 which sought to target the most isolated individuals. ‘New arrivals’ is understood here as
those individuals who entered the UK between 1997 and 2007.
• Nationals from nine Latin American countries were sampled. The methodology sought broadly to
represent the different national groups according to their size (Colombians and Brazilians and then
Ecuadorians being the largest groups); years since arrival in the UK (Peruvians and especially
Bolivians being the more recently settled groups); and recently observed demand from services
provided by Latin American organisations (Brazilian and Bolivian new arrivals being the groups
that are generating more pressure on the system according to most organisations).
• Data was collected in Spanish, Portuguese and English as appropriate, using in-depth interview
techniques. A semi structured questionnaire was administered via face-to-face interviews.
• A range of purposive sampling methods were used. These included visiting areas with high
concentrations of both Latin immigrants and businesses such as Lambeth and Southwark (South
London), Seven Sisters (North London), and Willesden Green (North-West London); and
identifying Latin people in places of work, especially in Central London. Snowballing techniques
were also an important strategy used for accessing the target group (including referrals from
interviewees, church groups, and businesses). This study avoided recruiting individuals through
Latin organisations as the focus was on the most institutionally isolated members of this
community.
• In-depth interviews with 13 Latin American organisations, and others serving this community in
London, were also conducted.
• This research also drew upon 10 semi-structured interviews conducted with Latin entrepreneurs in
different parts of London between September and October 2006.
1.6. Profile of the sample
Country of origin
The sample was made up of new arrivals from nine major Latin American countries. It covered the
larger and more established national groups residing in the UK (Colombians and Brazilians) alongside
Bolivians, Ecuadorians, and Peruvians. In order of importance, these included: Colombians (14 cases
in total = 27%); Bolivians (11 = 21%); Brazilians (8 = 15%); Ecuadorians (8 = 15%); Mexicans (4 =
8%); Peruvians (3 = 6%); Argentineans (2 = 4%); and Venezuelans and Chileans (1 case each = 2%).
The sample was largely made up of Spanish speakers (85%) as well as a group of Brazilians (15%)
who speak Portuguese or ‘Brasileiro’ (as some interviewees stated).
11
Figure 1. Country of origin
27
15
21
15
68
42 2
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Colombia
Ecuad
or
Bolivia
Brazil
Peru
Mexico
Argenti
naChile
Venez
uela
Year of arrival in the UK
The large majority of the participants had arrived in the UK during the last ten years (85% of the total)
and belonged to the first generation of immigrants. Those who arrived between 2005 and 2001
represented half of the sample. They therefore fulfil the criteria of ‘new arrivals’ stipulated in the
methodology. All of the Bolivians, Mexicans, and Peruvians in the sample arrived from 2001 onwards
and so did 60 per cent of Brazilians interviewed. Latin American organisations primarily identified
Bolivians and Brazilians, and then Ecuadorians and Peruvians, as the main national groups entering
the UK recently.
Figure 2. Year of arrival to London
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
> 1997 1997-2000 2001-2005 2006-2007
Period
12
Age and Gender
All individuals in the sample were in the economically active age group with younger immigrants (aged
18 to 36) counting for 73 per cent of the total. Age groups were evenly distributed between female and
males. Age subgroups were classified as follows: a) 18-29 (31%); b) 30-39 (42%); c) 40-49 (13.5%);
and d) 49-55 (13.5%). The conventional profile of Latin Americans as young immigrants with no family
or parental responsibilities is reflected in the fact that about 60 per cent migrated alone to the UK.
Some participants said however that they had left children and relatives at home to whom they feel
strongly committed and need to support. The concept of a ‘transnational family’ is often used to refer
to this type of distanced/international family relationships.
Figure 3. Participants by age subgroup
18-2930-39
40-49 >49
05
1015202530354045
%
Age subgroups
Fifty-six percent of the participants were male (29 cases in total) and 44 percent female (24 cases). As
with the total Latin American population in the UK, accurate official statistics on gender within this
community do not exist although it is ‘guesstimated’ that women outnumber men. ‘Under-
representation’ of women in the sample is explained partly because women represent a ‘harder-to-
reach’ group (even for a female research assistant) and partly because the study purposely avoided
recruitment through migrant organisations which are in general visited by women.
Area of residence in London The participants resided throughout London. The main area of concentration was in the South London
boroughs (54% of the sample), most notably Lambeth (namely, Elephant & Castle and surrounding
areas), Brixton, Camberwell and Stockwell, which have traditionally been reception areas for Latin
immigrants. North London Boroughs were the second area of concentration (32%), especially in
Hackney, Islington and Haringey, notably in the Manor House, Seven Sisters, and Finsbury Park
areas. Parts of North-West London, especially Harlesden, Kensal Rise, Willesden Green and Dollis
13
Hill, were also popular (10% of the sample), especially among Brazilian new arrivals. As noted by
some organisations, North-West London is becoming the new ‘Elephant’ (for Elephant & Castle) or
‘Seven Sisters’ for the Latin community and in fact many Latin groups and business developments
such as grocers, coffee shops, and restaurants, have been established recently in this area.
14
2. ASSESSING CONDITIONS OF ENTRANCE TO THE LABOUR MARKET
Four ‘conditions of entrance’ to the UK labour market for Latin American immigrants were analysed.
This study ex-ante assumes that these conditions or accumulated competitive assets play a critical
role in defining the degree of employability of new arrivals in the UK labour market. These were: a)
motivation and attitude toward work, which is highly correlated to the causes that brought immigrants
to the UK; b) level of formal education and skills; c) English language proficiency; and d) immigration
status.
2.1. Reasons for coming to the UK
Over 70 per cent of the participants said that they migrated to Britain for economic reasons (37 cases)
and that they had been attracted by the expectation of finding jobs and better economic opportunities.
This group comprised those immigrants who were specifically attracted by the high salaries paid in the
UK (54%), those who came searching for better opportunities in general (9%), and those who did so to
work while pursuing studies (8%). To a lesser extent, other factors such as asylum seeking (14%),
studying (9%), family/partner reunions (4%), and travel/tourism (2%), were also mentioned as the
main triggers of the migratory process.
Figure 4. Reason for coming to the UK
54
14
49
29 8
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Econom
ic rea
sons
Asylum
Family/
partn
erStudy
Travel &
touri
sm
To tempt
fate
Work & st
udy
It follows that this group of new arrivals can mainly be labelled as ‘economic immigrants’ or ‘immigrant
workers’ and as such they are likely to represent a highly motivated labour force. This view was
15
supported by most organisations interviewed, especially because many new arrivals took out loans
and/or spent most of their savings to cover their costs of migration and therefore, upon arrival, they
quickly needed to deploy income-generating strategies so as to survive in an expensive city like
London. For most, this means there is no option but getting a job.
2.2. Formal education level and skills
High levels of formal education and skills were found among the 52 participants. More than 50% of the
sample were university graduates or those that began, but did not complete, a degree. Engineers,
accountants, dentists, administrators, IT experts, school teachers, etc., were among the group of
highly-skilled immigrants (see Appendix 1). Secondary school and vocational/technical training was
completed by almost all of the other half of the sample (44%). Only a tiny minority had completed only
primary school (4%), which is mandatory throughout the continent.
A number of issues arise in relation to the high levels of formal education observed among Latin
Americans immigrants in London:
• It confirms findings from other studies which suggest that the Latin people migrating to the UK (and
Europe in general) are neither the poorest nor the least well-educated sectors of the population
(Mcllwaine, 2007; Pellegrino, 2001).
• Formal education at school and university was entirely attained (and paid for) in the country of
origin, which supports the ‘brain drain’ thesis identifying flows of qualified human resources leaving
Latin America in search of better economic opportunities elsewhere (Pellegrino, 2001).
• The stock of existing qualifications and skills suggests that there is an enormous economic
potential within the UK Latin American community which, in principle, could be capitalised on by
the UK labour market. Nevertheless, it is widely accepted that formal education and skills are
neither directly nor easily transferable from country to country and from labour market to labour
market.
• However, a note of caution should be placed here in relation to the figure of graduated and
unfinished degrees, as the ‘student condition’ was part of the migratory strategy used by all of
those who entered the UK with a student visa. On questioning, some respondents were vague
about the nature of the professional qualifications attained which suggested that they might not
have been students, especially not university students.
16
Figure 5. Level of formal education
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
Primary school
Secondary school
Vocational/technical
Universityincomplete
University
Postgraduatestudies
2.3. English proficiency
Evidence of basic proficiency in English is arguably one of the most important parts of the portfolio of
assets held by immigrant workers. Unlike Caribbean immigrants, Spanish and Portuguese speaking
Latin Americans find the language barrier something of an ‘Achilles heel’ when migrating to English-
speaking countries. Upon arrival, 81 per cent of the sample had ‘none’ or a ‘very basic knowledge’ of
English. Only 1 in 5, mostly professionals, reported an intermediate level (19%), and nobody claimed
to be fluent in English.
Figure 6. English proficiency
Intermediate19%
Basic
33%
None
48%
17
More surprising perhaps is the fact that some interviewees said that their English had improved little, if
at all, as a result of residing and working in London. As explained below, causes of this relate to the
patterns of social and economic settlement and ‘integration’ of Latin Americans in the capital (see
Sections 3.5 and 4.2).
2.4. Immigration status
Increased diversification of the Latin American population is reflected in the varied menu of
immigration statuses held by participants. In order of importance, they were as follows:
• A quarter of the sample (the largest group) held a ‘student visa’ (25%).
• ‘Undocumented immigrants’ represented the second-largest group (23%). These mainly were
individuals in ‘irregular’ situations such as ‘overstayed’ students and holders of other temporary
visas which had expired at the time of the interview, and who were now pursuing different courses
of action in order to regularise their situation. Stories of individuals entering illegally to Britain were
also mentioned but none of these cases were part of the sample.
• Individuals with British citizenship represented a fifth of the sample (19%).
• The remaining individuals sampled held ‘Indefinite Leave to Remain’ (11%), other types of
temporary work permit (8%), European passports (i.e. Spanish or Italian) (6%), ‘refugee status’
(4%) or were ‘asylum seekers’ (4%) waiting to hear from the Home Office relating to their asylum
claims.
Table 1. Immigration status
Immigration status Frequency Percent British citizen 10 19 Indefinite Leave to
Remain (ILR) 6 11
Refugee 2 4 Asylum seeker 2 4 Work permit holder
(temporary) 4 8
Student visa 13 25 Undocumented/illegal
(overstayed) 12 23
Other 3 6 Total 52 100.0
18
The study thus reveals that about 50 per cent of the interviewees were either not legally entitled to
work (undocumented and asylum seekers) or were able to do so on a part-time basis only (those who
hold a ‘valid’ student visa). This study confirms the belief of academics (Mcllwaine, 2007) and migrant
organisations such as IRMO, CARILA and the Migrant Resource Centre that irregular migratory
situations are a generalised problem among the Latin American population in London.
Large-scale and statistically representative surveys are required in order to assess the exact
dimension of the problem of legality/illegality within the Latin American community and how these
factors impact on economic activity. Case study-based research like this along with information
generated through the migrant organisations allowed us to conclude that the problem not only exists
but is widening and can have devastating effects across the whole process of settlement of this
growing population. Immigration status determines access to health services, education, citizens
advice, accommodation, bank accounts, debit/credit cards, welfare allowances, driving licences, etc.
At another level, insecurity can have devastating psychological effects on individuals, stemming both
from abuse in the workplace by rogue employers (see Section 3.3) and the constant fear of being
detained and deported.
Hence, the conditions of entrance for Latin Americans into UK labour markets are marked by the
interplay of factors that in theory facilitate access to employment opportunities, such as positive
attitudes towards hard work and acceptable levels of qualifications, and others that may hinder it, such
as English proficiency and irregular migratory situations. It follows that policy strategies aimed at
supporting this community should seek to work on both fronts, exploiting opportunities where they
exist (i.e. existing skills) and minimising barriers wherever possible. As shown below, however, the
correlation between these four variables and employment is more complex and requires further
analysis.
19
3. ACCESSING EMPLOYMENT AND ENTERPRISE OPPORTUNITIES
This section considered the actual performance of the Latin labour force in London’s complex and
competitive labour market. Four aspects were examined, including: main activities carried out in
London; main occupation in the case of those who were employed; job-seeking strategies;
employment conditions; and self-employment and enterprise opportunities. By doing so, it also
assessed the extent to which the conditions of entrance to the labour market played a role in defining
the fortune of Latin new arrivals in the UK labour market.
3.1. Main activity
The participants were asked about their main activity in London. Ninety-four percent of the sample (49
cases) said they were employed at the time of the interview either on a full-time basis (56%) (the
largest group by far) or a part-time one (13%). This group also comprised those who were both
employed & students at the same time (23%); and self-employed (2% of the sample). One interviewee
was a full-time student and another was on incapacity benefit. Only one person in the entire sample
was unemployed and is estimated to represent a case of frictional unemployment – which involves
people being temporarily between jobs.
Figure 7. Main activity in London
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Stu
dent
Full-
time
empl
oyed
Par
t-tim
eem
ploy
ed
Une
mpl
oyed
Sel
f-em
ploy
ed
Em
ploy
ed &
stud
ent
Oth
er
%
At first glance, these findings show that in general respondents did manage to find the work for which
they migrated to Britain and that, as a result, their migratory expectations as economic immigrants
have at least partially been realised. This general proposition will help us to understand the
20
relationship that Latin immigrants develop with their source of employment-income in London (see
Section 3.4). Likewise, findings show that English proficiency and immigration status do not constitute
major barriers to finding employment. In this respect, only 11% of the whole sample pointed out that
‘finding a job’ constituted a problem for them upon arrival to the UK. However, the analysis of the
types of employment that Latin immigrants have in London and the employment conditions in which
they work reveal a very different picture.
3.2. Main occupation
Almost the whole sample of immigrants was employed in low-wage industries, filling job vacancies
typical for immigrants from less developed and transition countries in what has been referred to as
London’s ‘migrant division of labour’ (see Datta et al, 2007). In order of importance, these industries
were: cleaning or cleaning supervision (35% of the sample); retail/sales assistants (19%); and the
catering & restaurant trade (19%) (see Appendix 1).
Figure 8. Main occupation in London
Care2%
Nursery / pre-school
2%
Security10%
Self-employed
4%
Catering/restaurant
19%
Sales & Retail19%
Cleaning34%
Other activity10%
Seventy three percent of participants were concentrated within these three economic sectors which
clearly indicates that a factor of sectoral specialisation is operating within this community, which is
likely to determine the pattern of insertion for newly arrived Latin people in London’s labour market.5
5 The findings above differ slightly from other studies on Latin Americans in London, which broadly identified cleaning and
caring (i.e. au pair & nannies) as sectors of concentration of the Latin labour force (see Mcllwaine, 2005, 2007; Sveinsson,
2007). The caring sector was marginal as a main occupation among the respondents of this study. It may be the case that a
process of diversification towards other low-wage industries is taking place but it may also be related to the fact that other
studies recruited people mainly through migrant organisations (which are in general visited by women) and this could have
21
As for national groups, Bolivians and Ecuadorians were predominantly concentrated in the cleaning
industry, which reflects not only their condition as new arrivals but also as a disadvantaged group
within this community. To a lesser extent, new arrivals were employed in security-related activities
(10%) (i.e. as porters or stewards), and two people were self-employed (4%) – mainly ‘portfolio
entrepreneurs’ who work for others and run their own business in parallel. Self-employment and small
businesses are in fact an increasingly attractive income-generating strategy among the UK Latin
population (see Section 3.6).
Sectoral ‘forcible’ specialisation seems to constitute an enduring employment pattern for the Latin
workforce as workers frequently rotate from e.g. jobs in restaurants to cleaning, from cleaning to
sales/retail, and back to cleaning or catering and so on. Proof of this is that the percentage of people
whose first job upon arrival was in cleaning, retail/sales and catering (87% in total) does not differ
much from the 73% still employed in these three sectors at the time of the interview study (although
cleaning was down from 56 to 34 percent of the sample). Hence this pattern of access to and rotation
in the labour market can be seen as a circular ‘trap’ from which only the more entrepreneurial and
fortunate individuals can ‘break out’. Low-wage industries are in turn constantly exposed to tough
competition and displacement of enterprises and workforce (i.e. by cheaper migrant labour from East
European countries or the Balkans).
Retail & sales (up from 8% upon arrival to 19%) was perhaps the only evidence found of Latin people
climbing the ‘job ladder’. In theory, tasks carried out in retail/sales activities require less physical effort
and a better command of English. Becoming a supervisor was in turn the gold standard, and evidence
of ‘social mobility’, for those immigrants who continued to work in the cleaning industry. It must be
highlighted that the numbers of participants involved in cleaning fell from 56 to 34 percent, between
the first and current job positions, which indicates a slight move away from this sector towards other
activities, including retail and sales.
3.3. Job-Seeking Strategies
Participants were consulted in relation to the degree of difficulty in finding work in London, and the
strategies they employed to do so. Experiences of finding jobs were divided into two main groups. The
largest group claimed that finding a job ‘was not too hard’ or ‘was not hard at all’ (56% of the sample).
The second group instead claimed that it was ‘hard’ or ‘very hard’ (44%). Immigration status, English biased the sample. As shown further on, many participants did not know about the existence of Latin organisations nor had
they the time to search for or request institutional support.
22
proficiency and, most importantly, contacts within the Latin American community, explained the
different experiences. As regards job-seeking strategies, Figure 9 shows that the support received
from within the Latin American community was crucial for 72% of the respondents. In particular, 64%
of the sample identified ‘Latin friends’ as the main gate-keepers for facilitating access to employment
in London. This provides further evidence of the pattern of specialisation in terms of employment
opportunities for Latin Americans. Another effective ‘individual’ strategy pursued in searching for
employment was to walk along high streets and ask in shops, restaurants and newsagents (this
secondary strategy accounted for 12% of responses). Job adverts in newspapers, the Internet or Job
Centres were barely considered by the respondents.
Figure 9. Strategies pursued to find job
63
812
2 2
13
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Latin
ofri
ends
Fam
ilyfri
ends
Wal
king
&as
king
on
high
stre
et
New
spap
ers
Inte
rnet
Oth
er
Consequently, circuits of access to employment for Latin Americans in London were first and foremost
determined by the extent and ‘quality’ of the personal networks to which new arrivals have access.
These partly depended upon the nationality and socio-economic background of the person in question
and partly upon individuals’ efforts to appeal to the so-called ‘Latin solidarity’. Notably, Latin American
organisations were not mentioned as facilitators or sources of advice for finding jobs.
3.4. Employment conditions and rights
Several concerns were expressed in the field research by participants and organisations interviewed
in relation to the type of work to which Latin immigrants are drawn in London:
23
Multi-employment
A variety of income-generating strategies to make ends meet each month (also called ‘coping
strategies’) were pursued and having two, three or more jobs was the most common of these
strategies. Hence, the notion of ‘full-time work’ for the participants was one of, literally, ‘being occupied
all the time’ in different jobs instead of ‘having one job on a full-time basis’. Many pointed out that they
worked extremely long hours (ranging from 12 to 20 hours per day); two, three or more shifts,
sometimes starting very early in the morning and finishing late in the evening (notably, in the cleaning
industry), not to mention time spent commuting to employment.
Casual work
The activities carried out lent themselves to casual work and flexible employment arrangements,
notably through subcontracting chains. Subcontracting chains in the cleaning industry often comprise
of a large company (that holds a cleaning contract with a bank, a superstore, a government
department, or a university) and numerous smaller subcontracting companies which carry out the
actual work. Smaller subcontractors often hire Latin American supervisors (among others from
different nationalities) who not only supervise cleaning teams but are responsible for recruitment;
hence recruitment quite often is carried out and channelled through ethno-personal networks. Cases
of small Latino cleaning companies were also mentioned. The Latin American Development
Association (LADA) estimates that there are more than 80 registered small cleaning companies
owner-managed by Latins (see Section 3.6).
It is important to highlight that this model does not necessarily means employment instability and
insecurity. On consultation, 52% of the participants claimed that their jobs were ‘secure’ (or very
secure); this response appeared evenly distributed across the cleaning, retail/sales and catering
sectors.
Migrant ‘minimum wage’ and employment rights
Wages were on average around or below the National Minimum Wage (£5.35 per hour for those aged
22 and over at the time of interview) and well below the Living Wage for London estimated at £7.20
(Living Wage Unit, GLA, 2007). Participants complained about the general lack of respect of basic
employment rights such as annual leave and sick leave, let alone pensions. Even some workers with
valid work permits were neither aware of their rights nor exactly sure if they were working on- or off-
the-books. As expected, employment rights were not a major ‘contractual’ concern for undocumented
workers as they were not officially entitled to them. Instead their main worries were, firstly, getting paid
at the end of the week/month the amount they expected to get and secondly trying to keep the job
after that period. Several cases of abuse or exploitation were reported. Most strikingly was the case of
24
participants who did not get paid as agreed or were sacked by the employers without any warning or
explanation. Abuses of this nature however were not only a problem confined to those who work
‘cash-in-hand’ but also to those formally employed (PAYE registered).
Undocumented work and the ‘cash-in-hand’ economy
A number of irregularities which facilitated undocumented workers accessing London’s labour market
were reported. These included the use of the same National Insurance numbers, bank accounts, and
passports by different individuals which were borrowed, hired or purchased among migrant networks.
These irregularities must be seen as a part of the circuit of informality, informalisation, and illegality
observed within this and other new/emerging BME communities. Some individuals pointed out that
although control of documentation by employers is getting stricter, many do not request further
information about the authenticity of the documentation provided by potential employees. It must be
said that, in this particular case, not complying with regulations and falling within a continuum of
irregular employment arrangements is a consequence of working in the cash-in-hand economy, not its
cause, as frequently claimed by mainstream commentators and the media (Sepulveda and Syrett,
2007).
Life beyond work
The hard-going and exploitative work regime pictured above leaves immigrant workers little if any time
and energy for families, leisure and social life. Weekends (if free at all) were mainly regarded as
recovery time so as be able to cope with the hard week ahead. The negative effects of this work
regime were multiple. Children who have practically grown up on their own and partners who do not
see much of each other were reported to be generating all sorts of difficulties, such as children with
serious behavioural problems, truancy and drug using or selling, alongside family break-up.
Opportunities to make friends were also regarded as very rare, especially for older immigrants with
families (40 per cent of the participants claimed that they did not have many friends in London and 19
percent said they had none at all). A widespread feeling of sadness among Latin immigrants was
hinted at in field research and was largely the product of emotional instability generated by the
situations described above. This often led to anxiety and depression; many participants claimed to
know undocumented Latin people suffering from psychological distress and not having anywhere to go
to seek advice and help. Both the lack of trust in mainstream organisations such as NHS hospitals and
the language barrier, lay beneath this problem.
It has been said that women adapt more quickly than men to these circumstances and the cultural
change as they accessed jobs in London which they did not necessarily access in their countries
(Mcllwaine, 2007). Employment conferred on women greater economic independence and therefore a
25
higher status which has empowered them substantially placing them in a dominant role within
relationships where traditionally ‘machista’ cultures prevailed. Again, this issue and the complexities of
cultural adaptation to new roles and circumstances were mentioned as a source of conflict between
partners and family break-up.
Degree of satisfaction The views that economic immigrants hold about their jobs while working abroad does not always
reflect the type of work they carry out nor the work conditions that they face. It rather reflects the fact
that they are actually employed (a ‘luxury’ that many did not enjoy back home) and that, good or bad,
the job allows them to pay the bills, possibly leaving enough to save and send money home. Up to 80
per cent of the participants reported sending money home either ‘regularly’ or ‘sporadically’ (the
largest group). On consultation, 50 per cent of the participants had a generally positive view and were
satisfied about the job that they had, while another 20 per cent considered it as ‘very satisfactory’. In
contrast, only 20 percent considered their current job as ‘unsatisfactory’ and 10 percent as ‘very
unsatisfactory’. A higher degree of satisfaction was only evident from individuals working in the retail
and sales sector.
Figure 10. Degree of satisfaction
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
Highlysatisfactory
Satisfactory Unsatisfactory Veryunsatisfactory
Therefore, a combination of ‘dignity’ connected with the fact of being employed and contributing to
society, ‘resignation’ with regard to the job carried out (since better opportunities are rarely available),
26
and the economic impossibility of taking time off of work to search for better job opportunities,
underlay the perpetuation of situations like those described above.
3.5. Conditions of entrance to the labour market reconsidered
Immigration status
The evidence above shows that access to labour markets, and the working conditions to which many
Latin immigrants are exposed are crudely related to immigration status. Some participants claimed
that they felt powerless and unable to complain about unfairness in the workplace for fear of being
denounced and deported. The choice is often between facing the police, or turning a blind eye,
quitting, seeking work in the next cleaning company or restaurant, and getting on with it until the next
tricky situation arises.
The legal/migratory issue is without doubt a strategic area of work for migrant organisations that work
with the UK Latin American community, although it is an extremely challenging one. Organisations
such as IRMO, CARILA and the Migrant Resource Centre use their limited resources to advise and
support undocumented people and others so as to help them to regularise their situation. However,
pressure on migrant organisations is mounting and in many cases there is nothing they can do but
support political campaigns for the softening of visa regimes for immigrant workers or a general
amnesty. Having said this, findings revealed that immigration status is by no means the only barrier
that Latin American new arrivals face in accessing better and ‘decent’ job opportunities.
English proficiency
The English language did not represent a major barrier to access for the type of work which Latin
people commonly carried out in London. As noted by some participants and Latin organisations, one
does not need to speak much English to clean an office or do the dishes in a restaurant. In fact, if you
happen to be an undocumented worker, the less you talk and the more ‘invisible’ you are the better
and safer for your employer (who may breaking the law), for your colleagues (who may also be in an
irregular situation), and for yourself.
Furthermore, an estimated 50 to 60 percent of the participants shared the workplace with fellow Latin
Americans and the language used to communicate with each other was Spanish or Portuguese, not
English. This helps to explain why some individuals in the sample did not improve their English much
after some time living and working in ‘Londres’. Some people even noted that they had developed
language skills so as to ‘standardise’ their Spanish and learned new Spanish words in order to
communicate with other fellow Latins from different national groups. Thus, it can be said that London’s
27
new ‘migrant division of labour’ is determined not only by the ‘migrant condition’ of immigrant workers
but also by their ethnicity and language.
A vicious circle therefore may arise here regarding potential training programmes aimed at improving
English skills, as English does not stop people from gaining employment and both legal and
undocumented workers often see each other doing similar jobs and working under similar conditions.
Latin ‘role models’ with a good command of English and job-related social mobility are rare in the low-
wage industries where most Latin immigrant workers generally socialise.
Interestingly, in response to a question concerning daily problems derived from their level of English,
58 per cent of the respondents claimed that language affects them, either ‘frequently’ (27%) or
‘sometimes’ (31%). Most responses made direct reference to job-related language barriers, including
the lack of capacity of individuals to stand up for themselves in the face of unfair situations or being
unable to go and talk to managers, citizen advisors, and regulators to seek advice and thus defend
their rights. Inability to fill in forms and complain (verbally or in writing) about issues such as utility bills,
taxes, fees, etc., were also pointed out. This suggests that potential English (ESOL) programmes
targeting Latin Americans should try to address practicalities and everyday life issues like those
above.
Figure 11. Language barrier
It does affect frequently
27%
It does affect sometimes
31%
It doesn't affect42%
Education level and skills
A similar pattern as with English skills is evident with regard to education and skill levels. No matter
the experience of education or training they had in their countries of origin, once in the UK Latin
28
Americans will probably gain employment in cleaning, retail/sales, catering, security jobs, and the like.
As shown in Appendix 1, from the three qualified dentists on the list, one was employed as a part-time
steward, another as a cleaner and the last as a waitress. Similarly, an accountant and a forestry
engineer (with postgraduate degrees) were employed as cleaners and an electronic engineer as a
kitchen assistant. That is to mention but a few examples of the profound underutilisation of human
resources. Not surprisingly, 86 per cent of the participants claimed that the formal education and skills
they had gained in their home countries was not very useful in obtaining employment in the UK.
The roots of this problem are multiple and affect all immigrants, particularly from non-EU migrant
communities. Qualifications attained beyond the EU frontiers account for little in the UK and are rarely
officially recognised. Irregular immigration status may also deter people from applying for official
recognition of qualifications as this requires proof of identity, a valid visa, and processing through
official circuits which undocumented immigrants tend to avoid. There is also the language barrier
which, nonetheless, applies mostly to some migrant BME communities (notably, from the less
developed world), as well as ‘unspecified’ factors which some participants and migrant organisations
associated with discriminatory or racist practices that they had experienced.
The fact that professional/qualified immigrants were frequently forced into entering low skilled sectors
of employment (a de-skilling process) has had huge psychological side-effects, as the confidence and
self-esteem (and high status) enjoyed in their countries of origin diminishes, and they find themselves
at the bottom of the labour market.
3.6. Self-employment and enterprise
Latin American entrepreneurship and enterprise development in London dates back to the late 1980s
and early 1990s and was the result of two simultaneous and intertwined processes. On the one hand,
the increasing numbers of Latin Americans entering the UK in that period (especially Colombians)
and, on the other, structural changes occurring in post-industrial economies through which the
tendency to externalise and subcontract services within the public and private sectors became
prevalent.
Increasing numbers of LA migrants generated a set of demands for products and services to serve the
needs of this emerging community. Call centres (which then turned into Internet cafes) and money
transfer or ‘remittance’ shops, along with grocers, eateries, and shops selling Latin food, crafts, music
and videos, were the first business activities established. In time, the concentration of the Latin
population in certain areas of the capital encouraged small businesses to cluster, notably in Brixton
29
(‘Boulevard centre’), Elephant & Castle, Seven Sisters (Seven Sisters Market also known as ‘El
Pueblito Paisa’), Holloway Road, and more recently Willesden Green. Nowadays, enterprise activity
has diversified towards a wide range of products and services such as coffee shops, restaurants,
hairdressers, ‘shipping’ and ‘remittance’ shops, fashion retailers, and salsa nightclubs. The Latin
American Development Association (LADA), which has provided business advice to start-up
entrepreneurs since 1984, estimates that there are around 60 to 70 Latin cafés, eateries and
restaurants in London. Personal services including childcare (nannies), domestic cleaners, salsa and
Spanish teachers, musicians, beauticians and mobile traders such as plumbers, builders, home
maintenance, and ‘man with a van’, have also developed. Most typical goods are supplied to Latin
businesses by a small group of wholesale import/export companies which import directly from Latin
America, Spain and the US. LADA estimates that overall the wholesale sector is controlled by no more
than 10 companies.
Irregular and illegal business activity was also reported in field research (i.e. GPs and dentist
surgeries, and drug selling, especially among the youngest in the sample), although such activities
were not covered by this study.
The second process (the trend towards subcontracting within the public and private sectors) had a
direct boosting effect on the establishment of small subcontracting enterprises among the Latin
population, most notably in the cleaning sector. LADA estimates that there are more than 80
‘registered’ small cleaning enterprises owner-managed by Latin Americans, either on their own or in
partnership with a British partner. Many others are believed to be operating entirely in the informal
‘cash-in-hand’ economy. The cleaning sector deserves special attention here as arguably it constitutes
the single biggest employer of the Latin workforce in London.
Small ‘ethnic’ cleaning companies are generally subcontracted by local SMEs, which are
subcontracted by larger companies which in turn hold cleaning contracts with banks, finance
companies (notably, in the City), government departments, universities, underground, superstores,
schools, hospitals, and the like. As reported by LADA, the majority of the Latin small subcontracting
enterprises are owned-managed by Colombians. Over time, however, Ecuadorians, Peruvians and
Bolivians have also learnt the trade and have become entrepreneurs themselves. Spin-offs are quite
common in this sector as displacement pushes enterprises to bankruptcy and former cleaning
supervisors often take over existing contracts and cleaning teams by establishing their own
enterprises. As seen in Section 3.2, employees are women and men from throughout Latin America
and the less-developed world. The size of enterprises varies but typically small cleaning enterprises
comprise of 2 or 3 fulltime administrative staff, the owner, and 20 to 30 cleaners who are normally
30
subcontracted weekly, working 10 or more hours per day in shifts, and getting paid on average £5 to
£5.50 per hour, although supervisors get paid higher rates.
According to LADA’s managers and other organisations interviewed, Colombians are regarded as the
most ‘entrepreneurial’ national group among the Latin population and some areas of concentration of
Latin businesses like Seven Sisters and Elephant & Castle are often referred to as ‘little Colombia’ or
‘Colombian towns’. As Latin immigrants diversify, however, business ownership does as well. It follows
that nationals from Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru are now also part of the emerging Latin business
community.
As for legal aspects, the majority of these enterprises operate as Sole Traders or micro-enterprises,
the latter with an average of three to five employees. Compliance with tax duties and business
regulations is frequently regarded as a complex matter as many small owner-managers seem
unaware of regulations (i.e. Health & Safety) and rarely issue employment contracts to their
employees. It also appears that registration and compliance with tax and regulations comes largely
after, and not before businesses break even. Many small entrepreneurs share commercial premises
(i.e. in Seven Sisters Market and Brixton) and some operate as ‘multi-businesses’6, which allow them
to reduce substantially fixed costs and so survive in the market place (Sepulveda et al, 2007). LADA
estimated that more than 50 per cent of Latin businesses can be regarded as ‘survivalists’ as profits
for most businesses rarely exceed the £61,000 VAT payment threshold. As noted earlier, some
entrepreneurs are ‘portfolio entrepreneurs’, that is, they are partly self-employed and, in order to break
even and keep their business venture afloat, they are also employed on a part-time basis (i.e. in
cleaning companies).
As for the entrepreneurs’ profile, in general they had little if any business knowledge/training before
start up and were unaware of regulations and registration procedures. The majority of them were
employed in different activities and saved money for many years (at least four years on average) until
they decided to become self-employed. Like many small BME businesses, the difficulty that small
Latin enterprises have in findings new markets and ‘breaking out’ of ethnic niches in which they often
operate was identified as one of the main barriers for business growth by the group of 10 Latin
entrepreneurs interviewed. Market dependency, tough competition, and high levels of displacement
6 Multi-businesses comprise groups of two or more entrepreneurs who trade different products or services under the same roof (typically in one commercial premises on the high street), but only one of them appears on the papers or is registered as a business owner (i.e. the Leaseholder). This person is accountable for paying taxes, obtaining licenses and paying overheads. The other entrepreneurs share overheads, rent, taxes, etc. by informal arrangement, but they are not legally bound to do so. Internet cafes, which also operate as call centres, mobile phone accessory shops, coffee shops, and PC repair shops, fall into this category.
31
among Latin and other BME businesses, perpetuated situations of both informality and economic
survival as described above. As pointed out by LADA, only the most entrepreneurial individuals or
those who saw the real economic potential of their ventures are likely to leave shared business sites
(which are known as ‘galerías comerciales’ or ‘small shopping malls’) so as to re-locate to their own
high street premises. This transition may in turn imply getting properly organised and managed as a
business since overheads (i.e. Lease, rent, and utility bills) and exposition to inspections and
regulations increase substantially.
Most of the entrepreneurs in the sample fitted the model described above. The majority of them did
not have previous business experience in the UK (some had it back home) and were ‘pushed’ into
entrepreneurial careers as it was seen as a better economic alternative; i.e. a way out from cleaning or
other low-paid jobs and to tackle (overt or perceived) discrimination in the labour market. As regards
constraints that Latin entrepreneurs faced, major barriers to growth identified were poor or non-
existent marketing strategies, lack of business information and advice, and inaccessibility of
conventional sources of finance (i.e. bank loans). ‘External barriers’ to small businesses growth, such
as access to information and bank loans, seemed not only to be the result of ‘discriminatory’ practices
against Latin businesses (i.e. by bank managers or mainstream business support agencies) but also
the result of ‘internal barriers’ associated with the entrepreneurs’ own managerial skills i.e. poor book-
keeping practices, and lack of separation between personal and business monies.
Evidence also showed that some entrepreneurs have learnt (often by trial and error) and turned their
businesses into more efficient organisations. Support and advice received by professionals (notably
accountants) from within the community and organisations such as the Latin American Development
Association has proved critical for their learning curve and entrepreneurial careers in London.
The future of the Latin American business community is however uncertain. LADA estimates that the
projection for Latin businesses is mixed. Some sectors are increasingly saturated and business
displacement by other BME businesses which are better equipped managerially and financially is quite
common (i.e. grocers, coffee shops, Internet cafes, money transfer houses). Other sectors such as
Latin delicatessens (traditional products and restaurants) and notably the so-called creative industries,
may perform better should entrepreneurs in these sectors improve their business skills and learn ‘how
the system works’ in Britain. Opportunities in the creative industries associated with the ‘Latin culture’
are considered to be enormous but yet, for the time being these are just latent opportunities.
The emergence of Latin entrepreneurs from among the second generation and professionals who
have been educated in Britain (i.e. accountants and solicitors) may give the Latin business community
32
a huge boost, as has occurred within other new BME business communities (Sepulveda et al, 2007).
They critically combine Latin ‘ethnic knowledge’ with local knowledge, and therefore know how the
system works and how it can be positively exploited. Business support targeted at BME businesses
hardly reached the Latin American business community although organisations such as LADA and the
Association of Community Based Business Advice (ACBBA) are currently generating strategies to
build bridges between mainstream business support agencies and Latin American entrepreneurs.
Second generation entrepreneurs or those who were partly educated in the UK (i.e. at university level)
may facilitate the construction of bridges with the mainstream as well as the injection of new and
modern business ideas within the Latin American business community.
33
4. ASSESSING TRAINING NEEDS
This section sought to identify needs and potential demand for formal training and skills development
programmes expressed by the participants of this study, and to place such needs and demands in the
context of insertion of the Latin population in the London labour market. The concept of Personal
Development Activities (PDA) was used throughout this section to refer to classes, courses, and
training programmes. Five elements were examined: previous experience of training in Britain; training
needs (analysed from the demand-side standpoint); Latin culture and employment and enterprise
opportunities; delivery model for a potential PDA aimed at Latin Americans; and the role of Latin
support organisations.
4.1. Experience of PDA in Britain
Participants were asked whether they had completed or undertaken any PDA since their arrival in the
UK, in order to assess such an experience and see how it could be improved. Seventy-five percent of
the sample (39 cases) responded that they had never undertaken any PDA; no statistically significant
difference was found in this regard by age, gender or nationality - though Bolivians were perhaps the
least proactive national group regarding PDA. As shown in Figure 12, the reasons given for not having
taken up any class, course or training programme were as follows: ‘lack of time’, the single most-
mentioned deterrent factor (23% of the cases); ‘high cost’ (13%); ‘lack of information’ (8%); and ‘other’
reasons (i.e. unsuitable venue location) (5%).
Figure 12. Deterrent factors
13%
23%
8%
51%
5%
High cost (3rd) Lack of time (2nd)
Lack of information (4th) Two or more listed reasons (1st)Other (5th)
34
Most importantly, it was the combination of these three factors which principally deterred Latin
Americans from undertaking PDA (51% of the total). Not having spare time to attend PDA did not
come as a surprise as most people worked extremely long (and antisocial) hours (see Section 3.4). As
for financial resources, the opportunity cost of investing existing savings in PDA was considered to be
too high – it would have prevented people from being able to send money home or taking a short
holiday. In the unlikely event of having spare time and cash available, respondents knew neither what
nor where courses or training were available. Finally, location of venues also acted as a deterrent
factor in London due to high costs of public transport and long and time-consuming commuting
distances.
General English classes were the preferred PDA undertaken among the 25 per cent of the participants
who had basic experience in the British educational system. In second place came more technical
training such as payroll calculation, health & safety, and food hygiene, especially amongst the self-
employed and workers in the catering sector. Single mentions were given to courses in employment
rights, book-keeping, business & management, IT, first aid, and more artistic or ‘creative’ subjects like
script writing and popular music.
As regards the degree of satisfaction with PDA undertaken, it was in general very positive although
some complaints were heard in relation to the quality of available English classes (courses provided
by Local Authority colleges were delivered by non-native English speakers) and the fact that most
qualifications issued were not recognised by relevant bodies.
4.2. PDA needs
Participants were consulted in relation to a list of ten possible PDAs which a) they felt they needed in
order to improve their chances of getting better jobs and b) they were prepared to sign on to if PDA
were offered to them by or through a migrant organisation (see Table 2). It must be noted that this was
a very difficult question to answer for some participants who neither were thinking of pursuing PDA in
the feasible future at the time of the interview nor saw a relationship between PDA and access to
better job opportunities. In fact, the research assistants who administrated the questionnaire felt that it
actually was a rather inappropriate question to ask people who were going through extreme hardship
in life conditions. Hence findings below should be read with caution.
35
Table 2. Training needs Type of training a) Order of
Importance (%) b) Interest in signing in (%)
• English language • University / professional • Business & administration (e.g. taxation, payroll, book
keeping, marketing) • Computer, IT, internet • Community support, charity work, volunteering • Technical / Vocational (e.g. plumber, electrician, chef, care,
beauty, hairdresser) • CV writing & interview practice • Job seeking strategies • Latin culture, art & traditions (e.g. music, dance, craft, food,
carnival) • Secondary school, colleges
1st 2nd 3rd
4th 5th
6th
7th
8th
9th
10th
22 17 11
11 9 9
7 7
5 2
2nd 1st 3rd
4th
5th
6th
7th 8th
9th 10th
20 21 11
10 10 8
7
6.5
6.5 ------
Total 144 100 108 100 Three different subgroups of responses became evident by counting the frequency of mentions to
PDA listed in question ‘a’ (144 in total) and, to a lesser extent, in question ‘b’ (108):
1st group: English classes and university degrees or equivalent professional training were the most
appealing for the participants (around 20 percent out of the total number of mentions in each case).
2nd group: Business & administration, computers & IT, community support & volunteering, and
vocational & technical training came out in second place (10 percent of the mentions in each case).
3rd group: CV writing & interview practice, job seeking strategies, Latin culture, art & traditions, and
secondary-level education were the third level of PDA mentioned.
Although responses to this question should be treated with caution, findings did shed light on the
nature of labour market-oriented PDA which would be more appealing to the needs of Latin American
new arrivals.
As for the first group, incentives to undertake general English classes were high among the
participants but not as high as was expected in this process of consultation. University degrees or
equivalent professional training did not come as a surprise due to the high percentage of participants
with ‘unrecognised’ (and therefore frozen) or incomplete university degrees. Helping professionals to
36
both gain the relevant conversion of qualifications and obtain professional employment should be seen
as a key area of need.
The second group (practical/technical skill development programmes) demonstrated a clearer degree
of definition about what people would like to do and why. Business & administration, IT courses, and
vocational training were mainly seen as a realistic route out of cleaning work and, potentially, as a
route into self-employment and enterprise. Community support, charity work & volunteering was in
turn regarded as a very appealing alternative to access more gratifying jobs since, should they find a
job in a community-based organisation, they could support other people in need, including fellow Latin
American immigrants. As regards the third group, writing CVs or preparing interviews was generally
considered a practical issue which often is ‘sorted out’ through friends or family.
4.3. Latin culture, PDA and socio-economic opportunity
The study was particularly interested in analysing Latin culture as an economic asset since lately there
has been a growing interest in it within British media and society. This interest is for example reflected
in the rising attendance figures at Latin events in London such as the Carnaval del Pueblo and the
Cuban Carnival, as well as other expressions of Latin culture such as salsa classes, nightclubs, and
traditional eateries. Such activities have the potential to turn into job and enterprise opportunities for
Latin Americans in the diaspora and therefore they should be part and parcel of any institutional
strategy aimed at supporting this community.
Figure 13. Interest in Latin artistic and cultural activities
Yes, definitely18%
Not sure19%
Not at all35%
Don't know5%
Yes, maybe23%
37
Participants were consulted about whether they would be interested in getting involved in cultural
activities associated with the Latin community such as carnival organisation and floats, design of
costumes, music, and other artistic expression and cultural traditions. As seen in Figure 13, two main
groups of responses were collected. The first group was more inclined to get involved in Latin
activities (41% in total) and the second (and largest group) was more inclined to avoid participation in
such activities (54% in total). Having said that, it is important to highlight that from all PDA and
activities mentioned to the participants during interviews, culturally related activities were those that
attracted the highest level of interest among the respondents. Given the time restraints that people
generally had beyond work, the high degree of interest in cultural activities reported should be seen as
an opportunity to be explored by Latin and or other organisations which are looking to provide services
targeting the Latin population.
Latin culture can also serve as a catalyst and means to boost people’s self-esteem and sense of
belonging. However, a lot more needs to be done in order to both inform the target group about who is
doing what, where and when, and to encourage them to get involved in such activities. An example of
this gap of information which apparently exists between the Latin population and migrant organisations
is the fact that 29 per cent of the sample had never heard about Carnaval del Pueblo, 34% had heard
of the carnival but never attended, and only 37% had heard and attended at least once.
Understanding people’s attitude to Latin events such as the Carnaval del Pueblo was also important in
learning how new arrivals build and negotiate their ‘Latin identity’ in multicultural London. Opinions and
views of individuals who had heard of or attended Carnaval del Pueblo (26 in total) were as follows: a
very positive opinion about the whole event was expressed by the largest group (72% of the sample),
who said they enjoyed all of the Latin cultural and artistic activities which took place (i.e. music, dance
and food) and that the event turned into an opportunity to relax, see old friends and celebrate their
Latin roots. A mixed (19%) or negative (9%) opinion about the carnaval was expressed by the second
group (28% of the total). Some participants questioned the organisation of the event (especially the
fact that there were not many activities aimed at integrating the different ‘national’ groups) and the fact
that they felt that the Latin culture was somehow trivialised i.e. because there was too much alcohol
and party/business-driven activity and little about other things like Latin folklore, literature, and poetry.
4.4. Delivery model
Participants were consulted regarding the outlook that they had with respect to an ideal course,
training or skill development programme, considering issues such as location of venue, timing, costs,
language, and provider. Concerns expressed previously in relation to costs and venues dominated the
38
responses collected from the entire sample (see Figure 14). PDA supplied for free or at a very low
cost was the single most-mentioned factor as an ideal requirement (20% of the sample). Accessibility
in terms of timing and location was in turn the second main requirement (13%). Weekends and
evenings and convenient/central venues, were two of the main elements of accessibility. PDA
delivered using practical English was the third ideal requirement (10%). The fact that PDA should be
given by qualified persons and that diplomas should have official accreditation came fourth (6%). The
combination of two or more of these factors was the main requirement for almost half of the sample
(46% of the total).
Figure 14. Ideal PDA
3%20%
6%
13%10%1%1%
46%
Don't know Free or very low cost (2nd)High quality / given by professionals Time/location accessible (3rd)In English & practical English (4th) Official accreditation/certificateIn Spanish Two or more listed (1st)
As for the ideal provider of PDA programs targeting the Latin population, participants were given three
options to choose from: a) Latin organisations; b) Latin organisations along with English partner
organisations; and c) English organisations alone. Interestingly, 85 per cent of respondents stated the
need of an English organisation to be involved in organising and/or delivering PDAs, either as a
partner of a Latin organisation (50% of the sample) or acting on its own (35%) (see Figure 15). Only
15 per cent of the entire sample considered that Latin organisations on their own were the ideal
provider, mostly suggesting cultural affinities and that they could speak in their mother tongue
(Spanish or Portuguese).
Participants pointed out that only through the involvement of an English organisation could the quality
standard that they expected from an ideal PDA be ensured. In this sense, a group of participants
hinted at or claimed that they did not trust Latin organisations and this view was held amongst some of
those whom had never approached nor knew of the existence of such organisations.
39
Figure 15. Ideal PDA provider
15
50
35
05
101520253035404550
Latin organisation Latin organisationwith English org.
Englishorganisation
Partly this related to the fact that some participants (especially undocumented immigrants) felt
neglected by migrant organisations and partly due to the fact that Latin organisations are often seen
as linked to or controlled by one specific national group, which may be subjected to stereotyped
beliefs. The origin of these views often stem from internal conflicts or divisions that may exist within
the UK Latin American population (i.e. between employers and employees or among house mates
from different nationalities) and stereotypes among neighbouring Latin American countries.
Overall, this finding represented a strong message for Latin organisations which may be trying to
evolve and adapt to operate in the context of the new millennium. Two main factors are at the centre
of this claim. The first is mass migration of Latin immigrant workers to London and the emergence of
both older and second generation immigrants, which implies new demands on the institutional support
framework and, secondly, weaker political/institutional anchors of the new Latin population (notably in
relation to 1970/1980 refugees), which makes it much harder for migrant organisations to reach and
engage with this population. Furthermore, these factors should be seen operating in an economically
demanding and increasingly adverse political context for new economic immigrants; both competition
for job positions in low-wage industries is becoming tougher and tougher (notably owing to the flow of
a cheaper labour force from East European countries), and migration controls are becoming stricter
and stricter for non-European nationals.
40
4.5. The role of migrant organisations
As noted in the introduction to this report, migrant organisations constitute one of the pillars and
‘founders’ of the Latin community in the UK, and especially in London, where most of them are based.
In turn, a substantial part of the public support targeted at this community is actually channelled
through these organisations. The intention of this study was not to asses the overall role that
organisations play in supporting the settlement process of Latin Americans in Britain, be they
generalist service providers, national-group based, political or cultural ones. Instead, the intention was:
a) to explore the potential role that new arrivals see migrant organisations playing regarding service
provision; b) to assess their perceptions about organisations and the services that they provide; and c)
to examine how these perceptions fit into wider discussions regarding employment and enterprise
opportunities for the UK Latin population.
Figure 16. Service provision by Latin organisations
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
No answer
English courses / ESOL
Legal & migratory advice
Housing & accomodation
Welcome package for new arrivals
Job opportunities & job hunting
Access to benefits
Integration activities & local culture
Access to education & training
None
Late question Early question
Service provision
This section began by consulting participants about services or activities that they would like
organisations to deliver to Latin immigrants - beyond training needs and access to the labour market.
In order to control potential sources of bias, this question was asked prior to and after the round of
questions regarding labour market issues (initially as an open-ended question and then based on a list
of suggested responses).
41
In the early stage of the interview: priority was given to the supply of ‘welcome packages’ for new
arrivals and to ‘legal and migratory advice’ (15% of the sample in each case). A welcome pack should
comprise of information and guidance relating to immigration laws and rights, housing, employment
opportunities, public benefits, health services, etc. Legal & migratory advice in turn should include not
only general advice regarding immigrants’ chances of legalising their situation but the following up of
legal cases in court, etc. Services related to accessing job opportunities and education (schools for
children), English classes, and cultural and sport activities targeted at the Latin community were
mentioned in second place (approximately 10% of the responses in each case).
In the later stage of the interview: After participants were consulted in relation to their prospects in the
labour market, responses collected varied, substantially in some cases, and slightly in others. Legal &
migratory advice was by far the main priority given in relation to institutional support (33% of the
cases) and mentioned twice as much as in the earlier stages of the interview. English classes came
out second and also increased from 10% to 17% of the sample. This helped to confirm the important
role that both factors play in determining access to better socio-economic opportunities for this migrant
population. Interest in a welcome package for new arrivals reduced substantially (from 15% of the
sample to just one case), as did interest in activities assisting integration into British society. Interest in
services relating to access to benefits such as health services (GPs and hospitals) and schooling
increased while access to education and training and job opportunities maintained similar responses.
Finally, the percentage of participants that claimed that Latin organisations should provide no services
at all also reduced.
Priorities given to the action of Latin organisations through this process of consultation should not be
seen however as fixed demands/needs but as dynamic and changing through time. The key to
unlocking the dynamic nature of real needs and potential demands of services upon the institutional
support framework seems to be determined by the length of time that immigrants have resided in the
reception country and the political and economic environment relating to migration in that country, a
dynamic which also changed through time. The former has been captured by this study while the latter
represents a matter for an entirely different research project.
42
Main problem: upon arrival and at the time of the interview The study attempted to capture the view of the participants in relation to the main problems that they
had to face in two different stages of their migratory trajectory, upon arrival to Britain and at the
present time. It must be highlighted that judgments analysed below were in general the result of a
combination of problems or obstacles which people had or have to face rather than one problem in
particular.
• The majority of the participants stated that the ‘language barrier’ (English language) was the main
problem that they had had to face upon arrival (52% of the total) and they still have to face after a
period of time living in Britain (26% of the total – the largest group). However, the percentage of
respondents that expressed this view as a current problem reduced to half of the sample.
• Accessing suitable accommodation (15%) and finding a job (12%) came out in second and third
place respectively as arrival problems (suitable was defined as affordable, good quality, and
reasonable location).
• Although still an issue for 8 percent of the sample, accessing suitable accommodation was less of
a problem now than it was upon arrival for 15 percent of the participants.
• Finding employment opportunities was identified as the second main current problem by 23 per
cent of the sample (up to approx 50% upon arrival). It must be noted however that the exact
phrasing of the current problem was ‘access to better job opportunities’ and ‘improvements in work
conditions’ rather than finding jobs per se (as expressed upon arrival).
Table 3. Main problems in London
a) Problems upon arrival % % b) Current problems English language 52 26 English language Legal situation 7 8 Legal situation Housing & accommodation 15 8 Housing & accommodation Finding a job 12 23 Finding ‘better’ job & employment rights
Old issues Arising issues
Discrimination & racism 2 2 Home sickness High living cost 6 8 Adaptation to local culture & integration Access to school & doctor 2 17 Others (benefits, high living costs, food) Local culture 2 8 None Work conditions 2 --- 100 100
• Interestingly, ‘the legal/migratory issue’ only came out in fourth place as a current problem (8% of
the sample), along with other issues such as accommodation/housing and high living costs, and its
weight barely changed from arrival (7% of the sample). Most recent Latin migrants to the UK
43
entered with a student visa and therefore many had valid documentation until that visa expired.
Presumably, immigrants in this condition did not have major legal/migratory problems upon arrival
but that would have changed dramatically as visas expired and requirements to obtain work
permits got tougher (23% of the participants of this study were undocumented at the time of the
interview).
• This report argues that a combination of resignation as regards irregular migratory situations, and
the fact this has not stopped them from getting jobs, explains the fact that legal/migratory issues
were not seen as a major problem.
• There were also a number of issues that appeared on both occasions such as access to benefits
(mainly health & schools) and discrimination, although the main difference was perhaps that what
was previously a concern about the high living costs of London became a concern about problems
of adaptation to local culture and integration into British society.
• Finally, people pointed out that they had no major problems at all (8% of the sample).
The distinction between ‘upon arrival’ and subsequent ‘adaptation’ problems may therefore serve to
enable the design of services targeted at specific groups (i.e. by age, gender, year of arrival, socio-
economic background, family situation, employment sector, etc.).
As analysed below, however, there are another set of factors and circumstances that the system of
institutional support would need to address before designing specific support instruments and
initiatives.
General perceptions
Participants were requested to rate the role that Latin organisations played in advising, guiding, and
supporting new arrivals. As expected, the majority of participants claimed to have no idea about the
activities developed by migrant organisations and could not comment on their role (56%). However,
negative and very negative perceptions dominated the opinions given by the second largest group
(44%), some of whom had approached organisations. Specifically, their role in this sense was
considered ‘very unsatisfactory’ (21% of the total) or ‘unsatisfactory’ (15%), and only 6 per cent of the
participants expressed a positive view in this sense.
The reasons given to support this claim varied significantly. Some respondents said that organisations
were under-resourced and overstretched by demand, which affected their whole management and
delivery capacity. Others complained about the fact that they only supported ‘legal immigrants’
(notably, refugees), and others even claimed that organisations were corrupt. It must be said that
44
these negative statements contrasted with the rather positive and enthusiastic view gathered by the
author while visiting several Latin organisations and talking to their clients.
Figure 17. Degree of satisfaction with migrant organisations
56%
2%4%
17%
21%Doesn't know
Highly satisfactory
Satisfactory
Unsatisfactory
Very unsatisfactory
Participants were also consulted as to whether they a) had received any support from Latin
organisations (i.e. advice, guidance or training) and, b) were somehow involved in or had participated
in activities organised by the organisations. Forty-eight out of 52 participants (92% of the sample)
pointed out that they had never received any support and about 80 per cent said that they had never
been involved or participated in any activity organised by Latin organisations. Out of the 6 people who
did receive institutional support, churches or religious groups from within or related to the Latin
community, were the main providers. Similarly, activities organised by church or religious groups were
the most attended among the 20% of the sample who were involved or participated in Latin activities.
Church and religious groups were practically the only institutional tie that most participants had with
the Latin community in London. Church and religious groups (especially Catholic and Protestant-
evangelical) may therefore be seen as effective gate-keepers and eventually partners of policy
strategies aimed at gaining access to and engaging with the most isolated and perhaps needy groups
of the Latin population residing in the UK.
These responses suggest that migrant organisations should try to develop activities which improve
their image in the wider community. Most organisations recognised that, although they know and
(eventually) talk to each other, they rarely carry out collective actions or cooperate in joint projects,
though this may be a good way to advertise services and reach a wider range of people.
45
5. POLICY IMPLICATIONS
This study examined different aspects that help to understand the patterns of insertion of the Latin
American workforce in the London labour market, based on a process of consultation with fifty-two
Latin immigrants and thirteen migrant organisations. Overall, three intertwined levels of institutional
intervention should be addressed in order to both improve work and settling conditions for the Latin
American population in London and also attain the recognition by government, policy makers, and
society that this community deserves. The first level concerns political-institutional actions to defend
immigrants’ human and economic rights in the UK. The second level comprises actions aimed to
improve conditions of access to better job opportunities for Latin workers in the UK labour market. The
third level refers to those actions aimed at improving general settling conditions for the UK Latin
American community as a whole.
Political-institutional actions
Evidence demonstrated that structural conditions associated with what has been referred to as
London’s new ‘migrant division of labour’ seemed to play a far more decisive role in defining the types
of economic and occupational opportunities for the Latin population in Britain than do formal
education, training and skills. Therefore, it seemed that accessing better and ‘decent’ job opportunities
beyond the vicious circle of employment in low-wage industries depended not only upon improving
English proficiency and obtaining legal migratory status (two major barriers among Latins in London),
but upon the change of structural conditions. Radical changes in this sense are unlikely to occur in the
foreseeable future and the reasons may lie in the fact that there are influential public and private
vested interests which benefit from the status quo; namely, cheap and flexible labour, and
conformist/low-profile undocumented workers who are not recipients of welfare benefits. This, and not
their English proficiency, is what makes Latin Americans ‘invisible’ in the public eye vis-à-vis other
groups, such as Polish workers.
Collective political action by Latin organisations could for example raise awareness of this situation, so
as to denounce what is actually happening on the ground level for newly arrived economic immigrants.
This may help to generate a political consensus so as to influence policy makers to intervene in
improving employment conditions of immigrant workers trapped in the accessible but exploitative
London migrant economy. Campaigns for information and outreach work with the whole Latin
community are therefore required in order to generate awareness regarding employment rights and
strategies to contest unfairness in the workplace. The political actions undertaken by the Association
of Latin American Workers (ALAW) set up in 2004 by the Transport and General Workers’ Union
(T&G) to unionise Latin cleaners and campaign for the observance of the National Minimum Wage
46
and employment rights in low-wage industries are remarkable in this sense. More controversially,
some organisations also highlighted the need for supporting human rights campaigns to defend the
‘right to stay for all’ (i.e. ‘Strangers into Citizens’), amnesties to regularise irregular workers, and
initiatives which denounce the forthcoming new ‘Points-Based System’.
At the level of London Boroughs, official recognition of the Latin community by local authorities should
also be a central part of any strategy aimed to support the UK Latin population. Individual strategies by
some Latin organisations have succeeded in obtaining support from the local authority (i.e. in Lambeth
and Southwark) but collective action is needed so as to make that public support accessible and
customised to the needs of the wider community. The London Development Agency’s current interest
in the Latin American community as a result of a co-operation agreement signed by the Mayor with the
Venezuelan government in 2007 should be seen as an opportunity for collective action for the Latin
American constituency in London.
Labour market actions
Drawing upon this process of consultation, the needs for training and skill development programmes
among Latin workers and small entrepreneurs as well as the nature of a potential delivery model of
such programmes were also assessed. Evidence collected from field research suggested that actions
taken in the following areas are most likely to attract the interest of the Latin population:
√ English classes oriented towards problem-solving and practical issues √ Facilitating access to university studies or equivalent professional training and job opportunities
for qualified professionals √ Business & administration courses for employees and would-be entrepreneurs √ Computers & IT training √ Community support & volunteering qualifications √ Vocational & technical training √ Latin arts and cultural courses associated with the creative industries
It was also evident that the delivery model should carefully observe the restrictions existing among the
Latin population in terms of time, costs and location. Addressing the time constraints derived from the
long hours of work to which immigrant workers are subjected is central to providing the necessary
conditions for effective training and skill development programmes aimed to Latin workers. The quality
47
of PDA supplied and official recognition of diplomas issued were also part of an ideal delivery model
envisaged by its potential clients. Both requirements were in turn directly associated with the
participation of British organisations in the design and delivery of a PDA program alongside Latin
organisations.
Community-level actions
The process of consultation also demonstrated that a different approach to institutional support should
be taken when it comes to supporting the general needs of the Latin population in London. Different
areas of institutional action were recommended from the process of consultation. Latin organisations
were seen as playing an important role in different aspects of the settlement of the Latin population in
London. However, if organisations are to become part and parcel of an extended programme of
institutional support then they will have to change general perceptions about their role and inform the
community more effectively about actions and initiatives offered. Key areas of institutional action
included:
√ English (ESOL) classes (practical issues) √ Accommodation & housing (welcome information pack) √ Legal & migratory services (welcome information pack) √ Finding jobs and accessing better job opportunities (employment services) √ Access to health services & schools for children (welcome information pack) √ Activities to promote adaptation to the local culture and integration into British society √ Cultural and sports activities targeted at the Latin community as a whole, not by nationality √ Psychological assistance for couples, families, children, and individuals in need
48
REFERENCES
Carlisle, F. (2006) Marginalisation and ideas of community among Latin American migrants to the UK, Gender and Development, 14(2):235-245. Datta, K., C. Mcllwine, Y. Evans, J. Herbert, J. May and J. Wills (2007) From coping strategies to tactics: London’s low-pay economy and migrant labour, British Journal of Industrial Relations, 45(2):404-432. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (2006) International Migration, Human Rights and Development in Latin American and the Caribbean, ECLAC, Santiago Chile. Economist, The (2007) Latin America’s new middle class, August 18th – 24th 2007. El País, Diario (2005) América Latina es también fábrica de emigrantes, 12th October 2005. Finella, G. (2005) London Country of Birth Profiles: An analysis of census data, Data Management and Analysis Group Briefing 2005/2. Greater London Authority, GLA, London. Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) (2007) Latin America to 2020: A UK Public Strategy Paper, FCO, London. Gil, S. (2005) Periféricos a la conquista de la metrópolis: Panorámica sobre las (in)migraciones latinoamericanas en España. Paper presented at the Seminario sobre Estrategias de integración social de los inmigrantes latinoamericanos, Universidad de Murcia, Murcia, 3-4 November 2005. Greater London Authority (GLA) (2007) A Fairer London: The Living Wage in London, GLAECONOMICS, Living Wage Unit, GLA, London. Guarnizo, L. (2006) Londres Latina: La presencia colombiana en la capital Británica. Mimeo, University of California, Davis. International Labour Organisation (ILO) (1999) Decent work: Report of the Director-General, ILO, Geneva. ----------------------------------------------------- (2002) Decent work and the informal economy, Geneva, ILO. James, M. (2005) Ecuadorian identity, community and multi-cultural integration, Runnymede Trust, London. Latinoamérica Indoamerican Refugee and Migrant Organisation (IRMO) (2006) The invisible community: counting London’s Latin Americans and responding to their needs, IRMO, London. Mcllwaine, C. (2005) Coping practices among Colombian migrants in London, Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London.
49
Mcllwaine, C. (2007) Living in Latin London: How Latin American migrants survive in the city, Queen Mary, University of London and Carila Latin American Welfare Group. Miller, R. (1998) Introduction. In P. Decho and C. Diamond (compilers) Latin Americans in London: A select list of prominent Latin Americans in London 1800-1996, Institute of Latin American Studies, London. Pellegrino, A. (2001) ¿Drenaje o éxodo? Reflexiones sobre la migración calificada, Documento del Rectorado, No 12, Montevideo, Universidad de la República del Uruguay. Pellegrino, A. (2004) Migration from Latin America to Europe: Trends and Policy Challenges, International Organization for Migration, Research Series 16, IOM, Geneva. Portes, A. (2004) The New Latin Nation: Immigration and the Hispanic population in the United States, Working Paper No 04-02, Princeton, Center for Migration and Development, Princeton University. Sepulveda, L., S. Syrett and F. Lyon (forthcoming) New Ethnic Minority Business Communities in Britain: Challenges of diversity and informality for the UK business and policy frameworks, Working Paper Series, Social Policy Research Centre, Health and Social Sciences, Middlesex University. Sepulveda, L. and S. Syrett (2007) ‘Out of the Shadows? Formalisation Approaches to Informal Economic Activity’, Policy & Politics, 35(1), pp 87-104. Spence, L. (2005) Country of Birth and Labour Market Outcomes in London. An Analysis of Labour Force Survey and Census Data. London, GLA. Sveinsson. K.P (2007) Bolivians in London: Challenges and achievements of a London community, Runnymede Trust, London. Torrado, V.T. (2006) La inmigración latinoamericana en España, Expert Group Meeting on International Migration and Development in Latin American and the Caribbean, Mexico DF, UN/POP/EGM-MIG/2005/12, 25th of May 2006, p. 2.
50
Appendix 1. Interviewees by name, country of origin, education level, and occupation a. Name b. Country c. Education level d. Occupation in London
Maria Julio Cristina Juan Margarita Cecilia Alejandra Manual Felipe Miriam Sergio Amelia Gilberto Ricardo Victor Hugo Cesar Daniel Mirella Lucia Patricio Teresa Anabel Norberto Javier Eliana Elias Claudia Elizabeth Jose Antonio Angel Gissela Amanda Paola Richard Lorena Emiliano Joao Josue Maria Elena Alfonso Elsa Carlos Adela Marta Aparecido Fernando Jonas Samuel Simon Roberto
Colombian Argentinean Ecuadorian Colombian Bolivian Bolivian Mexican Mexican Peruvian Brazilian Colombian Colombian Brazilian Colombian Bolivian Ecuadorian Brazilian Venezuelan Peruvian Chilean Ecuadorian Peruvian Colombian Colombian Mexican Bolivian Bolivian Mexican Colombian Bolivian Ecuadorian Brazilian Brazilian Bolivian Ecuadorian Bolivian Bolivian Bolivian Brazilian Brazilian Bolivian Colombian Ecuadorian Argentinean Ecuadorian Colombian Brazilian Colombian Colombian Colombian Ecuadorian Colombian
University incomplete (UI) University (Dentist) UI (Accountant) UI (Engineering) University (Cosmetologist) University (School teacher) University (Media) UI (First year of Medicine) University (unspecified) Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school University (Pastor) Secondary school UI (Accountant) Primary school Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school University (Dentist) Technical school (Administration) UI (Media) Secondary school Technical school (unspecified) Secondary school (self-employed) UI (Fashion design) UI (PC networks) Technical school (unspecified) UI (unspecified) University (Mechanical engineer) Postgraduate (Forest engineer) University (Marketing) Secondary school Secondary school University (unspecified) University (Accountant) Secondary school University (unspecified) Secondary school University (Dentist) Primary school Secondary school Postgraduate (Electronic engineer) UI (unspecified) Secondary school UI (unspecified) Technical school (Tourism) Secondary school Secondary school Secondary school UI (unspecified)
Secretary (trade union) & volunteer (charity) Steward (event company) & volunteer Cashier Porter Cleaner Supervisor (cleaning company) & carer Waitress Waitress Manager (cleaning company) Business owner (travel agency & Brazilian food) Waitress & other casual works (unspecified) Sales assistant Pastor Sales (team leader) Cleaner Chef (catering company) Assistant (catering company) Cleaner (streets) Supervisor (cleaning company) Pre-school teacher assistant Cleaner Sales (superstore) Waitress School keeper (porter); cleaning & maintenance Waitress & restaurant manager Cleaner & self-employed Cleaner (manager) & volunteer (trade union) Kitchen assistant Nanny Porter Mechanic engineer Cleaner Sales assistant (store) Cook Part-time cleaner & student Cleaner Full-time cleaner & Part-time sales assistant Painter & several casual works Sales assistant Cleaner Waitress Incapacity benefit (former cleaner) Supervisor (cleaning company) Kitchen assistant & porter Cleaner (offices) House-wife Leafleting; part-time singer & sales Driver (delivering) Sales assistant Supervisor (cleaning company) Assistant manager (unspecified) (former cleaner) Sales assistant
51
LIST OF MIGRANT ORGANISATIONS Casa de la Salud Latina
Carila Latin American Welfare Group (www.carila.org.uk)
Latin American Association (Casa Latino Americana) (www.casalatina.org.uk)
Latin American Disabled Peoples Project
Latin American Golden Years Day Centre
Latin American Women's Rights Service (LAWRS) (www.lawrs.org.uk)
Association of Latin American Workers (ALAW)
Latinoamericana Indoamerican Refugee & Migrant Organisation (IRMO)
Latin American Development Association (LADA)
PRAXIS (www.praxis.org.uk)
The Migrants Resource Centre (www.migrantsresourcecentre.org.uk)
Mafalda Latin American Community Nursery (www.mafaldanursery.com)
The Latin American Saturday School