Working With Indogenous Family

7/30/2019 Working With Indogenous Family

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The Family Court has in recent years sought to make the Court and its dispute resolu-tion services more accessible to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Under

the guidance of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Awareness Committee theCourt has implemented a number of initiatives to improve indigenous peoples access tothe services of the Court, and to offer culturally appropriate dispute resolution services.

The most significant initiative undertaken by the Court so far has been the appointment ofmale and female Aboriginal workers to the Family Court Counselling Service in Alice Springsand Darwin. These positions, known as Aboriginal Family Consultants, have been establishedto assist the Counselling Service and the Court in working with Aboriginal people.

Although the Counselling Service has always been available to Aboriginal people, theappointment of Family Consultants clearly acknowledges their special needs and the diffi-culties that Aboriginal people have had in accessing the Courts dispute resolution services.

Aboriginal people have generally not availed themselves of the services provided by the Courtdue to their well-founded fear and distrust of the general legal system.

This paper is an attempt to share with others, especially family and child counsellors, someof the insights and knowledge gained from working intensively with Aboriginal families inCentral Australia.

I have been privileged to have worked closely with two Aboriginal Family Consultants,Lloyd Kemarre Bray and Maureen Ampetyane Abbott, and I am indebted to them for theirhelp and the knowledge they have imparted over this time. Regardless of what insights onemay acquire regarding Aboriginal culture and family life it is crucial that one have the activeassistance and support of Aboriginal workers in providing a service to Aboriginal families.Their knowledge of their community, its people and their customs is indispensable.

Aboriginality: Bridging Two Cultures

Aboriginal people are a highly diverse group and great variation is to be expect-ed according to the extent to which the individual has maintained links with his

or her culture, and the extent to which they have adapted to the ways of non-indigenous peo-ple. Significant differences are to be found amongst Aboriginal people according to residence(urban, rural, remote area); adherence to traditional ways; spoken language; and ability tointeract using mainstream non-Aboriginal ways (Eades 1992).

Due to this diversity it is difficult to provide meaningful commentary upon work with

Aboriginal families without heavily qualifying every statement regarding its applicability to

particular groups or sub-groups of Aborigi-nal people. Hence, the reader must endeav-our to avoid over-generalising the informationcontained herein.

Of fundamental importance for counsel-lors working with Aboriginal families is anunderstanding of the extent to which the

client is competent in relating withinAboriginal and non-Aboriginal spheres. Thenotion of bi-cultural competence is an impor-tant concept in this area. In this context theconcept may be loosely defined as the abilityto switch between Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal ways of being. That is, Aboriginalpeople who are bi-culturally competent cancommunicate effectively and interact appro-priately with non-Aboriginal people in non-

Aboriginal settings while they can also be justas competent in an Aboriginal way in

Aboriginal settings. Very few people are trulybi-culturally competent according to this defi-nition (Eades 1992). Most Aboriginal people

possess varying degrees of competencewithin both cultures.The assessment of the individuals level of

bi-cultural competence is a crucial factor inengaging the client in the counselling inter-

view and in planning what type of assistancecan be offered to the client and their family.This assessment will allow the counsellor todetermine how best to relate to the client;how to conduct the interview and to framequestions appropriately; what type of inter-

vention will be most effective and how bestto monitor outcomes and deal with resistance.

The extent to which an Aboriginal personis bi-culturally competent will mostly depend

on the persons experience in education andemployment. Bi-cultural competence is indi-cated by such factors as level of educationalattainment, past or current employment innon-Aboriginal settings, interaction with non-

Aboriginal people through work contact,recreational interests or residence, as well asthe persons use of spoken English.

An obvious and important factor for coun-sellors in assessing bi-cultural competence isthe extent to which the individual speaks

what is referred to as Aboriginal English orStandard English. According to Eades(1992:20), Aboriginal English is a distinctivedialect of English which reflects, maintains

and continually creates Aboriginal culture and

46 Australian Institute of Family Studies Family Matters No.46 Autumn 1997

This article is based on the authors experience as a Family Court

counsellor working with Aboriginal families in Central Australia

over a 12-month period.

The author seeks to share insights and knowledge gained fromproviding conciliation counselling to Aboriginal families at times

of family breakdown and separation. Issues of cross-cultural

communication, family violence and service provision are discussed,

and guidelines offered to facilitate and promote work in this area.

Although the focus is on counselling services, this article offers a

range of sensitivities for family researchers to take account of.

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Working with

Aboriginal FamiliesI S S U E S A N D G U I D E L I N E S F O R F A M I LY A N D C H I L D C O U N S E L L O R S

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J @ @ ( Y ? h ? @ @ @ @ @ V 4 @ @0 M ? I ' @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ > @@ @ 6 K O 2 @ @ @ @ @@ 6 K f ? N @ @ J @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ ? ? W & @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ? h @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ ? @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ L ? ?

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7 @ @ 5 h f @ @ @ @ 5 ? h e ? N @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ? @ @ @6 X h ? I 4 @ @ ) X ? h ? @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 ? ? N @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @? e O & @ @ @ ( Y ? f ? I ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ ? @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ L ?

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? J @ @5 ? h e ? 7 @ @@ 5 @ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @) X h e 3 @ @ L h ? V ' @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ 1e ? @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ ( Mh e J @ ( Yf ? W @ @ @ ? N @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @ ?

? 7 @ @H ? h e ? @ @ @@ H @ @ V '@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ 1 h e V ' @ ) X ? h N @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ ?O & @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @@ @ ( Y? h ? W & @H ? f ? 7 @ @@ ? ? 3 @ @@ @ @ @@ @ @ @L ? ?

? @ @ @ h f ? @ @ @ @ ? @ @ ? V ' @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ L ? h ? V ' @ ) K h ? @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ 0 M ? W @ @ @( Y h e W & @ 5 g J @ @ @ @ L f ? @ @ ? f ? W 2 @ 6 K h ? N @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ 1 ? ?

J @ @ 5 h f ? @ @ @ @ ? h f ? J @ 5 e N @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ ) X h e N @ @ @ @ ? ? @ @ 6 K? e I 4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 0 M? ? W & @ @ ( Y ? h ? W & @ ( Y f ? W & @ @ @ @ 1 f ? @ @ ? f ? 7 @ @ @ @ @ ? h 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ L ?

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@ @ @ ? h f ? @ @ @ 5 ? h e O 2 @ @ @ ? e ? V ' @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ 6 K ? g ? @ @ @ @ ? e ? @ @ @ L ? ? W & @ @ ( Y ? h ? O & @ 0 Y g J @ @ H ? 3 @ @ 1 ? e ? @ @? e ? W & @ @ @ @ @ @ ) X ?g ? N @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ L ? h g ?

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? 7 @ @ H ? h f ? @ @ @ g 7 @ @ ( Y ? e O 2 @ @ @ @ 0M e I ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @@ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ L V '@ ) X ? V ' @ @ @ @ @e ? @ @ ? W & @ @ @ ( Y ? g ? O & @ ( M h e ? @ @ ? g 3 @ @ W & @ H ? e V 4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ L ?h V ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @1 ? h f ?

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STEPHEN RALPH

7/30/2019 Working With Indogenous Family

2/5

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identity. According to Eades, the term Abo-riginal English describes a continuum of

Aboriginal English varieties ranging fromthose close to Standard English (referred toas light forms of Aboriginal English) to thoseclose to Aboriginal Kriol (heavy forms of Abo-

riginal English). The difference betweenAboriginal English and Standard English isfound in every area of English language,including pronunciation, grammar, vocabu-lary, meaning, use and style.

According to Eades (1992:26): To under-stand a speakers meaning it is not enough toknow meanings of words and phrases and tounderstand grammar. We also need to under-stand the speakers cultural background, oftencalled the socio-cultural context.

Eades gives the simple example of the useof the word yes to indicate the differencethat arises based on the socio-cultural con-text. That is, Aboriginal English speakers

often agree to a question even if they do notunderstand its meaning. When an Aboriginalspeaker says yes to a question it often doesnot mean I agree with what you are askingme. Instead, it often means I think that if Isay yes you will see that I am obliging, andsocially amenable, and you will think well ofme, and things will work out between us.

Socio-Cultural Context

Counselling Aboriginal clientsis beset by numerous problems

arising from cultural differences. These socio-cultural differences impact upon the nature of

the clientcounsellor relationship and theability of Aboriginal clients to becomeengaged in and make use of the counsellingprocess. In counselling Aboriginal clients it isimportant to have a thorough understandingof the collectivist nature of Aboriginal societyand its impact upon the individual.

Within collectivist Aboriginal culture, fami-ly and kinship networks are extensive andthey are supported by an intricate pattern ofresponsibility and obligations that are general-ly adhered to by all members. For example,the growing up of children is a responsibilitythat falls upon all family members maternalgrandparents and aunts, in particular.

In working with an Aboriginal family it isimportant to consider the degree to which theextended family and kin may have an inputinto any decisions affecting children. This con-sideration dictates that the extended familyshould be included in counselling and activelyparticipate in decision-making about children.

Decision-making in many Aboriginal fam-ilies, especially concerning contentious issues,is often based on a consensus of all familymembers rather than on a majority view orthe opinion of key individuals. As such, deci-sions regarding important matters such as par-enting arrangements can involve exhaustingand prolonged negotiations involving many

members of the extended family.

The collectivist nature of Aboriginal soci-ety dictates that family obligations andresponsibilities take priority over individualinterests. This aspect of traditional Aborigi-nal society has significant implications inconsidering the principle of the best interest

of the child the principle that firmly under-lies the Family Courts deliberations on chil-drens issues. In more traditional sections of

Aboriginal society the best interest of the childis more likely to be considered in the contextof how Aboriginal culture is to be protectedand promoted. That is, although the interestsof children are accorded a very high value in

Aboriginal society, the best interest princi-ple is likely to be over-ridden in some situ-ations by the broader consideration of how

Aboriginal culture and family life is to be pro-moted. For Aboriginal people whose culturehas been ravaged by the dominance of

Anglo-Australian society the struggle to main-

tain cultural integrity is ongoing and of theutmost importance.

The dispossession of Aboriginal peopleand the severing of their spiritual and eco-nomic links to their land has had a devastat-ing effect on the cohesiveness and strength of

Aboriginal families. Of particular note in thisregard is the tragic legacy arising from pastGovernment policies of assimilation whichled to the forced removal of thousands of

Aboriginal children from their families fromabout the 1930s to the early 1970s. As parentsin later life, these children have struggled toraise their own children under the burden oftheir own childhood deprivation.

The stolen generations, as these peoplehave come to be known, are still struggling

with this legacy today and many of todaysparents are still struggling to overcome thetrauma of being forcibly separated from theirown families as children, and the conse-quences that followed. The most notableconsequence of these policies has been aprofound weakening of the fabric of Abo-riginal family life.

An understanding of the historical andsocio-cultural factors that have shaped par-enting practices in Aboriginal society is ahighly important and often neglected aspectof working with Aboriginal families. To a

non-Aboriginal person, Aboriginal family lifemay often appear chaotic, unstructured andeven neglectful or abusive. In many cases thefamilys visible poverty may often mask theextent to which Aboriginal parenting is effec-tive in raising children in ways that are con-sidered important to Aboriginal people.

In a study of Aboriginal and Anglo-Austra lian parent ing practices, Malin,Campbell and Agius (1996) state that it isimportant to understand the values and aspi-rations of Aboriginal parents in order to gaina true appreciation of their parenting styleand the effectiveness of this style in deliver-ing the outcomes that Aboriginal parents

seek. The authors stress that the perceptions

of non-Aboriginal service providers can behighly ethnocentric and that serviceproviders may lack a clear understanding ofthe cultural differences underpinning differ-ences in child-rearing. According to Malin etal (1996:43), Aboriginal child-rearing prac-

tices that may be seen in a negative light bynon-Aboriginal people are, in fact, effectivemeans for preparing Aboriginal children todeal with the conditions they will encounteras adults.

Communicating,Asking Questions,Gathering Information

The difficulties that counsellorsoften confront in working with Aboriginalclients stem, in large part, from the counsel-lors failure to engage the client in an appro-priate manner, from failure to adopt appropri-

ate methods of information gathering, andfrom lack of sensitivity towards the specificneeds and characteristics of Aboriginal clients.

A common source of mis-communicationbetween speakers of Aboriginal English andspeakers of Standard English comes from dif-ferences in the meaning, use and style of thelanguage used. In situations where the clientis unable to effectively tell their story andachieve understanding it is extremely impor-tant that counsellors use the services of atrained interpreter. It is, however, helpfulfor counsellors in working with speakers of

Aboriginal English, especially its heavierforms, to have an awareness of the language

differences that exist in the areas of meaning,use and style.

A significant difference between speakersof Aboriginal English and speakers of Stan-dard English is the use of direct and indirectquestions in eliciting personal information.

Aboriginal people traditionally do not usedirect questions when seeking certain sig-nificant or personal information. The onlyinstance when direct questions may beappropriate are in finding out where a per-son comes from or their relationship to otherpeople. In nearly all other instances infor-mation is ascertained by indirect questions,hinting or inviting comment.

Often a speaker will volunteer some oftheir own information, hinting about whatthey are trying to find out about, and therebyinvite disclosure of information from their lis-tener. The speaker will allow the listener timeto consider the invitation and will remainsilent while the listener deliberates upon theinformation sought. If the listener is com-fortable in disclosing information this willhappen, if not, the listener will offer otherinformation or introduce another topic ofconversation.

In negotiating contentious issues, indi-rectness in interpersonal communication isone way in which Aboriginal people express

opinions and work towards agreement.

Family Matters No.46 Autumn 1997 Australian Institute of Family Studies 47



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