Women Kindergarten Teachers in Pakistan: Their Lives, Their ......Suham, Nabil and Saif; Amaan and Aika; Shamez, Sophia, Jehan and Salim; Salmin Cha cha, Yasmin Aunty, Alim and Kaif;

Women Kindergarten Teachers in Pakistan: Their Lives, Their Classroom Practice

by

Almina Pardhan

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Curriculum Teaching and Learning Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the

University of Toronto

©Copyright by Almina Pardhan (2009)

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Women Kindergarten Teachers in Pakistan: Their Lives, Their Classroom Practice Doctor of Philosophy, 2009

Almina Pardhan Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning

University of Toronto

ABSTRACT

This dissertation explores how women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan

understand the concept of gender as evident from their own reflections of their life

experiences and from their interaction with their students. Early childhood education and

gender equality in education are critical policy issues in Pakistan. Women pre-primary

teachers have received little specific attention and little is known about their experiences.

Seven women kindergarten teachers from one co-educational, private, English-

medium school in the urban city of Karachi, Pakistan were involved in this mixed-

method study. Multiple methods were used, namely, life history interviews with the

women teachers, classroom observations of their teaching practice and interactions with

girls and boys, and document analysis. Data were qualitatively and quantitatively

analyzed. The findings were presented and discussed through the five nested interrelated

structures – microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem and chronosystem - of

Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model of human development.

Study findings reveal that the family and school are critical microsystems that

have shaped the women kindergarten teachers’ understanding of gender in terms of

possibilities and impossibilities for girls and boys, women and men within the norms of

the broader patriarchal macrosystem. Throughout their lives across the chronosystem,

they have had to negotiate multiple positions in their patriarchal extended families,

schools, and, to some extent, the larger community in response to social change across

diverse geographical spaces. Compromise and conformity have formed much of how

they have understood their role and position as women in this patriarchal context. As

women and as kindergarten teachers, they are doubly disadvantaged. They have been

inadequately prepared to take up positions as pre-primary teachers. Nevertheless, their

developing knowledge of teaching young children based on their practice and in-service

training in a school with a positive outlook towards teaching has led to a more

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professional perspective of themselves and their careers. They are committed to

teaching, but face the challenge of coping with their professional and familial demands.

Often times, they draw upon their religion for strength and to make sense of their

gendered experiences.

Tensions are evident in their understanding of gender, particularly in relation to

their own children and their kindergarten students, about following ascribed gender

norms or allowing for more change in tradition in a context being rapidly influenced by

globalization and socio-economic change. For the most part, their interaction with their

students reflected their internalization of dominant patriarchal values and their active role

in perpetuating them. Nevertheless, their gendered teaching practice has also presented

possibilities for change in their unconscious and, occasionally conscious, attempts to

push gender boundaries towards more equitable gender relationships in this patriarchal

context. This study is significant for bringing to the fore women kindergarten teachers’

lived experiences to provide a dimension of education which has gone largely

unexamined locally and globally, and which, in the context of Pakistan, are critical to

consider in light of issues related to quality, access, and gender equity in early childhood

education.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I start with thanking Allah for guiding me to embark on this journey and for

sustaining me through it. I express my deepest gratitude to His Highness the Aga Khan,

Imam (spiritual leader) of Shia Imami Ismaili Muslims like me. Your service to

humanity, your guidance about Islam’s position on intellect and knowledge to bridge

divides and to better understand one another, and the value you place on quality

education across the life span beginning in the early years for change, hope and human

dignity are sources of inspiration to me.

My family has endured many sacrifices in supporting my pursuit of doctoral

studies - thank you Aimaan, Azaan, Karim, Mom and Dad for your patience, love, and

prayers. This “work” is finally done, new “work” awaits.

I am grateful to the women kindergarten teachers for their generous time and

commitment in telling me about their lives and work and allowing me to enter their

classroom world and observe their practice. Your personal and professional experiences

have greatly informed my thinking and understanding. I thank the kindergarten children

and their mothers for sharing their experiences. I extend a special thank you to the school

administration for making this study possible. Thank you to the entire staff for being so

welcoming. My time spent in the field was most enriching and enjoyable.

I thank my thesis committee for the generous time, knowledge and interest which

they have invested in my work. My supervisor, Dr. Janette Pelletier, has been a source of

inspiration to me in her guidance, encouragement, and warmth throughout this doctoral

experience either in person, by e-mail or by phone. I deeply appreciate everything you

have done for me. Thank you, Jan, for believing in me, for your constant support, and for

stimulating my academic knowledge and thinking in ways beyond which I could have

imagined. My advisor, Dr. Elizabeth Smyth, has been especially instrumental in helping

to pave the direction of my doctoral studies from the moment I was accepted into the

doctoral program. I greatly appreciate your unwavering support, thoughtfulness,

kindness, and immense contribution to my professional growth – thank you for being

there for me. I am very grateful to Dr. Eunice Jang for her significant contribution to the

conceptualization of this study and to this study as it has evolved, particularly with the

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mixed-method research design which has opened the door for me to explore new

possibilities in research. Your insightful suggestions, moral support and enthusiasm gave

me confidence embarking into ‘new territory’ and bringing this study to fruition – thank

you. I am particularly grateful to my thesis committee members for their care,

compassion and empathy towards my situation having a young family and conducting

overseas research. I thank Dr. Linda Cameron for her complementary contributions to

my work – your presence at my defense exam is greatly appreciated. I am grateful to my

external reviewer, Dr. Ingrid Johnston, for her thoughtful and detailed consideration of

the thesis. I deeply appreciate your travel to Toronto for the defense exam.

I extend my gratitude to my professors at the Ontario Institute for Studies in

Education, University of Toronto (OISE/UT) who have contributed to my intellectual

growth: Dr. Dennis Thiessen; Dr. Carl Corter; Dr. John Wallace; Dr. Brent Kilbourn; Dr.

Grace Feuerverger; Dr. Richard Volpe; Dr. Janet Astington; Dr. Maria Jose Botelho; and

Dr. Elizabeth Campbell. I thank the students in Dr. Janette Pelletier’s research group for

their contributions. I especially thank Sejal Patel and Toni Doyle for their assistance.

I am grateful to OISE/UT and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research

Council (SSHRC) for their funding.

I thank the following individuals at OISE/UT for their administrative and

logistical support, especially during the ‘overseas period’ of my studies: Margaret

Brennan; Theresa Oliveira; Terry Louisy; Christine Davidson; Shelley Eisner; Jerry Seto;

Angela Ho; Andre Tremblay; Wendy Mauzeroll; and Linda Pereira. I am grateful to the

University of Toronto Student Housing for facilitating my family’s stay in Toronto.

My sincere gratitude goes to the Aga Khan University – Institute for Educational

Development (AKU-IED), an intellectually and professionally stimulating environment.

I thank the current and former Directors, Dr. Muhammad Memon and Dr. Gordon

MacLeod respectively, for supporting my pursuit of learning. Thank you to the

colleagues with whom I have worked in the area of early childhood education and

development for their support, encouragement, and our work together on initiatives in

early childhood education, particularly in Pakistan, which have contributed to my

knowledge and understanding: Audrey Juma; Nilofar Vazir; Atiya Hussain; Shabnam

Ahmed; Zohra Nisar; Imrana Raza; Saima Khalid; Anila Kiani; Kausar Waqar; Irma

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Nausheen; Nusrat Parveen; Farry Boota; and Afshan Razzak. I especially thank Gulzar

Kanji for mentoring me in the field of early childhood education. I am grateful to my

colleagues and students at AKU-IED for their on-going support. I thank the library staff,

ISU and administrative staff for their assistance during my studies.

I am deeply grateful to Dilshad Ashraf, Sadia Bhutta, and Anjum Halai for being

my sounding boards and providing valuable guidance and assistance during the research

process. Your encouragement sustained me through this experience. I also thank Jane

Rarieya, Rashida Qureshi and Takbir Ali for their intellectual insights. Thank you to

Duishon Shamatov, Azra Naseem, Rahat Joldoshalieva, and Cassandra Fernandes for

your support.

I thank my transcribers for the wonderful job in transcribing volumes of interview

data which saved me many hours.

My family in Canada provided me a ‘home away from home’ filled with love and

warmth during my studies. My heartfelt gratitude goes to Azra, Galib, Illahi and Rehan

for your kindness and generosity. I also express my deepest appreciation to: Azhar,

Suham, Nabil and Saif; Amaan and Aika; Shamez, Sophia, Jehan and Salim; Salmin Cha-

cha, Yasmin Aunty, Alim and Kaif; Parin Aunty and Nashifa.

My gratitude goes to Shabbir Ahmed, Asif Qamar, Zahida Khan, and Sajida for

the care they gave to my children in Karachi. I thank Alim Sheik for ensuring that I

made it for my interviews and observations on time.

Many friends made my experience in Toronto memorable: Dianne Stevens; Anne

Fraser; Shi Jing Xu; Susan MacNab; Alison Neilson; Hong Zhu; Jing Zhang; Kristin

Main; Raman; Sarfaroz and Zarina Niyozov and their children; Nasreen and Zahir

Moloo; our ‘35 Charles Street’ neighbors; and the many friends I made in my courses. I

also thank my dear friends, Lynne Wiltse and Linda Campbell, for their support.

I express my deep gratitude to my mentors for facilitating my personal and

professional development over the years: Dr. Marilyn Assheton Smith; Shenaz Jeraj;

Mumtaz Merali; Dr. Olenka Bilash; Dr. M.; Gordon Hanson; Nurjehan Mawani; Amin

Murji; Shawna Rodnunsky; Zenobia Jamal; and Asifa Mawani.

Lastly, I thank those who have contributed to my work and provided me with

support in this journey and whom I may have inadvertently forgotten to mention.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ..........................................................................................................II

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................. IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................... VII

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................. XI

LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................... XI

DEDICATION..................................................................................................... XII

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCING THE STUDY ..................................................1

Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 1

Research Context and Background ............................................................................................................ 2 A glimpse of Pakistan ................................................................................................................................ 2 Gender structures in Pakistan: an overview .............................................................................................. 4 Gender and education in Pakistan: an overview........................................................................................ 9 Women teachers in Pakistan .................................................................................................................... 10 Women kindergarten teachers at Rainbow School: setting the context .................................................. 14

Research as Autobiographical................................................................................................................... 17

Research Question...................................................................................................................................... 22

Significance of the Study............................................................................................................................ 24

Organization of Subsequent Chapters...................................................................................................... 26

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................28

Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 28

Teachers’ Lives and Work......................................................................................................................... 28

Women Teachers’ Lives and Work: A Historical Perspective .............................................................. 29

Women Teachers’ Personal and Professional Life Experiences............................................................. 30 Personal and professional lives of women teachers in contexts other than Pakistan................................ 31 Personal and professional lives of women teachers in Pakistan............................................................... 36 Personal and professional lives of women pre-primary teachers ............................................................. 39 Research on personal and professional lives of teachers: summary........................................................ 42

Teachers’ Practice and Classroom Interactions in Relation to Gender................................................. 43 Representations of gender in educational research .................................................................................. 43 Understanding gender differences in girls and boys implications for teaching........................................ 45 Teacher-student interactions .................................................................................................................... 47 Teacher responses to student behavior..................................................................................................... 50

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Teacher beliefs and expectations.............................................................................................................. 52 Teacher-student interactions: summary................................................................................................... 59

Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................................. 59

Conclusion................................................................................................................................................... 60

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY..............................................................63

Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 63

Problem Statement and Research Questions Revisited........................................................................... 63

Mixed Method Inquiry............................................................................................................................... 64

Holistic Integrated Design: A Mixed Method Approach for My Inquiry............................................. 64

Research Procedures .................................................................................................................................. 66 Selecting the research site ........................................................................................................................ 66 Gaining entry............................................................................................................................................ 67 Building relationships with research participants..................................................................................... 68 Building relationships with kindergarten students ................................................................................... 71 Data gathering .......................................................................................................................................... 71 Data analysis ............................................................................................................................................ 85 Reflexivity................................................................................................................................................ 89 Relationships during fieldwork ................................................................................................................ 90 Ethical issues............................................................................................................................................ 93 Validation of my study findings............................................................................................................... 96

Conclusion................................................................................................................................................... 98

CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH FINDINGS ......................................................99

Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 99

Section 1: Understanding the Concept of Gender through Life Experiences ..................................... 103 Influence of family within the birth home: young girls, adolescents, and growing women................... 103 Influence of school: young girls, adolescents, and growing women..................................................... 114 Influence of family within the marital home: married women.............................................................. 117 Influence of school: becoming and being kindergarten teachers as married women ............................ 135 Understanding of gender in relation to self today .................................................................................. 144 Summary ................................................................................................................................................ 147

Section 2: Understanding of Teaching Practice in Relation to Gender .............................................. 149 Perceptions on planning for gender........................................................................................................ 149 Teachers’ understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender............................................... 150 Perceptions of kindergarten girls’ and boys’ future ............................................................................... 189 Summary ................................................................................................................................................ 191

Conclusion................................................................................................................................................. 192

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION ......................................................................193

Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 193

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Discussion of Study Findings ................................................................................................................... 193

Section 1: Understanding the Concept of Gender through Life Experiences .................................... 194 Gender preferences within the patriarchal extended family of origin .................................................... 194 Gender relationships within the patriarchal extended family of origin .................................................. 195 Gendered experiences of schooling: influence on women teachers as learners .................................... 197 Tensions conforming to norms within extended family of origin .......................................................... 199 Negotiating relationships within the extended marital family................................................................ 199 Becoming teachers: re-defining their position within the extended marital family............................... 201 Alternate model of mothers and mothering............................................................................................ 203 Redefining their position as women kindergarten teachers.................................................................... 204

Section 2: Understanding Gender in their Teaching Practice ............................................................. 207 Gendered teacher-student interactions ................................................................................................... 207 Perceptions and expectations of kindergarten girls and boys................................................................. 208 Quantitative findings within mixed-method research ............................................................................ 209 Qualitative findings within mixed method research............................................................................... 210 Developing femininity and masculinity ................................................................................................. 216 Perceptions of kindergarten girls’ and boys’ future ............................................................................... 219

Section 3: Making the Connections........................................................................................................ 220 Shifting gender patterns in the women teachers’ lives and teaching practice ........................................ 220

Conclusion................................................................................................................................................. 224

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION.......................................................................225

Implications of the Study ......................................................................................................................... 228 Implications for policy, planning, and practice at national and international levels .............................. 228 Implications for policy and planning at the school level........................................................................ 231 Implications for research participants .................................................................................................... 232 Methodological implications.................................................................................................................. 233 Implications for literature....................................................................................................................... 233 Implications for myself .......................................................................................................................... 234

Limitations of the Study........................................................................................................................... 234

Recommendations for Future Research ................................................................................................. 235

Final Reflection......................................................................................................................................... 237

REFERENCES .................................................................................................238

APPENDIX A....................................................................................................252

Map of Pakistan........................................................................................................................................ 252

APPENDIX B....................................................................................................253

Glossary of terms...................................................................................................................................... 253

APPENDIX C....................................................................................................255

Sample syllabus components and sample lesson plan ........................................................................... 255

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APPENDIX D....................................................................................................256

Information letter for Principal and Head Teacher .............................................................................. 256

APPENDIX E ....................................................................................................259

Letter of informed consent for teacher-participants ............................................................................. 259

APPENDIX F ....................................................................................................262

Child assent script .................................................................................................................................... 262

APPENDIX G....................................................................................................263

Life history interview guide for teacher participants............................................................................ 263

APPENDIX H....................................................................................................266

Classroom maps with code key to record observations......................................................................... 266

APPENDIX I .....................................................................................................268

Coding frame for life history interview data.......................................................................................... 268

APPENDIX J ....................................................................................................270

Preliminary coding scheme for observation data .................................................................................. 270

APPENDIX K....................................................................................................271

Refining coding scheme for observation data ........................................................................................ 271

APPENDIX L ....................................................................................................273

Final coding scheme for observation data .............................................................................................. 273

APPENDIX M....................................................................................................277

Emerging themes – life history interview and observation data .......................................................... 277

APPENDIX N....................................................................................................278

Teacher-student interactions across gender........................................................................................... 278

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Teacher total verbal and non-verbal interaction with KG girls and boys .................... 163 Figure 2. Teacher questions to KG girls and boys ...................................................................... 164 Figure 3. Teacher responses to KG girls and boys...................................................................... 165 Figure 4. Help given by teachers to KG girls and boys .............................................................. 166 Figure 5. Teacher directives to KG girls and boys...................................................................... 167 Figure 6. Teacher praise for KG girls and boys .......................................................................... 168 Figure 7. Teacher interactions with KG girls and boys (academic related/play episodes) ......... 171 Figure 8. Teacher interactions with KG girls and boys (play episodes) ..................................... 171 Figure 9. KG girls and boys proximity to teachers ..................................................................... 175 Figure 10. Teacher eliciting responses from KG girls and boys (group lessons) ....................... 179 Figure 11. Behavior management of KG girls and boys by teachers.......................................... 182 Figure 12. Teacher affect on KG girls and boys based on directives and responses .................. 183 Figure 13. Responsibilities/duties given to KG girls and boys by teachers ................................ 185 Figure 14. Enactment of patriarchy in teachers’ lives within Bronfenbrenner's (1994) model .. 221

LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Overview of the Research Design .................................................................................. 66 Table 2. Number of Women KG Teachers (2006-2007)............................................................... 70 Table 3. Number of KG Girls and Boys (2006-2007)................................................................... 70 Table 4. Data Gathering Schedule................................................................................................. 71 Table 5. Demographics of the Study Teachers before Marriage ................................................. 101 Table 6. Demographics of the Study Teachers after Marriage.................................................... 102 Table 7. Teacher Perceptions of Girls’ and Boys’ Academic Values and Behaviors ................. 152 Table 8. Teacher Perceptions on Girls' and Boys' Play Interests and Abilities ........................... 157 Table 9. Teacher Perceptions of Girls' and Boys' Social Attributes............................................ 174

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DEDICATION

To my mother and father

To my husband and children

To the seven women kindergarten teachers and the kindergarten students

1

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCING THE STUDY

Introduction

This study explores how women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan understand the

concept of gender evident from their own reflections of their life experiences and from

their interaction with their students. Interest for this research emerged from my

experiences in Pakistan: 1) researching gender and education; 2) working with women

early childhood teachers; and 3) working with children in the early years. Through these

experiences, I have begun to get a deeper understanding about the complexities of gender

and education in the visibly patriarchal and hierarchical context of Pakistan. Gender

disparity in education is a significant issue in Pakistan. To address this, one of Pakistan’s

national education policies is to recruit and retain women teachers to improve and

facilitate girls’ education (UNESCO, 2000). Women make up the majority of pre-

primary1 school teachers in Pakistan. Although teaching is seen as a culturally

appropriate and respectable profession for them, they have little training, have under-

resourced classrooms, are amongst the lowest paid and have a low status. While the body

of knowledge exploring the lived experiences of women teachers in Pakistan is slowly

growing (Ashraf, 2004; Kirk, 2004; Mattice, 2002; Pardhan & Ahmed, 2005; Sales,

1999), there continues to be a vacuum in understanding the experiences of women pre-

primary teachers in this context. Little is known about their lived realities including the

gendered nature of their teaching practice and interaction with students in school.

Children’s gender identity is formed very early in life. Within the Pakistani

context deep rooted socio-cultural beliefs perpetuate the unequal treatment of girls and

boys, usually to the disadvantage of girls. With increasing numbers of children enrolled

in pre-primary in Pakistan, pre-primary teachers play a role in the way young children

begin to construct their gender identities. However, little is known about women pre-

primary teachers’ understanding of gender in their teaching practice. This has

contributed to the question underlying this thesis: how do women kindergarten teachers

1 In this dissertation, I use the term pre-primary to refer to schooling before class 1. In Chapter 3 of the dissertation, I provide my rationale for studying more specifically the experiences of women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan who are part of the broader category of pre-primary teachers.

2

in Pakistan perceive the concept of gender evident from their own reflections of their life

experiences and from their interactions with their students.

This chapter sets the backdrop for the study. First it offers a background of the

research context. Here I briefly discuss some gender disparities in social development

indicators like education. I also highlight the current situation of women and young

children on the national scene. Next I present a brief overview of Pakistan. I discuss the

geographical, social, educational and economic conditions particularly as they pertain to

the status of women. This sets the context for studying women pre-primary teachers’

experiences and understanding of the concept of gender in relation to their teaching

practice. Subsequently, an overview of the research site is provided. I also locate myself

and illustrate how my interest in studying the experiences of women kindergarten

teachers in Pakistan emerged. Thereafter, I present the research question and discuss the

significance of the study both for me personally and its contribution to local, national and

international policy and practice. Lastly, I provide an outline of the subsequent chapters.

Research Context and Background

A glimpse of Pakistan

Pakistan, officially called the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, is located in South

Asia, bordering India, China, Afghanistan, and Iran. In 1947, Pakistan gained

independence from British India. Pakistan is a vast country with four provinces - Sindh,

Punjab, Balochistan and the North West Frontier Province – and the Federally

Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) (See Appendix A). Its topography is scenic with

coastal beaches, deserts, fertile plains and majestic snow-capped mountains surrounding

narrow valleys. The capital of Pakistan is Islamabad, located in the Punjab Province.

Pakistan’s population is increasing at a rapid rate having increased from 32 million at

independence in 1947 to an estimated over 140 million today; approximately 64% of the

population lives in rural areas (Ashraf, 2004; Vazir, 2004). The majority of Pakistan’s

population is Muslim. Although the national language is Urdu, the official language of

the government is English. Diverse regional languages are also spoken by local people.

3

The Sindh Province, located in the south, is the most urbanized province with

43% of the people living in urban areas (Vazir, 2004). The city of Karachi, where this

study was conducted, is in the Sindh Province. Its estimated population of 16 million is

still increasing. Karachi is the fastest-growing city of Pakistan and is the center of

business and communication in the country due to its strategic position as a seaport

(Vazir, 2004). The city’s diverse population reflects visible paradoxes in lifestyle and

opportunity with the very rich and those living in extreme poverty. Today, the group of

middle-class professionals is gradually increasing. Many migrants from rural areas also

seek opportunity in Karachi. This city of opportunity also presents with it the challenge

of living in extreme summer temperatures which can rise to over 40 degrees Celsius and

which are further aggravated by humidity. Frequent load-shedding of electricity further

compounds the situation.

Pakistan’s official currency is the Pakistan Rupee (R). In the summer of 2003, the

rate was approximately 39 Pakistan Rupees to one Canadian dollar (Vazir, 2004). Today

the value has dropped significantly with approximately 70 Pakistan Rupees being worth

one Canadian dollar. The situation of the country’s current economy has been further

compounded with rising fuel costs. According to the Human Development Report

(2003), Pakistan ranks 144 in the Human Development Index (HDI) which is among the

countries with Low Human Development. Pakistan ranks poorly on some key social

indicators like education and health on which the HDI calculations are made.

Extremes and paradox characterize Pakistan. Pakistan culture draws heavily on

Islamic value systems of faith in Allah, generosity, kindness, respect for elders, love and

support for one’s family/extended family and community as well as care for the sick, the

orphaned and the poor. Yet, Pakistan has experienced a tumultuous political situation

since achieving its independence in 1947. Domestic and political upheavals have been

and continue to be an integral part of Pakistan’s landscape. Pakistan has been ruled by

both military and civil governments, each with their own vested interests. The country’s

social infrastructure is greatly compromised with much of its wealth being spent on

military defense2. As such, huge disparities have been created between those who can

2 Pakistan spends less than 2% of its Gross National Product on education which stands amongst the world’s 12 lowest education budgets (Hussain & Ali, 2007). Increases in allocations to defense expenditures and debt-servicing remain much higher than those to education (UNICEF, 1998).

4

meet their basic needs and can access quality education and health care and those who

cannot. Ethnic, nationalist and sectarian violence have led to and continue to lead to the

loss of many innocent lives, including the lives of young children. According to Vazir

(2004),

Pakistan has suffered civil strife, poverty, bureaucracy in government structures, feudalism, corruption at all levels, power-hungry rulers, an aid-dependent economy, low rates of literacy and education, and gross socio-economic status disparities. These problems arise partly from the legacy of pre-independence colonialism and partly from modern factions and pressures. (p. 3)

Military rule, often of a reactionary nature, has inevitably succeeded each attempt at

democracy (Ashraf, 2004). The law and order situation in Pakistan is significantly

impacted by religious, political and ethnic tensions both nationally and internationally.

Crime is rampant with theft, burning of tires, bomb blasts, looting, strikes, protests, and

shootings happening regularly and even openly in the streets. Such images infiltrated

homes through the media. Although the army and police are called for protection during

particularly tense times, corruption within these institutions has led to distrust among the

people (Pardhan & Juma, 2007).

Amidst Pakistan’s political instability, women and children remain vulnerable

within the country’s patriarchal and hierarchical structures. Although children are highly

valued in this cultural context, they are also at risk (Pardhan & Juma, 2007; Vazir, 2007).

Extreme poverty leads to child labor. Increases in street children who have been

orphaned, abandoned or have taken to begging for the well-being of their families are

apparent (Vazir, 2007). Although Pakistan has ratified the United Nations Convention on

the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), there are limited, if any, legislation and policies to

protect children in this country.

Gender structures in Pakistan: an overview

The issues embedded in understanding how women kindergarten teachers’

understand the concept of gender evident from their own reflections and from their

interaction with their students are complex, particularly in Pakistan’s hierarchical and

patriarchal context. As discussed earlier, Pakistan has experienced a tumultuous political

5

situation since achieving independence in 1947. Since partition, periodic attempts have

been made to extend the literacy level and the education of Pakistani women and to

integrate them into development projects. However, political instability arising from

military rule succeeding attempts at democracy has resulted in women and girls being the

most vulnerable population (Ashraf, 2004). Since the introduction in 1979 of President

Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization program, for example, women’s oppression in Pakistan has

been heightened. Women’s presence on the public scene, including newspapers,

television and advertisements, was minimized. Furthermore, a traditional dress code was

strictly enforced in educational institutions (Ashraf, 2004). There was much controversy

surrounding the Hudood Ordinance governing adultery and fornication (zina) as no legal

distinction was made between adultery and rape. Furthermore, the enforcement of this

law was highly discriminatory against women. During trials of rape cases, women’s

testimony was not admitted to prove rape or adultery. Instead, the evidence of four

Muslim men of good reputation was required. Women could also be charged with

adultery if they reported rape, but were unable to prove it (Ashraf, 2004; Weiss, 2003).

In 1984, Zia’s government introduced the Qanoon-e-Shahadat (Law of Evidence) which

requires the testimony of two women for that of a man in economic transactions

(Moghadam, 1992). This law clearly gives men and women different legal rights and

diminishes women’s status in Pakistan (Weiss, 2003).

Four months after the United Nations (UN) Fourth World Conference for Women

in Beijing, Pakistan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). CEDAW was introduced as part of the UN’s

global efforts to empower women around the world. By ratifying the CEDAW, Pakistan

assumed the obligation to change laws and policies and provide enabling conditions to

also change attitudes to protect women from gender-based discrimination and violence

(Weiss, 2003). However, the implementation of CEDAW has posed many challenges in

Pakistan due to locally perceived cultural restrictions and political necessities to appease

certain groups (Weiss, 2003).

In 1997, a Report of the Commission of Inquiry to review Pakistan’s laws to end

inequities against women was drafted (Weiss, 2003). The report notes that many

derogatory laws and customs in Pakistan are, unfortunately, “…justified in the name of

6

Islam or have been introduced as Islamic laws when clearly they are retrograde customs

and traditions, or ill-informed interpretations that bear no relation to the divine design”

(Commission of Inquiry for Women, 1997, p. xi). The Report makes recommendations

on how Pakistan can remove gender-discrimination. The Report also expresses concern

that Pakistan has taken contradictory positions on eliminating discrimination against

women by acceding to CEDAW but not reversing the existing discriminatory laws.

Women’s status in Pakistan, therefore, has been negatively affected by an unstable

political climate and extreme Islamic fundamentalism evident in discriminatory laws. In

2000, the President of Pakistan, General Musharraf, increased the number of seats in

parliament reserved for women from 3.4 to 33 per cent (Ashraf, 2004). This has raised

hopes of bringing significant changes in women’s life through legislation, particularly in

revisiting and overturning laws passed during President Zia-ul-Haq’s time.

Within Pakistan’s patriarchal social framework, women continue to have a

marginalized status in all spheres - political, economic and social - of Pakistani society.

Women’s autonomy in terms of decision-making, mobility and limited access and control

to economic resources is highly constrained (Jejeebhoy & Sathar, 2001; Weiss, 2003).

The rate of female economic activity compared to males in Pakistan is only 42 per cent.

Formal political participation continues to remain primarily a man’s domain.

Gender segregation is prevalent whereby women and men occupy different

ideologies and social spaces (Ashraf, 2004; Weiss, 2003). Men’s roles are of producers

and providers. They occupy outside-home spaces. Women’s roles are of caregiving and

they occupy the household domain. Without the accompanied of a male relative, it is

often difficult for women to take short journeys alone (Ashraf, 2004). Dominant gender

ideologies are also reflected in the preference for gender segregated schooling

particularly when children enter puberty (Ashraf, 2004; Sales, 1999). Women in this

socio-cultural context are restricted from interactions with non-relative men, particularly

in unsupervised circumstances. At times, such restrictions are also extended to male

relatives particularly since marriage between two first cousins is common practice in this

context. The powerful ideology which links family honor to female virtue restricts

women’s social mobility through purdah3 (literally, a veil) and gender segregation

3 See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to purdah.

7

(Weiss, 2003). According to purdah, women veil themselves to varying degrees while

moving in public areas such as markets, roads, public transport or public parks (Ashraf,

2004). Some women cover the whole body including the face. Others use a shawl or

scarf to cover their head and bosom. The practice of purdah aims at eliminating any

contact between unrelated women and men (Ashraf, 2004). As mentioned by Ashraf

(2004), “local variants of Islam” (p. 7) within the context of Pakistan usually lead to the

adherence of strict rules regulating the behavior of girls as they move from childhood to

womanhood when the perceived threat of a woman disgracing her family is more highly

at stake.

The traditional familial unit in Pakistan is a patrilineal extended family of parents,

sons and their wives and children, and unmarried daughters. As Ashraf and Farah (2007)

write, “This extended family as the basic unit of social control establishes the norms for

female and male roles” (p. 8). Within this patriarchal context the father, or in his absence

the next senior man, heads the household. The decisions of what Ashraf (2004) refers to

as the “experienced” (p. 15) male elders are highly respected and honored. Men in

consultation with male elders control decision making and financial management.

Extended families exert pressure on men to maintain their image of supremacy and

patriarchs. Sons are preferred due to this ideological and social demarcation. Male

children are one sign of a man’s authority and power. The birth of a son is often rejoiced

and celebrated more than the birth of a daughter. As in a number of South Asian cultural

contexts, a daughter’s birth in Pakistan is considered a burden in many instances. From

birth, a daughter is perceived to belong to her future husband’s family. Moreover, when

she gets married she takes with her a dowry largely paid for by her parents’ family. A

daughter lives as a ‘guest’ in her parents’ home learning what Bashiruddin (2007) refers

to as the “art of good housekeeping” (p. 44) and how to behave appropriately as a woman

within the norms of the context. This is considered important preparation to secure a

suitable marriage partner for a daughter and to ensure her suitable conduct in her

‘rightful’ home after marriage. The behavior of girls and women is closely tied to honor

and disgrace for a man (Ashraf, 2004; Ashraf & Farah, 2007). Bashiruddin (2007) has

argued that social biases and cultural practices which discriminate against girls and

women are contradictory in relation to certain Islamic views of women. She writes that

8

the advent of Islam negated practices of pagan Arabs who discriminated against girls to

the extent of practicing female infanticide (Bashiruddin, 2007). Instead Islam, “declared

the birth of a girl an occasion for gratitude and happiness because daughters are the

harbingers of Allah’s blessings for the recipient family” (Bashiruddin, 2007, p. 48).

A woman’s position in the extended family household gets strengthened as she

progresses in marital life and gives birth to male offspring. Later in life, women acquire

power as mothers-in-law in the extended patriarchal family networks predominant in the

Pakistani cultural context (Ashraf, 2004; Ashraf & Farah, 2007). Ashraf and Farah

(2007) write that within the extended family household, a hierarchy also exists in the

authority and power different women have. Mothers-in-law generally have control over

the running of the household. Moreover, they exercise authority over all the other

women: daughters, daughters-in-law, and grand daughters. Ashraf (2007) also writes,

Because women’s power in extended families tends to increase as they proceed through the life cycle, in particular after the older women vacate their senior position (for example, after the death or disability of a mother-in-law), some women can and do assume powerful roles in preserving patriarchal relationships in their families…by privileging the male family members. (p. 86)

Although traditional family structures are gradually shifting and the nuclear family

structure is becoming relatively more common, particularly in urban cities like Karachi, it

is still rare in the Pakistani context.

Gender differentiation thus happens very early on, even before birth, in terms of

expectations and preferences. Children in the early years are clearly aware of their

gender roles (MacNaughton, 2000; Witt, 1997; Yelland & Grieshaber, 1998). Boys are

favored with the best family resources, including better food, health care and educational

opportunities; this is perceived to yield a ‘better rate of return’ to their families in the

long-term. Social construction of gender roles compounded by the obstacle of poverty,

particularly in the developing context, affects the physical and psychological

development of girls and boys (PAHO, 1997). The inverse sex ratio in Pakistan of 91

women for every 100 men is one of the lowest in the world, bringing into question

women’s right of access to nutrition, health care and related concerns (Weiss, 2003).

9

Gender and education in Pakistan: an overview

The gap in educational opportunities and attainment between girls and boys in

Pakistan is one of the largest in South Asia and in the world. It is estimated that over two

thirds of Pakistan’s population of approximately 140 million are uneducated or under-

educated. Nationally, the net primary enrollment rate for boys is 71% and for girls 62 per

cent; the drop out rates for boys and girls are 56% and 46% respectively (HDSA, 2000).

Beyond primary school, there continues to be a high dropout rate of girls. This is due to

the lack of opportunities, mobility issues, traditions and cultural norms constraining girls’

and women’s access to higher education, especially in the rural areas (Government of

Pakistan, 2002). In 2000, the adult literacy rate was 44 per cent; men’s literacy rate was

57.4% and women’s literacy rate was 27.9 per cent (Human Development Report, 2003).

Significant gaps have persisted over the years between male and female literacy rates

(Farah & Shera, 2007). Regional, location, class and gender differences mean that in

some remote areas, female literacy could also be as low as 5 per cent (HDSA, 2000). The

Sindh province in which this study was conducted has the highest female literacy rate at

41 per cent (ul Haq, 1997). Women attend school for an average of 0.7 years compared

to 2.9 years for men, and again there are large regional differences (HDSA, 2000). Given

the situation of girls’ education in Pakistan, it is a priority issue for the Ministry of

Education, particularly through its various international commitments including the

Education For All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDG).

In 2000, the population in the three to five year age group was approximated at

8.61 million - 4.40 million boys and 4.21 million girls (Ministry of Education, 2003).

Due to resource constraints, early childhood education in Pakistan has remained a

neglected area. In 2000, the net participation rate of pre-primary education in Pakistan

was only 25% of which 31% was male and 18% was female (Ministry of Education,

2003). In 2000, Pakistan committed to achieve the EFA goals and targets set out during

the World Education Forum in Dakar. Three of the six EFA goals and targets relate to

improving early childhood care and education as well as eliminating gender disparities in

primary and secondary education with a focus on ensuring girls’ equal access to and

achievement in basic education of good quality (Ministry of Education, 2003). Pakistan’s

recent initiative to introduce the National Curriculum in Early Childhood Education

10

(2007) in 20024 is indication of its commitment. Within the public sector, early

childhood education has been formalized with the re-establishment of the katchi classes5.

The private sector as well is engaged in efforts to enhance the quality of early childhood

education through various school improvement initiatives, including teacher training.

There are also several service providers in Pakistan focusing on diverse aspects of early

childhood education. Moreover, various international donors and financial institutions

also support gender and education programs, including teacher education for women, in

Pakistan.

Women teachers in Pakistan

Pakistani women play an important role in educational provision, particularly as

classroom teachers. Out of the total 440, 568 primary school teachers in Pakistan, 198,

089 (45%) are women (Ministry of Education, 2007). These teachers are largely

concentrated in urban and less remote areas (UNESCO, 2002). According to Ministry of

Education (2007) reports, primary teachers in the public sector also teach at the pre-

primary level. As such, no pre-primary teachers in the public sector have been reported

in Pakistan education statistics (Ministry of Education, 2007). Within the private sector,

a total of 3, 405 pre-primary teachers have been reported (Ministry of Education, 2007).

Of this total, 2, 950 pre-primary teachers are women (Ministry of Education, 2007).

Three key reasons for the number of women teachers at the pre-primary and primary

levels are: their limited opportunity for receiving higher education training; relatively

safe women-dominated work environments; and perceptions of this work being

acceptable for women. In order to increase girls’ access to school, measures are in place

to recruit women teachers, particularly in remote, rural areas. Nevertheless, as Heward

4 A revised edition of the Pakistan National Curriculum in Early Childhood Education was published in 2007. 5 According to the National Plan of Action (Ministry of Education, 2003), early childhood education was well-organized and formalized in the 1970s. Katchi (pre-primary) classes were established in formal primary schools. In the 1980s, this practice was almost officially discontinued (Ministry of Education, 2003). Juma (2004) writes, “Even though early childhood and katchi classes existed, they were in dire straits – especially in the public sector” (p. 403). Authoritarian, teacher-directed learning and rote memorization characterized these classrooms resulting in many young children having a poor beginning in education. This led to great concern amongst many people. The private sector had early childhood provisions which drew mainly from Montessori approaches and which catered largely to children from the elite and upper-middle class population (Juma, 2004).

11

(1999) aptly notes, this a real challenge as many women teachers see these to be

“hardship areas” (p. 206). Mobility issues as well as the risk of kidnap, robbery and rape

in remote, rural areas make such postings understandably unappealing for women

teachers (Heward, 1999; Warwick & Reimers, 1995).

Teaching in Pakistan is a relatively unattractive career choice, particularly at the

pre-primary and primary levels due to low social status of teachers and low salaries

(Warwick & Reimers, 1995). Private, English-medium schools, particularly in urban

centers, are the preferred choice of motivated teachers, especially women (Heward,

1999). Compared to under-resourced and run-down government schools with inadequate

and inappropriate curricula, poorly trained teachers, poor physical infrastructures, little if

any water, electricity and latrines as well as high drop-out rates of already disadvantaged

children, teaching in urban, private, English-medium schools offers a relatively more

comfortable, conducive and facilitative work environment6 (Heward, 1999; Pardhan &

Ahmed, 2005). According to Heward (1999), the gap between the relatively privileged

private, English-medium schools and government schools is widening. The morale of

government school teachers is often low and they have little incentive and motivation to

attend school. As a result, teacher absenteeism in government schools is a significant

issue, especially in rural areas7. Even when they are present, they are unable to teach

effectively due to their lack of qualifications and limited opportunity for in-service

professional development8.

6 Three types of school systems operate in Pakistan, namely public (government), private and deeni madrasas (religious schools). A large majority of the population, particularly the disadvantaged population, attend public schools which follow the government education system and based on the matriculation system. Low budget allocations result in these schools generally being under-resourced and run-down. Government schools are usually Urdu medium. Deeni madrasas (religious schools) usually offer free education from classes 1 to 10 and are generally attended by the lower socio-economic population. The expenses of students enrolled in the madrasas are met through government grants, charities and donations (Vazir, 2004). To meet the growing demand of parents seeking good quality, English-medium education for their children, private schools have been set-up in Pakistan. The quality of education provided in these schools ranges. Many private schools teach the government curriculum though this is optional. Other schools plan and implement their own curriculum/syllabus and may use the government curriculum to support theirs (Vazir, 2004). 7 During the field-work component of the Certificate in Education: Early Childhood Education program offered at the Aga Khan University – Institute for Educational Development (AKU-IED) where I work, course participants are provided field support with their practice. My colleagues and I have encountered several instances when we have negotiated dates to support government school teachers in the field and when we have arrived at the school they have been absent. 8 Institutions like AKU-IED are attempting to bring about quality educational reform and school improvement through student-centered, in-service teacher professional development with an emphasis on

12

According to Pakistan’s Ministry of Education, 87% of teachers in the state sector

are officially considered to be ‘qualified’ (HDSA, 2000). Most of these teachers are

likely concentrated in urban and semi-urban areas. Teacher training in Pakistan is

considered to be ‘ineffective’ with practicing teachers rarely having opportunity for

systematic, continuous and quality professional development (Hussain & Ali, 2007).

Existing professional development opportunities including the primary teaching

certification (PTC)9 and the certificate in teaching course (CT) 10 within the public system

are often of poor quality (Warwick & Reimers, 1995). While public sector teachers are

required to hold a primary teaching certificate (PTC) or a certificate in teaching course

(CT), this is not a pre-requisite for private sector teachers, especially those at the pre-

primary and primary levels. As such, many practicing teachers considered to be

‘qualified’ according to the Ministry of Education, have limited understanding of both

subject content and pedagogy. As is evident universally, Pakistani teachers are rarely

consulted in issues of policy and educational reforms (Villegas-Reimers & Reimers,

1996). Furthermore, as Kirk (2007) notes, “In the language of programme reports, of

agency policies, and research studies, teachers are often narrowly defined in terms of

their pedagogical roles, with little attention to other dimensions of their lives” (p. 62).

While considerable numbers of women teach at the pre-primary and primary levels, they

remain under-represented in educational leadership and management and in positions of

educational planning and policy-making (Baig, 2008; Kirk, 2007; Rarieya, 2007).

Consequently, much of the theorizing about schools, classrooms and teaching is done by

men.

Although women teachers in Pakistan have become the subject of policy

attention, they continue to remain marginalized within educational structures and

processes (Ashraf, 2004; Kirk, 2003). The impact of women teachers on children’s

education, particularly girls’ education, has been considered from perspectives of

achievement and enrollment. However, there has as yet been little discussion of

critical inquiry and reflective practice. AKU-IED works in close collaboration with various national and international organizations, including the government of Pakistan. 9 A Primary Teaching Certificate (PTC) is awarded to individuals who complete a one-year teacher training course in primary education after they finish class 10. 10 The Certificate of Teaching (CT) is also a one-year course which can be taken by individuals who complete class 12 and acquire the higher secondary school certificate.

13

Pakistani women teachers’ daily negotiations of gender roles and identities in their

schools, families and communities (Kirk, 2003). As Kirk (2007) points out, “In the

formal education sector especially, their perspectives are largely unacknowledged, their

experience and knowledge largely unrecognized” (p. 64). Development contexts like

Pakistan remain largely silent around the gendered nature of the ideologies, programs and

processes in education (Stromquist, 1999). Kirk (2007), therefore, argues that it is

critical to consider the different and diverse dimensions of Pakistani women teachers’

lived experiences of becoming and being teachers in urban and rural contexts as well as

in public and private sector school systems. In particular, she highlights the need to

understand the experiences of upper and middle class urban women teachers in private

schools who have until now not been specifically considered (Kirk, 2007). Bringing

complex issues of Pakistani women teachers’ lived experiences to the forefront is

imperative to supporting the increasing number of women teachers, particularly in the

pre-primary and primary sectors, to impart quality education to young girls and boys for

gender equity.

A small, but growing body of literature is emerging in the Pakistani context to

study teachers’ lives, particularly women teachers’ lives (Ashraf, 2004; Bashiruddin,

2003; Halai, 2002; Kirk, 2003; Mattice, 2002; Pardhan & Ahmed, 2005; Sales, 1999).

Most of the few studies on women teachers in Pakistan have attempted to draw attention

to describe women’s gendered experiences and how these have affected their teaching.

However, studies by Bashiruddin (2003) and Halai (2002) with women teachers in the

urban context of Karachi have only implicitly searched for the impact of gender

experiences on their teaching. Furthermore, studies in rural settings exploring women

teachers’ lives in Balochistan and the Northern Areas (Mattice, 2002) and the

professional development experiences of Northern Areas’ women teachers (Sales, 1999)

have given little detail to how women teachers understand the concept of gender in

relation to their teaching practice. Ashraf’s (2004) study has investigated the experiences

of women teachers including their influence on the experiences of girls and boys in the

classroom in the rural and under-privileged urban contexts of the Northern Areas.

However, her sample did not include pre-primary teachers. Kirk’s (2003) study has

explored the lived experiences of women teachers’ and their reflections of their role in

14

the formation of students’ gendered identities. Her study sample came predominantly

from non-government schools in Karachi and appeared not to include pre-primary

teachers. Furthermore, observations of teacher-student gendered interactions were not

included in her study. Pardhan and Ahmed (2005) have examined the health related

experiences of women teachers and how they perceived their practice teaching health

education to girls and boys in private and public schools in Karachi. However, their

sample also did not include pre-primary teachers nor were observations of the teachers’

gendered classroom practice carried out.

The need to research and understand the experiences of women pre-primary

teachers in Pakistan to better support them stimulated my interest in exploring this area.

To my knowledge, my research which explores how Pakistani women kindergarten

teachers understand the concept of gender evident from their own reflections of their life

experiences and from their interaction with their students is the first in this context and

globally. It represents a step towards filling the vacuum in the understanding of pre-

primary women teachers’ experiences, particularly in urban, private schools (Kirk, 2003,

2007).

Women kindergarten teachers at Rainbow School: setting the context

Rainbow School11, where this study was conducted, reflects the universal pattern

of women dominating the early years’ teaching profession, including urban settings in

Pakistan like Karachi. All the teachers12 in the pre-primary section during the time of

data collection were women. As I understood it, since the school began all the pre-

primary teachers have been women. The school is private, co-education, and English-

medium. It starts at the nursery level and goes up to O’ Levels. The school follows the

British Cambridge system that incorporates the teaching and practice of Islamic routines

and practices. Most students belong to middle, middle-upper, and upper class families,

and, as with most private schools in Pakistan, they pay fees. Admission into the school is

11 Rainbow School is a pseudonym. 12 In the pre-primary section at Rainbow School, each classroom has a main class teacher and one support teacher. During the year I collected data, the school was piloting four main class teachers and three support teachers in the kindergarten section. The major planning and academic teaching was done by the main class teachers. The support teachers provided assistance. They also substituted for main class teachers when they were absent; this happened infrequently.

15

competitive and students usually perform well academically, securing top marks in exams

locally, nationally and internationally. The students’ first language is usually Urdu and

they generally enter at the pre-primary level with limited, if any, English language skills.

From nursery to class four, girls and boys study together in the same class; from class

five onwards, girls and boys study in sex-segregated classrooms. Students wear uniforms

to school. Girls wear a dress, shirt, socks and tennis shoes13 up to class four; from class

five girls are required to wear shalwar, kameez, and dupatta14 and to cover their heads

with a short scarf. Boys wear shorts, a shirt, socks and tennis shoes up to class four; from

class five boys are expected to wear trousers, a shirt and a tie. The teachers adopt simple

attire at school and wear a long sleeve kameez, shalwar, and dupatta worn over their

head15.

The kindergarten syllabus16 was particular to Rainbow School, as is the case with

most private schools in this context which seldom follow the Pakistan National

Curriculum for Early Childhood Education17 (2007). The syllabus was academic and

teacher-directed and focused mainly on knowledge transmission (See Appendix C). As I

understood it, the academic curriculum was structured to prepare the kindergarten

children for the rigorous class 1 academic curriculum which had a heavy emphasis on

writing. Evident at the kindergarten level was an attempt by the school to break the

mould of the existing teacher-directed, ‘chalk and board’ academic syllabus in this

context by including one period a week for unstructured play in learning areas based on

the High/Scope Approach18 of ‘plan-work-recall’19. Teaching was done largely in a

13 In the North American context, these would be considered ‘runners’. 14 Pakistan’s national dress is the shalwar (loose-fitting trousers), kameez (loose-fitting shirt) and dupatta (long scarf that is draped across the bosom and sometimes over the head). See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to shalwar, kameez and dupatta. 15 Some teachers tied a small scarf around their head and had their dupatta draped across their shoulders and bosom. 16 In this study, I use the terms ‘syllabus’ and ‘curriculum’ interchangeably; in the research site, the terms were also used interchangeably. 17 Elements from the Pakistan National Curriculum for Early Childhood Education (2007) that draws from the High/Scope approach are evident in their syllabus. 18 In the 1960s, David Weikart initiated The High/Scope Perry Preschool project with the support of local principals and other local educators (Hohmann & Weikart, 2002). This carefully designed research and curriculum development project was aimed to help ‘at risk’ children from poor neighborhoods in Ypsilanti, Michigan, who tended to fail in high school and scored lower on achievement and intelligence tests. Weikart and his committee felt that an early intervention program with ‘at risk’ 3 and 4 year old children would help them. Today, the High/Scope approach is used in both urban and rural settings worldwide.

16

linear, isolated manner with children spending most of the school day engaged in rote,

individual written work mainly in language or math. The participants all began their

teaching career with no formal pre-service teacher education reflecting the general trend

in this context. Nevertheless, they have had some opportunity for in-service professional

development within the school and, in the case of a few teachers, at reputable educational

institutions in the city. The kindergarten teachers had little autonomy in their yearly and

weekly lesson planning which they did as a team with various school coordinators, again

reflecting general trends in this context.

The kindergarten classroom daily routines were established around the largely

academic syllabus. The kindergarten school day began at 7:50 a.m. with assembly and

prayers and ended at 12:15 p.m. again with a prayer20. A typical morning would be

divided into four periods and each period was 40 minutes. On Friday, the school day was

short with only 2 periods21. During Ramadan22, the school day was shortened by

approximately half an hour, with each period being 30 minutes. Children had a half hour

break everyday for snack and to play with material. There was no outdoor time during

the break although the teachers could take the children out daily for ‘free play’ when they

felt it could be fitted into their academic teaching23.

The four kindergarten classrooms at Rainbow School were together in one portion

of the pre-primary section with a resource room available for small group work and

teacher planning. Close to the kindergarten classrooms was a space set-up into learning

areas for unstructured play. The kindergarten classrooms were inviting and bright. The 19 Rainbow School has adapted the ‘plan-work-recall’ component of the High/Scope approach. During the 5-10 minute ‘planning’ time, children sat in a group and shared which learning areas they would go to and the work/play they would be engaged in. The ‘work time’ when children engaged in play in the various learning areas lasted approximately 25 – 30 minutes. The learning areas included: block; language/library; art; kitchen; water; sand. Usually four areas were available for children to select on a given day. The children then came back into a group for a 5-10 minute ‘recall time’ where they reflected upon what they had accomplished during the ‘work/play time’. 20 Reciting prayers from the Holy Qu’ran at various moments during the day was part of the daily routine. For Muslims, the Qu’ran is the faithful and complete recording of all revelation that came in the form of divine inspiration to the Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him) (Nanji, 2008). See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to Qu’ran. 21 Fridays are significant for Muslims; many Muslims offer the special Juma namaaz (Friday prayers) in the afternoon. 22 Ramadan is the ninth month in the Muslim calendar. During this holy month, most practicing Muslims observe daily fasting and prayer. See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to Ramadan. 23 During the period of data collection this seldom happened: the teachers felt pressured to complete the academic curriculum; children would be working until the end of a period; the area for ‘free play’ would be occupied by another class; or there was no support teacher to help supervise children outside.

17

physical structure and layout of each classroom was more suited to the teacher-directed,

‘chalk and board’ kindergarten academic syllabus than to active learning and play. The

classrooms all looked similar with tables and chairs occupying much of the classroom

space. Each classroom included: storage shelves for exercise and text books, stationary

and play material24; a mat area for transitions, singing, storytelling, and reciting prayers; a

small, low table and low chairs for teachers; a chalkboard; a reading corner with a small

mat, shelves, and books; and soft boards.

Research as Autobiographical

Glesne (2006) writes that it is important to reflect upon how one’s research is

autobiographical in order to become aware of our research subjectivities. My research

topic exploring how Pakistani women kindergarten teachers understand the concept of

gender evident from their own reflections of their life experiences and from their

interaction with their students intersects with my life in multiple ways. The values and

perspectives that underlie my scholarship and research were developed early in my life. I

am a Shia Ismaili Muslim Canadian woman born in Kenya and with Indian ancestral

heritage. My family and, to a large extent, the Shia Ismaili Muslim community to which

I belong have been part of a great global migrancy and movement in the postcolonial and

postmodern times. In 1981 my family immigrated to Canada. I was ten years old at the

time. During my first few years living in Canada, life was not what I had expected it

would be. Crossing geographic borders from one country into another, also brought with

it tensions of crossing social, cultural, ethnic and educational borders. I did not feel the

kind of respect and acceptance for different religions and cultures in Canada that I had

experienced as a child in Kenya. For the most part, I felt unwelcome in school and

experienced tensions studying in a co-education classroom - in Kenya, I had attended a

girls’ school.

Supporting my brothers and me to get a good education has always been highly

valued by my teacher-educator parents. It is also highly valued within the Shia Ismaili

Muslim community. Our spiritual leader, His Highness the Aga Khan, the 49th

24 Children generally used the ‘play’ material (blocks, math and language flashcards, slates and chalk, and bottle tops, etc) after completing their written seat work or after eating their snack.

18

hereditary Imam of the Shia Imami Ismaili Muslims and a direct descendant of the

Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him25) through his cousin and son-in-law, Ali, the

first Imam, and his wife Fatima, the Prophet's (PBUH) daughter, encouraged us to make

Canada our home. It would not be easy, he said, but with hard work, perseverance and

faith, this land would offer us many freedoms of a pluralistic society that we may not

have if we lived in other politically tense climates. His Highness the Aga Khan has

stressed the importance of quality education as a critical factor in creating a successful

future for generations that will have to cope with a rapidly changing environment. Not

only does he stress education as a way for us to cope in the face of rapid historical

changes, but also to help and support those in need to live a dignified life. There was an

expectation in our home that my brothers and I would go to university and enter into

fields which would not only help us, but help others. Though my learning was affected

during the first few years of my life in Canada, I persevered with my family’s and my

community’s support. My goal of getting admission into a good university helped me to

deal with the feelings of loneliness and the sense of rootlessness of being an immigrant.

During my final year of my Bachelor of Arts program fifteen years ago, my

family traveled to the Northern Areas of Pakistan, a scenic, yet harsh geographical region

where the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN), set-up through the initiative of His

Highness the Aga Khan, has been very active, particularly in health, education and rural

development. We visited many of the schools established and operated by the Aga Khan

Education Services, Pakistan (AKES, P) in the Northern Areas. I learned about how

these initiatives have made it possible for girls to attend school in this visibly patriarchal

and hierarchical culture.

I felt a wellspring of emotions as I saw and learned about the conditions in which

girls in the Northern Areas come to school and by their desire to learn. I began to grapple

with the complexity of human life and injustice in people’s life experiences. The women

in the Northern Areas of Pakistan are Muslim, like me. Many of them are Shia Ismaili

Muslim and, therefore, we follow the guidance of the same Imam, His Highness the Aga

Khan. Yet, our life experiences have been largely different. My basic needs are met. I

have opportunities to get quality education and for greater freedom and mobility,

25 Further references will use the abbreviation ‘PBUH’

19

including being able to travel. Many of the women in the Northern Areas context

struggle to have their basic needs met. Though they have access to school, the quality of

education is lacking. For example, their teachers have little if any training and work with

limited resources. Visible patriarchal and hierarchical structures also limit their

opportunities, including their mobility and freedom. For the first time, I became

conscious of the notion of patriarchy. I was disturbed to learn that men and women in

this context occupy different ideological and social spaces which marginalize women.

(This experience also resulted, thereafter, in my reflecting upon the gendered ideological

and social spaces in the Canadian context where much of my upbringing has been.)

Furthermore, I grappled with patriarchal norms within this context favoring boys with

family resources, including better food, educational opportunities and health care.

Despite their dire conditions and their patriarchal context, the girls in the Northern Areas

are still determined to come to school and learn. During my visit to the Northern Areas, I

was also reminded of His Highness the Aga Khan’s words almost ten years previously

and felt compelled to follow his guidance:

There are those who enter the world in such poverty that they are deprived of both the means and the motivation to improve their circumstances. Unless they can be touched with the spark which ignites the spirit of individual enterprise and determination, they will only sink into apathy, degradation and despair. It is for us, who are more fortunate, to provide that spark. (Aga Khan Development Network Calendar, 2005)

I felt a strong desire to learn more about these women’s experiences, to work in

this area and to contribute towards the change process in their education and life

experiences. During the same year that my family visited the Northern Areas, I met a

woman at the University of Alberta who was completing her PhD in the area of women’s

education. Her field work had been done in the Northern Areas. After a conversation

with her, I made up my mind that I would apply for graduate studies and conduct my

master’s thesis research in the Northern Areas. This was not to be. Instead, I conducted

my master’s thesis research in the remote, barren, mountainous region of Chitral District,

the northernmost district of the North West Frontier Province in Pakistan and neighboring

the Northern Areas.

During my master’s research exploring the schooling and work experiences of

women in Booni Valley, Chitral District, I realized the complex and interconnected

20

multiple layers of the women’s lives. My study findings revealed many tensions with the

advent of women’s schooling and employment in Booni Valley and the perceptions of

traditional knowledge, values and work (Pardhan, 1995, 2005). This research was

significant as it explored women’s perceptions of schooling and work in their own

particular cultural context which is critical for understanding their specific needs.

Furthermore, the study had implications for the development of girls’ schooling in an

area where schooling and employment had been almost non-existent for girls and women

prior to the 1980s. My findings and interactions with the women participants moved me

to want to continue working with Pakistani women and bring their issues to the forefront

of educational discussion.

In January 2004, I was hired as faculty at the Aga Khan University-Institute for

Educational Development (AKU-IED) in Karachi, Pakistan. I indicated my interest to

work in the area of early childhood education which, as mentioned earlier, remains

largely neglected in this context. I also expressed my interest in gender and education.

Though my teacher training and previous teaching experiences were with older children,

I was interested in early childhood education because of my then eight month old

daughter and two year old son. I was also excited about the opportunity to be able to

work in the area of gender and education given my previous master’s thesis research

experience.

Through my work and research with early years’ teachers in Karachi and the

Northern Areas of Pakistan and my experiences living in Karachi as a woman, I have

begun to get a deeper understanding and appreciation of the social and cultural

complexities faced by Pakistani women teachers, particularly women pre-primary

teachers. Patriarchal structures in this socio-cultural fabric have resulted in a gendered

organization of life that limits women’s freedom and choice within the family, the

workplace and the larger community. I am constantly aware of the dominant patriarchal

structures which limit my own freedom - more visibly in this context than in Canada.

Although I am considered privileged to be faculty at a reputable and prestigious

university in Pakistan, I am cognizant that the two areas in which I teach and conduct

research, early childhood education and gender and education, are largely marginalized

both in education and the broader socio-political context.

21

Like most pre-primary teachers in Pakistan, the teachers I work with are poorly

trained or not trained at all. Despite the government’s commitments to improve access to

and quality of early childhood education in the country, its efforts remain inadequate.

With little pre-service training and limited opportunity for in-service training, early years’

teachers generally have poor subject content and pedagogical knowledge. Moreover,

they lack understanding of child development and learning. Pre-primary teachers, like

many teachers in the Pakistani context, often use rote-learning methods. Working with

them to shift their teaching practice is challenging and is often met with resistance by the

school, the teachers and the parents. Their classrooms are often poorly resourced. A

number of the pre-primary teachers who I have taught and supported in the field

experience a low sense of morale in their profession. They receive low salaries and have

a low social status. Furthermore, they often feel isolated with little support from their

colleagues and administration in their attempts to transform their practice. While

teaching pre-primary is a relatively unattractive career choice for them, many early

childhood teachers still enter into and remain in this profession. Teaching is seen as

culturally appropriate for them as they tend to work mainly with other women.

Furthermore, teaching is considered to be part-time because many schools are half-day

only. As a result, the women can work and tend to family responsibilities as well.

Despite their challenges, I am continuously amazed at the efforts of many of my women

teacher course participants to: travel to and participate in professional development

programs which are often far from home; transform their practice; remain committed to

the care, well-being and education of young children; and balance work, domestic and

community responsibilities. As a mother of two young children, I continue to empathize

with their struggle to balance work, home and professional development, particularly

during this phase of my life doing my doctoral studies.

Given that many of Pakistani pre-primary teachers are women, I feel that it is

important to get a deeper awareness of their lived experiences and how they understand

the concept of gender. Through my experiences as a mother and doing work and research

with pre-primary children, I am aware of gender differentiation happening very early on,

sometimes before birth, in terms of expectations and preferences. When I was expecting

each of my children, I was conscious of prayers or comments that I be blessed with a son.

22

I struggled with this. It did not matter to me one way or another if I had a son or a

daughter. I felt blessed to have the chance to become a mother. Similarly, a number of

women teachers whom I have worked with in Pakistan have spoken of negative reactions

from their families and their community when their daughters have been born and how

painful this has been for them. Yet, I often wondered about their perceptions of teaching

girls and boys and whether they felt they taught and interacted differently or in the same

way with them. Do they feel in any way that they play a role in perpetuating the very

gender structures which marginalize them? Connelly and Clandinin (1994) write,

“Teachers are the single most important force in school improvement” (p. 147).

Teachers’ life experiences and work shape their views of teaching and the way they set

about it (Ball & Goodson, 1985; Thiessen, Bascia & Goodson, 1996). As such, I felt

committed to gaining insight into women pre-primary teachers’ life experiences and their

understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender to allow teacher training

institutions, educational planners and policy makers to better support them and to ensure

equal and equitable opportunities in education for both girls and boys.

My experiences as a Shia Ismaili Muslim woman whose spiritual leader and

whose parents have placed a strong emphasis on education and service to humanity have

been integral in shaping my beliefs and attitudes towards education and social justice.

Although I have grown up in a relatively non-gender oppressive environment at home, I

am conscious of the gender oppression that I face and that other women face within the

broader socio-cultural climate. My personal and professional life experiences have given

me the opportunity to reflect critically about the complexity of gender oppression as it

intersects with other dimensions such as ethnicity, race, culture, religion, geography,

economics and politics. They have had a profound effect on the topic I want to study and

the people whom I have selected for my study.

Research Question

My reflection on the socio-cultural context of Pakistan, the experiences of women

pre-primary teachers, and the commitments that Pakistan has made to improving access

and quality in early childhood education for all children through the EFA goals made me

aware of the need to explore how women kindergarten teachers understand the concept of

23

gender evident from their own reflections. Moreover, I was convinced of the importance

of investigating their understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender to get

deeper insight into the experiences of young girls and boys in the classroom. I was aware

that the development of knowledge about women pre-primary teachers’ perspectives in

my study would be critical for teachers, teacher development institutions and policy

makers in Pakistan to be able to take action to better support women pre-primary teachers

as well as to increase teachers’ awareness of the gendered nature of their teaching

practice and interaction with students. Therefore, I decided to explore in-depth the

experiences of women teaching pre-primary in the urban city of Karachi, Pakistan, where

I currently live and work. I decided on a mixed-method study which included interviews

and classroom observations of seven women teaching kindergarten in one private, co-

education, English-medium school with a pre-primary section. I focused on their life

experiences, including becoming and being kindergarten teachers. I also inquired about

how they understood their teaching practice in relation to gender. These issues led me to

formulate the following research questions to guide my study:

Major research question

How do women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan understand the concept of gender

evident from their own reflections and from their interaction with their female and male

students?

Subsidiary research questions

1. How do women kindergarten teachers understand the concept of gender as informed

by their life experiences?

2. How do women kindergarten teachers understand their teaching practice in relation to

gender and how is this understanding reflected in observations of their teaching

practice with girls and boys?

To understand the women kindergarten teachers’ lives and experiences, I explored

their reflections about their life experiences. An investigation of their socio-cultural,

geographical, and historical contexts highlights how their lives are shaped in a patriarchal

24

society. Even if they are employed outside the home, they are still expected to play

traditional women’s roles. The women’s perceptions and experiences becoming and

being teachers, particularly kindergarten teachers, illustrate the interaction between their

various roles and values associated to their gendered position in society. Furthermore,

the analysis of their life experiences and how they have come to understand gender

highlights that their gender perceptions about their teaching practice and interaction with

young girls and boys are rooted in their life histories as young girls and women.

Significance of the Study

This study is significant for two major reasons: the first is personal and the

second is its potential contribution to policy and practice at local, national and

international levels. Although gender equality in education and early childhood

education are critical policy issues in Pakistan and international commitments have been

made to the EFA goals and the MDG, comparatively little attention has been given to the

experiences and views of women pre-primary teachers. Studies have explored

experiences of Pakistani women teachers (Ashraf, 2004; Bashiruddin, 2003; Halai, 2002;

Kirk, 2003; Mattice, 2002; Pardhan & Ahmed, 2005; Sales, 1999), but, to my knowledge,

no study has thus far explored the experiences of women pre-primary teachers within this

context. On an international level as well the lived experiences of women pre-primary

teachers have received little attention (Beach, 1992; Jagielo, 2004; Kim, 2005). This

study is, therefore, an attempt to draw attention to the important, yet often ignored,

experiences of women pre-primary teachers in Pakistan through a mixed-method research

design. It has placed the participants’ voices and actions in their broader educational,

social, geographical, religious, economic, cultural and historical contexts to better

comprehend their specific experiences.

Findings from this study may also create awareness among school leaders under

whose direction women pre-primary teachers work - both in Pakistan and other similar

contexts - to better facilitate them in their practice and in-service professional

development opportunities. The research findings will likely provide deeper insight to

school leaders of the complexity of women pre-primary teachers’ life experiences and

teaching practice, particularly regarding gender equity and equality in education.

25

This study benefited the research participants by giving them an opportunity to

reflect upon their life experiences and their teaching practice. Participating in this study

gave them the space to consider their knowledge base, attitudes and beliefs to begin re-

thinking about approaches to teaching and learning which challenge, empower and

provide more equitable learning opportunities for young girls and boys at school.

Findings from this research might benefit the school in which this study took place to re-

conceptualize the experiences and position of its pre-primary teachers.

The educational institution where I work in Pakistan, including other similar

institutions, are likely to gain deeper insight into the lived experiences of women pre-

primary teachers and their understanding of their teaching practice. This will help them

to evaluate how well our programs are preparing women pre-primary teachers for the

realities they face on a daily basis. With the area of early childhood education rapidly

gaining ground both in Pakistan and around the world, it is critical that the complexity of

Pakistani women pre-primary teachers’ experiences are understood to better facilitate

their practice and the quality of education young girls and boys receive.

Findings from this study offer an appropriate lens through which decision-making

bodies within government and private education sectors and donor agencies in Pakistan

and similar contexts can view women pre-primary teachers and their teaching in their

broader socio-cultural contexts. This will enable them to make informed policy and

curriculum decisions about teachers, teaching and schools. Insights into the women pre-

primary teachers’ priorities and personal lives including what informs and motivates their

work, particularly with regards to gender, may allow stakeholders to tailor teacher

development and curriculum development programs accordingly. Furthermore, this

study may likely influence policies and practices as far as recognizing teachers’ -

particularly pre-primary teachers’ and women teachers’ - centrality in the process of

education.

The mixed-method research design used for this study is significant in allowing

me to provide comprehensive evidence to strengthen my knowledge claims. Rich

description combined with descriptive statistics as well as interpretations that use theory

to provide structure, connect with personal experience and explore alternative means of

representing data to allow my study to engage many audiences. Given the multiplicity of

26

values and assumptions that different participants bring into the validation process, more

than one kind of interest needs to be served (Jang, 2005), including policymakers,

educational institutions, teachers, students, and parents. No assumptions underlying the

validation processes are taken for granted because of the heterogeneity of research

participants and contexts. The generation of knowledge claims is also critical to bring

about change. In my study, this has entailed the development of knowledge about

teachers’ perspectives for teachers, teacher development institutions and policy makers in

Pakistan and other similar contexts to be able to take action to increase women pre-

primary teachers’ awareness of the gendered nature of their teaching practice and

interaction with students.

At a personal level, this study of Pakistani women kindergarten teachers’ lived

experiences and understanding of their gendered teaching practice has greatly enhanced

my knowledge base. It will contribute greatly to my research and work in early years’

settings, particularly with pre-primary teachers and children. This study will assist me in

developing early childhood programs which consider the complexity of teachers’

experiences, particularly those of women teachers. Moreover, this study will support my

teaching practice to be one that provides equitable opportunities to my colleagues and

students irrespective of gender.

Organization of Subsequent Chapters

This thesis is organized into four further chapters. Chapter 2 discusses literature

relevant to my study. I review literature on teachers’ lives and work and on the historical

perspective of women teachers’ lives and work. In this chapter, I also present studies that

have explored the relationship between women teachers’ personal and professional lives.

Considered in this chapter is the small, but growing body of research in Pakistan on

women teachers’ lived realities as well as the few studies on women pre-primary

teachers’ experiences in the North American context. Relevant literature related to

gendered teacher-student interactions and relationships in the classroom is also provided.

In this chapter, I present Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) bioecological model of human

development that has provided the theoretical framework for this study.

27

In Chapter 3, I present my methodology. I discuss my mixed-method research

design and its significance to my study. Next, I describe my research procedures

including the processes of gaining entry into the field, my data collection methods and

the process used for data analysis. This chapter highlights the complexities of the

research site and participants including the ethical dilemmas I encountered in the field.

In Chapter 4, I present my research findings to answer my main research question

and two subsidiary questions. I set the landscape by presenting a demographic overview

of the research participants’ lives before and after marriage. I present substantive details

of the participants’ lived realities, drawing upon interviews, observations and documents

to discuss their experiences, including becoming and being kindergarten teachers. A

complex thematic portrayal of these seven women teachers’ collective experiences is

presented which captures the social, cultural, geographical, political, historical, and

religious contexts in which the teachers have been engaged. The chapter continues by

discussing their classroom practices in a co-educational, private, urban setting which are

embedded in their lived experiences in the visibly patriarchal context of Pakistan.

Classroom observations of their gendered teaching practice, qualitatively and

quantitatively represented, are presented together with reflections of how they understand

their teaching practice in relation to gender to reveal findings which both converge and

diverge.

In Chapter 5, I discuss my findings. I relate the data collected to the context of

Pakistan, my work in this context, the wider literature and to methodological issues to

present my insights about women kindergarten teachers’ understanding of gender through

their reflections about their lives and their interaction with their female and male

students.

Finally, I present my conclusions in Chapter 6 about how specific contextual

factors influence the shaping of the woman kindergarten teachers’ understanding of

gender based on their lived realities. The study’s contribution to scholarship,

implications for future research, policy and practice as well as my reflections on future

directions for research bring the thesis to a close.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

In this chapter, I review the literature related to how women kindergarten teachers

in Pakistan understand the concept of gender evident from their own reflections of their

life experiences and from their interactions with their students. I have divided the

literature review into the following subsections: discussion of teachers’ lives and work;

an historical overview of women teachers’ lives and work; women teachers’ personal and

professional life experiences; teacher-student interactions and relationships in co-

education classrooms; discussion of Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) theoretical framework used

for this study. I conclude the chapter with a summary discussion of the purpose and

significance of my study in relation to the literature and theoretical framework.

Teachers’ Lives and Work

Working with teachers and understanding teaching have been recently placed high

on the research agenda (Acker, 1999; Hargreaves, 1999). According to Hargreaves

(1999), the teacher is the key to educational change and school improvement. What

teachers think, believe and do at the classroom level ultimately shapes the kind of

learning young people receive. In their pioneering work, Ball and Goodson (1985)

described the importance of researching teachers’ life and work. According to their

assumptions: teachers’ previous careers and life experiences shape their views of

teaching and the way they set about it; teachers’ life outside school influences their work

as teachers and their commitment to teaching. Revealing teachers’ identities within

particular contexts and cultures reveals an understanding of what Goodson (1997) calls

the “social construction of teaching” (p. 140).

Developing teachers and improving their teaching practice involve more than

giving them new ideas and strategies which merely add to their teaching tasks. It is

important to consider what informs and drives teachers’ work. Bascia (1996) and

Hargreaves (1999) both argue that teachers teach in the way they do because of: skills

they have learned or not learned; their personal histories and lives; experiences in settings

beyond the classroom; their career hopes and dreams; their relationships with colleagues;

29

the conditions of status, reward and leadership under which they work. Studying

teachers’ lives can, therefore, highlight: structures or rules that may hinder or support

teachers; the nature of school organizations and how they support or challenge teachers’

conceptions of teaching; in-school relationships that influence teachers’ conceptions of

teaching. In Thiessen, Bascia and Goodson’s (1996) study racial-minority immigrant

teachers in Canada shared their understanding of their teaching practice by reflecting

upon their past and present lives in their social, historical and cultural contexts. Such a

study illustrates space being provided for teachers’ reflexivity and helps them to

contextualize their practices, position and relationships to their schools.

Women Teachers’ Lives and Work: A Historical Perspective

Historically and globally, women teachers have been disadvantaged compared to

men. Much of the early literature on women teachers’ experiences has approached

gender simplistically and stereotypically (Acker, 1989). In the 1950s and 1960s, concern

was expressed over anticipated disastrous consequences from the predominance of

women in teaching. Women themselves were blamed for their low status and salaries in

teaching (Acker, 1994). In the 1970s it was assumed that a lack of ambition together

with family responsibilities produced low commitment or lack of interest in promotion

among married women teachers (Acker, 1994). The late 1970s and early 1980s began to

broaden our knowledge of how sexual divisions in teaching occur (Acker, 1994). Acker

(1994) argues that most of this previous research to conceptualize women’s position in

teaching has been limited. It has been based on assumptions that family responsibilities

or marriage-career conflicts will produce attitudes and behaviors that have implications

for the profession and for individual women’s careers (Acker, 1994).

More recently, feminist historians, particularly within the Western context, have

critiqued past research on women teachers being viewed as objects rather than looking at

their subjective identity as women (Casey, 1993; Middleton, 1993; Munro, 1998; Weiler,

1988, 1998). Feminist research argues that it is important to consider the changes in

ideological, demographic and economic conditions, accompanied by shifts in government

education policies that alter the context within which women teachers’ commitments and

career patterns are shaped. Within feminist research on women teachers’ lives the

30

following themes have been explored: teaching as a feminized profession; women

teachers as promoters of women’s education; reasons why women enter into teaching;

how women teachers’ professionalism has been hindered by school structures and policy.

Feminist research on women teachers has provided a way to explore how gender

organizes everyday life (Smyth, Acker, Bourne & Prentice, 1997). Furthermore, it

illustrates in women’s own voices the way their lives and work are shaped by the

changing world around them. Contradictions in women teachers’ roles indicate the

complexity of their gendered experiences. On the one hand, women teachers have had

limited power within oppressive and hierarchical school and community structures. On

the other hand, women teachers have played powerful roles in supporting children’s

learning, helping to establish careers in education for women and working in difficult

circumstances (Wilson, 1991). Furthermore, teaching also appears to have afforded

women power in the sense of respect, autonomy and financial independence.

Nevertheless, women teachers continue to be both victims and unwitting perpetrators of

hierarchical oppression.

Feminist historians have been influential in raising awareness of the complexity

of women teachers’ lives. However, a theme that has received little attention in their

work is how the gendered lives of women teachers influence the understanding of gender

in relation to their classroom practice. My study to explore how Pakistani women

kindergarten teachers understand the concept of gender evident from their own

reflections of their life experiences and from their interaction with their students is an

attempt to address this gap in the literature.

Women Teachers’ Personal and Professional Life Experiences

In this section, I review the kind of work done by researchers in their quest to

depict the struggles and ambiguities of women teachers’ personal and professional lives

in various social and geographical settings. I explore relevant work that captures: 1)

interactions between women teachers personal and professional lives in contexts other

than Pakistan (Araujo, 1999; Casey, 1993; Coleman and Yanping, 1998; Hoffman, 1981;

Munro, 1998; Nayar, 1988; Spencer, 1986; Weiler, 1998); 2) women teachers’

experiences in Pakistan (Ashraf, 2004; Kirk, 2004; Mattice, 2002; Pardhan & Ahmed,

31

2005; Sales, 1999); and 3) pre-primary women teachers’ personal and professional lives

(Beach, 1992; Jagielo, 2004; Kim, 2005).

Personal and professional lives of women teachers in contexts other than Pakistan

Araujo’s (1999) study explored the life histories of five Portuguese women

teachers. Within the Portuguese social sciences no biographies of Portuguese women had

been preserved. Through her research, Araujo (1999) wanted to appreciate and value

women teachers’ lives by giving them a voice to share their experiences and uncover

their forgotten texts. The five Portuguese women teachers in Araujo’s (1999) study

began their professional journeys during a period of political instability, dictatorship

under the Salazar regime and gradual industrialization. The Catholic Church had great

influence on the socio-economic activities in Portugal. The five women teachers’

histories reveal their “hidden struggles” (Araujo, 1999, p. 128) to teach and provide

financial and caregiving support to their families under the pressure of a changing

political situation in a conservative and patriarchal context. Most of the teachers traveled

far from their families, including their husbands, to teach in rural schools under unstable

and insecure conditions. Sometimes these women kept one or two of their children with

them to maintain their acceptable image of good wives, good mothers and respectable

women. For the teachers in Araujo’s (1999) study, teaching had a central meaning in

their lives. They valued their autonomy and independence being employed outside the

home. Through their work as teachers, they had some means to influence the

communities where they taught.

Casey’s (1993) study on the life histories of 18 Catholic, Jewish and Afro-

American women teachers was an attempt to present women as authors narrating their

own lives and interpreting social change around them. The research participants were

progressive, political activists who had struggled to overcome poverty and prejudices to

achieve their political identity in parts of the United States. Through her research, Casey

(1993) explored how these women teachers’ progressive ideas contributed to social

change in their respective societies. Teaching for the Roman Catholic religious women

teachers in her sample spanned beyond schools to helping street people get social security

and shelter as well as providing women in prison a feminist interpretation of the Bible.

32

Developing a relationship of care and respect for their students as human beings was

critical in their work. The Jewish women teachers advocated for issues faced by Afro-

American children. One teacher together with her colleagues developed a curriculum on

‘social identity’ which incorporated racial diversity in teaching. The Jewish women

teachers were involved in running women’s clubs, union activities, and developing a

Vietnam curriculum to challenge America’s involvement in Vietnam. Casey’s (1993)

sample of Afro-American women teachers was involved in a struggle to establish an

identity through their lives from childhood in an attempt to maintain the authenticity of

Afro-American communities. They participated in walks and strikes. Refusing to

comply with orders of their White principal in a strike, these teachers opened school

doors and taught Afro-American students. The women teachers in Casey’s (1993) study

were engaged in struggles against competing social forces in their transformative

activities to contribute to and accelerate social change. As Casey (1993) notes, the

women teachers (re)produced particular forms of social relations, (re)constructed specific

dimensions of the social environment and changed their own lives and the lives of those

with whom they worked. Nevertheless, they did not accept the label of being political.

The study of women and men teachers in China by Coleman and Yanping (1998)

also reveals tensions in the women’s experiences. Coleman and Yanping (1998)

collected data from 38 participants, including 17 women. Their study explored gender-

related issues with respect to domestic responsibilities and career progress, the existence

of equal opportunities in schools and the reasons for the imbalance of women and men in

senior management. The study findings suggest that the women teachers’ experiences

are rooted in the patriarchal Chinese culture. Childcare and household responsibilities

rest with women. For women balancing both their roles of domestic worker and teacher

is challenging. Furthermore, women are perceived by men as having an interest in

household work and being unsuited for management roles. According to Coleman and

Yanping (1998), changes in the social and legal position of women cannot work without

the reform of patriarchal values.

Hoffman’s (1981) work examined the history of teaching as a women’s

profession in the United States using autobiographies, letters, journal entries, essays,

poems, short stories and newspaper articles. Her study documented the period in history

33

(1820-1880) when teaching became a profession for women. Women were hired in large

numbers as ‘natural teachers’ and nurturers albeit with the concern that their involvement

in teaching would reduce the intellectual level in schools. They were paid significantly

less than men teachers. Moreover, men continued to dominate administrative positions.

The study findings revealed that women entered the teaching profession because they

needed work and because women had few choices of occupations. Teaching was a more

viable profession for women compared to doing laundry, sewing, cleaning or working in

a factory. As teachers, women were paid reasonably well and initially required little

special skill or equipment. Gradually, teaching also afforded women opportunities to

travel, live independently, attain economic security and gain a respectable middle-class

social status. The motivating factors for them to enter into teaching were financial

independence and job satisfaction rather than continuity between mothering and teaching.

The teachers developed caring relationships with their students. They played a key role

in bringing about social change in black communities and supporting the learning of

immigrant students. Hoffman’s (1981) work on the histories of women teachers reflects

women teachers’ contribution to initiating tolerance for others in a society undergoing

significant change due to the Civil War, the two World Wars, the Depression, rapid

industrialization and a great influx of immigrants.

Munro (1998) presents the life histories of three American women teachers in an

attempt to understand how women teachers negotiate a self within and against cultural

norms and expectations across time and space and the consequent shaping of their

understanding of teaching. Through studying these teachers’ lives, Munro (1998) affirms

that how teachers make meaning of their experiences is culturally and historically

contingent. The experiences of the three research participants suggest that women’s

experiences of gender are multiple, situated and contradictory. While the life histories of

the three women born in different times (1897, 1920, and 1945) depict similarities, they

also represent the multiplicity of their experiences. The three teachers in Munro’s (1998)

study entered into teaching for a range of reasons including, class, gender, place and

historic period. Moreover, the myth of teaching being women’s profession and many

other women entering into this field influenced the three women to become teachers.

Early in their life, they challenged the norms of patriarchy, class and gender and

34

perceived education as central to social reform. One teacher in her supervisory role at a

College of Education in the 1920s tried to maintain her progressive ideology of child-

centered education. Two other teachers developed student-centered and inquiry-oriented

curricula to assist their students in developing a sense of the political environment. For

one teacher, her role as activist and advocate as president of a teachers’ association and a

member of a Social Studies council were central to how she understood teaching.

Nevertheless, their struggles illuminated for Munro (1998) the double oppression faced

by women teachers being both woman and belonging to a profession with low status.

Their experiences show how the world of the classroom offered them space to enact their

own realities, yet the world outside the classroom often left them with little voice.

Moreover, the teachers’ efforts to enact change were through conventional channels

within the educational system rather than overthrowing it. Yet, Munro (1998) argues that

how they experienced and enacted the process of change is central to understanding the

conditions and culture of their lives and work. Munro (1998) concludes that women are

not just determined by the environment around them but are actively engaged in

negotiating their presence within it.

Nayar’s (1988) study of 80 women teachers in the South Asian context, more

specifically India, Sri Lanka and Nepal, illustrates how teaching interacts with and affects

the traditional institution of family as well as the role and status of women, and how

teaching is, in turn, affected by them. Nayar (1988) gathered her data through

questionnaires and interviews. According to her findings, teaching is the most socially

accepted occupation for women in the South Asian contexts of India, Sri Lanka and

Nepal. This is due to the working hours and holiday schedule which are seen to be highly

compatible with the women’s family roles and congruent with the formal prestige or

standing of the teacher’s family. Within the gender-segregated contexts of India, Sri

Lanka and Nepal, teaching is also considered appropriate for women. The women in

Nayar’s (1988) study felt a tension between their family and career obligations. Within

their families and society, women’s family roles are perceived as primary. Although the

women receive little approval for performing their family roles well, they face

disapproval if they fail to do so.

35

Spencer (1986) explored the experiences of 50 women teachers’ school and home

lives to understand the link between their families and personal lives with their practice.

Using interviews, observations and diaries maintained by research participants, Spencer

(1986) found that teachers’ home lives were impacted by their school lives in many ways.

Preparing lessons plans, marking student work and administrative work meant that

teachers spent over two hours a night on this outside of school hours and to the detriment

of their family lives. Co-curricular activities also kept teachers at school after official

hours leaving them little time to spend at home. Teachers were also found contemplating

whether they should leave the profession because of low salaries and financial

constraints. Stress from the school environment, relationships with other colleagues and

isolation at school affected their home life. Their complex home lives also impacted their

school lives. Coordinating childcare, tending to sick children and relationships with their

spouses added to their pressure and, at times, interfered with their timely accomplishment

of teaching assignments. Consequently, Spencer (1986) has argued that teachers’ home

and work lives are intertwined and inseparable and remained ever-present realities for the

women. The teachers’ dissatisfaction with teaching impacted upon their relationships

with children and husbands. In the same vein, problems at home impacted their

effectiveness as teachers.

In her study, Weiler (1998) explored the lives and work of retired teachers who

had taught in California between 1860 and 1920 and then into the 1950s. Weiler (1998)

was interested in studying the social context of teaching to understand what teaching

meant to women teachers, what it gave them and how this influenced the way they

understood and lived their lives. Data were collected through oral history interviews,

newspaper interviews, reading teachers’ memoirs and surveying privately published

autobiographies. As young girls, the women teachers contributed to their family’s farm

activities. They later took up teaching, the only available option, either to contribute

financially to their families or for something to do. These women teachers often lived in

rural villages under unhygienic conditions far away from their families. Sometimes they

had their families with them which created additional challenges of raising young

children. The teachers experienced many struggles in their professional life with their

daily teaching and school activities and dealing with state policies, curriculum goals and

36

standardized testing established in the interwar and Depression years. Post World War II

led to the transformation of women-dominated schools with male principals controlling

their work and lives. While the teachers experienced frustration with socially

discriminatory policies about immigrant and migrant children, the teachers felt that they

were able to gain satisfaction and self-respect in their work by providing extra academic

support and food to these students. The teachers in Weiler’s (1998) study exemplify their

act to reject dominant ideologies of gender relationships by traveling far from their

families, living in isolation and having autonomy over their finances. Nevertheless, the

state’s power to create policies, shape institutions, and support or restrict these teachers’

work was evident. Consequently, in the process of negotiating their place in society and

finding new meaning for life, the teachers both confirmed and challenged dominant ideas

about gender segregation, patriarchal privileges and teaching as women’s natural work.

Personal and professional lives of women teachers in Pakistan

Sales (1999) study explored gender issues in the Field Based Teacher

Development Program (FBTDP) of the Aga Khan Education Service, Northern Areas,

Pakistan. She describes some of the challenges faced by women, particularly women

teachers, in this rural mountainous region of Pakistan which highly values gender-

segregation. Education for girls depends on women teachers and is the major provider of

formal sector employment for women. Families are encouraged to send their daughters

to school with female teachers. They also allow their daughters to stay in school past

puberty if there are female teachers. Sales (1999) writes that women teachers provide

evidence of the social and economic value of schooling for girls, through the status and

income they can attain. Teaching is also seen to be safe and appropriate through its

compatibility with traditional norms and lifestyles. However, women teachers tend to be

poorly qualified and more poorly paid than their male colleagues. They work

predominately in the primary sections where a teacher’s status is low. Women are able to

enter teaching and gain access to training like the FBTDP as long as their activities

remain within the accepted female domain that is circumscribed both geographically and

culturally (Sales, 1999). Teacher education beyond that provided by the FBTDP,

therefore, remains out of reach for most women teachers.

37

In her narrative study in Pakistan, Mattice (2002) explored three women teachers’

lives in the geographical regions of Balochistan and the Northern Areas which both value

gender-segregation. Through narrative inquiry, Mattice’s (2002) research provides

evidence of discrimination against women in the current education system of Pakistan

and within the broader geographical, historical, economical and socio-political context.

Mattice (2002) describes her three research participants as catalysts of change and role

models. These women teachers struggled to acquire education against many odds and

with great sacrifice. Mattice’s (2002) findings suggest her participants have dedicated

themselves to improving and transforming the traditional pedagogic systems of education

in their communities. Through telling their stories, Mattice (2002) writes that the

research participants have begun to get an understanding of how issues of power and

difference are linked, particularly in relation to gender. Mattice (2002) further adds that

through these women teachers’ stories, other women and women teachers might benefit.

Ashraf’s (2004) study also explored the experiences of women teachers in the

Northern Areas from a feminist, patriarchal perspective. Her research examined how five

women teachers manage their household responsibilities and their commitments as

teachers in the deep-rooted patriarchal culture within which they live. The study findings

illustrate that her participants’ experiences of teaching are deeply rooted in a social

context where girls’ education and women’s formal employment are relatively recent

phenomena and where access to quality teacher preparation is limited. Their stories

illustrate the gradual changes in their lives and in their rural mountain society. The

women’s status as teachers has given them space to influence the people and

communities around them. Nevertheless, Ashraf (2004) found that the women teachers

reinforce gender images in their teaching practice, reflecting their underlying orientation

to the patriarchal norms of the society. Ashraf (2004) concludes that despite the gradual

changes within the patriarchal framework of the Northern Areas culture, women’s

participation in development activities like teaching is still limited. Ashraf (2004)

suggests the need for further inquiry into how women teachers’ gender affects their

experiences inside school as they interact with their colleagues and students throughout

the school routines.

38

Kirk’s (2003) study with women teachers in Karachi, Pakistan has discussed

experiences of becoming and being a woman teacher. It also explored women’s

experiences and perspectives on teaching girls and boys. Kirk’s (2003) study weaves

together feminist theory and methodologies with theories, policies and practices of

gender and development to present alternative perspectives to inform educational policy

development and to develop more explicitly gendered theories of teaching. Similar to the

research findings by Sales (1999), Mattice (2002) and Ashraf (2004), Kirk’s (2003) study

also illustrates that teaching is perceived as a worthy, ‘safe’ and acceptable profession for

women in Pakistan that requires little training. Kirk’s (2003) findings show that

Pakistani women can command some respect and be elevated to a position of status

through teaching. Furthermore, there is a belief that women will be able to teach younger

children, reflecting a common perception that women are predisposed to working with

young children and, therefore, suited to primary school teaching (Kirk, 2003). The

participants in the study all indicated the need to seek permission from their fathers or

husbands to become teachers. Although most of the women teachers in Kirk’s (2003)

study enjoyed teaching, they found themselves conflicted between school commitments

and family responsibilities.

Women teachers’ roles in the formation of girls’ and boys’ gendered identities is

also apparent in Kirk’s (2003) study findings. They generally prefer to teach girls as they

perceive them to be more passive and have less demanding classroom behaviors than

boys. Kirk (2003) indicates that complex gender dynamics operate in classrooms where

possibilities exist for women teachers to reproduce traditional patterns of gender

socialization for girls and boys or to be change agents. She suggests the need for further

research into how women teachers’ perceive their interactions with and relationships to

girls and boys, particularly boys as this subject has received very little attention in

development contexts (Kirk, 2003). Moreover, Kirk (2003) notes the need for a more

critical gendered analysis of women’s and girls’ multiple positionings inside and outside

the classroom.

A recent life history study conducted by Pardhan and Ahmed (2005) explored the

health related experiences of four women teachers who have been involved with teaching

health education in schools through an initiative of the Aga Khan University-Institute for

39

Development (AKU-IED), Karachi, Pakistan (Pardhan & Ahmed, 2005). This study

shows how the participants’ health related experiences have shaped their knowledge and

beliefs about health education and the role that the health education program has played

in changing their beliefs and attitudes towards health and health education in schools. A

significant finding of the study has been that the women teachers’ personal beliefs about

health and health education shaped through their life experiences and not always health

promoting have an impact on their teaching practice. Pardhan and Ahmed (2005) write

that health education training is critical to change those beliefs that can be health

damaging rather than health promoting. Pardhan and Ahmed (2005) suggest the need for

further research which explores women teachers’ classroom teaching practice to see how

this is influenced by their beliefs and understanding about health education.

Personal and professional lives of women pre-primary teachers

The following three studies have made significant contributions to research on

North American women pre-primary teachers’ personal and professional lives (Beach,

1992; Jagielo, 2004; Kim, 2005). Their importance is twofold: to date there is limited

literature exploring women pre-primary teachers’ experiences; research into this area

tends to look at male preschool teachers’ experiences because of their limited numbers in

early childhood settings (Bittner & Cooney, 2003; Clyde, 1993; Greenberg, 1977; King,

2004; Lee & Wolinsky, 1973; Santiago, 1999; Sargent, 2002; Seifert, 1984; Sumsion,

1999).

Beach’s (1992) research explored nurturance as a gender-based quality in early

childhood educators by comparing three generations of teachers in America. Using semi-

structured interviews, she asked 27 retired, practicing and aspiring women teachers their

views of the cultural expectation that teachers of young children possess and display a

maternal quality, specifically nurturance, in their professional work. Beach (1992) writes

that the gendered profession of early childhood education embodies the paradox of the

nurturant teacher – female, caring, ‘mothering’, warm, patient, kind. Yet, while this

notion is valued and sentimentalized, those performing such work are devalued because

of cultural beliefs that these nurturant qualities are ‘soft’ and non-rigorous. Beach’s

40

(1992) study is, therefore, an attempt to restore the profession of early childhood

education to one having central and valued significance.

Beach’s (1992) study findings show that all the teachers underscored the

importance of a nurturing relationship between the teacher and the child. The

significance placed on this superseded the view of the teacher-child relationship in which

the teacher transmits knowledge. All the participants shared gender-related reasons for

entering into the teaching profession, although each group was affected by historical

circumstances. For the older teachers, teaching and nursing were the only career choices

for women of their class and marital status. Some of these older teachers also noted the

influence of their mothers or other farm women in their decisions to become teachers.

Practicing teachers also spoke of teaching being an acceptable profession for girls to

enter into and one that they felt encouraged to pursue either by their families or the

society. Aspiring teachers’ gender-related motivations to enter teaching were based on

their experiences with children and with their teachers. Most of the research participants

mentioned that early childhood education continues to be female dominated not because

men are incapable of teaching young children, but because men cannot tolerate the low

pay and status in this profession. A few of the participants said that men have less

experience with children and lack the instinct to care for them. Beach’s (1992) research

is significant in illustrating how women early childhood teachers’ histories influence their

work.

Jagielo’s (2004) study also explores women early childhood teachers’

experiences. More specifically, her study investigates how women Head Start teachers

perceive their teaching in relation to their life experiences. Jagielo’s (2004) qualitative

study included four women Head Start teachers, three African American and one

European American. Each participant shared that their family of origin, both those that

were affirming and those that were not, significantly influenced their attitudes towards

teaching and pedagogy. Jagielo (2004) writes that when these early experiences are

unexamined, they often become ‘hidden curriculum’ lessons. The participants also

mentioned that their teaching practice, particularly the importance of a child-centered

approach to ensure that all children’s needs were met, was influenced by their own

experiences as parents. All four teachers also found it valuable to share their experiences

41

with other teachers. They placed importance as well on the influence of their spiritual

beliefs/religious practices on their teaching. The school administration was also

perceived to influence their teaching, often hindering it.

Similar to Beach’s (1992) findings, the participants in Jagielo’s (2004) study saw

teaching young children as appropriate women’s work and felt that society expected

women to teach young children. Furthermore, they noted that very few men are

interested in applying for or staying in a Head Start teaching job because their wages

were too low and they could not support their families on it. Although the four

participants perceived their work as women’s work and received low compensation, they

did not perceive this to be the result of feminization of the early childhood field. That is,

none of them perceived that oppressive societal forces impacted their compensation.

Jagielo (2004) observed that only one teacher seemed to reflect somewhat on the impact

of gender stereotyping on her beliefs and work. Her study has been important in showing

that past life experiences of women early years’ teachers have an influence on their

teaching practice.

In her ethnographic study, Kim (2005) examined the identities of American

female preschool teachers regarding their personal and professional lives. Kim (2005)

used a life history method to collect seven female preschool teachers’ narratives.

Through her research, Kim (2005) discovered that her participants’ personal motivations

for becoming preschool teachers were strongly related to the patriarchal belief that raising

children is women’s work. However, once they were within the field of early childhood

education, the participants no longer considered the role of early childhood teachers as

that of a ‘mother’. Instead, they constructed their unique identities as ‘teachers’.

Through pre-service, in-service and institutional knowledge, these women came to hold a

professional perspective of themselves and their careers. Despite the high turnover rate

in their occupation, the seven women preschool teachers continued their work. They

challenged the social image of preschool teachers as babysitters because their

occupational knowledge helped them to construct their own professionalism and confront

cultural stereotypes of preschool teachers.

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Research on personal and professional lives of teachers: summary

Each of the studies on the experiences of women teachers that I have discussed

above provides a particular perspective on women teachers’ lives and work in a given

period regardless of the geographic and social context (Araujo, 1999; Ashraf, 2004;

Beach, 1992; Casey, 1993; Coleman & Yanping, 1998; Hoffman, 1981; Jagielo, 2004;

Kim, 2005; Kirk, 2004; Mattice, 2002; Munro, 1998; Nayar, 1988; Pardhan & Ahmed,

2005; Sales, 1999; Spencer, 1986; Weiler, 1998). Women teachers’ experiences have

been shaped through social forces such as education and different institutions like the

family, school and state. The recent research on women teachers’ lives, including pre-

primary teachers, has begun to locate their actions in their own biographies and life

situations.

What is evident from this review of literature is the need to explore further

women teachers’ understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender. As

Ashraf (2004) and Kirk (2003) note, women teachers’ teaching practice and interactions

with students do influence children’s gender identities and socialization. The research by

Beach (1992), Jagielo (2004) and Kim (2005) has been significant in bringing to the

forefront women preschool teachers’ experiences of how their personal and professional

lives have been constructed and shaped in social context. However, such research is

limited in early childhood educational research, including Pakistan where teachers’

personal and professional lives have received little attention. When such research has

been done, the focus has been on male preschool teachers’ experiences because of their

minority status in this field (Kim, 2005). My study to investigate how Pakistani women

kindergarten teachers understand the concept of gender evident from their own

reflections of their life experiences and from their interaction with their students will,

therefore, make an important contribution based on this review of the literature, including

the gaps that various researchers have pointed out. The next section of this chapter

examines literature addressing teachers’ practice and classroom interactions in co-

education classrooms and in relation to gender.

43

Teachers’ Practice and Classroom Interactions in Relation to Gender

This section exploring literature on teachers’ practice and classroom interactions

in relation to gender opens with a brief discussion on some issues that are critical to

understanding what it means in research and scholarship to be gendered. In attempting to

explore how women kindergarten teachers understand the concept of gender in relation to

their teaching practice, it is important to consider their understanding of gender based

differences in young children. As such, I continue the section by providing a brief

overview of literature examining current relevant literature on gender based differences

in children. In the subsequent section, I review literature on the influence of gendered

teaching practice in relation to teacher-student interactions, teacher discipline methods,

and teacher expectations and beliefs. Although not at the pre-primary level, the few

recent studies which have explored teacher expectations and beliefs about gender and

how this influences teaching practice are also provided. Gaps are evident in the

knowledge base of gendered classroom teaching practice at the pre-primary level. As

such, this literature review covers general findings of gendered teaching practice and

classroom interactions and those findings specific to pre-primary settings.

Representations of gender in educational research

Biklen and Pollard (2001) discuss two orientations to research on gender in

education that account for gender in contrasting ways: 1) describing and explaining sex

differences; 2) gender from a social constructionist perspective. Within a sex differences

perspective, girls and boys are seen as different from each other in particular ways. A sex

differences perspective aligns itself with a model of individual differences often used by

psychologists. According to Biklen and Pollard (2001), some researchers who situate

themselves within this model perceive differences between girls and boys to be innate

and, therefore, argue for a biological deterministic approach. Other researchers suggest

that gender differences may not be fixed and could be the result of socialization practices

where children learn about gender by imitating those around them and receiving positive

reinforcement for this starting at an early age within families and intensifying through an

individual’s life; this is in line with the sex-role socialization theory. According to

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Browne (2004) and Connolly (2004), educators who believe that gender differences are

innate would likely have little interest in developing strategies that enable girls and boys

to position themselves in a variety of ways and to explore a range of ‘femininities’ and

‘masculinities’. Furthermore, these educators are likely to view deviations from accepted

gender norms as a cause for concern. Those educators aligned with the sex-role

socialization theory may decide to adopt strategies that include providing non-

stereotypical role models such as female teachers in the block area, ensuring that

resources depict girls and boys and women and men engaged in a broad range of

occupations and activities and expressing a wide range of emotions (Browne, 2004;

Connolly, 2004). These educators may also be likely to argue for the need to employ

more men in early childhood settings to provide children with good male role models. A

static view of gender is assumed within a sex differences perspective. As such, “research

that is aligned with this model asks to what extent some of the traits, aptitudes, and

abilities girls have differ in important ways from the ones possessed by boys” (Biklen &

Pollard, 2001, p. 725). According to Biklen and Pollard (2001), research focusing on sex

differences has therefore received criticism for failing to consider similarities between

girls and boys and the effect of other factors like race, ethnicity, culture, and class.

Within a social constructionist approach conceptualizations of gender are neither

inherent nor fixed by socialization practices in the early years; instead they are dynamic

and may vary from time to time. Definitions of gender including behaviors of girls and

boys, women and men are produced through interactions in cultural, political, historical

and social contexts which reflect inequitable positions of women and men in societies

(Biklen & Pollard, 2001). For the most part, the ways in which society is gendered

creates unequal opportunities and expectations for women. Biklen and Pollard (2001)

and Francis (2006) have pointed out that the complexity in conceptualizations of gender

are becoming increasingly evident as researchers are moving away from documenting sex

differences to understanding the diverse meanings of gender in contemporary society.

This has been particularly critical in helping to explain how these processes occur in

schools and classroom settings. Currently, poststructural work on gender and education

has also emphasized the discursive construction of meanings and their relationships to

power, difference and privilege (Biklen & Pollard, 2001; Connolly, 2004). It recognizes

45

the agency of boys and girls and men and women and the central role they play in the

development of their masculine and feminine identities. Those educators who argue that

children learn about gender through the discourses to which they have access will

advocate strategies that consider how children position themselves and are positioned by

others through engagement in different discourses (Browne, 2004; Connolly, 2004).

Moreover, they will argue for strategies that consider the emotional investment children

have in taking up particular forms of ‘femininity’ or ‘masculinity’ in different contexts

like early childhood education settings. As such, Browne (2004) argues that reflecting

upon how early childhood teachers view gender issues in education highlights possible

ways in which to move forward regarding gender equity in early childhood settings. For

the purpose of my study, I have aligned myself with Biklen and Pollard’s (2001)

perspective on gender:

Gender (is represented) as a system of relations that organizes masculinity in relation to femininity in a way that usually privileges masculinity. People make meaning of their sex and the other sex. In addition, these meanings are also institutionalized, a process that gives them more power. A structural as well as interpersonal relationship, gender is discursively constructed. That is, being a man or woman, boy or girl is situated within a set of written and unwritten rules and regulations produced in language that become normative either in particular settings or across settings. (p. 724)

Understanding gender differences in girls and boys implications for teaching

Bussey and Bandura (1999) and Halpern (1997) have argued that learning,

including the role of learning in creating and maintaining difference between females and

males is both socially mediated and biological. Brain plasticity appears to permit a range

of possibilities over an individual’s life rather than dictate a fixed type of gender

differentiation (Halpern, 1997). Brain structures are influenced by what people learn

through social interaction and as a result of environmental and circumstantial factors

(Francis, 2006). Neurochemical processes, one’s prior learning experiences and change

in response to learning have been shown to allow individuals to learn some skills more

readily than others (Halpern, 1997). Pre- and postnatal hormones that are critical in brain

and other nervous system have also been found to respond to internal and external stimuli

and the genetic messengers that direct development (Halpern, 1997; Hines & Green,

1991). For example, early on, hormones tend to affect young children’s play styles,

46

leading to rough, excited movements in most boys and calm, gentle actions in most girls

(Maccoby, 1988). Blair, Denham, Kochanoff, and Whipple (2004) suggest that young

boys have predispositions to highly negative sad-fearful or irritable-frustrated

temperaments. The interaction between temperament and emotional regulatory coping

shows that preschool boys display more externalizing behaviors than girls (Blair et al.,

2004).

According to Hanlon (1996), at about two years of age boys and girls seem to

experience a different rate of brain growth with boys’ brains growing faster than girls’

brains. Later variances in brain growth appear to lead to separate development rates for

different parts of girls’ and boys’ brains. Hanlon (1996) suggests that language, memory

and decision making predominate early in girls. Spatial reasoning, vision and aiming at a

target appear early in boys. Hanlon’s (1996) research suggests that the profiles switch in

girls and boys at around the age of eight years and balance out. In her extensive review

of literature on the diverse explanations for gendered behavior, Francis (2006) cautions

that studies of brain are in their relative infancy and, as yet, no one can be certain of what

impact brain differences have or the ways in which they are manifested.

Halpern (2000) and Hyun and Tyler (1999) suggest that these early differences in

boys and girls abilities may lead to societal generalizations that boys are better at

mathematical reasoning and spatial problems and girls are better at verbal fluency and

remembering. Boys tend to be encouraged and rewarded for their work in math and

science at an early age. Girls appear to develop verbal skills earlier and are praised and

rewarded for this. As a result their brains may likely undergo physiological changes due

to their experiences, blurring biological and environmental influences. The unconscious

and automatic effects of stereotypes may affect motivation and expectancies that could

influence learning without an individual’s awareness. Therefore, boys may start holding

perceptions of themselves as being less capable than girls in language tasks; likewise,

girls may begin holding perceptions of themselves as being less capable than boys in

math and science. Furthermore, the brain’s plasticity seems to allow for greater amounts

of information to be processed and absorbed at certain critical periods, particularly in the

formative years (Rushton & Larkin, 2001). Girls’ and boys’ development potential may,

therefore, be restricted by gendered messages from others early in life.

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Differences in the way environments like the family and school respond to

children have been shown to contribute to the shaping of their socio-culturally expected

gender behaviors (Francis, 2006). Schools are important social institutions responsible

for the production, reproduction and perpetuation of gender norms in a society thereby

shaping students’ gender identities and gender perceptions of the world (Ashraf, 2007a;

Qureshi, 2007). Cannella (1997) argues that adult bias about gender and children’s

behavior may be artificially and unnecessarily encouraged without considering an

individual child’s interest. According to Hargreaves (1999), teachers of children in the

pre-primary and primary years have a profound influence on their learning and their lives.

Sadker and Sadker (1982) have written that, “As teachers enter the

classroom…they…bring socially influenced beliefs of what are appropriate behaviors,

values, and careers for girls and for boys” (p. 99). With increasing numbers of children

enrolled in early childhood settings including kindergarten, teachers, therefore, play a

role in shaping the early gender experiences of young children (Frawley, 2005;

MacNaughton, 2000). Yet in the area of pre-primary education, this is rarely discussed

(Cahill & Adams, 1997; MacNaughton, 2000).

Teacher-student interactions

Pianta and Stuhlman (2004) write that the quality of teacher-child relationships in

the early years is important with regards to children’s social, emotional and intellectual

development at school. Nevertheless, there is limited empirical data on the quality of

teacher-child relationships, particularly related to gender. The limited literature which

does exist shows that in education significant gender differences exist in the quantity and

quality of teacher-student interactions. Furthermore, gender-biased behaviors of teachers

are often expressed and reinforced unconsciously (Kyungah & Haesook, 2006;

Tsouroufli, 2002). Male students dominate classroom space and teacher attention

(Skeleton & Francis, 2003). Teachers give girls less time, less attention, less help and

fewer challenges (Kyungah & Haesook, 2006; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Tsouroufli, 2002).

By reinforcing girls’ passivity, their independence and self-esteem suffer. Teachers

interact more frequently with boys in areas of discipline, praise, instruction and listening

to them (Kyungah & Haesook, 2006; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Tsouroufli, 2002). They

48

ask them more questions and these questions tend to be more open and complex.

Questions to girls tend to be of a lower order. Teachers also respond more to boys’

questions and call out their names more. Teaching strategies which employ whole class

discussions are dominated by boys with girls passively sitting and listening (Guzzetti &

Williams, 1996; She, 2000). More helpful feedback is provided to boys than to girls

(Aikman, Unterhalter & Challendar, 2005; Drudy & Chathain, 2002; Sadker & Sadker,

1994). Sadker and Sadker (1994) write that when it comes to academic intervention,

teachers provide more constructive feedback to boys. Boys who are having difficulty are

provided with suggestions and strategies for solving problems. Girls, however, get the

‘short-circuit treatment’ where the teacher solves the problem for them. When marking

student work, boys receive more detailed explanations about how to improve their

performance than girls. According to Dweck, Davidson, Nelson and Enna (1978),

teacher interactions with girls tend to result in girls experiencing a state of ‘learned

helplessness’. Through teacher interactions, girls are likely to blame their poor

performance on a lack of ability rather than a lack of effort. Boys, however, tend to be

criticized by their teachers for a lack of effort when they perform poorly. Based on

similar findings in their gender equity study, Edge, Fisher, Martin & Morris (1997)

suggest that such gender biases in schools have far reaching effects on girls’ performance

in school and later in their careers.

Cherry’s (1975) study of four white, English-speaking, middle-class female

preschool teachers and the white, English-speaking, middle-class children in their

classrooms was significant in illustrating differential gender socialization processes in

teacher-child verbal interactions in preschool. Boys had more verbal interaction with

teachers. Teachers’ speech to boys was more directing. Girls received significantly more

verbal acknowledgements of their answers to teachers’ questions than boys. In almost all

the instances when teachers did not acknowledge boys’ responses they turned to a new

verbal interaction with another student. Cherry (1975) writes that the frequent

occurrence of this pattern for boys was not clear. She speculates that teachers want to

turn boys to another activity or topic or discourage them from pursuing what the teacher

considers to be inappropriate or useless activities. While Cherry’s (1975) research did

49

not look at non-verbal acknowledgements, she suggests the possibility that girls receive

less non-verbal feedback than boys.

Colwell and Lindsey (2003) note that variations in preschool children’s self-

concepts seem to have important developmental implications. To contribute to this area

of study, they researched the connection between teacher-child interactions and

children’s self-perceptions looking at child gender in their exploration. Forty seven

preschool children, the majority of whom were white, middle-class, participated in their

study. The study results show that girls spend more time with teachers than boys do.

This finding corroborates Fagot’s (1994) results which also illustrate that: preschool girls

play in close proximity to their teachers compared to boys; boys spend more time

interacting with peers, particularly in same-sex groups, than with teachers. Colwell and

Lindsey’s (2003) research also found that girls show more cooperation and positive

emotion towards their teachers than boys. The researchers suggest that gender-segregated

patterns of behavior may influence differences in boys’ and girls’ relationships with

teachers. For example, it may be that girls are socialized by caregivers to be more adult

oriented than boys which is more conducive to developing positive relationships with

teachers. Alternatively, girls may choose to remain in close proximity to teachers to

avoid boys’ aggressive-play styles.

Colwell and Lindsey (2003) also found that the associations between teacher-

child interaction quality and children’s perception of self differed for girls and boys.

Boys who were cooperative with teachers experienced higher self-perceptions. However,

girls who were cooperative with teachers experienced lower self-perceptions. Boys who

spent more time with teachers and who were more aggressive with teachers were found to

have lower self-perceptions. No such associations were observed for girls. The

researchers write that the findings may reflect gender-based differences in connections

between socio-cognitive processes and children’s behavior, with high and low self-

perceptions leading to different patterns of teacher-child interactions for girls and boys

(Colwell & Lindsey, 2003). They also suggest that the findings could indicate that

similar qualities of teacher-child interaction have different consequences of how boys and

girls think about themselves, possibly due to their gender socialization experiences.

Colwell and Lindsey (2003) suggest that future research should investigate connections

50

between children’s development of gender roles and patterns of teacher-child

interactions. I would also add that future research which looks at teachers’ beliefs about

gender would be important to understand the gender socialization processes that occur

during teacher-child interactions.

Teacher responses to student behavior

A review of the literature shows that discipline is a critical area where differential

treatment of girls and boys is evident. However, as with research on teacher-child

interactions, limited attention has been given to studying gender differences in teachers’

discipline methods (Tantekin, 2002). Generally, it appears that girls are disciplined less

frequently than boys. Furthermore, girls are disciplined more quickly and quietly and

boys are disciplined more frequently and more harshly (Sadker & Sadker, 1982, 1994;

Tantekin, 2002).

Serbin, O'Leary, Kent and Tonick (1973) examined preschool teachers’ responses

to disruption and dependency behaviors in preschool children to investigate the

hypothesis that teachers respond differently to the behaviors as a function of the sex of

the child involved. Fifteen preschool classes in four schools were observed. All the

teachers were white women. The children were predominately white, middle-class. The

study found that teachers are more likely to react to aggressive behavior by boys and are

more likely to use loud reprimands in responding to boys than to girls. The researchers

speculated that teachers may perceive disruption by boys to be more intense and/or

dangerous thus requiring immediate and more forceful attention. Alternatively, teachers

might believe that boys are less responsive to reprimands or directions in general.

Therefore, teachers give them more direction and intensive attention. Serbin and her

colleagues (1973) note that the resulting patterns of teacher attention are those which

would be predicted to differentially maintain or possibly even strengthen existing levels

of disruptive behavior in boys.

Another significant finding from the study by Serbin and her colleagues (1973) is

that teacher reactions to attention seeking and proximity by boys included more

directional and instructional responses. Boys tended to be encouraged to become more

directly involved in various classroom activities. Girls, however, received fewer

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directions and instructions, but equivalent amounts of nurturant forms of attention like

praise, physical contact and help. Teachers’ reactions towards girls appeared to reinforce

proximity and attention seeking in ways which encouraged girls to remain close to

teachers rather than engage in other classroom projects and activities. Boys also received

more attention than girls when participating appropriately in classroom activities outside

the immediate vicinity of teachers. Girls received higher rates of teacher attention when

they were near the teacher whereas boys did not. However, when both girls and boys

were present in the same area as the teacher, boys received more attention than girls for

appropriate classroom behavior. According to the researchers, this suggests that all

activities of boys appropriate or not, are more likely to attract teacher attention. Except

when they are near their teachers, girls are more likely to be ignored than boys. Sex

differences in children’s behavior likely elicit differential treatment from teachers that

perpetuate gender stereotypes. For example, girls demonstrate increasingly greater

physical proximity to adults than boys.

Serbin and her colleagues (1973) conclude that different patterns of teacher-child

interaction with regards to girls’ and boys’ behavior are clearly apparent. They suggest

that this may result in further sex differences in girls’ and boys’ social and cognitive

development. While boys may require more detailed directions than girls, they are being

given models for problem solving that girls receive less often. With girls being

reinforced to remain in close proximity to teachers, they may be developing stronger

verbal abilities through their more frequent exposure to adult models for verbal behavior.

According to the researchers, the presence of male teachers in preschool classrooms may

alter the observations of the study. However, this may be difficult to study given that the

overwhelming majority of teachers at the preschool level are women.

Dobbs, Arnold and Doctoroff (2004) argue that previous research in preschool

classrooms which show that boys receive more attention from teachers and that

misbehavior is positively associated with teacher attention ignore the many different

types of attention that teachers give to girls and boys. Furthermore, previous research has

not investigated the way teachers treat difficult children when they are not misbehaving.

Dobbs and her colleagues (2004), therefore, examined the relationships among child

gender, child misbehavior and specific types of non-disciplinary teacher action. The

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research participants included an ethnically and sociometrically diverse sample of 153

preschool children and their teachers. Observations were made through videotapes of

preschool classrooms. The researchers found that boys received some types of attention

more often than girls. They received more commands than girls which is consistent with

Serbin and her colleagues’ (1973) findings. Girls were favored more with certain types

of attention. A surprising finding was that girls received more positive interactions and

more rewards from their teachers. There were times when no gender differences were

found like when it came to physical warmth or praise. The relationship between

misbehavior and attention extends even outside of discipline situations. Teachers pay

particular attention to children who normally misbehave, usually boys, even when they

are not misbehaving, using commands to control their behavior. Both children’s gender

and misbehavior level may be important in predicting how often a child may receive

rewards from her/his teacher.

When looking at children’s ethnicity, Dobbs and her colleagues (2004) found that

Puerto Rican and Caucasian boys misbehaved more often than girls. Amongst Black

children, there was no gender difference in misbehavior. This finding is interesting

because very little research has compared this relationship across ethnic groups. Puerto

Rican girls were also found to receive significantly more positive interactions and

rewards from their teachers than boys. The differences amongst ethnic groups in this

study show the importance of considering ethnicity in understanding children’s

experiences in the classroom. Furthermore, these differences indicate the importance of

considering preschool children as a heterogeneous group.

Teacher beliefs and expectations

Personal experiences and culture are significant in the way people acquire their

beliefs. People make sense out of their experiences by filtering them through their

mental models or belief systems. Belief systems often include affective feelings and

evaluations, as well as vivid memories of personal experiences which are easily stored

and retrieved from memory (Nespor, 1987). Beliefs about gender, for example, exert

powerful effects on thoughts and behaviors that occur without conscious awareness

(Halpern, 1997). Teacher beliefs have been proposed to be dispositions to actions and

53

major determinants of teacher behavior in the classroom (Spodek, 1988). Therefore, it is

important to understand teachers’ beliefs about gender which can influence children’s

abilities and interests (Halpern, 1997).

In 1990, Delamont (1990) suggested that there were large gaps in the literature

concerning teachers' beliefs about gender roles. She believed that the gender role beliefs

of early childhood teachers may be predictive of teacher behaviors that would then shape

children's gender role perceptions and behaviors. Delamont (1990) argued that schools

develop and reinforce sex segregations, stereotypes, and even discriminations which

exaggerate the negative aspects of sex roles in the outside world. Women teachers

internalize and replicate the lessons of culture; they carry with them and, often

unknowingly and unintentionally, pass on to girls and boys in their classrooms the

societal behaviors and attitudes imposed on them from early childhood (Stacki, 2002).

Deep rooted social beliefs perpetuate the unequal treatment of girls and boys in school

(Sadker & Sadker, 1994). Girls are encultured to be good, neat, quiet and calm while

boys are encouraged to think deeply, be active and speak out (Beaman, Wheldall &

Kemp, 2006; Qureshi, Pirzado & Nasim, 2007; Walkerdine, 1998). Teachers appear to

have higher expectations of boys, particularly in science and math (Halai, 2007a;

Halpern, 2000; Hyun & Tyler, 1999; Norozi, 2006; She, 2000). Teachers' classroom

practices often reinforce male dominance, therefore, having a negative impact upon girls'

self-esteem, self-confidence, decision-making and achievement and restricting their

aspirations and opportunities from a young age (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). While male

dominance tends to be perpetuated in the classroom, boys also receive conflicting

messages which impacts upon their emotional development (Mercurio, 2003).

Research shows that teachers prefer that boys and girls adhere to conventional

gender roles (Fagot 1977; Sadker & Sadker, 1994). When children behave in ways that

conflict with teacher gender expectations then there may be concern over the meaning of

non-conventional behaviors. According to Fagot’s (1984) research, early childhood

teachers used gender role stereotypes to guide their behavior with children, especially

when they did not know a child well or if the child was pre-verbal. This could explain

Cherry’s (1975) and Sadker and Sadker’s (1994) findings that school appears to be a

situation of conflict for young boys. The demands of traditional preschools do not seem

54

to conflict with traditional sex-role expectations for girls being docile, quiet and

compliant. However, traditional preschool expectations are in conflict with sex-role

expectations for boys that they be achieving, independent and aggressive, but also quiet,

conforming and model students (Levy, 1972; Cherry, 1975). Birch and Ladd (1997) have

also found that girls have more close and dependent teacher-child relationships whereas

boys tend to have more conflictual relationships with teachers.

Similarly, Hyun’s (2001) study shows that preschool teachers may expect and

respond more positively to young girls and boys for their ‘feminine’ rather than

‘masculine’ perceived behaviors. Teachers usually value obedience over assertiveness in

the classroom. The overwhelming number of female teachers in pre-primary teaching

has been perceived to promote a certain degree of discomfort for young boys.

Furthermore, it could be equally or even more harmful for girls who tend to willingly

conform, with long term negative consequences for their sense of independence and self-

esteem.

Hyun and Tyler (1999) explored the gender-biased perceptions of preschool

teachers. Thirty-one early childhood in-service and pre-service practitioners were

studied. Thirty of them were women and one was a man. This research investigated these

practitioners’ understandings and expectations of gender differences in children. The

researchers found that the teachers’ perceptions of preschoolers’ gender differences were

significant. The female teachers in the study were found to be less appreciative of male

preschoolers’ ways of playing, constructing knowledge and using knowledge. They

perceived boys to be “builders”, “questioning”, “problem-solvers”, “hyper”, “crazy”,

“outdoorsy”, “less teachable” and “less easy to work with”. Most of the women teachers

perceived female preschoolers as positive and sensitive learners. Girls were described as

“calm”, “nicer”, “teachable” and “academic”. Girls were also perceived to be more

passive and, hence, in need of adult/teacher directed learning. Hyun and Tyler (1999)

suggest that what teachers think and believe and how they act interact with students in

relation to gender is critical. Teachers’ perceptions have an influence on curriculum

decisions and the evaluation of their practice. Teachers’ perceptions may also lead to the

perpetuation of gender struggles in young children’s lives. Based on Hyun’s and Tyler’s

55

(1999) suggestions, it would be important to consider the interaction between teachers’

perceptions and actions. My study proposes to do something similar.

A significant contribution made by Cahill and Adam’s (1997) study has been the

way teacher gender role beliefs related to their understanding of young children’s gender

role behaviors. The researchers studied 103 early childhood teachers working with

children from birth through eight years of age in preschools, full-day child care centers,

and elementary schools in northern Ohio. The majority of the teacher sample was female.

Cahill and Adams (1997) found that early childhood teachers expressed nontraditional or

feminist beliefs regarding gender roles for men and women. Nevertheless, while these

teachers express some openness to children exploring gender roles, they feel more

comfortable with girls, rather than boys, exploring male and female gender roles.

Specifically, teachers believe it is appropriate to offer young girls greater latitude in the

exploration of behaviors and aspirations that have been traditionally defined as

‘masculine’ than they do for boys exploring behaviors and aspirations that have been

traditionally defined as ‘feminine’. The study suggests that when teachers do have

limiting gender role expectations, it is related to homophobia. Teachers may discourage

cross-gender play and encourage traditional gender roles, particularly when parents are

concerned about their child's future sexual orientation. Cahill and Adam’s (1997) study

is important as it confirms Delamont’s (1990) observation that teachers' personal beliefs

affect their classroom practice.

Research has also found that teachers’ perceptions of students’ behavior constitute

a significant component of their academic judgments (Bennett, Gottesman, Rock &

Cerullo, 1993). Students in this study who were perceived as exhibiting bad behavior

were judged to be poorer academically than those who behaved satisfactorily, regardless

of their scholastic skills and their gender. However, a significant finding was that grade

one and two boys were consistently perceived as behaving less adequately than girls. As

a result, teachers’ perceptions of these boys’ academic skills were more negative than

their views of girls’ capabilities.

Recently, Tantekin’s (2002) doctoral thesis has also contributed to the gap in the

literature on teachers’ gender beliefs and how they interact with their classroom practice,

particularly in relation to disciplining early childhood children. She explored teachers’

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attitudes about the use of appropriate discipline philosophies for the misbehavior of

female and male students. The research participants in her study included 130 women

public school teachers (pre-kindergarten to grade one) in a mid-sized southeast city in the

United States. The research participants were found to have a tendency to hold

egalitarian discipline and gender role attitudes. Yet, their beliefs about discipline when

boys misbehaved were different than for girls’ misbehavior. They seemed to believe in

using maximum power (punishment) when boys’ misbehaved and less power (giving

girls an opportunity to correct their behavior) when dealing with girls’ misbehavior.

Over half of the teachers in the study felt that boys were more physically active and

aggressive than girls. Almost 40% of the teachers felt that girls were more emotional and

likely to obey rules. As such, Tantekin (2002) suggests that the use of punishment

towards boys could be a result of teachers’ stereotyped beliefs that boys are “tougher”

and can handle it. This is consistent with Sadker and Sadker’s (1994) finding that

teachers are often afraid to say anything negative to girls because they might cry.

Through her findings, Tantekin (2002) also speculates that teachers may also hold the

belief that girls are better with verbal skills, more obedient and more amenable to

negotiation. As such, they are more likely to believe that it is easier to communicate with

girls and that girls are more willing to change their behavior and more likely to keep their

end of the bargain. Tantekin’s (2002) study has been significant in bringing to light

issues related to early years’ teachers’ attitudes about gender roles and discipline of male

and female students. Nevertheless, an important area which needs to be further

researched is how this interaction between teachers’ attitudes about gender roles and

discipline and their teaching practice takes place in the classroom context.

She’s (2000) study qualitatively and quantitatively analyzed and described the

interplay of a woman biology teacher’s beliefs, teaching practices and gender-based

student-teacher classroom interaction by exploring the classroom context in Taiwan.

Although this study is based on the experiences in a seventh-grade classroom, her

research approach bore strong resemblance to my research with women kindergarten

teachers and students. Ninety-seven students and their teacher participated in the study.

Through interviews and classroom observations, She (2000) found that the teacher’s

beliefs in science teaching and gender differences influenced her classroom practice. Her

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male students answered teacher-initiated questions at a much higher frequency than her

female students. Furthermore, those same boys preferred calling out their answers to all

other forms of question response. This finding is consistent with Sadker and Sadker’s

(1994) research that boys call out eight times more often than girls. Sadker and Sadker

(1994) further add that when boys raise their hands to answer questions, they fling them

around wildly. Girls, however, cautiously and silently raise their hands, either with the

arm bent at the elbow or straight up.

During a pre-observation interview, the teacher mentioned to She (2000) that her

personality and academic experience set her apart from her female classmates. She felt

that this was because her learning style resembled that which is typical of boys’ learning

styles. She (2000) found that the teacher directed boys to answer more questions than

girls which likely reflects her belief that boys are more creative and less-detail oriented.

Moreover, the teacher tended to call on a male student if she wanted a response to a

challenging problem. The aggressiveness of the male students also resulted in their

receiving more feedback and more attention than girls. This included negative feedback

which the female students rarely received. This finding supports a comment by the

teacher during an interview that she frequently uses feedback to adjust her male students’

behavior or to control those boys who call out answers simply to get her attention. Boys

in the classroom also received much more positive feedback than girls indicating her

satisfaction and providing new opportunities for their participation. Thus, She (2000)

writes that the teacher in her study likely reinforces her male students’ in-class behavior,

perhaps unknowingly.

She’s (2000) study has been significant in illustrating that teachers are a primary

source of gender difference reinforcement through the different types of feedback they

give to their male and female students. Gender-based characteristics play an important

role in establishing and maintaining male-dominated classroom interaction. Furthermore,

teachers’ beliefs do influence teaching practice. A teacher’s belief concerning gender-

related characteristics reinforces and sustains gender differences even when no action is

taken to control the calling out of answers by more aggressive male students. Moreover,

a teacher’s beliefs reinforce and sustain teaching practice by a tendency to give more

feedback to boys. Thus, gender characteristics serve to establish and maintain gender

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based differences in classroom behavior. Teachers’ preconceived beliefs concerning

gender-based learning styles reinforce and sustain those differences.

Within the context of Pakistan, Zainulabidin’s (2007) qualitative study using

semi-structured interviews, observations and document analysis explored the

instructional practices of teachers in relation to their expectations of girls and boys

students. Using a cross case analysis of the two primary women teachers in her sample,

Zainulabidin (2007) found that the research participants had markedly different

expectations and treatment of girls and boys. Both the participants in Zainulabidin’s

(2007) study reported that they interact equally with girls and boys. Observation findings

revealed otherwise. Boys received more attention evident in the number of times they

were called upon by the teacher, the number of questions they were asked and the number

of times they were praised or reprimanded.

Both the teachers in Zainulabidin’s (2007) study appeared to hold beliefs about

ability and behavior that differed for girls and boys. One teacher expected girls to be

more intelligent, hard working and serious about academic activities; she also expected

them to be more careful, obedient and easier to handle. On the contrary, she had lower

expectations of boys rating their ability to concentrate, their attitude towards learning and

their social skills lower than girls. According to Zainulabidin (2007), her beliefs were

largely rooted in her experiences as the eldest child who experienced little disadvantage

being female and who assumed the role of breadwinner and provider of emotional

support after the untimely death of her father. Her classroom practice reflected her

beliefs with boys receiving more academic and social attention because she wanted to

make boys realize that they were always being monitored by her. Likewise, the

classroom practice of the other research participant also reflected her beliefs about girls

and boys. She perceived boys to be stronger to face challenges and to have a natural

tendency to be better decision-makers. Girls, however, were perceived to be weaker in

nature and to need support of brothers and fathers. This teacher also expected boys to be

more intelligent, interested and responsible learners who participated actively and

dynamically in class. In contrast, she viewed girls to be passive, dull, dependent and

worried individuals who gave more attention towards fashion and beauty than their

studies. Despite her classroom being dominated by girls, boys remained more visible

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receiving more verbal interaction from the research participant. Boys were involved

more in academic activities, asked more questions and had their names called out more.

Girls were involved more in non-academic activities like making and serving tea to

teachers, selling snacks at break time and assisting the head teacher to manage other

classes in the case of teacher absence. Both of the research participants were unaware of

the subtle gender-biased messages students were receiving from the official (text and

illustrations) and hidden (pedagogy) curriculums. Zainulabidin (2007), therefore,

concluded in her research that: 1) the participants’ expectations of and interactions with

girls and boys in the classroom are rooted in their own childhood and adulthood

experiences as girls, wives, mothers and teachers; 2) both the official and hidden

curriculums were gender-biased favoring boys more than girls.

Teacher-student interactions: summary

The above review of the literature illustrates the complexity of gendered teaching

practice and interaction with students. Teacher-student interactions, teacher discipline

methods and teacher expectations and beliefs all suggest that girls and boys receive a

different kind of education in the classroom. However, the literature has by and large yet

to link this to how teachers themselves understand their practice in relation to gender,

particularly in the pre-primary years. In response to this vacuum, my study has attempted

to explore how the actions of the women kindergarten teachers correspond to their

reflections of their life experiences and classroom practice in relation to gender.

Theoretical Framework

This study has been informed by Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) bioecological systems

model of human development. This model provides a framework to understand the

lifelong progressive accommodations that individuals make to the changing environments

in which they develop. The five nested, interrelated systems of Bronfenbrenner’s (1994)

model have an important impact on human development: 1) microsystems are the

immediate settings that contain the developing individual; 2) mesosystems encompass the

interrelations among two or more microsystems both of which containing the developing

individual; 3) exosystems are the processes between two or more settings, but only one

60

contains the developing individual; 4) macrosystems involve the influence of the broader

cultural and socioeconomic environments; and 5) chronosystems affect the consistency

and change over the life course. These five nested interrelated systems within

Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) model bear particular relevance to guiding the development of

and the interpretation of the data from this study.

Exploring the women kindergarten teachers’ experiences within these various

systems provides a multidimensional, in-depth approach to the processes which have

shaped their understanding of gender in their lives and their practice throughout their

lives. Within the patriarchal context of Pakistan, the processes through which the

participants have come to understand gender in relation to their personal and professional

lives will be examined through: the immediate environments (microsystems) and the

connections between these environments (mesosystem) which have surrounded the

individual women teachers; the patriarchal social and cultural conditions (macrosystem)

under which these immediate environments operate; processes within the exosystem

between the different microsystems influencing the teachers and kindergarten students in

the microsystems of the kindergarten classrooms; and the changes in the course of the

women’s lives (chronosystem) (Bronfenbrenner, 1994).

Conclusion

This chapter of my research proposal has provided an extensive review of the

literature addressing the areas relevant to my study. Contemporary thought about the life

and work of teachers was reviewed. A historical perspective of women teachers’ lives

and work was discussed to locate recent studies exploring women teachers’ personal and

professional life experiences. Next, I presented a brief overview of the theoretical

representations of gender in educational research. A discussion on understanding gender

differences in girls and boys was then provided. Finally, a review of literature on

gendered teaching practices and classroom interactions was offered.

The main objective of this chapter was to appreciate and value the work of

scholars in recognizing teachers’ centrality, particularly women teachers’, in education

and schooling. All the research on women teachers’ life histories pointed to the

relationship between teachers’ lives and work. Different connections between the

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personal and professional are evident in the literature on women teachers from a range of

social and geographical contexts. Nevertheless, the histories suggest that, despite all of

their challenges, the women teachers perceived teaching to be a source of power for

them, offering them respect, autonomy and financial independence. Through their

personal and professional life experiences, education was viewed by the teachers to

improve and transform existing social structures to allow for a just society.

Evident in this review of literature was the link between teachers’ personal lives

and their teaching. Their domestic and community activities influenced their professional

activities and vice-versa, often creating dilemmas and tensions for them. Maintaining a

balance between their professional lives and their home lives where they still have the

major responsibility for housework and childcare is challenging for women teachers.

The literature highlighted teachers’ personal and professional lives affecting one

another in multiple ways, including their understanding and practice of teaching.

Establishing a link between teachers’ lives, including opportunities to access teacher

preparation programs, and work is significant to teacher and curriculum development

processes. Providing teachers with opportunities to reflect upon their personal and

professional life experiences allows them to produce knowledge that is critical to

effectively supporting their practice.

The relevant though limited literature exploring the experiences of women pre-

primary teachers also pointed to links between teachers’ personal and professional lives.

Gender related reasons influence women’s decisions to enter this field which continues to

be dominated by women. Women are also valued for such positions because of their

caring and nurturing ways. Yet, those performing such work are given little value and

status because cultural beliefs dictate these nurturant qualities to be ‘soft’ and non-

rigorous. Teacher preparation programs for pre-primary teachers are influential in

developing within teachers a professional perspective of themselves and their careers.

Literature on teachers’ practice and classroom interactions with their students

also highlights the reality that girls and boys, including those in the pre-primary years,

receive different classroom experiences and opportunities for learning. The limited

literature available on teachers’ understanding of gender in relation to their practice also

points to a significant influence of teachers’ gender beliefs on the kinds of experiences

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girls and boys have in the classroom. This has implications on the development of girls’

and boys’ individual potential and how they come to understand their gender identities.

Through my study, I intend to understand how women kindergarten teachers in

Pakistan understand the concept of gender in relation to their lives and teaching practice.

Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) five nested interrelated systems will provide a multidimensional

approach to understanding the various processes that have influenced their perceptions of

gender. Exploring their stories would provide insight into how their unique socio-

cultural and historical context directs their experiences, particularly in relation to the kind

of learning girls and boys have in these teachers’ classrooms. Furthermore, it would

provide an opportunity for the women kindergarten teachers’ individual experiences to be

located in the larger agenda of women teachers’ experiences in education.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

Introduction

In this chapter, I describe my research approach and the rationale for using it in

my inquiry. I highlight how the theoretical and methodological foundations presented

relate to the concrete practices of fieldwork with women kindergarten teachers in a

school context in Pakistan. A discussion of the evolution of the fieldwork, beginning

with the process of gaining entry into my research setting is then provided. The data

collection methods and the process of data analysis and interpretation are presented. I

also highlight the process of engaging in reflexivity and discuss the validation of my

research findings. The ethical considerations and dilemmas which I encountered during

the research process, particularly as I developed relationships with my research

participants, are interwoven throughout. Finally, a brief summary concludes the chapter.

Problem Statement and Research Questions Revisited

As described earlier, the problem underlying this study is that there is little

documented understanding of how Pakistani women kindergarten teachers understand the

concept of gender evident from their own reflections of their life experiences and from

their interaction with their students. One major research question and two subsidiary

research questions guided this study26. These questions are as follows:

Major research question

How do women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan understand the concept of gender

evident from their own reflections and from their interaction with their female and male

students?

26 Data collection during my fieldwork was guided by one major research question and five subsidiary questions. To answer three out of my five subsidiary questions, I interviewed and observed 16 case children. I also interviewed their mothers. This was done in accordance with approved ethical guidelines of the University of Toronto. Personal constraints necessitated paring down the focus of my study to only explore the experiences of the seven women kindergarten teachers for my PhD thesis. As such, the findings presented in this thesis are in response to the major research question and two of the subsidiary research questions. Where contact information was still current or possible to obtain, the case children and their mothers were informed about this. Their experiences will be valuable contributions to future publications.

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Subsidiary research questions

1. How do women kindergarten teachers understand the concept of gender as informed

by their life experiences?

2. How do women kindergarten teachers understand their teaching practice in relation to

gender and how is this understanding reflected in observations of their teaching

practice with girls and boys?

Mixed Method Inquiry

The complex, multi-layered nature of my doctoral study lent itself to using mixed-

method inquiry. Each of my research questions touched upon a different aspect of the

research problem, which required multiple data sources and participants. The purpose of

mixing research methods in my research has been to provide ample evidence about the

complexity of gender structures in Pakistan, particularly within education. The overall

aim of the study has been to provide a deeper insight into how women kindergarten

teachers in Pakistan understand the concept of gender evident in reflections of their life

histories and their interaction with girls and boys at school. As such, to address my

research questions, the research was designed to gather multiple data sources by

including multiple participants. Mixed-method research offers a space which

acknowledges multiple ways of knowing and acting, particularly given the complexity of

social phenomena in our world. Moreover, mixed-method research allows for multiple

ways of interpreting data. The use of mixed-method inquiry in my study has, therefore,

allowed me to “understand more fully, to generate deeper and broader insights, to

develop important knowledge claims that respect a wider range of interests and

perspectives” (Greene & Caracelli, 1997, p. 7).

Holistic Integrated Design: A Mixed Method Approach for My Inquiry

My study has been informed by Greene and Caracelli’s (1997) view of mixed-

method inquiry that welcomes different paradigmatic assumptions and takes advantages

of different methodologies suitable for a particular problem. In my study, it was

important to ensure that my research design embraced diverse perspectives and methods

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to generate more comprehensive and insightful validity claims. As such, a holistic

integrated mixed method research design was used. Within holistic designs, there is

simultaneity of the integration of methods throughout the study (Greene & Caracelli,

1997). The intention is to be sensitive to human agency and social processes, as well as

to structural processes. Within the holistic design of my study, the various components

have been geared towards the overarching research question: How do women

kindergarten teachers in Pakistan understand the concept of gender evident from their

own reflections and from their interaction with their female and male students?

Within the holistic integrated design of my study, a concurrent design was used

for data collection. This concurrent design was used in an attempt to get an

understanding of the women teachers’ understanding of gender as evident in their

reflections of their life experiences and of their interaction with their students. School

observations of teaching practice and teacher-student interactions and interviews with

teachers’ about their gendered life histories occurred concurrently.

As the study aimed to engage multiple perspectives and seek evidence from

different research traditions, understandings were divergent and often contradictory.

Instead of seeking solely converging evidence, I was interested in such potential

multiplicity and difference and further juxtaposing contradictory claims through dialectic

reasoning. Both numerical and verbal data were integrated with each other iteratively

over time. Table 1 presents the overview of the research design which shows

participants, data collection methods and analysis techniques.

Through a holistic integrated design within a mixed-method approach, my study

has generated a more comprehensive and insightful understanding of the way women

kindergarten teachers’ understand gender through their life experiences and their

interactions with their students in school in Pakistan. My research procedures are

discussed in the section.

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Table 1. Overview of the Research Design Phase Questions Data Sample Analysis Interpretation

Concurrent 1) Understanding concept of gender through life experiences and interactions with students

2) Gendered

teaching practice and interactions with students

1) Life History Interviews

2) Observations

1) Seven women KG teachers

2) Seven

women KG teachers and 120 KG children

1) Analysis of qualitative data

2) Descriptive

statistics informed by analysis of qualitative life history interview data

Iterative approach looking at multiple perspectives raised through mixed methods at concurrent phase; these perspectives which could be convergent, divergent, inconsistent and contradictory will be juxtaposed Implications of the study

Research Procedures

Selecting the research site

I chose to conduct research in a school in Karachi, Pakistan primarily for

logistical reasons. I have been living and working in Karachi for the past few years and

this is where my family currently resides. In the Pakistani context where the research

culture is in its infancy, I was aware that conducting my study in a school affiliated with

the Aga Khan University – Institute for Educational Development (AKU-IED) would be

easier; as a ‘cooperating school’, it would have a close partnership with AKU-IED.

Furthermore, the school would also be familiar with classroom and school-based research

and, therefore, be more likely to lend its support to my study. My previous contact with a

school as AKU-IED faculty would also be important. Conducting research with urban

private school women teachers was also of interest to me given the limited research about

their experiences. My research questions also entailed that the school have a co-

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educational kindergarten setting, that is girls and boys taught together. Important in my

consideration was language as I have limited fluency in Urdu, the language most

commonly used in Karachi; it was critical that the school be English-medium. My

master’s fieldwork experience dealing with various contextual dilemmas and tensions in

the remote mountainous valley of northern Pakistan almost twelve years ago greatly

facilitated the research process for my doctoral research (Pardhan, 1995, 2007). In this

context, it is largely through the fold of acquaintanceship that entry is negotiated in

schools. I felt that this made it much easier than it might have been had I conducted this

study in Canada. I selected Rainbow School27 as my research site because it fit my

parameters for a research site. It is an urban, private, English-medium, co-education

school (until class five) with a pre-primary section, and it is affiliated with AKU-IED.

Gaining entry

The process of negotiating entry into my research context began prior to

beginning my doctoral program at OISE/UT when I met the Rainbow School principal

and the primary section coordinator who is also responsible for the pre-primary section.

Generally most schools are hierarchical in nature. Many individuals (principals/

headteachers, coordinators) possess authority at different levels above teachers, who are

normally at the bottom of the hierarchy. I considered this while planning and then

accessing the research setting. I was particularly concerned about not causing any harm

to my research participants by contacting them directly. Both the principal and primary

school coordinator willingly gave their approval for my research at the school. The

principal also advised that I conduct my study in the kindergarten section. From her

experience, by the time pre-primary students, who enter school primarily speaking Urdu,

have reached kindergarten they have a better command of and feel more comfortable

communicating in English. I considered her advice and focused my study on women

kindergarten teachers and students. As I developed my research proposal, I was in

contact with Rainbow School for details to conceptualize my study.

Upon returning to Karachi for my fieldwork, I met again with the Rainbow

School principal to re-negotiate my study at the school. In compliance with my ethical 27 As discussed in Chapter 1, Rainbow School is a pseudonym.

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review process as a University of Toronto student, I shared with her the information letter

for the principal (See Appendix D). I also provided her with a copy of the letter of

informed consent for the teacher-participants (See Appendix E). The principal indicated

her support for my study at Rainbow School.

The principal was the first entry point into the school. Further negotiations for

my research also had to be made with additional gatekeepers in the school hierarchy. The

principal directed me to meet with the primary section coordinator again. She would be

my main contact for negotiating the schedule for my data collection, especially during the

initial period of my study. At the principal’s suggestion, I also met with the early

childhood coordinator. In line with Burgess (1984) experience of research, I quickly

realized that it would be necessary to negotiate and re-negotiate my presence at the

school until I exited the research setting. This negotiation continued at different levels,

with different gatekeepers and with all of my research participants. The principal and the

primary section coordinator, especially, proved to be gatekeepers who needed to be kept

informed about my research at regular intervals.

The primary section coordinator with whom I developed my initial data collection

schedule was very helpful and accommodating to my complex research design. She was

aware of cultural constraints like political instability, poor infrastructures in case of

rain28, and unannounced government holidays which could impede my study. As such,

she gave her support for the research to begin as quickly as possible and gave me

permission to remain in the school for the entire academic year if required. I was grateful

and relieved.

Building relationships with research participants

During the initial phases of the research, my contact with the research participants

was primarily negotiated through the primary section coordinator. My initial meeting

with them to discuss the study and invite their participation presented a methodological

dilemma as both the primary section coordinator and early childhood coordinator 28 Rainfall in Karachi’s desert type climate is a relatively rare occurrence – though with the changing global climate, heavy monsoon rainfall in Karachi is becoming more common. The city’s road infrastructure to accommodate heavy rains is poorly planned and, therefore, inappropriate thus resulting in major flooding on the streets. The entire city is usually paralyzed and everything comes to a standstill.

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requested to be present. I felt concerned that this may pressure the teachers to

participate. Nevertheless, I had to accommodate the process of entry negotiation in this

school’s culture.

My initial meeting was postponed a number of times due to the heavy monsoon

rainfalls in Karachi. I finally met with the teachers – four main class teachers and three

support teachers – prior to the start of the academic year. I introduced myself and

discussed my research, its focus and its possible outcomes and implications. I indicated

that their decision to participate would be voluntary and that they could withdraw from

the study at anytime. The verbal and non-verbal communication of five teachers

indicated their interest and enthusiasm to participate; two teachers appeared to be less

certain. Some of the teachers asked various questions about the study, primarily

regarding their involvement and how I was able to balance my studies, work and raising a

young family. I was conscious of the way I framed my responses as this would have

implications on my interviews with them. Two teachers felt that it would be a learning

experience for them and that their participation would make a valuable contribution.

I distributed the consent forms highlighting that the content contained the purpose

of the study, data collection methods, possible outcomes and implications and mention of

their freedom to withdraw any time they wished. Before I left, one teacher suggested that

they could identify on the consent forms the order of the interviews amongst themselves.

The other teachers seemed to agree with her. I was a bit alarmed and wondered if

teachers who wished to decline participating would feel obliged to consent. I suggested

that I could telephone each of them to arrange the interview schedule. However, most of

them felt this was not necessary and they could easily decide amongst themselves the

order of the interviews. I eventually left it to the teachers to do this. This situation and

many others that I would encounter during my fieldwork posed dilemmas for me. It was

important that I respect the ethical considerations of my university and the general social

science community; at the same time, I also had to respect the local standards of conduct

and ethics (Dev Makkar, 2002; Heath, Charles, Crow & Wiles, 2007). Practically, these

considerations often became blurred (Dev Makkar, 2002). All the teachers consented to

participate in the study and none of them withdrew. In Tables 2 and 3, I present details of

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the number of kindergarten teachers and the distribution of kindergarten girls and boys at

Rainbow School respectively during my fieldwork29. Table 2. Number of Women KG30 Teachers (2006-2007)

Main Kindergarten Class Teachers Kindergarten Support Teachers

4 3

Table 3. Number of KG Girls and Boys (2006-2007)

Class Girls Boys Total # of Students

A 13* 17 30 B 15 15 30 C 15 16 31 D 16 15 31

Total 59 63 122 *Initially 14, one left partway through the year

My first meeting with my research participants marked one of many occasions

throughout my fieldwork of negotiating and re-negotiating the research process. It was

important that I respected their involvement at various levels in my study. Because I was

at the school almost daily, it was easy to communicate with the participants verbally. I

always negotiated the interview and observation schedule with the participants ahead of

time. Given the layers in my research design, I also met with the teachers collectively to

describe each new phase of data collection. In her discussion on fieldwork from an

ethnographic perspective, Coffey (1999) comments on the process of negotiation that I

continuously found myself in - both with my research participants and other significant

individuals in the school - over the course of my data collection: “The ethnographic self

actually engages in complex and delicate processes of investigation, exploration and

negotiation. These are not merely professional tasks. They are also personal and social

occupations” (p. 22).

29 A more detailed description of the seven research participants is provided in Chapter 4 where I discuss my findings. 30 For figures and tables, I use the abbreviation ‘KG’ for ‘kindergarten”

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Building relationships with kindergarten students

Although data from the kindergarten students were indirectly collected to answer

my research question for the study, building relationships with them was also an

important part of my fieldwork. I was introduced to the students by their teachers two

weeks after school had commenced and when I began classroom observations. I sought

their assent at the start of each of my first observations in their classrooms (See Appendix

F). Conducting observations in the classrooms for almost the entire day on a daily basis

was significant in establishing my presence and trust with the children. I discuss this in

further detail later in this chapter.

Data gathering

A summary of when data were gathered for the multi-layered research design is

provided in Table 4. On a few occasions, adjustments needed to be made to the schedule

highlighted in Table 4 in order to be sensitive to the research context.

Table 4. Data Gathering Schedule 1. Pre-observation interviews of women kindergarten teachers’ life histories

• Prior to the start of academic year

2. Classroom observations of teacher student interactions • Began two weeks after school commenced

3. Post observation discussions

• Usually after each observation 4. Continuation of life history interviews

• Concurrent with classroom observations • Post classroom observations

As discussed previously, multiple methods of data collection are encouraged in mixed-

method research as a way to develop a more complete understanding of phenomenon by

mapping its diverse aspects, including data which both converge and diverge (Greene &

Caracelli, 1997). This was important for me to be able to generate more comprehensive

and insightful validity claims. In this section, I discuss the interviews and classroom

observations which I used.

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Interviewing participants

In my study, I used semi-structured life history interviews (See Appendix G) with

the participants to address my main and subsidiary research questions. According to

Glesne (2006) life history interviews focus on the life experiences of individuals, in this

particular case of the women kindergarten teachers. Life history interviews create a

broader understanding of teaching by providing illustrations of the relationships between

various aspects of teachers’ lives and their teaching practice, both inside and beyond the

classroom. Goodson and Sikes (2001) further elaborate:

[Life history] explicitly recognizes that lives are not hermetically compartmentalized into, for example, the person we are at work (the professional self) and who we are at home (parent/child/partner selves), and that, consequently, anything which happens to us in one area of our lives potentially impacts upon and has implications for other areas too. It acknowledges that there is a crucial interactive relationship between individuals’ lives, their perceptions and experiences, and historical and social contexts and events. It provides evidence to show how individuals negotiate their identities and consequently, experience, create and make sense of the rules and roles of the social worlds in which they live. (p. 2)

Life history interviews allowed me to develop insight into the teachers’ understanding of

gender. They enabled me to understand the source of the participants’ interpretations of

how they perceived themselves as women teachers including their gendered interactions

with their students. Through life history interviews, I was able to construct how various

socio-cultural, geographical and historical contexts were played out in the lives of each

participant, including in their classroom practice (Wolcott, 1997). Like the Kenyan

headteachers in Rarieya’s (2007) study, the women kindergarten teachers were able to

“consciously interpret events and transitions in their lives that shaped their life stories by

constructing a bridge from the past to the present. For some of them, doing so enabled

them to bring new insights into their lives” (p. 68).

Using semi-structured life history interviews allowed me both to probe deeply and

to pick up on the topics and issues that the research participants initiated (Bogdan &

Biklen, 1998). I used an interview schedule (See Appendix G) which gave the

participants an opportunity to share their experiences in their own way instead of my

having complete control over their responses by using a structured interview format.

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I had planned to conduct three semi-structured life history interviews with the

women kindergarten teachers using Seidman’s model (1998): 1) The first interview

would last approximately 1.5 hours and would facilitate the participants’ ability to

reconstruct their early gender experiences related to their families, friends, school,

workplace and community; 2) The second interview would concentrate on particular

details of the first interview that related to the research and would last approximately 45 –

60 minutes; 3) The third interview would focus on the meanings of the research

participants’ experiences and would also be about 45 – 60 minutes long. However, in the

course of the study, I found it impractical to follow this approach and had to allow the

interview schedule to follow the flow of the women teachers’ activities. I was aware that

any change to the research participants’ planning, teaching and professional development

schedules could affect them and possibly burden them. To avoid any such inconvenience

to the teachers, I needed to remain flexible and open. Other circumstances also needed to

be considered: heavy monsoon rains; political instability; unannounced government

holidays; participants’ familial, domestic and religious obligations31; and my own

personal situation working and looking after a young family while I was engaged in

fieldwork. Consequently, there were times when adjustments had to be made to the

interview length and to the interview schedule. In three instances, I also had to conduct a

fourth interview. Rarieya (2007) speaks of a similar situation in her research using a life

history approach with Kenyan women headteachers. Like her, I engaged in a “reflexive

revision” (Rarieya, 2007, p. 74) of interview questions both during and post-interviews to

conduct focused interviews which allowed space and time for more in-depth questioning

and elaboration.

At the start of each interview, I re-negotiated consent with the teachers. I

explained the ethical considerations, including their voluntary participation as well as

their right to ask any question, abstain from answering a question, and request the

31 Two teachers went for the Hajj pilgrimage in Mecca during the period of data collection. Nanji (1996) writes, “Each year, during the month of Dhul-Hijja, the Quran enjoins Muslims, who have the means and are able, to join in an act of pilgrimage to the Kaba in Mecca…The pilgrimage is a dramatic re-enactment of the beginnings of Islam. The rituals memorialize the ancient history of the Kaba and its founding as a sacred sanctuary by Abraham and its restoration by Muhammad” (p. 14-15). According to the Quran, the Kaba is the noblest and most ancient sanctuary (Quran 2:125) where Abraham erected the place of worship (Nanji, 1996). See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to Hajj.

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interview to end at any point. I conducted all of the interviews at the school in one of the

kindergarten classrooms, with the exception of two final interviews that were conducted

in the research participants’ homes at their request. I avoided scheduling interviews after

school hours realizing the pressures of the women’s time owing to their role as both

teachers and primary caregivers of their families. The interviews at teachers’ homes

provided me a window into their personal lives about which I had only heard them talk. I

observed their interactions with their children, spouses and extended marital family. I

was aware that interviewing them at home would require more time. Our culture is well-

known for the hospitality and value placed on guests in the home.

Interviewing participants: tensions and dilemmas

Interviewing my research participants was a quagmire of complexities. The

interview process allowed for the reconstruction and interpretation of subjectively

meaningful features and critical episodes in individual lives (Denzin, 1989). I found that

my primary role in this process was being an effective listener which the research

participants also commented upon as our relationships developed. They mentioned

feeling better and lighter after each interview and lamented having few such individuals

in their lives with whom they could interact. Many of the teachers were often reluctant

for an interview to end; I was conscious about reminding them when our agreed upon

time was about to finish. One of the initial interviews took longer than anticipated.

Although I was concerned about causing inconvenience to the research participant, I

sensed her need to talk and that this experience for her was cathartic. I decided it was

important for me to listen. Two participants, who had appeared uncertain (as discussed

earlier) to participate, shared that their initial apprehensions were put to ease and they

were very grateful to be in the study.

Although I asked questions, probed for clarification and brought the discussion

back to topic, I found that I spoke significantly less than the research participants. Intent

concentration was required to keep track of the nuances of the teachers’ stories and the

various individuals/relatives, particularly within their extended family networks, who

have played a role in their lives. I also had to remember different episodes in the

women’s lives and how they connected to each other. There were moments when I was

75

uncertain about when and how to probe for more detail, to clarify a point or to return

back to the focus if I felt that we had gone off topic. The extreme heat in Karachi,

particularly during the first and some of the second set of interviews added to the

challenge of remaining focused and alert32.

As the teachers shared their experiences with me, they sometimes had difficulty

finding the appropriate words in English to express their feelings – either because they

did not know the word or because their feelings could not be captured adequately in

English. I encouraged them to express themselves in Urdu whenever they felt that this

would be more meaningful. Sometimes they would do this. Because most of the

interviews were audio taped, I knew that I could check the Urdu meaning with someone.

Moreover, I felt that I had enough understanding of Urdu to make sense of what the

teachers said within the context of the interview discussion. I also knew that I could ask

them for clarification if I did not understand.

The initial interviews exploring the participants’ life experiences since childhood

left me feeling quite overwhelmed with the level of disclosure. Some interviews also left

me feeling emotionally unsettled. I felt like a ‘counselor’ listening to the women express

pent up feelings of frustration, pain, anger and loneliness. Two research participants even

mentioned having shared experiences about which no one except a few family members

were aware. The participants’ comfort with the interview process left me pleased though

uncertain at times about handling my researcher role. This ‘cathartic’ experience for

many of the teachers left me feeling torn about letting them continue speaking about

experiences I sensed they needed to voice and bringing them back to the research agenda.

It led me to question how a researcher can reconcile the various identities the research

participants perceive her to have, particularly in a context where people have little

concept of what research means and involves. Where did they place me in their web of

relations? At what point was my researcher role visible and/or invisible? There were

moments when I felt quite burdened with the kind of information being shared with me.

In many respects, they had placed themselves in a vulnerable position which I had to

handle sensitively and ethically, particularly during data interpretation and representation.

32 Each classroom had four fans. Sometimes, only two fans would be working if there was load-shedding in the city and the school was on generator.

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During the interviews, the research participants sometimes sought my opinion on

issues related to their life experiences. I was often reluctant to share my views and

generally avoided giving my opinion. I was concerned that this might influence their

responses. Furthermore, I did not want to create any tension between us. I would re-

iterate my interest in learning more from them about how they understood their lives and

teaching practice in relation to gender, adding that their responses contained no ‘right’ or

‘wrong’ answers. The teachers often asked whether their stories would be of any value to

my study. I acknowledged the worth of their life experiences inviting them to celebrate

their worthiness as women in an attempt to demystify the prevailing myth of the deficit

model of women (Acker, 1994). I would again express my gratitude to them for sharing

experiences which would make valuable contributions.

Occasionally, I shared with the research participants my own life experiences and

turning points, complying with the principle of reciprocity in research (Glesne, 2006). I

usually shared these experiences if the participants inquired about them. I also sensed

that sharing my own stories was appropriate at certain instances. However, this generally

happened after I had spent some time in the field and had developed my relationship with

the teachers. Talking about my own experiences was important in our relationship of

trust and made me more genuine in their eyes. It was also an attempt to eliminate power

patterns with my research participants. Nevertheless, I was always careful in the way I

spoke about my experiences. I was concerned how my stories might influence the way

the teachers responded to or viewed me. I was also constantly aware of the position of

privilege they perceived me to have as a Canadian woman with western education

working at a reputable educational development institution in Pakistan.

The interview process led me to experience and deal with a range of emotions.

Some of the women’s experiences resonated with my own experiences as a Muslim

woman with a South Asian ancestral heritage currently living and working in Pakistan.

Some of their experiences left me awed at their strength and courage living in the visibly

patriarchal context of Pakistan. The entire interview process left me wondering about the

support a researcher might require to deal with her own emotions after an interview. But

more importantly, it left me wondering about the support the research participants might

require dealing with pent up emotions, feelings, and memories of experiences that they

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had surfaced and voiced during an interview. As much as I was obliged to promise

minimal risk to the participants as a result of participating in this research, I realized that

it was very difficult to enter into this kind of agreement with them (Rarieya, 2007).

Tape recording interviews

Tensions and dilemmas also surfaced during the process of tape recording

interviews. In the consent form, five of the seven teachers gave permission for tape

recording. After discussions with her colleagues who had already been interviewed, one

teacher who had previously declined changed her mind; she was informed that the

experience was “very nice”. During the first interview of the second teacher who had

not consented to tape recording, I took notes. As she spoke, there were moments when

she would code switch between English and Urdu or talk very rapidly. Furthermore, I

wanted to remain as attentive as possible listening to her experiences. I was, therefore,

unable to write very comprehensive notes and had to commit as much to memory taking

the first opportunity available to type out more detailed notes. The volume of

observation data which required note taking became physically taxing. For the

subsequent interviews with this teacher, I requested her permission to tape record. I felt

that I had built up a relationship of trust with her through my sensitive approach with my

research. I explained my situation emphasizing that she should not feel obliged in any

way to consent; even if she did consent and felt any discomfort the tape recorder could be

switched off. She agreed without hesitation and I was grateful for this. At the start of

each interview I re-negotiated consent to record the interviews. I also re-iterated that the

tape recorder could be switched off at any time during the interview if the participants

wished.

During two interviews, research participants requested for the tape recorder to be

switched off as they shared certain stories. Although the tape recorder was turned on

again during both interviews, I felt that many of the subsequent experiences shared by

one of the teachers were very closely tied to the story she had not wanted to be recorded.

She kept looking at the tape recorder and hesitated as she spoke. I asked if I should turn

off the device again and she agreed. I immediately felt that she was more relaxed and

spoke more freely. I took a few notes as she spoke and later typed out more detailed

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notes. Before we began the next two interviews, I re-negotiated her consent for

recording. She agreed and seemed more comfortable with me tape recording these two

interviews that related more to her teaching practice and interactions with the children.

Transcribing interviews

Interview data were transcribed almost immediately after each interview. I

reviewed these data prior to each subsequent interview to identify questions, areas of

clarification or elaboration for subsequent interviews and post-observation discussions.

If an interview was not yet transcribed, I listened to the audiotape and made notes to plan

for the next interview. With the research participants’ permission, I sought assistance for

interview transcription with a trusted individual familiar with research ethics of

maintaining anonymity and confidentiality; this greatly facilitated the research process. I

checked each interview transcript with the audio tape for accuracy.

In keeping with my ethical considerations for the study, I shared with the research

participants a copy of their interview transcripts to review for accuracy. Not only did

they appreciate this, but it also further strengthened our relationship of trust. I informed

the participants that they could indicate on the transcript any parts of their experiences

which they did not want me to use in the writing process. Two teachers did point out

demographic errors in the data. One teacher requested that certain parts of her story be

excluded from the research. I respected her decision.

Observations of teacher-student interactions

Glesne (2006) writes that observation allows the researcher to see patterns of

behavior and to develop a sense of trust with the research participants. Naturalistic

observations are important for the study of experiences and fit well within an ecological,

contextual framework (Tudge & Hogan, 2005). Moreover, observations allow the

researcher to see events and interactions as they unfold, not filtered through someone

else’s perceptions (Darling & Scott, 2002). Observing my research participants helped

me capture the essence of their lives at school (Ashraf, 2004). In addition to a timed

observation schedule in the classroom, I also had the opportunity to observe my research

participants interacting with other individuals – students, teachers, coordinators, the

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principal, parents, and support staff – in the school. Being with the teachers almost

everyday, gave added meaning to my interpretation of their experiences shared in the

interviews as well as my own experiences participating in their school world.

Observation as a data collection tool was critical to address my main research

question: How do Pakistani women kindergarten teachers understand the concept of

gender evident from their own reflections and from their interactions with their male and

female students? The observations gave me an opportunity to learn how the actions of

the women kindergarten research participants corresponded to their words (Glesne,

2006). I chose to write running records of my observations which I was aware would be

cumbersome. Given that this study was the first of its kind in this context I felt that data

analysis and interpretation would be richer and more contextually relevant with detailed

notes. Video-taping teacher-student interactions might have facilitated the process.

However, given the cultural context, I felt that this would be challenging to manage from

an ethical perspective33.

In the beginning stages of the data collection period, observation was important

because of its role in informing me about appropriate areas of study and in developing

sound researcher-researched relationships (Glesne, 2006). According to Glesne (2006)

and Bogdan and Biklen (1998) observation ranges across a continuum: from complete

observer to complete participant. I had anticipated being more towards the ‘complete

observer’ end of the continuum. Nevertheless, I was aware that questions concerning

how much I observed and how much I participated would change when I entered the

field. While doing my observations I found myself at different points at different times

during the data collection process. At the start of my fieldwork, I found myself more

towards the ‘observer as participant’ end of the continuum; during the year, I moved from

my usual ‘observer as participant’ role to more of a ‘participant as observer role’ (Glesne,

2006). This was largely due to how easily and readily the research participants

incorporated me into their lives (Glesne, 2006).

33 In the Pakistani cultural context, photographing/videoing women and girls is sometimes not permitted.

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Observation schedule

As previously discussed, the observation schedule was negotiated with the

principal, primary section coordinator and the teachers prior to the academic year; they

began after the first life history interview with each teacher. Questions for the second

and third interviews were further developed through the observations such that the

teachers’ reflections about their understanding of gender connected to their gendered

teaching practices. This allowed for their responses in the interviews to be better

analyzed and interpreted. I observed each teacher’s interactions with children for 30

minutes on twelve different days and at different times of the day; four of these were pilot

observations. My intention was to gather data over a significant period of time to ensure,

as much as possible, that the participants in the research behaved as naturally as they

could (Tudge & Hogan, 2005). This approach allowed me to capture teacher-student

interactions in an ecologically appropriate way, over enough time to give a reasonable

sense of the types of interactions that typically occur during teachers’ teaching practice

and interactions with students.

Throughout the observation period, I re-negotiated consent to observe the

teachers. At times, negotiating the observation schedule became a juggling act.

Adjustments to the schedule were sometimes made due to: changes in teaching

assignments; teacher absence; changes to the daily routine; and curriculum topics that I

felt would provide deeper insight into my research question. Such incidents made it

critical for me to review the schedule regularly with the teachers. Generally, the teachers

were very understanding and accommodating to my research agenda. Whenever they

knew ahead of time that they would be absent or there were any changes to their planning

they would inform me. They were also cooperative if any changes needed to be made to

the schedule. Finding appropriate moments for post-observation discussions was also

challenging. To avoid any inconvenience, I also tried to negotiate these with the teachers

in advance.

Recording observations

The cultural context and classroom setting posed dilemmas for the observation

process, particularly during the initial period. Limited classroom space left me with few

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options of sitting in a place that would be unobtrusive. I wrote running records of

classroom interactions which initially proved more difficult than I had anticipated.

Entering the field, I was conscious that not everything can be directly observed and

experienced. I was aware that an individual’s interests, biases and background can

influence what is observed and recorded (Glesne, 2006). Furthermore, rapid interactions

between the teacher and students made the note taking challenging; at times: “I (felt) like

a camera, but my hands (could not seem to) capture as quickly what my eyes (saw)”

(Field Notes, September 19, 2006). Having taught in Canada where I was used to

different references to identify children, my experience figuring out who the children

were in this cultural context initially proved challenging. Uniforms, similar brown skin

tone and teachers’ accents pronouncing the children’s Muslim names proved problematic.

Furthermore, there were moments when it was difficult to see all the children clearly

from a position were I might be seated. My initial pilot observations left me wondering

how I would remain focused and organize the complexity of the experience. I was deeply

aware of the importance of engaging in critical reflexivity (Glesne, 2006; Patton, 2002).

Two colleagues offered suggestions to use classroom maps with a code key of the

common themes that appeared to be emerging to record and manage my observations

(See Appendix H). Pre-assigned seating arrangements facilitated this. The maps and

code key proved valuable especially during rapid classroom interactions where I was able

to use codes with qualitative notes to provide a context. Reviewing my observations on a

daily basis was critical to ensure that I captured my thoughts and reflections and filled in

details which I might have later forgotten. Practice made recording observations easier

and less daunting. Nevertheless, constant note taking, particularly during back-to-back

observations, proved physically tiring. While a research assistant would have been

helpful, I feel that I would have missed out on the feelings, sounds, tastes, and ambiance

of a classroom environment that are so important in research with a qualitative

dimension. Moreover, I would have relied on data captured through a lens of another

individual which may have had implications on my interpretation of the research

findings.

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Focusing my gaze during observations

Choosing a space in the classroom to record observations was problematic.

Initially, I was careful to select a place that was relatively unobtrusive. In the

comparatively small classrooms, my view of the teacher was at times obscured especially

when children or another teacher stood in front of me. Inquisitive kindergarten children

who wanted to know what I was doing, show me their work or talk to me about their

experiences also added to the complexity. I quickly learned how to respond to them

without completely taking my focus away from the teacher and my note taking. This was

important as I was sensitive to their curiosity and feelings. In some cases when children

wanted to talk for a long time with me, I would ask if we could talk when I had finished

my writing. I always made it a point to follow up on this. Sometimes the children also

asked for permission to do things or for help. I would direct them to their teacher. I

occasionally helped children if their teacher was engaged with something else, making a

note of it in my records. I was aware that my reaction and response to the children had

implications on my relationship with them and with their teachers. I did not want to

compromise their teachers nor did I want the children to place me in the same ‘category’

as their teacher. At the same time, it was important that I was sensitive to children’s

needs and feelings. During moments like this in my research with children, I found

myself aligned with MacNaughton and Smith’s (2005) argument that, “(Ethics) is not

about our duty to act correctly but about the choices we face about how to politically act

on ourselves” (p. 113).

When I sensed the teacher’s comfort with my presence in the classroom, I

requested permission to sit in different areas of the classroom for my observations. This

allowed me to clearly observe and hear teachers and students. During some observations,

I shifted my position a few times so that I could better capture the data. My experiences

reflect the process Vazir (2004) encountered in her research with young children in

Pakistan. She writes:

I took an unobtrusive role as a classroom insider in order to develop a trusting relationship. Initially, I placed a chair away from the tables so that I could have a bird’s- eye view of the class and yet not make my presence felt; I did not want to intrude. However, I could not hear the participants’ conversation or capture their gestures and actions. I therefore moved to sit at the table amongst the participants whom I was observing. (p. 90)

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Shifting along the participant-observation continuum

My initial period in the field was more towards the observer end of the

participant-observation continuum (Glesne, 2006). I confirmed each observation with the

participants the day before. Initially, I would arrive in their classrooms a few minutes

before the start of the observation to settle myself, gesturing my arrival with a smile and

wave. I observed, took my notes and left as soon as the observation period had ended,

again gesturing my departure with a wave especially if they were in the middle of

teaching.

The teachers’ body language and comments to me indicated their apprehension

about their practice being put to scrutiny, particularly being a teacher educator whom

they perceived to be an ‘expert’. Being a teacher, I empathized with them. I eventually

sensed their anxiety dissipating. I never pointed out any ‘mistakes’ in their practice nor

did I judge their practice in any way. Rather, I focused our post-observation discussions

on observations that would provide me deeper insight into my research question.

Furthermore, I never discussed my observations of their teaching practice with anyone.

This was important in the trust they placed in me and they shared this with me.

Eventually, I had become like ‘a fly on the wall’ whose presence was almost invisible.

As one teacher shared, “We sometimes forget that you are even in the classroom”. The

teachers’ comfort with my presence in their classrooms had implications on insights I

was able to glean about their practice and the interpretations I made in my analysis.

The teachers began to invite me into classrooms outside of scheduled

observations times. I was grateful for this opportunity as it allowed me to get deeper

insight into their practice. I was always careful not to interfere in the teachers’ practice

or to disrupt the classroom environment.

Sometimes the teachers asked me to read stories to the children, usually from

storybooks which I loaned to them from my children’s collection as part of reciprocity.

Glesne (2006) argues that when a researcher becomes more of a participant and less of an

observer a paradox develops. There is the risk of losing the eye of the uninvolved

researcher; yet the more a researcher participates, the greater the opportunity of learning

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(Gelsne, 2006). As part of my reciprocity to the teachers and the students I agreed. This

provided an alternate lens through which to reflect upon and analyze my data. However,

I was conscious of instances when the storytelling became problematic, particularly when

it related to student behavior. In order to maintain my position of ‘least adult’ (Thorne,

1993) with the children, I would pause and let the teacher handle student misbehavior. It

was a relief to me that requests for me to tell stories were infrequent.

Researcher/teacher/teacher-educator dilemmas during observations

Observing the teachers’ practice brought with it many internal conflicts between

my researcher, teacher and teacher-educator identities. My main purpose as a researcher

was to try to get deeper insight into teaching practice. Yet there were moments when I

wanted to take on the role of teacher, particularly when teachers were struggling with a

particular lesson, with classroom management or when children were engaged in conflict

unbeknownst to the teachers. At other moments, I wanted to take on the role of teacher-

educator guiding the teachers with their practice. The teachers request for feedback on

areas for improvement in their practice complicated matters after some observations.

Some teachers even inquired if I had observed any change in their teaching practice.

Such matters were difficult to address given the specific focus of my research. The

researcher part of me also had to refrain from getting into discussions about my

observations of teaching practice that could be more meaningful to the children’s ways of

thinking and learning. I did ask why a teacher might have done something a certain way

in her practice, but only if I felt that it related to my research agenda. Moreover, I needed

to be sensitive not to undermine the teachers’ position in the classroom and the school.

As such, balancing these three identities during my observations was often like walking a

tightrope.

Documentary evidence

Documents and artifacts provided useful sources of information during my

proposed study. I was able to access related internal and external documents (Bogdan &

Biklen, 1998) as sources of data besides interviews and observations. The school policy

documents, school display material, the kindergarten syllabus, the teachers’ lesson plans

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and post lesson plan reflections in their curriculum planners, children’s work as well as

classroom resources allowed me to examine how these related to the teachers’

understanding of their gendered teaching practice.

Researcher journal

Throughout, I maintained a researcher journal which became a place for me to

note my: observations; thoughts; feelings; hunches; reflections about patterns and themes

that seemed to be emerging in the interview and observation data; questions that emerged

during observations and interviews; and connections to theoretical ideas from literature

that struck me as I did my fieldwork (Glesne, 2006; Rarieya, 2007). My researcher

journal allowed me to engage in reflexivity. Furthermore, it helped me to plan interview

and post-observation discussions. My journal became a valuable source of information

as I analyzed and interpreted stages of my work and when I wrote up the dissertation.

Not only did it trigger my memory, it also pointed to patterns and trends that I might have

lost had I left everything to memory (Rarieya, 2007).

Data analysis

In order to make sense of the data collected in the mixed-method design of my

study, I engaged in a number of data analysis processes which began on the first day of

data collection. Organizing and managing large volumes of data was critical throughout.

A significant part of the entire data analysis process involved data reduction of the

multiple observations and interviews into a more manageable form.

Throughout, data analysis was on-going, open-ended, continuously iterative, and

happened with different data sets at different levels (Miles & Huberman, 1994). After

each interview and observation, I prepared summary notes of my reflections which

helped me to review my thoughts and hunches. These notes also enabled me to identify

questions as well as areas of clarification or elaboration for subsequent interviews and for

post-observation discussions. My notes allowed me to move between the hard data and

my initial conceptualizations of how the participants understood gender in relation to

their life experiences and teaching practice (Rarieya, 2007).

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I also recorded notes of various documents which I felt were relevant to providing

deeper insight into the experiences of my participants. I was very grateful for the

school’s and the teachers’ permission to access a range of documents to review. My

notes included a description of the document, the interview or observation with which it

was associated, its significance and a summary of its content (Rarieya, 2007).

I reviewed all the interviews, the field and documentary notes, and the

observations both separately and together to identify key ideas within them. This allowed

me to develop codes. I discuss below the rigorous process involved in data coding of

both interviews and observations. Highlighted as well is the back-and-forth process in

which I engaged moving between various data sets to refine codes, categorize data into

pattern codes and develop themes. Checking raw data and interpretation with my

research participants was an important part of the analysis, interpretation and writing

process.

Analyzing interview data

Coding transcribed interview data brought emerging patterns to the surface. Like

Ashraf (2004) in her study of Northern Areas (Pakistan) women teachers, I coded these

data manually which helped me to develop a better relationship with the study data. The

initial codes emerged during transcription. A more exhaustive list of codes was then

derived based on my research questions, literature, and from within the data itself which

appeared significant or kept recurring (Ashraf; 2004; Rarieya, 2007). I made note of my

reflections as I developed and reviewed my codes. I reviewed the data again using the

codes I had developed which allowed me to categorize the data into pattern codes (See

Appendix I). I was then able to identify the pieces of data that related to my research

questions (Rarieya, 2007). A comparative pattern-analysis (Patton, 2002; Rarieya, 2007)

allowed me to look for patterns that converged into categories showing similarities and

differences for each individual participant as well as across participants. Like Rarieya

(2007) who wanted to better understand the experiences of Kenyan women headteachers,

a comparative pattern-analysis was a way in which I could understand my participants’

experiences in as rigorous and detailed a manner as possible. This process eventually

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allowed me to review emerging patterns in my different data sets to develop the themes

which became part of the writing process.

Analyzing observation data

A monumental task loomed ahead of me making sense of the ‘messy’, event

narratives in my observation data. Realizing that there is “no quick fix, no easy set of

procedures to apply to all projects” (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998, p. 159), I set about

systematically searching through, arranging and organizing the dataset reflecting upon

event narratives related to the main objective of the study. I also considered where data

could be broken down into more manageable units. Using observation data from one

teacher initially, I began developing codes for categories of interaction events related to

gender taking into consideration key words, phrases and interactions in chunks of data. I

used multi-colored stickers to identify the different codes (See Appendix J). After

developing a preliminary coding scheme based on one classroom observation, I combed

through data from the other classroom observations of this teacher to compare and refine

these codes (See Appendix K). I then engaged in a ‘back-and-forth’ process between

individual teacher data sets which were at times distinctive to further refine my coding

scheme, collapsing or adding additional codes, such that it was concise, relevant and

appropriate (See Appendix L). As I developed and reviewed my codes, I jotted remarks

and reflections beside them. After the initial coding of my observation data was

complete, I checked my coding a second time for accuracy. These codes were based on

my research questions, literature, and the participants’ socio-cultural values and ways of

making sense of the world in relation to gender. My coding scheme was also reviewed

by two trained educational researchers for ensuring that the category codes matched with

the data. Their feedback was incorporated to make minor changes. Once my codes were

developed, I was then able to categorize the data into pattern codes. As with the

interview process, this facilitated examining the emerging patterns together with those

within other data sets to eventually develop themes for the writing process (See Appendix

M).

Frequencies for each teacher-child interaction were computed. In addition, one of

the trained educational researchers also checked for accuracy of counts. Furthermore, ten

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percent of my observation data for two categories – behavior management and teacher

directives - was reviewed by a trained educational researcher with teacher education

expertise for inter-rater reliability. This was to check whether she interpreted my coding

scheme in the same way that I had intended. Correlation was computed in order to

explore overall inter-rater reliability. Findings revealed that that the correlation between

the two raters was .99 product moment correlation (Pearson) and .98 rank order

(Spearman). These figures show that inter-rater reliability was very good.

The primary objective of observation was to explore the teachers’ gendered

teaching practice with kindergarten girls and boys. Given the sensitive nature of my

study and my concern about breeching anonymity and confidentiality, I combined

frequency counts for all teachers to present the findings. A database was developed using

Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) 16.0. I then entered observational data

for all categories. Data were explored at category level for girls and boys using

descriptive analysis (mean score, standard deviation and range) both for overall

observations (teacher-directed lessons plus weekly unstructured play episodes) and for

play episodes only. A separate analysis for play episodes was carried out based on

qualitative findings around teachers’ perceptions of their gendered interaction with

children during play. As discussed earlier, given the constant negotiation of the

observation schedule with the teachers, it was only possible for me to observe five

teachers during play episodes which only took place once a week.

The mean score for girls and boys for each category was compared using paired t-

test. A paired t-test was used because the data were collected for girls and boys from the

same teachers. A paired t-test was also employed to compare total teacher-directed

academic lessons plus play episodes and play episodes only to examine differences in

teacher-student gender interactions for five categories (questions, responses, directives,

help and proximity). Given the small sample size, a paired t-test analysis would normally

not be carried out to gauge if there were any quantitative differences. Results of

quantitative analysis, therefore, should be interpreted with caution.

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Bringing the data together

After coding my data, I began to identify emerging patterns between interview

data, field and documentary notes and observation event narratives that converged into

categories which showed similarities and differences in the teachers’ understanding of

gender based on their life experiences and in relation to their classroom practice. Colored

highlighters and flags facilitated this (See Appendices J and K). Throughout, I made

notes of what I discovered and what I thought was happening (Rarieya, 2007). This

process finally allowed me to develop themes which I compared and contrasted and

which I then linked to theories that allowed me to draw conclusions.

Reflexivity

According to Denzin and Lincoln (2000), the researcher is located in a complex

and often contradictory history that influences what s/he wants to study and guides and

constrains the work that will be done in this study. As such, engaging in reflexivity was

critical throughout the research process. Reflexivity provided me the opportunity to

connect my research with my values, commitments and theoretical framework (Young,

2003). Through this process, I was able to explore the dynamics taking place between

the participants and me. Furthermore, it allowed me to examine how these dynamics

were affecting the research process, the participants and me (Glesne, 2006; Rarieya,

2007).

Throughout my fieldwork, I found myself reflecting upon my values and

perceptions as well as my social, cultural, religious and geographical positionality in

relation to my research participants. I engaged in a self-critique of my words and actions

during my interactions with teachers, administrators, students, parents and support staff.

Like Rarieya (2007), this was critical because my experiences as a woman teacher and

teacher-educator who has lived and worked in diverse socio-cultural, geographical,

political and religious environments gave me particular perspectives on women

kindergarten teachers’ lives, especially in this context. And, like Rarieya (2007), “it was

thus impossible for me to put these aside to take up one singular and simple researcher

identity” (p. 82). I was conscious of relationships of power between the research

participants and me who each came to this study with our own multiple identities.

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Reflecting upon this as well as the shifting power dynamics which were thereby created

was central to the research as it allowed me to understand the impact of my presence and

perspective on the study (Rarieya, 2007; Young, 2003). I acknowledge the biases, values

and interests which I have brought to this study and I also believe that these have led to

the multiple perspectives that have emerged from this research to understand the women

kindergarten teachers’ experiences (Creswell, 2003; Rarieya, 2007).

Relationships during fieldwork

The development of relationships between my research participants and me was

critical as it influenced the entire data collection process. According to Darling and Scott

(2002), the researcher-participant relationship is subject to continuous negotiating which

extends to the participant’s trust in the researcher at every stage of the process. I entered

into the field with multiple identities: woman; researcher; teacher; teacher-educator;

doctoral student; wife; mother; woman in an extended family; Ismaili Muslim; and

Canadian with South Asian cultural heritage. All of these identities had an impact on the

whole process of interaction with my participants. I was deeply aware of my subjectivity

and of paying particular attention to aspects of power and ethics during fieldwork.

My previous contact with the school both directly and indirectly as a teacher-

educator in a reputable educational institution, Aga Khan University – Institute for

Educational Development (AKU-IED), played an important role in the development of

relationships between the teachers and me. I had already developed positive relationships

with the administration and a few of the pre-primary teachers who had participated in the

early childhood education course at AKU-IED in which I taught. I was aware that,

through their own networking, my research participants were already familiar with my

previous influence and presence at their school. This appeared to put them at ease and

express interest and an eventual willingness to participate in my study.

Being in the field almost daily for an extended period, I had many opportunities to

interact with the teachers outside of their classroom teaching time, particularly during

their spare periods or once the students had left. These moments allowed the participants

and me to move from good rapport to a relationship of sharing common interests and

experiences: food; clothing; raising and educating our children; furthering our

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professional development; being effective and contributing members of the community

and our family; religious festivals; contextual concerns like the intense heat, electricity

and water problems, heavy traffic in the city due to construction; as well as common

illnesses. Such experiences also appeased the participants who had experienced

apprehension and uncertainty during the initial stages. During my interactions with the

teachers, I deliberately attempted to be non-judgmental and unassuming. I listened more

than I spoke. I felt that this was critical in establishing trust with the participants and in

their comfort with sharing their experiences as women and women teachers teaching girls

and boys. Sharing a similar religious and cultural heritage as my research participants, I

also tried to keep up with the practices of our culture like visiting the home of my

research participant who delivered a baby during my field work, taking a cake and

biscuits or other small token for the two research participants whom I interviewed at

home, bringing snacks to share with the research participants who often shared theirs

with me, and exchanging cards during religious festivals. My identity as a Muslim

woman teacher, mother and wife, daughter and daughter-in-law with South Asian

ancestral heritage living and working in Pakistan enhanced my role as researcher.

Though I kept my research agenda up front, I nevertheless felt that the research

participants had difficulty reconciling it with the way they perceived me. Like Ashraf’s

(2004) women research participants in Northern Pakistan, the teachers in my study

“confided in me to the extent that I became worried about ethical obligations towards

such vulnerable participants” (p. 82), particularly in representing their experiences. I felt

that I was gradually developing a relationship in which my presence became part of the

teachers’ scenario of a close network of relationships. Ashraf (2004) describes a similar

process happening to her in her study. I felt that I had achieved what Berg (2001) calls

“erosion of visibility by display of symbolic attachment” (p. 148). According to Berg

(2001), a researcher can “become invisible because (her) informants suspend concern

over the research aspect of (her) identity in favor of liking the researcher as a person” (p.

148). After some time, the teachers had come to see me as ‘part of the kindergarten

team’. Moreover, the administration and other school staff had also begun to perceive me

in a similar light. Considering me as one of them was the participants’ attempt to

position me in their context in an accessible manner. Like Ashraf (2004), I felt that “my

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identity as a fellow woman led them to place me in their circle of relationships and I thus

qualified for a more intimate relationship” (p. 82).

Many moments ensued, however, when I was confronted with the challenge of

negotiating my “otherness” in relation to my identities as teacher-educator and Canadian

with a western education. Balancing my researcher and teacher educator roles was

problematic at times. At the request of the principal and as part of my reciprocity to the

school, I conducted professional development workshops for the early years’ teachers,

which included my research participants, whose experiences are similar to most early

years’ teachers in this context with little opportunity for quality education and teacher

training prior to taking up paid teaching work. This added to the complexity of

negotiating my teacher educator and Canadian identities. I was perceived as an ‘expert’

in early childhood education. My Canadian education, including my doctoral studies,

and work experiences further contributed to their views of my privileged position as

‘expert’. This became particularly uncomfortable for me when participants older than I

spoke about me in this manner and wanted to learn more from me. In our shared cultural

experience, respect for elders and their wisdom through their life experiences is

paramount. I was cautious about not offering my advice to my participants unless asked

for it. Given the relationship between the school and AKU-IED and my role as teacher

educator, I felt it would be unethical if I did not assist my participants. However, I

always prefaced my suggestions and thoughts by mentioning that what I was sharing may

or may not be in line with the policies and practices established at their school.

Moreover, it was not my place to interfere in such matters nor did I want to do that. I

was grateful for the school’s cooperation for my study and did not want to cause any

tension between the administration and the teachers in the way they planned and taught.

Locating my suggestions about teaching early years within literature was more

comfortable and easier to do during the professional development workshops than at an

individual level. The teachers often remarked about their ease and comfort at my

sensitivity in approach and tone even though I am “such an educated” person.

Being Muslim, I shared with my research participants a common religious

heritage to which common Islamic ethical principles are adhered. However, as an Ismaili

Muslim, I was aware of potential differences in interpretations of Islam between my

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research participants who belonged to other traditions within Islam and me. Currently,

Pakistan is a context rife with political struggle and conflict, part of which is due to

religious interpretations and beliefs. Part of the complexity within the educational and

socio-cultural structures is the interpretation that different groups of Muslims have about

gender (Husain & O’Brien, 2000). Although I experienced moments of discomfort at

times when the research participants shared their perceptions and views of Islam,

particularly as they related to gender, I was careful to remain unassuming, non-

judgmental and respectful. Their experiences and understandings were critical to data

analysis and interpretation of their stories. Adhering to our common Islamic religious

principles of compassion, kindness, generosity, and respect helped me to gain the

confidence of my participants.

Research in a kindergarten classroom with young children also had an influence

on the development of my relationship with their women teachers. Various tensions

related to my multiple identities, particularly ‘adult woman’ with status of ability and

power, arose as I negotiated my presence with the children (Greene & Hill, 2005; Hill,

2005; Holmes, 1998). I was often approached by young children for nurturance or

caretaking support, even when their own classroom teachers were present. Children also

perceived me as an adult with formal authority seeking permission to drink water or go to

the washroom as well as support to resolve conflicts amongst themselves. It was critical

not to place myself in any situation which would jeopardize the children, the teachers or

my position at the school. I began to avoid positions of authority and I rarely intervened

in a managerial way (Thorne, 1993). Unless physical injury was at stake or a child’s

feelings were being hurt and there was no teacher nearby whom I could call, I did not get

involved in children’s disputes. I always told my research participants about any

incidents of conflict with children which I stepped in to resolve.

Ethical issues

Throughout the research process, I found myself negotiating ethical issues.

Women in Pakistan generally constitute a vulnerable population. As a woman researcher

who has suffered gender inequalities, both subtle and overt, it was important that my

research be undertaken with fairness and an ethically appropriate approach. However,

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several issues emerged during my fieldwork which made me wonder how ethical one

could really be, especially in a context like Pakistan. Rarieya (2007) and Ashraf (2004)

experienced similar tensions in their study with women headteachers in Kenya and

women teachers in Pakistan respectively. Both researchers (Ashraf 2004; Rarieya, 2007)

point out the tensions they experienced between contextual values and norms and the

methodological needs and detachment suggested by applying conventional research

ethics.

An important component of informed consent within conventional research ethics

involves free choice. As discussed earlier, I wondered how ‘voluntary’ the participation

of the teachers in my study really was. A system of negotiating entry into schools

through the headteachers or principals complicates the kind of freedom teachers have to

decline or consent to participate. Furthermore, I wondered how many of my participants

felt obligated to participate because one or more of their colleagues was strongly

considering it. Did my affiliation with a reputable educational institution with close ties

to their school also influence the participants’ decisions to consent? How much influence

did their families, especially spouses and other extended marital family members, have in

their decisions? While it was difficult for me to determine whether my participants freely

consented or not, it was critical that I take measures to ensure the protection of their

anonymity and confidentiality.

However, protection of their identity was also riddled with dilemmas. Because of

its close relationship to AKU-IED, a few of my colleagues were present at Rainbow

School during various periods of my data collection and were aware of my presence

there. Work-related professional discussions directly related to AKU-IED’s collaboration

with the school on various initiatives were occasionally problematic for me. I also had to

be careful about how much I disclosed when talking about my research with my

colleagues and others who inquired about my progress. At times, staff members in

various capacities at Rainbow School were curious about my research and findings. I

realized that it was problematic to commit to complete confidentiality as this seemed

difficult to fulfill and I had indicated this to my participants when seeking informed

consent. I did my best to fulfill my obligations to maintain confidentiality, not disclosing

their identities and not sharing information about them. The development of my

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relationship with the research participants intensified my ethical obligation to guard the

very personal information that they shared with me. However, I found that the

participants themselves had risked their confidentiality by telling others, usually

immediate and extended family, about their participation in the study. Although ethical

considerations would be given through the use of pseudonyms, these situations signaled

to me the importance of having to exercise extreme care in representing my research text.

Ultimately, realizing the cultural implications of making the research participants too

visible, I have even opted not to use any names (pseudonyms) in the presentation of my

research findings in an effort to keep them as invisible as possible. I have made reference

to them either as “teacher(s)” or “participant(s)”.

Engaging in reflexivity, particularly with relation to my role as researcher and a

woman in education was important to ensure that, as I collected and analyzed data, I

“should not see what I wanted to see and hear what I wanted to hear” (Rarieya, 2007, p.

87). This was also important with respect to my ethical obligation in writing up findings

of a research study with vulnerable and often voiceless participants. As I moved from

field text to research text, I was aware that, while I had claimed to maintain principles of

reciprocity and tried to eliminate power differentials with my participants, the ultimate

decision and authority to present the research remained with me. As such, I found myself

caught up in what Clandinin and Connelly (1998) have described as a “dilemma of voice”

(p. 172) moving from the field text to the research text. I wanted to maintain my

participants’ voices in the forefront of my writing. I also wanted to create a reflective

text that represented data in various ways from multiple participants and data sources.

Such a text would “enable readers to make sense of unheard voices and make connections

between the multiple voices of the told lives” (Ashraf, 2004, p. 88). It would also be

accessible to multiple audiences within and outside academia. Nevertheless, this

accessibility presented a dilemma in making the participants and me vulnerable. Like

Ashraf (2004), I, therefore, chose to bring together objective and subjective markers

(Denzin, 1989) of their lives and present an accumulated picture that reflected key,

critical points of seven individual lives which, nevertheless, remained coherent in relation

to their social, geographical, cultural, religious, political and historical contexts.

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Based in Karachi for much of the data analysis and writing process was critical in

the interpretation and representation of data. Although I have lived in Karachi for six

years now, have conducted my master’s thesis research in Pakistan and have traveled

back and forth here extensively over the past twenty years, being not completely of this

context, I was aware that there may be details and nuances in the individual participant

texts that have passed me by. Any interpretation is therefore inevitably partial. Kirk

(2003) has also argued that any interpretation of the larger context in which the

researcher and researched engage are equally partial and contingent. Although I can

never be exactly certain what the participants words have meant to them, I am conscious

of the ethical responsibilities I have had in listening and observing as carefully as

possible and in trying to make meaning of their experiences. Participating in daily life

and work experiences as a woman in Karachi as well as the easy accessibility to my

research participants and my respected colleagues of this context to sound out my

interpretations and ensure their cultural relevance have been important considerations in

the development of my interpretations during the writing process. While it has been

challenging to have a ‘long-distance’ relationship with my supervisor and committee

members during this time, ultimately it has proven to be a strength for the study.

Dealing with ethical issues in the field involved understanding and negotiating a

complex labyrinth of meanings that went beyond concepts of informed consent, voluntary

participation, confidentiality and anonymity as maintained in conventional research

ethics. As I dealt with ethical issues that emerged in the field, I maintained Christians’

(2005) view of the code of ethics serving as a guideline prior to fieldwork, but not

intruding upon full participation. Like Rarieya (2007), my sense was that strictly

adhering to the code of ethics in conventional research would have likely interfered with

“what was an otherwise inoffensive study” (p. 91).

Validation of my study findings

My reflection about issues of validity happened when I began to conceptualize my

study. My choice of mixed method research design was made to enhance the validity of

my study findings. No single method or empirical evidence guarantees warrants of

knowledge claims. Furthermore, all claims are open to challenges and criticism. They

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are not prescriptive, final or absolute, but are subject to discussion, interpretation and

negotiation (Greene & Caracelli, 1997; Jang, 2005).

In thinking about validity issues, I was influenced by Jang’s (2005) discussion on

validity issues in her mixed-method research. I was conscious about: what had been

problematized in my study; what the historical, political, social, cultural, religious, and

ethical scenarios in this problematization were; who the research participants were; what

their role was; what the consequences of the act of argumentation would be on these

people and their society; what kind of knowledge would be shared and further debated

between someone entitled to make claims - myself as researcher - and potential debaters

– various audiences (Jang, 2005).

Within my study to explore how Pakistani women kindergarten teachers

understand the concept of gender evident from their own reflections of their life

experiences and from their interaction with their students, validity was strengthened

through an illustration of the consistency among the research purposes, the questions and

the methods that I used (Newman, Ridenour, Newman, & DeMarco Jr., 2003). By

contextualizing my study, making the research process transparent, seeking feedback on

my theories and observations from those familiar and unfamiliar with the research setting

and issues I was studying (Rarieya, 2007), and engaging in reflexivity, the validity of my

study has been enhanced. Furthermore, strong consistency has grounded the credibility

of my research findings and has helped to ensure that multiple audiences – practitioners,

policy makers, public - will have confidence in the findings and implications of my study.

Within my study, the multiple methods and multiple groups of participants have

also provided comprehensive evidence to strengthen my knowledge claims of both

convergent and divergent findings. Thick description combined with descriptive

statistics as well as interpretations that have used theory to provide structure, connect

with personal experience and explore alternative means of representing data has allowed

my study to engage many audiences. Given the multiplicity of values and assumptions

that different participants have brought into the validation process, more than one kind of

interest needed to be served (Jang, 2005), including policymakers, educational

institutions, teachers, students, and parents. No assumptions underlying the validation

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processes have been taken for granted because of the heterogeneity of research

participants and contexts.

The generation of knowledge claims has also been critical to bring about change.

In my study, this has entailed the development of knowledge about women kindergarten

teachers’ perspectives for teachers, teacher development institutions and policy makers in

Pakistan and similar contexts to be able to take action to increase teachers’ awareness of

the gendered nature of their teaching practice and interaction with students.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I discussed the mixed-method research approach and the rationale

for using it in my study. Thereafter, I presented my research procedures including the

process of gaining entry, building relationships with research participants, data collection

and analysis processes and the validation of my study findings. My position as both

insider and outsider to the context was a pertinent aspect of the research. Throughout the

chapter I have elaborated upon the implications of this on the research process,

particularly the development of relationships with the participants. Reflections upon the

ethical considerations and dilemmas I have encountered during fieldwork and

representing my findings were also included. The next chapter is devoted to the research

findings from the study.

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CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH FINDINGS

Introduction

I now present the women kindergarten teachers. Key moments in their life

experiences illustrate how their understanding of gender has been informed and how

these experiences are reflected in their teaching practice. I draw upon Bronfenbrenner’s

(1994) bioecological model of human development discussed in Chapter 2 to present my

research findings. This chapter has been divided into two sections. In the first section I

discuss how the women’s perceptions of gender have been constructed. In section two I

present how their perceptions are reflected in their understanding and through

observations of their teaching practice. The chapter ends with a conclusion of both

sections.

I have chosen to thematically present the teachers’ views that have emerged from

their life histories. As discussed in Chapter 3, the complex thematic portrayal of these

seven women teachers’ collective experiences is “designed to guard these vulnerable

participants’ anonymity and confidentiality” (Ashraf, 2004, p. 131). Knowing the

cultural implications of making the research participants too visible, I have also opted to

use no names (pseudonyms) to refer to them as an effort to keep them as invisible as

possible. As such, I make reference to them either as “teacher(s)” or “participant(s)”.

Like Rarieya (2007) in her study of the lived realities of women headteachers in Kenya, I

use a “personal lens” (p. 104) to reflect upon my findings based on my experiences living

in Pakistan and working in this context as an educational leader in the areas of early

childhood education and gender.

I present the research findings in a manner that illustrates the commonalities

between the women teachers’ experiences. I also demonstrate differences among them

by providing examples wherever they occurred. Just as Munro (1998) and Rarieya

(2007) point out in their research with women, I am not suggesting that the women’s

experiences are identical and that the commonalities among them are the result of the fact

that they are women. It is apparent through the study findings that these seven women

have responded to different contexts. Nevertheless, there were strong similarities among

their experiences. By highlighting these commonalities, I am attempting to draw

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attention to how the women teachers have understood the concept of gender through their

experiences and how this is reflected in their teaching practice in the Pakistani context.

Tables 5 and 6 present a summary of the participants’ backgrounds both before and after

marriage at the time of the study to contextualize their experiences as discussed in the

ensuing paragraphs.

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Table 5. Demographics of the Study Teachers before Marriage Family • Living in extended family structure –> Paternal (n=7*)

• Mother’s demise during early years (n=1) • Father’s demise during early years (n=1) • Father’s demise during early adolescence (n=1) • Father’s demise during late adolescence (n=1)

Family Status • Upper middle class (n=4) • Middle class (n=2) • Lower middle class (n=1)

Geographic Location • Karachi (n=4) • Islamabad/Rawalpindi in Pakistan (n=1) • Mumbai, India (n=1) • Bangladesh – rural village and Chittagong (n=1)

Educational Experiences

Pre-primary • Single sex girls’ pre-primary setting (n= 3) • Co-education pre-primary setting (n=3) • No recollection of kind of setting (n=1) Primary • Single sex girls’ primary school (n=4) • Single sex girls’ primary school, then co-education school (n=1) • Co-education school, then single sex girls’ primary school (n=1) • Co-education primary school (n=1) Secondary • Single sex girls’ secondary school (n=5) • Co-education secondary school (n=2)

Academic Qualifications**

• Intermediate - co-education (n=1) • Intermediate –single sex girls’ institution (n=2) • B.A. single sex girls’ institution (n=1) • B.A. co-education (n=2) • B.Sc. co-education (n=1) • Certificate courses in the Arts (n=2) • B.A. incomplete (n=1) • M.A. incomplete (n=1)

*n=number of participants **1 teacher began teaching before marriage

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Table 6. Demographics of the Study Teachers after Marriage

MARITAL STATUS • Married with children (n=7*) • Daughter(s) and son(s) (n=4) • Daughter(s) (n=2) • Son(s) (n=1) • Expecting during time of data collection (n=2) • Grandchildren (n=1)

FAMILY STRUCTURE

Immediately after marriage: • After marriage – all moved into husband’s extended family (n=7) • Residing in Karachi since marriage (n=7) Currently: • Nuclear family (n=3) • Extended family (n=2) • Nuclear family in same edifice as external family (each ‘family’

with own separate portion) (n=2) Family status: • Upper middle class (n=3) • Middle class (n=4)

AGE • 30-39 years (n=3) • 40-49 years (n=4)

YEARS AS KINDERGARTEN TEACHER*

• 10 years (+) as main class teacher (n=1) • 4 years as main class teacher (n=1) • 4 years (1 year as co-teacher, 3 years as main class teacher) (n=1) • 3 years (1 year as co-teacher, 2 years as main class teacher) (n=1) • 3.5 years as co-teacher • 2 years as co-teacher (n=1) • 2 years as co-teacher (n=1)

EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES

• Professional Development Workshops through Rainbow School (n=7)

• ECE courses through 2 private educational institutions in Karachi and through school’s link with foreign educational institution (n=1)

• Montessori course (n=1) • B.Ed. (n=1)

*n=number of participants **All of the teachers’ kindergarten teaching experience has been only at Rainbow School

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Section 1: Understanding the Concept of Gender through Life Experiences

It was evident that the process by which the participants have come to understand

the concept of gender has influenced their teaching practice in schools. Key moments in

their experiences which have traversed diverse physical and socio-cultural spaces have

informed their concept of gender which reflects dilemmas and contradictions. Two

microsystems which have been influenced by the broader patriarchal social context and

which have shaped their understanding of gender are: family and school

(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). In this section, I explore several sub-themes related to how the

participants’ understanding of gender has been influenced through their experiences in

the family and at school both before and after marriage. I first highlight family

relationships and influence as well as experiences in school while the teachers were

growing up. I next present their experiences as married women and as teachers in school.

Interwoven throughout is the significant influence of patriarchal socio-cultural norms

within particular geographical contexts which permeate gender spaces, structures and

activities.

Influence of family within the birth home: young girls, adolescents, and growing women

Within the birth home, the teachers spoke about conflicting expectations in their

patriarchal extended families which began to shape their understanding of gender as they

grew up. Five participants lived in Pakistan, one in India and one in Bangladesh. For six

of the participants, being young girls was a carefree period with few, if any, restrictions

on them as girls and they “still miss those times and days.” Five participants described

themselves to be outgoing, dominant, carefree and daring as young girls; although one

teacher also remembered being shy around her elders and another remembered being

soft-hearted, kind and caring. Two teachers viewed themselves as reserved, timid and

lacking confidence. Adolescence marked a key moment of significant change in their

lives. During this period, six participants lived in Pakistan and one in India. The

participants mentioned with regret the loss of freedom they experienced at puberty

though tensions were apparent in the extent of liberty accorded to each of them

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depending upon family, socio-cultural and geographical context. Physical changes

during adolescence and family expectations of girls’ behavior and activity according to

socio-cultural norms influenced the participants’ understanding of gender.

In this section, I present the tensions and dilemmas the participants experienced as

young girls and adolescent/growing women in the formation of their understanding of

gender.

Young girls: play and friendship

Six of the teachers nostalgically recalled being ‘young girls’. Their dominant

memories were of their play experiences and relationships with other children, mainly

siblings and cousins. They talked about their play involving both girl- and boy-type

activities and mixed sex play partners, although one teacher felt that she preferred boys’

games and to play with boys. Their girl play activities included: role playing ‘teacher’

and ‘mother/father’ with cousins; “mak(ing) a small stove outside with the bricks

and…cook(ing) some potatoes”; stitching; doing embroidery; and “marrying dolls”. The

boy play activities included: cricket; cycling; gullidanda34; marbles; badminton;

climbing trees; walking on walls; outdoor games. Interestingly, the teachers’ recollection

of boy-type games was shared with humor with two teachers referring to themselves as

“tomboys”. For example, as one teacher described:

I was a tomboyish kind of a person. All the time, the whole afternoon, I used to climb up the walls, walking on the walls, sitting on a tree, eating my lunch also on the tree and in the evening I used to do cycling a lot… I used to play marbles a lot, and these kinds of things, badminton, all the outdoor games, I love to do that. (Interview 1/17-08-06)

All the participants recollected warm, caring relationships with their siblings,

especially sisters. Six of them also shared fond memories of relationships with both their

female and male cousins. Living in extended families meant that most of their

friendships were formed with other young family members. My sense is that given

socio-cultural norms it was likely that the women teachers spent little time outside the

34 Gullidanda is a local game played with the following equipment usually made out of natural material found in the environment: a small piece of wood (gulli) about 4-5 inches long that is sharpened and pointed at both ends; a long stick (danda). The object of the game is to use the long stick to flick up and strike the small piece of wood which has been placed in a hole in the ground as far away from the home base as possible. The game can be played individually or in teams.

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boundaries of their homes growing up which limited their friendship circle. The teachers

recollected their fun playing with other children, including mischievous pranks and

“stay(ing) together…the whole night” in the same room as “there was no such

discrimination, like girls don’t talk to boys at all.” It is important to highlight here that

within this socio-cultural context, a marriage between two first cousins is common; as

such, it would seem culturally inappropriate for male and female cousins to sleep in the

same room. One teacher remembered anxiously waiting for weekends and holidays when

she could go to her nana – maternal grandfather - and nani’s – maternal grandmother -

joint family home which was always teaming with migrants from India to Pakistan and

where she had great fun with her cousins and other children. Two participants were also

responsible as the eldest cousins to look after the younger children in the joint family.

They both enjoyed this. However, one of the teachers’ felt unhappy with the pressure of

being a “good role model”; any deviation resulted in physical punishment. One

participant remarked forlornly that household responsibilities at an early age often left

little time to play.

The teachers felt that as young girls they were treated the same way as the boys in

their families. As one participant described, “(I)t was not that, these are the boys and

these are the girls, it was never like that…respect was there…we used to play

together,…we used to play cricket…and in fact the girls used to cheat more” (Interview

1/9-11-06). One teacher felt that her personality drove her to daring “tomboyish”

behavior which her “broadminded” mother accepted and which her “rigid” father had “no

choice” but to accept as he had no sons. She added that her experience might have been

different if she had had a brother. Another participant who also had no brother

recollected being encouraged to be a “tomboy” by her uncle despite her mother’s

attempts to engage her in ‘girl’ activities like stitching and embroidery which she found

uninteresting.

Young girls: relationship with family elders

The teachers’ understanding of gender was largely informed through their

relationships with family elders. Evident in all their experiences as young girls was

dominant patriarchal family structures where fathers were the main income earners and

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decision-makers. Two participants also talked about paternal grandparents and uncles

participating in major decision-making, with grandparents’ decisions largely being

upheld out of respect. Two teachers talked about their fathers owning vehicles which

they took to work while the rest of the family members walked, took a bus or took a taxi.

One teacher recalled being accompanied to and from school by her father or maternal

grandfather. Six teachers referred to the value their fathers placed on providing their

children, including their daughters, education despite financial constraints in one case. In

all their experiences, obeying and not challenging decisions by male elders was evident.

Five teachers mentioned having distant relationships with their fathers. Although

they knew their fathers loved them, for the most part, the teachers were intimidated by

and afraid of them. They described their fathers as “dominant”, “conservative”, “strict”,

“reserved”, “unapproachable”, “short-tempered”, and “busy with work”. Despite their

fathers’ conservative outlook, one teacher greatly appreciated travels with her father to

different parts of Pakistan like the Northern Areas and another teacher was delighted to

be allowed to go to the seaside by her father. Such incidences would likely be significant

for these participants in a context where distinct gender boundaries of space and activity

limit opportunities for women.

One participant idolized her father whom she perceived to be “dynamic”, “hard-

working”, and “the center of everything”. She described her father as taking an active

role in their upbringing, “He would read Qu’ran with us and he would ask us to read the

newspaper; this is where my English developed” (Interview 1/30-08-06).

The ill-health and death of two teachers’ fathers led to the loss of the family

patriarch. As young girls, both these participants were sent to live with paternal family

members. One teacher described that her mother, sisters and dadi also joined her to live

with her paternal uncle because there was no son in the family.

Six participants remembered their mothers having little voice - if any; there were

many issues which they were “not supposed to touch”. The teachers’ general perception

of their mothers is captured by one participant’s remark, “Ami, woh sadah the or bhot

menat karthe the [Mother was simple and hardworking]” (Interview 1/30-08-06). Their

mothers had domestic responsibilities looking after their children, their husbands, their

extended family members and the house. This hard and often challenging work was

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something their mothers were already being groomed for before marriage. One

participant’s mother also had to look after her aging parents, cooking for them and

visiting them because most of her siblings lived abroad. The domestic and financial

responsibilities of one participant’s mother increased significantly when she became a

young widow. She remembered this period during her childhood, “(M)y mother had a

very, very protected life…but after my father died, she had to take up all the

responsibilities… She had to cook and everything, like taking up the money from the

bank” (Interview 1/16-08-06). The participant also added that her father’s wealth made it

possible for her mother not to work and to courageously migrate as a widow with her four

daughters and mother-in-law to Pakistan from Bangladesh during the 1971 riots at the

insistence of her late husband’s family.

Four teachers spoke about close relationships with their mothers. For example,

one participant recalled with fondness her mother’s tenderness, care, hard-work,

simplicity, and fair and beautiful complexion which only required lipstick to enhance.

The participant particularly remembered her mother’s struggles and sacrifice, “My father

used to give her money for the taxi. My mother…used to save that money and she used

to carry all that load, just to save money for our education, that was her main purpose”

(Interview 1/17-08-06). Two teachers lamented about having distant relationships with

their mothers for reasons which included: mother’s reserved nature; mother’s strict and

seemingly disinterested character. Six participants mentioned their mothers valuing their

daughters’ education, but also influencing them into domesticity like cooking, cleaning,

sewing, and doing embroidery which are expected of ‘good’ women in this context. One

research participant remembered with sadness her early years and her vulnerability

having lost her mother at a very tender age.

The dadi – paternal grandmother - of three participants played a dominant role in

their lives. One participant recalls being her dadi’s “pet” and feeling “protected” by her;

she felt closer to her dadi than to her mother; the other two participants recollected the

strict, dominant role of their dadis’ expectations of their ‘appropriate’ behavior which

created tensions in their relationships with them.

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Young girls: family perceptions and expectations of girls and boys

In all of the teachers’ stories, differences in expectations by elders of girls’ and

boys’ responsibilities and behavior in a family according to socio-cultural norms were

evident. Six teachers also recalled childhood memories of value given to male children

in their families. The participants’ perceptions of these different expectations and

preferences according to traditional gender norms reveal contradictions and tension.

They discussed both the spoken and unspoken gender division of responsibility in their

families. Boys and men were “more towards outdoor things” like “bringing groceries”

and “taking (women) out”; girls and women did indoor housework like cleaning, cooking

and looking after children. One participant recalled that there were “no restrictions that

boys can never do this and girls can do that” (Interview 1/11-09-06). Nevertheless, her

mother still expressed her concern when her son cleaned up after himself. Likewise

another teacher shared that there was “no difference” in the way the girls and boys in her

family were brought up because “Abu (Father) gave us all equal chance (to get

education)” (Interview 1/30-08-06). Yet, she later recalled incidences when her father

told her she must talk softly as well as sit, walk, and carry herself appropriately,

something it appears was not expected of her brothers. Moreover, “(Abu) used to like

young boys very much; he also liked girls, but he preferred boys” (Interview 1/30-08-06).

In certain instances, it appeared as though the teachers accepted differences in gender

expectation and preference as the norm; at other moments they seemed to feel that this

was unjust, yet they could do little about it. As one teacher explained,

(M)y brother used to have all the preferences than what we (sisters) used to have…When we divided…household chores…we said, ‘Why not (our) brother?’… (Our mother) said, ‘He is (a) son… He is going to go out to earn…you are… going to (be) in the house and do all the work…which you (have) to learn… (Interview 1/08-06)

The experiences of two teachers without brothers revealed tensions within their families

and in their own views of themselves as women. One of these participants shared,

“(W)henever my mother got pregnant, (she) would always pray for a boy, but my father

always wanted a girl…(S)he wanted a boy, maybe because we were all sisters; its just

natural” (Interview 1/16-08-06). Although she made this seem “natural”, it appeared to

reflect an expression of glossing over the intensity of the family not having male

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offspring in this patriarchal context. And one of these teachers, who at the time of the

study yearned for a son partly because she had no brothers and partly because of family

pressure, further described,

They (mother and father) used to talk in the nighttime…Sometimes I was listening, but I have never ever heard them saying that, ‘We have daughters and never had a son.’ (T)hey…wanted to have a boy, but they never said in front of us or we didn’t feel it or they don’t let us feel that way. (Interview 1/17-08-06)

This teacher’s experience also reflects a family’s effort to cope without male offspring

within this context of patriarchy.

Being a first born daughter also created tensions. One participant shared her

struggle to form a healthy relationship with her mother because she sensed her mother’s

disappointment that she was not a first born son. She felt that this impacted her self-

esteem and sense of self-worth.

Adolescents/growing women: physical appearance, attire and behavior

With puberty came a sudden change in expectation of the participants as girls

according to socio-cultural norms which resulted in them having to renegotiate their

gender identities and understanding of gender. These changes to conform to social norms

were largely enforced by male family members, particularly their fathers. One of these

changes required six of them living in Pakistan to wear a dupatta – long scarf - with their

shalwar kameez – loose fitting trousers and shirt which is often complemented with a

dupatta. The six participants appear to have worn the dupatta draped over their chest and

shoulders. This change angered one teacher:

When you come to a maturity, you start growing, becoming mature, and the periods start; the changes are coming to you physically also, hormonal changes are coming, they are affecting you. Then it seems like, in our society that, the fathers, they start saying that, ‘Wear your dupatta properly’. It’s a very big change…I love my father a lot, but when he used to tell me that, ‘You have to wear a dupatta’, this was very (painful) at that time that, why, because we never use to wear dupatta, of course, and the second day, we have to wear it, you don’t have to sit this way, you have to sit this way, so these are the things, okay you change yourself, you start wearing a dupatta. (Interview 1/17-08-06)

While this teacher appeared to reluctantly comply with expectations of adorning a

dupatta and sitting appropriately, the other teachers seemed more accepting of such

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practices “because the norms are there”. Interestingly, two of the participants seemed to

feel that there was a difference in their freedom not having to observe purdah - that is

covering their head with their dupatta - compared to other growing girls; nevertheless,

both of their mothers’ covered their heads. One teacher shared that although her mother

covered her head with her dupatta or sari, her father never expected this of her. She

“even wore jeans and shirts to the college” with her dupatta. Over the years, a recent

trend has been for young girls and women, usually unmarried, to wear jeans/trousers,

kurtis35 and a dupatta.

Two teachers mentioned the initiation to physical changes at puberty primarily by

“elder siblings (sister)” and maybe “(female) cousins” in this cultural context where

talking about such matters openly, particularly with elders, is often considered taboo and

inappropriate. They both spoke with sadness of their female cousins’ migration overseas

around this time which created a void in their lives. Two teachers also lamented their

distant relationship with their mothers who did not guide them in such matters. As one of

them remembers,

(W)hen I got my periods, at that time, I knew it because my cousin told me. So I was a bit hesitant at that time; like, I did not want to go to my mother and tell her, but I had to go because I did not know what to do… (My mother) never used to be so free with her kids. (Interview 1/16-08-06)

Adolescents/growing women: mobility and activity

Puberty also brought with it socio-cultural restrictions on the teachers’ mobility

and activity which were strictly controlled and monitored by family members, especially

fathers and brothers. While the teachers felt disappointed and saddened by these

restrictions, there were, nevertheless, tensions in their perceptions. At times it seemed as

though the teachers accepted the need to conform as the norm; in other instances they felt

pressured to comply because of deep-rooted socio-cultural norms over which they had

little control. One participant described the pressures adolescent women face conforming

to socio-cultural expectations to uphold family honor:

… So it’s a culture difference… as girls grow up…we have that outlook that when this girl would be a wife or would be a mother …when she is going to go out of the family, a new house or with new people,…how would they take it. I think those are the worries. That’s why we tend to train our daughters

35 A kurti is a loose-fitting shirt usually with long-sleeves and slightly shorter than a kameez.

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more towards these things that sit like this and talk like this…We would not tell a boy to go up like this or to do this, but we would always say this to a girl. Even the elders would always restrict a girl or even interrupt that, ‘What are you doing? Girls don’t do that. Why you are walking like this?’ (Interview 3/09-01-07)

Her views also reflect less expectation for boys in this context to change their behavior

and activity at adolescence.

The participants recalled: going to school either “in a van” or being accompanied

by their “brothers”; having limited responsibility to go out to the bazaar, the doctor, and

the bank; giving up outdoor activities like cycling and playing sports; having boundaries

placed on their interactions with boys; and spending most of their time in-doors. They

remembered having to engage more in ‘female-type’ activities like domestic work and

stitching at the insistence of their mothers and/or other female family members; three

teachers complied with reluctance largely out of fear of their strict women elders. One of

these teachers felt that her mother’s strictness “wanting her to be the right way” caused

her to retreat into herself, lose confidence and engage less in school activities. The

participant living in India mentioned her mother’s reluctance to support her interest in

khatak36 dancing and then changing her mind, which the participant believed was likely

rooted in her mother’s religious beliefs around gender norms.

Two teachers who faced fewer limitations in activity and mobility mentioned their

continued freedom to interact with boys, attending co-education schools and participating

in co-curricular activities with them. One teacher recalled her friends envying her

“privileged” position because they “(could) not do all these things”. Nevertheless,

according to one participant, imposing limitations on girls did not necessarily prevent

their clandestine interactions with boys with severe repercussions for girls and not

necessarily boys if caught.

One teacher shared that she felt that her father’s death during her college years

increased her mobility and, consequently, her independence and confidence because she

had no brother:

… When my father passed away…you won’t believe it, the way I changed… (I)t seems like my mother was more dependent on me. I learned how to drive, I used to take her out and taking her to the shopping, and if she wants

36 Classical Indian dance

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to meet someone… I used to do all the work for her. I felt that, after my father died, I was more confident… (Interview 1/17-08-06)

However, the other participant with no brother recalled her widowed mother seeking

support from the participants’ uncle and not her growing daughters if she needed

anything from “outside”.

Adolescents/growing women: pursuing higher education and careers

All the teachers spoke positively about the opportunity they had to pursue their

education as adolescent girls. One teacher remembered with great fondness the support

and encouragement extended to her by her father to study despite their financial

constraints. After completing her intermediate studies, her father would not accept that

she just “sit at home”. She applied for a certificate course in an arts related field

explaining,

Abu [Father]…gave me (money) for this. He must have worked so hard to get this and I don’t know where he got the money. At that time my brother was not working. I felt very bad, but he did that. (Interview 1/30-08-06)

Her father’s only condition for her to attend this co-education institution was “no

boyfriends”, “no phone calls” and no asking for “late night parties” with which the

participant willingly complied.

Unlike this participant, five teachers mentioned feeling disheartened by the

limitations imposed on them by family to pursue higher education and careers of their

choice in conformity to traditional gender norms. They spoke about: being unable to

attend the colleges of their choice because of distance or environment; being restricted in

subject choice; and being unable to pursue the careers of their choice like medicine,

media and flight attendant; being unable to pursue higher studies because of their

arranged marriages. As one participant shared, even if their mothers’ supported them,

cultural constraints prevented them from being able to stand up to their extended marital

families who disapproved of certain institutions and professions for women.

Nevertheless, one of the participants was grateful for the opportunity to pursue her

bachelor of arts degree largely due to her mother’s efforts to sacrifice and save money for

her daughters to study and to “make a point” to her traditionalist husband that her

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daughters would go to school. Unfortunately, her father died during her exams. The

participant was unable to be present “when the result came” because social norms

restricted her mother’s mobility after the death of her husband. The participant did not

get her degree, and instead pursued vocational training in the arts.

Three participants spoke with regret about their families’ decisions to arrange

their marriages at moments in their lives when they would have liked to continue

studying. Two of them got married immediately after completing their intermediate

studies; her mother’s ailing health and the absence of a father hurried the process of one

teacher’s marriage and unbeknownst to the other teacher her marriage to her first cousin

had already been arranged when she was in class six. Despite negotiations for one of

these participants to study after marriage, these commitments were not upheld.

All the teachers commented on socio-cultural traditions of marrying girls early:

girls with less education than their husbands are preferred for fear they will be too

dominating or will earn more than their spouses; girls may not get suitable matches as

they get older, particularly men who are ‘shurfa’37 and ‘khandaani’38, and people may

begin to think something was “wrong with them”; other daughters in the family might not

get proposals if the eldest daughter was unmarried; a well-educated daughter might

become more demanding about marrying someone well-educated who earned well; the

social stigma and emotional burden to care for an unmarried daughter would be

unbearable for aging parents, particularly widowed mothers. One teacher also

commented on her mother’s advice against “love marriages” saying that “decisions which

are made by the family members, they are long lasting ones; normally love marriages

always end up in divorce” (Interview 1/16-08-06). Interestingly, the participant also

added her perception that such considerations are not upheld as strongly for boys: “I

think it’s a cultural thing…they feel that…God forbid (if their girl) got divorced or

anything, that is a matter of disgrace or something; and if the boy is divorcing the wife

then it is not (an issue)…” (Interview 1/16-08-06).

The experiences of the participants’ brothers in this patriarchal social context

reflected more freedom to pursue higher studies and enter careers, including in other parts

37 Of good, moral character (the English equivalence does not capture the real essence of meaning) 38 Of good, reputable family (the English equivalence does not capture the real essence of meaning)

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of Pakistan and overseas, in fields like commerce, engineering, the air force, business

management, computer technology and management, banking and philosophy. They

faced little pressure to get married quickly with more emphasis placed on their earning

potential to support their parents, their unmarried siblings - particularly educating their

brothers -, their future wives and children.

Influence of school: young girls, adolescents, and growing women

A second microsystem which influences an individual’s development is school

(Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Within the South Asian context, girls are at a significant

disadvantage in education in terms of both access and quality. Nevertheless, girls from

middle and upper class families like the research participants tend to be slightly more

advantaged in terms of access and quality, even having greater opportunities to start

school in their early years. Most girls attend single sex schools although co-education is

not uncommon, particularly in private schools, until the end of primary school. The

participants’ experiences illustrate the influence of a diverse range of schools and school

systems in their understanding of gender as young students, adolescents and growing

women.

Young girls: pre-primary and primary school

All the participants began school at the pre-primary level. Three teachers

attended girls’ settings in a private Karachi school, a public Karachi school and a convent

rural Bangladeshi school. Three participants attended private co-education schools in

urban settings of Pakistan and India. One teacher was unable to recall clearly her pre-

primary experiences, but remembered “switching” from different branches of the private

school she attended in Karachi. It is likely her pre-primary schooling was co-education

given that she was in a co-education primary branch until class four.

Four teachers enjoyed their pre-primary schooling. They recalled: playing with

peers, including “naughty” antics with cousins in the class; the positive impact of

supportive teachers; and being pampered by an older sister’s friends. One teacher had

mixed feelings about her early schooling experiences. She enjoyed the dolls and riding

on the tanga – horse cart. However, she was afraid of some teachers and the principal’s

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dog; whenever the children misbehaved the teachers “used to give a snap with that dog”.

Because it was not a good school, she really wanted her mother to stay there with her;

when her mother left she used to cry.

Five teachers attended single sex girls’ primary schools from class one: two

teachers continued in the same school as their pre-school; the teacher living in

Bangladesh moved from a rural to an urban private girls’ school when she was sent to

live with her paternal uncle; two moved from co-education pre-primary settings. Two

teachers continued to attend private co-education school with one of them switching to

the girls’ branch after class four. When the participant from Bangladesh migrated to

Karachi, she was enrolled in a private co-education primary school.

Two teachers mentioned their families’ decisions to select their primary schools.

For example, one of them remembered there being many good private schools at that

time. However, she attended a “pila” (public, government-run) school because “we

could not afford it”. The other teacher recalled her father and dada selecting her private

reputable girls’ school because they “put a lot of stress on education”. Her mother would

have preferred that her daughter be enrolled in the same private reputable school she had

attended.

The teachers spoke positively about their primary school experiences

remembering their activities, excelling in academics, their teachers and interactions with

their classmates. The participant from India felt that her experience attending school in

India was “no comparison” to what she has experienced of schooling in Pakistan. In

India, she actively took part in the abundance of co-curricular activities like plays, drama

and dance available to her. According to her, socio-cultural norms at times rooted in

religious beliefs make it challenging to offer a diverse range of co-curricular activities for

children, especially girls, in Pakistan. One teacher remembered with humor the

differences in behavior and attitude of girls and boys in her class reflecting her own

perceptions about boys’ conduct:

The boys in my class were quite naughty [participant laughs]… They used to do a lot of mischief. They were quite naughty, nahi hote [the way they are]… They were quite talkative and loud… They used to pass lots of comments as well… Apas main [Amongst themselves], like if the teacher is not there and they want to say anything to each other indirectly they used to say and we used to figure it out that they are talking about us, but it was just fun. It was fine… (W)hen (we were) with the boys, the teacher had to be

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very firm (with us) because they (boys) were like naughty. (Interview 1/11-09-06)

She recollected feeling “more comfortable” at school when she transferred to the all girls’

branch, having minimal interaction with boys only when they came to pick up their

sisters. She felt inspired by certain female teachers who interacted with them beyond the

curriculum in the single sex girl classrooms, often counseling them on matters related to

women like reproductive health:

(W)e were more close to our teachers when we were all girls… Our class teacher was very young and we had a very nice interaction… it was not only the curriculum or the studies, but we used to talk about other things as well, she used to tell us a lot of other things… (C)ounseling was done before experiencing (our periods), and that was I think very important…to tell the girls about… That was a big change that…we were more close to our teacher than we were (when) with the boys. (Interview 1/11-09-06)

The female-only classroom, therefore, provided more space for interactions that were

significant to girl students like the participant in the development of their gendered sense

of self which may have otherwise been impossible with male presence.

Three teachers spoke about challenges at school with subjects like math and Urdu.

One teacher felt that her reserved personality “kept (her) behind in a lot of things”

because her teachers gave more attention to vocal children. One teacher remembered her

“favorite” subject being English because her teacher was “like a mother figure” to them;

math was her “worst” subject because the math teacher was a “strict”, “biased” man of

unscrupulous character who favored good students, especially girls, from whom he could

get an address and visit.

Adolescents/growing women: secondary school

As adolescents, five participants attended single sex girls’ secondary schools.

Two teachers’ continued to attend co-education school, one in India and one in Karachi.

Following secondary school, four teachers completed their intermediate studies in the arts

– two in single-sex girls’ school and two in co-education schools. Four teachers did their

Bachelor of Arts, two in co-education institutions and two in a girls’ only institution. As

mentioned earlier, one of them did not get her degree. Two teachers attended co-

education institutions for certificate courses in the arts. One teacher began her master’s

degree at a co-education institution.

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The participants enjoyed their studies in secondary school, college and university

recalling different memories about friends – mainly girls -, activities and academics. One

teacher recollected girls being very hard working and dominating the humanities field.

Nevertheless, she said that boys would get the “top positions” in both science and

humanities. The teacher from India remembered exciting excursions within and outside

Mumbai during her college days with both female and male classmates.

Socio-cultural issues and expectations of growing women in relation to schooling

were also discussed by the teachers. Two teachers spoke about families’ preference for

single sex schools at adolescence to deter romantic interactions between girls and boys;

this did not always happen. One teacher remembered that she began covering her head

with a scarf when she attended her co-education university: “(W)e have to communicate

with all the boys a lot and (they) commented very different remarks, so that’s why I

thought that it’s better to cover my hair” (Interview 3/10-03-07). She also recalled her

amazement when she began college and many of her friends were getting married; this

was a critical moment in her understanding that not all families were open-minded,

valuing education for girls like her family. To her dismay, her pursuit of post secondary

education also came to a standstill when her own marriage was arranged. Another

teacher’s dreams initially to pursue law and then to do a masters degree also remained

unfulfilled; her restricted mobility as well as uncertain and tense conditions at the

university influenced her against pursuing her master’s program.

Influence of family within the marital home: married women

A turning point for all the women teachers was their arranged marriage and ill-

preparedness for life in the unfamiliar, new world of their husband’s extended family.

Listening to the participants, I was struck by how profoundly their experiences as married

women have influenced their understanding of gender, particularly in relation to

themselves as women. Arrangements for four of the participants’ marriage were

negotiated either by fathers or brothers reflecting gender norms within this context. It

appears that the negotiations of three participants’ marriage were through their mothers

and in two of these cases likely because the teachers’ fathers were deceased. None of the

participants had previously met their future husbands. For example, one teacher explains:

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Like it was totally arranged marriage, even after my engagement I never talked to my husband, so like, I talked to him after my marriage… (H)e came on the first day [when the proposal was made at her home by his family],…but it [the marriage] was not a combined function, it [the marriage] was a segregated function… (Interview 1/16-08-06)

Selections of possible suitors for the participants were largely based on “Sharafat39” and

“Khandhaan40”; one participant also spoke about her husband’s education being a strong

consideration. One teacher mentioned that her husband “did not earn much” at the time

of their marriage, but his strong family background and his potential still being very

young made him a suitable match. Future husbands either belonged within the

participants’ families or came from families who were acquaintances of someone within

the teachers’ families. Two participants spoke about being asked for their opinion in the

matter. Nevertheless, one of these participants who had previously declined proposals

felt she had little choice, telling her parents it was up to them who she married as long as

she could “complete (her) studies”; the other participant felt that her brother knew best

for her and told him if he thought it was a good decision she would marry the man. One

teacher whose parents were both deceased recalled her grief not having her “maika”41, a

lost opportunity for her to stay connected with her pre-marital identity.

In this section, I present the tensions and dilemmas the participants experienced as

married women in the formation of their understanding of gender. The teachers’ situated

and contradictory experiences and perceptions of gender were evident in how they

negotiated multiple identities as individuals, wives, daughters-in-law, sisters-in-law,

mothers, daughters and sisters within the social, economic, religious, cultural and

political fabric of Pakistan. Furthermore, the women’s understanding of gender was

particularly apparent in their perceptions and expectations of raising their own children in

the current, global environment. The participants’ experiences as new brides to their

experiences today as married women reflected a continual process of defining and

39 Of good, moral character (the English equivalence does not capture the real essence of meaning); see glossary (Appendix B) for further references to sharafat. 40 Of good, reputable family (the English equivalence does not capture the real essence of meaning); see glossary (Appendix B) for further references to khandaan. 41 Maika refers to the girl’s parents home – after the nikka (signing of the marriage contract) and ruksati (daughter leaving her family of origin for her marital home) ceremonies are over, the girl’s cousins and female family members usually come to the girl’s marital home to take her back to her parents’ home for a day or so.

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redefining their self-images, identities and perceptions of gender in the light of many

contextual considerations. In her work on women teachers’ life history narratives, Munro

(1998) writes about similar experiences of women engaging in a continuous defining and

re-defining of who they are.

Married women: adjusting to the initial period of married life

A key and vivid memory for each participant was the hardship of the initial period

of marriage adjusting to life in their patriarchal extended marital families. Reflected in

all the women’s stories was the profound change they experienced in their gendered

identities and personalities, particularly in negotiating their space within the patriarchal

extended marital family home. They all spoke about feeling unprepared for life after

marriage in “a different world” of relationships, expectations, and routines. As one

teacher commented,

(W)e don’t get married to a man, we get married to a family. It’s not only a man whom I am going to get married to, I will be married to a family, because the man comes later, the family comes first… Like in our society, in our culture, this happens. My husband, he goes to office, he comes late from office. So the whole day, the girl is interacting with mother-in-law, sister-in-laws, whoever is there in the house… she is interacting with them. Only from evening till morning she is there with the husband… (Interview 2/28-11-6)

The teachers also shared with sadness their immense sense of loss at a sudden severance

of ties with their birth home. No longer could they ‘be’ as they were in their birth home,

having to suddenly change and conform to socio-cultural expectations in their new homes

where for the most part they initially had little control or say. They spoke about feelings

of fear, uncertainty and trepidation negotiating their place, “judg(ing) the moods of

others” and “serv(ing) others” in appropriate ways. As newly married women, they

conformed to cultural norms of taking over domestic responsibilities from the elder

women in the extended marital family which sometimes caused them frustration and

stress. Evident in their experiences was their awareness of implications on how they

would be treated within their patriarchal extended marital family and of upholding the

honor of their birth family. For example, one teacher explained with tears in her eyes that

she is no longer her “real self” nor does she know who her “real self” is anymore. In

conforming to the socio-cultural gender relationships within her marital family, she has

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felt unheard, misunderstood and a sense of wanting to feel more appreciated. She

described the pressures faced by her of a single individual changing herself in the face of

a new family:

Actually if a woman is coming in their house, (the extended marital family) always want to impose their things on her… So I changed myself a lot, my style of cooking is changed, everything is changed. They want us to follow the way they are doing it in their house. They do that and if you are not doing it, then you have to face so many problems… Sometimes I go home and I am just waiting that somebody will make something special for me today which I like to eat, but nobody (does). I am doing all that and I am (giving) these things to other people also… (Interview 1/17-08-06; Interview 3/21-02-07)

Through the telling of her experience, this teacher also had the profound realization of the

relative independence she had in her birth home compared to her feeling of complete

dependence in her marital home. Likewise, two teachers expressed their sorrow not

being able to study. They felt pressured to conform to the marital roles situated within

the norms of this context of domesticity and caregiving rather than pursuing further

education. Impending motherhood also added to the complexity. Two teachers shared

with disappointment and sadness that they may have been better prepared for these

changes had their mothers adequately prepared them. For example, one of them

commented, “(W)hen I got engaged,…I thought my mother is going to share her

experiences, like what a girl have after marriage, but she never shared all these things

with me” (Interview 1/16/08/06). As such, her expectations of married life based on her

experiences in her birth home and social circle of her parents were different from reality.

For the two participants living in India and the province of Punjab, the difficulty

of adjusting to marital life was compounded by shifting to their marital homes in a

different geographical space, Karachi. The movement of the participant from India into a

cultural and political space with rigid attitudes towards women prevailing under the

Islamization Program of the then President Zia-ul-Haq significantly impacted her gender

related perceptions42. She described her challenges:

(I came) to a different country [Pakistan], where the culture was completely different… There [India]…the culture was quite different… That was the (difficult) time (after marriage), where you cannot just move out anywhere, you could not drive, there were lots of restrictions, and purdah system was

42 Refer to Chapter 1 for a discussion of this political period in Pakistan’s history.

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there… I just used to sit and cry that, ‘Where am I?’ I just use to tell my mom, ‘(Y)ou could have put me somewhere… (else)’… (Interview 1/08-06; Interview 3/23-04-07)

Within almost a year into her marriage, the participant gave birth to her first child which

compounded the teacher’s situation adjusting to married life in Pakistan.

Married women: negotiating relationships with spouses

Tensions and contradictions were apparent in the participants’ relationships with

their spouses over the course of their married life. Patriarchal norms appear to be upheld

with the participants’ husbands being the main income earners and making most major

decisions. In certain instances the women’s stories illuminated this as the socially

accepted way of men’s and women’s roles. At other moments, their stories revealed

adherence to traditional gender roles based on their religious beliefs. Their stories,

nevertheless, reflected tension in their attempts to influence and resist gender structures

based on their own understanding of gender which has been challenging and, at times,

frustrating. Through the interviews, my observations and my conversations with the

participants, I often sensed their conformity to social norms of revering their husbands

and ensuring their husbands’ happiness and honor even if at the expense of their own, of

which some of the women were aware.

Conforming to socio-cultural expectations

The participants’ experiences illuminated their relationships with their spouses

according to the socio-cultural norms and religious interpretations of gender behavior and

roles. Three teachers talked about their husbands’ desire that they cover their heads with

a scarf. Two teachers complied; one teacher expressed her discomfort telling her

husband she would do it when she “felt ready” to which he agreed. Yet, some years later,

one of these women’s husbands told her it was her choice when she was contemplating

wearing an abaya43. It is likely that a nuclear family setting allowed them more

autonomy as a family. It may also be her spouse accepting that she could deal with her

own decision through the development of trust and understanding of his wife built over 43 Long coat worn over clothing by women as part of the practice of purdah, particularly in public spaces; see glossary (Appendix B) for further references to abaya.

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the years of their marriage. All the teachers’ experiences reflected conformity to divided

gender spaces between husband and wife according to traditional gender norms.

Domestic work and caregiving were the participants’ primary responsibilities although

most of them had maids. The “outside” responsibilities like going to work and, at times,

to the market were managed primarily by their husbands. Five teachers spoke about their

spouses preferring the food to be prepared by them, the children being cared for by them,

as well as their clothes being ironed and organized in the closet in a certain way.

Reflected in their tone and views was an undercurrent of apprehension should their

household responsibilities be inadequately fulfilled. Four teachers spoke of their

frustration with domesticity and caregiving during their initial years of marriage with no

opportunity to pursue further education and careers. Two teachers also mentioned their

disappointment at having little say in decision-making and being dependent upon the

decisions of the extended marital family. As one teacher explained,

I was more independent (before marriage)… (N)ow I feel dependent… Though I am a working woman now, but I still feel dependent on my husband all the time… I never took a decision in my life, it’s always like that. First my (father and) mother, (they) used to take decisions for my life; then my husband, he always takes the decisions, whatever the decisions are… Like there are many chances which are given to us like buying clothes which you want, this was given when I was young also. People think that this will satisfy (us as women)… (But) there are some major things in you, which you want to go for, they never give you that chance. (Interview 1/17-08-06; Interview 2/05-12-06)

Conforming to gender norms restricting women’s mobility and interactions with others,

especially men, the women tried to keep their spouses informed of their interactions

within the ‘outside’ world including simple acts like going to the tailor44. The instances

when they forgot to tell them of their whereabouts left the participants in dilemma and, at

times, feeling guilty.

Support

Despite their tensions conforming to the traditional gender divide in their

relationship with their spouses, the teachers generally felt “supported” by them as long as

44 Purchasing cloth and having it stitched by tailors is a common practice in this socio-cultural context. Most tailors are male.

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ascribed gender boundaries were maintained. Their experiences reflected changing

circumstances relative to their initial period of marriage and to the experiences of their

own mothers. For those women living in smaller extended family and nuclear family

structures it is likely that having less strain to conform to extended family pressures has

also been facilitative.

All the participants talked about “supportive” spouses who allowed them to work

as teachers. Five husbands supported their wives’ work as teachers, a job perceived to be

“part-time”, which would facilitate them being able to fulfill family and household duties.

One teacher commented on how proud her spouse was that she is doing a “24 hours job”.

Four teachers felt that their husbands valued their work because of its contribution to

family income. One teacher also felt that “teaching is a very good job” because husbands

like hers “would never want them to work where the men are working.” One teacher was

grateful for her spouse’s support in her pursuit of professional development in teaching,

which she, nevertheless, managed with great difficulty having to balance teaching and

family.

Three teachers also spoke about feeling “supported” by their spouses “help” with

certain domestic tasks although this was not always the case. One of these teachers

explained that her husband began to support her at home, at times making his own

breakfast, washing dishes, and warming his own dinner if he arrived late from work; he

felt badly seeing her working and then taking care of all the household tasks. Another

teacher shared that after many years of trying to negotiate with her spouse a change in

traditional household roles, particularly since she took up teaching and was also earning,

he is now helping her with certain domestic tasks. One of the teachers spoke about her

husband managing his own wardrobe adding, “I don’t want that if I am not there what is

he going to do [in terms of managing his things]” (Interview 1/17-08-06). Nevertheless,

she mentioned that she still helps him once in a while with this.

Four teachers mentioned feeling “supported” by their spouses because they could

easily communicate their feelings and views to them. Nevertheless, despite being able to

talk openly with their spouses, most major decisions even regarding their own lives

largely rested with their husbands. For example, one teacher referred to her spouse as a

“broad-minded” man with whom she can easily discuss different matters and who tells

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her she should do whatever she feels is “good”, particularly with regards to their children.

Yet, he is particular about the environment in which she teaches, that she carry herself

appropriately, and that she work part-time and care for their children. Although these

four women conform to social norms by complying with their spouses’ wishes and

decisions, their experiences suggest differences in how they perceive themselves doing

this. Two women’s experiences reflect their understanding of conforming to norms

within gender relationships where husbands are revered. They appeared to feel

comfortable and grateful, wanting to make their husbands happy. The other two women

seem to experience tension and frustration that despite having an open relationship with

their spouses, their husbands remain unyielding seldom considering their views and

feelings.

Married women: negotiating relationship with other members of the marital extended family

Experiences of tension and contradiction were also apparent in the participants’

tender relationships with other members of their marital extended families. Their

relationships with their extended family members varied and differences were apparent

from time-to-time. Given the pressure the teachers faced to negotiate their space within

the marital extended family household according to gender norms, they spoke more about

negotiating relationships with their mothers-in-law with whom they would have likely

had the most interaction inside the home. At times the participants faced pressures to

conform to ascribed gender roles; at other times they received support from others.

Conforming to gendered expectations within the marital extended family

A source of tension discussed by the participants has been conforming to socio-

cultural norms within their marital extended families which have carefully monitored the

enactment of traditional gender roles and the transmission of patriarchal values. Five

women spoke about feeling pressured at assuming most of the domestic tasks in

conformity to traditional gender patterns of taking over these responsibilities from the

elder women in the marital extended family. Even when they began to teach, they were

still expected to continue their domestic and caregiving responsibilities. One participant

shared her disappointment of receiving little help with her household tasks when she took

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up teaching. Complying with the demands within a new home environment where they

often had little support left the teachers feeling frustrated and stressed. The teachers’

frustrations at their situation are evident in the following:

… (A)t times you are (upset). Even you just don’t feel like doing (the housework and you think), ‘Okay I will do it after an hour or after some time’, but you know that, you have to do it; she [mother-in-law] should not be too upset or angry with me. (Interview 1/11-09-06)

One participant expressed with remorse that the only reason her marital extended family

supported her to work was because of the value her income was bringing to their

household; she was still expected to manage both her domestic and professional roles.

Evident in four of the participants’ stories was the complexity of building

relationships with members of their extended marital families and how intricately woven

this was in building relationships with their spouses. Three participants commented

about the pain of strained relationships within marital extended family members which

they had anticipated would be different. One of these women sadly voiced her crushed

hopes of her mother-in-law taking the place of her mother. Particularly challenging for

these women were the attempts of their mothers-in-law to uphold their son’s dominant

position as family patriarch. For the participants who felt that they could openly discuss

matters with their husbands, negotiating their place in relation to their spouse and other

extended family members sometimes left them feeling frustrated and unheard. As they

shared, often times their only recourse has been to conform to tradition and to silently

harbor their pain to avoid familial tension and to ensure that their children “don’t suffer”.

One woman commented about how her marital life has given her a picture of a “different

world” and the influence family can have on women like her; her patriarchal family of

origin seemed less rigid in its views of women than her patriarchal marital extended

family. Living in nuclear families appeared to have eased some of the participants’

tensions within the extended marital family.

Within the social norms embedded in this context of patriarchy, four participants

also spoke about the pressures they faced from extended marital families to have sons “to

continue the generations”. The participants with first born daughters felt the weight of

family tension; the tension heightened when their second born children were due. One

participant recollected that it was like “standing on a war”, unarmed and facing the

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enemy. One teacher also shared her consternation at cultural beliefs of naming first born

daughters a certain name to ensure that the next baby would be a son. She was grateful

for her husband’s support in selecting a name she liked for her first born daughter. One

teacher with sons remarked with an assuming grin one day to me, “Oh, you should see

the dadis [paternal grandmothers] when they are holding their grandsons”. The

participants spoke of their husbands’ delight and support having daughters, even as first

born children, in the face of their extended marital families’ disappointment; one husband

spoke of being brought “near Jannat [heaven]”45. Nevertheless, the teachers seemed to

sense implicit feelings from their husbands wanting sons. Interestingly, the participant

with no daughters spoke of her spouse “wanting a daughter all the time”.

Support

Although the participants experienced tension conforming to traditional gender

norms within the marital extended family, five participants spoke of their gratitude for

support they have received at various moments from extended marital family members.

In extended marital families where women, including mothers-in-law, worked outside the

home or where there was openness to subtle shifts in gender norms within the broader

social context like women taking up careers, the women teachers seemed to feel more

supported.

One teacher remarked that she was pleasantly surprised at her extended marital

family’s support because this was contrary to her expectation. Observing her mother-in-

law’s interactions with her children and experiencing her attitude towards her, one

participant wished she had had similar experiences with her own mother as she was

growing up. She also feels inspired by her father-in-law’s gentle, undemanding nature.

Another teacher was grateful for her mother-in-law’s disposition which eased her

45 Two hadith (sayings) of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) about women can be related to this research participant’s experience: 1) Jannat (paradise) lies at a mother’s feet; 2) Those people who are blessed with daughters and are kind to them will be saved from the fires of hell. The term hadith applied to the sayings and actions of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). These accounts were collected and systematized after his death by Muslim scholars specifically devoted to the task. Initially the mode of recording these narratives was through oral accounts from memory by reference to the person or persons through whom the narration was transmitted. Later, the hadith were put into collections for the purpose of teaching and applying to the daily life and activities of Muslims and their communities (Nanji, 2008). See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to hadith.

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transition into marital life; she felt a bit scared of her strict father-in-law, but eventually

developed a good relationship with him also. She explained:

I used to cry… I had to adjust myself in a very different environment… In the beginning, I don’t think my mother-in-law gave me any responsibilities and then we took it gradually and my mother-in-law was very, very good, I mean she was very cooperative… (M)y father-in-law was a strict person…gradually…we had a very good relationship with my father-in-law (Interview 1/16-08-06)

When this teacher eventually began to teach, her mother-in-law supported this decision

and shared in the household responsibility during the day, giving some work to her son

and to her daughter to do as well; all the participant had to do was cook the evening meal

when she returned from school.

Another participant spoke positively about her relationship with her extended

marital family members, especially her mother-in-law whose wishes she has tried her

best to fulfill as part of her understanding of traditional gender norms. During her initial

days of marriage, she stayed at home to look after her children conforming to socio-

cultural expectations within her extended marital family of mothers taking responsibility

to care for their children. She appeared to feel content living in a joint family system

while her children were still young and spending time interacting with her mother-in-law

and sister-in-law. As her children became of school age, she felt supported by her marital

extended family to teach at Rainbow School because she could balance her caregiving

and domestic roles. Moreover, her children who also attend Rainbow School could go to

and return from school with her. In her mother-in-law’s old age, she dutifully looked

after her and felt rewarded for this by her mother-in-law’s support and encouragement

that she care for her own aging parents. Within the norms of this context, caring for

elderly parents is the responsibility of sons and their wives.

Two other participants also spoke of their gratitude for support extended to them

by their extended marital family members, especially their mothers-in-law, for their entry

into the workforce. One of the teachers recalled feeling restless at home with little to do

once her household tasks were complete. She dabbled in some hobbies at home to

occupy herself. Her mother-in-law suggested she work and through her networks made it

possible for the participant to have an interview at Rainbow School. This initially came

as a shock for the participant because she had “never thought of working somewhere”;

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today, she described being “so involved with the children” and she “loves teaching”.

Likewise, the other participant remembered her mother-in-law’s willingness to look after

her son when she was contemplating entering teaching. She felt happy to have this

support. Nonetheless, both these women still continued to feel the pressure of

conforming to traditional gender norms of fulfilling their domestic responsibilities and

managing their professional commitments as well.

Married women: negotiating relationships with children

As discussed earlier, four participants had both daughters and sons, two

participants had only daughters, and one participant had only sons. Two participants

were expecting during the time of the study; one of them delivered a son, the other’s

child was born after the data collection period. Six teachers had daughters and in all

cases their first baby was a girl.

Five teachers shared their joy to have first born daughters. One teacher

mentioned that her happiness at having a first born daughter has grown over time; she

would have preferred a son and, at one point in her life, falsely believed her daughter’s

health issues in her early years were because she was not a son. The participant with only

sons shared her sadness at not having a daughter. Five participants with daughters

generally spoke of having closer relationships with their daughters than sons, feeling

supported by them in domestic work and in companionship. Nonetheless, the participant

with only sons commented on her surprise that it was possible to develop close

relationships with sons also.

At the time of the study, the participants’ children were between the ages of pre-

school years to their twenties. Nurturing their children was largely the women teachers’

responsibility in conformity with traditional gender roles. They spent more time with

their children than their husbands did, looking after their immediate needs and providing

academic and emotional support. The activities which the teachers engaged in with their

children included: reading stories; singing; making cards; going outside to play in the

park; helping with homework; cooking; and cleaning. With their daughters specifically,

they played dolls, stitched clothes for dolls, went shopping for bangles and cloth to take

to the tailor and watched old TV dramas. Their sons engaged in ‘boy-type’ activities like

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cricket, tinkering with cars, going to the market or going to the masjid46 on their own, and

discussions about household expenses and savings with their brothers or with their

fathers. The participants’ children appeared to have close relationships with their fathers

though it seemed that their fathers were the disciplinarians. As one teacher commented,

“We would always tell our children, if they are really not listening to us, ‘Okay, I will tell

your father about this.’ And the moment when we say that…they are just fine”

(Interview 1/15-11-06).

The participants’ experiences reflected tension and contradiction in their

understanding of gender and their expectations of their daughters and sons within the

social norms of this context. At times, the maintenance of prevailing gender ideologies

and roles was evident; in other instances, attempts at providing and creating opportunities

for their children that went contrary to gender norms were evident. The teachers spoke of

their experiences raising children being further complicated in this technological era of

television, mobile phones and the internet. The teachers appeared to perceive that girls

and boys should have similar opportunities, particularly when it came to education and

careers. Nevertheless, they seemed to hold views of girls needing more care and

protection than boys. They spoke of wanting to give their children, including their

daughters, freedoms they did not have. Yet, they felt torn because the influence of media

and technology may take their children down the wrong path.

The participants all shared their hope that perhaps life for their children,

particularly their daughters, would be better than their own life and the life of their

mothers. To a certain extent they felt that their education and work have given them

some power to influence change. Nevertheless, they were aware of deep-rooted gender

norms within and outside their family structures that they feel helpless to surmount,

particularly when it comes to their daughters. They felt, therefore, that their only

recourse is to support their daughters and sons to be adaptable to whatever circumstances

life holds for them – something they feel their own mothers were unable to do for them.

46 Mosque – a Muslim place of worship/prayer; see glossary (Appendix B) further references to masjid.

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Hopes and opportunities for daughters

The six teachers with daughters talked about their hopes for them, including the

kind of opportunities they have provided and want to provide for them until they get

married. Recalling their own experiences, they shared their desire and high expectations

for their daughters: to get a good education, including pursuing higher studies and

entering into careers before getting married; to be involved in deciding their future

marriage partner; and to make their own decisions. For one teacher, it was, nevertheless,

important that her daughters “follow the rules” like she did avoiding interaction with

boys. The teachers spoke about saving money for their daughters to study at good

schools despite the extended marital family and community questioning the need to

invest in their daughters. Two teachers with young daughters have already begun to

discuss this matter with their spouses, aware that the ultimate decision regarding their

daughters’ marriage will largely rest with their spouses and extended marital family

elders. For example, one of them recollected her turmoil regarding her daughters’ future,

particularly if she is not alive:

… If they (my daughters) want to marry someone, I support them. I will be with them. And even I told my husband three days back. I was really depressed…so I said (to my husband), ‘… (E)ven if I die some day, just remember that, you have to ask (our daughters) whom they want to marry, you have to support them for this. Even if I won’t be there, but you have to support them.’… He said, ‘No, don’t talk about this thing, we will both be here and we will both support them.’ So it was a change, so I keep talking to him about these things. He has to bring the change and I think…you can (change) your husbands if you want, but there are ways… (Interview 1/17-08-06)

She added that even though she has been unable to entirely influence her spouse to

support her choices at least she could “work on him” to support their daughters’

decisions. Interestingly, the teachers’ experiences illuminated their preference for

marriage over higher education should a suitable proposal present itself, taking the

chance that commitments would be honored for their daughters to study and/or work after

marriage if they wanted and feeling that ultimately everything rests on “Allah’s will”.

Perhaps the stigma and pressure that their daughters might face as unmarried women in

this patriarchal context would be too difficult for the teachers to bear.

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Reflected in their perceptions was the awareness that their daughters are only with

them “for a few days”; although one teacher expressed that the future is uncertain and

maybe her daughter and not her son would end up looking after her. Within the social

norms, once their daughters were married the participants would have little control over

what they could provide for them. Moreover, there is always the uncertainty of “where

they will marry” and the “kind of husband and in-laws” they will have. As such, the

teachers shared the kind of opportunities they are trying to make available for their

daughters including pursuing activities, studies and careers considered to be for boys

given the uncertain future. As one teacher explained:

I am giving more opportunities to my children, because I know when they get married, then they have no options, they have to do what their in-laws want them to do. But being in their [parents’] house, I want them to explore whatever they want to do. (One daughter) always wants to do boyish things, most of the things she wants to do, but (the other daughter) always says that, ‘No it’s for boys.’ I just say that, ‘No…! You can try it.’ So she starts giggling at me, ‘Ami [Mother]!’ I just say, ‘No come on just try it, you can do it, why not.’ (Interview 1/17-08-06)

Nevertheless, the teachers were aware that the opportunities they could provide

them are also constrained by socio-cultural norms and their need to protect their growing

daughters in this uncertain and insecure environment. For example, as their daughters get

older, they will be restricted with what they can wear, where they can go and the

activities they can engage in like “riding a cycle in the park”. As such, the teachers felt

the need to prepare their daughters to adapt to prevailing socio-cultural norms. Their

stories reflected a range in the level of freedom each of them was willing to or did

provide their daughters. This was particularly evident in the contradictory experiences of

teachers with adolescent daughters. They spoke of their dilemmas wanting to protect

their daughters by: guiding them to wear a dupatta and covering their head because “it is

in the Qu’ran”; restricting their outings to bazaars (the market); and guiding them to

dress appropriately so as “not to attract attention from men”. The participant from India

found this very difficult because she felt her daughter’s life was more restricted than her

own growing up. Furthermore, she felt that this may affect her daughter’s confidence and

self-esteem. At times the adolescent daughters resisted, for example telling their mothers

that they did not cover their heads with a dupatta when they were young; at other times,

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the daughters appeared to have felt uncomfortable in certain public places and covered

their heads. The teachers also spoke about wanting their daughters to feel confident to

move about in public spaces, including using public transport. Again tensions were

apparent in their daughters’ perceptions wanting to have the freedom to go out, yet

avoiding bazaars and public transport out of apprehension of the male public by whom

they felt harassed. Interestingly, their adolescent daughters seemed to feel more

comfortable interacting with the outside world from home through media and technology,

something which concerned their mothers.

The teachers also talked about preparing their daughters to adapt to and cope with

the range of possibilities that could come their way as married women and that could

mean having to “change their own identities”. This was important for the participants

given their own limited knowledge about life as a married woman which had led to

tension and struggle. The teachers spoke of a range of preparations which included:

encouraging and supporting their daughters to learn domestic skills; learning how to dress

and behave appropriately like talking softly and not talking too openly to elders; instilling

the value of quality education, including higher education, and the value of a career in

their daughters should opportunities to work be made available to them or should they be

expected to work; exploring careers of their interest; supporting them to perform well in

their studies; discovering and developing confidence in their interests, talents and

abilities, particularly if their “in-laws are unable to support them with this”; being able to

make their own decisions and standing up to their mother and father for their opinions;

taking them out to explore the world; teaching them Islamic values; guiding them that

whatever they do must be done “to please Allah”; guiding them on appropriate and

controlled use of technology; guiding them on family planning; feeling comfortable in

public spaces and using public transport; supporting their daughters to develop patience

in case they have to stay home all day with female extended marital family members.

Underlying their stories was their fear of how their daughters might be treated after

marriage knowing that much of family honor and a woman’s honor in this patriarchal

context rest on the relationship between a daughter-in-law and her extended marital

family.

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The participants’ experiences reflected an attempt to break traditional gender

norms of decision-making within the patriarchal extended marital family by taking an

active role in decisions about their daughters’ lives and future. One teacher shared her

view about women changing the experiences and opportunities for other women like her

own daughters:

I think women can change women, men can’t, because men they usually change women by force… Like, I am a woman I can change my child’s perception as I need, but if my husband would like to change her, he would force her to do that. That same thing happened with me - that they wanted me to stay in this dupatta when I was young; my father forced me to do that…because my mother was not that literate, so she didn’t take over his place to change (me). So what I feel that men, they will use force, and when you (use) force, you never do it from your heart… Only a woman can change the heart of men also and women also. (Interview 3/21-02-07)

Hopes and opportunities for sons

The five teachers with sons also talked about their hopes for them, including the

kind of opportunities they have provided and want to provide for them. Nevertheless,

their discussion on their hopes for their daughters seemed to be overriding. The

participants shared their desire for their sons to get a good education, including pursuing

higher studies and entering into careers like medicine. The women also spoke about

saving money for their sons to study at good schools. Their stories seemed to reflect a

hope that their sons have economic power to support their families although they would

support their daughters-in-law to work. For one participant who had a difficult time

within her extended marital family this was important. She talked about preparing her

young son for a future where he is able to earn well and live independently with his wife

and children, visiting her and her husband regularly but not frequently. According to this

teacher a nuclear family arrangement is not “un-Islamic” and actually facilitates peaceful

relationships in the family; similar views were also shared by another participant who has

struggled with relationships in her extended family. The participants also spoke about

wanting their sons to: “carry (themselves) smartly like a soldier”; learn Islamic values;

be punctual at the masjid for their prayer; learn how to protect themselves; engage in

activities “boys do” like cricket and basketball; pursue their interests even if they may be

“girlish” ones like fashion design, art, photography, cooking and film making; be

comfortable to take public transport and go to the market on their own; and protect their

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sisters and other female family members. Nevertheless, the participants’ stories also

revealed hesitation to allow their sons too much freedom to venture into public spaces

given the uncertain political climate of the country.

All the teachers seemed to feel comfortable and to want their sons to engage in

domestic related activities. The teachers appeared to hold the belief that boys should

learn to do household work because it makes them more caring, closer to their mothers,

and better husbands. The participants also expressed the feeling that it is their

responsibility to teach them domesticity. Furthermore as one teacher shared,

I don’t know what life will be, so I think they should learn…boys and girls both, they should learn all these daily things [domestic tasks]. Like now I feel that my son is going to stay in the hostel and how he is going to take care of his things… (Interview 2/06-12-06)

Nevertheless, one of them was not certain her son’s domestic interests would continue as

he got older. Furthermore, the teachers with older sons shared the differences in their

own sons’ views of domesticity; some of them were interested in it while the others

showed great disinterest often expecting their sisters to do it for them. Sometimes the

teachers appeared to support their sons’ requests of their sisters because of socio-cultural

norms. On other occasions the teachers seemed to expect their sons to take care of their

own cleaning and cooking to prepare them for a future when they may have no one else

upon whom to rely; this was especially challenging when their spouses supported their

sons otherwise.

Married women: negotiating relationships with birth family

In their reflections about their experiences as married women, the participants

spoke very little about their birth families. It appeared that their relationships were

infrequent with socio-cultural norms and geographical distance being significant factors.

The participants from Islamabad and India shared their sadness and sense of loss not

having their birth family close to them. The death of parents was also painful for the

women; at times, they spoke of their regret not having been able to do “more for them”.

Many of the participants’ siblings and extended family have immigrated to other

countries leaving a vacuum in their lives. The participants especially missed sisters and

female cousins. Visits have been rare largely due to distance and expense. Furthermore,

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even when families have met, the participants felt that the time was too little and their

multiple responsibilities limited quality interactions. One participant recalled with regret

her cousin’s visit from overseas. They were both so busy with their children that they

hardly had time to talk. One participant felt that her personality has changed not having

her mother nearby; she felt she is more reactive, stern and less patient, especially with her

children. She described:

That was a very sudden change for us (when our mother moved away). Like in the beginning,…(I felt) quite lonely. Like, whenever you go to your mother’s house, you are more relaxed and you talk a lot… (Before), it was something very difficult at times… I think since my mother has gone… it’s more now. (Interview 1/11-09-06)

Migration of extended family overseas had also led to increased responsibility of three

participants to cook for their brothers and care for ailing parents. Various tensions were

apparent in the experiences of teachers looking after their parents with poor health. One

teacher talked about distance and responsibilities at home preventing her from caring for

her mother. Another participant felt torn about caring for her ailing parents because of

prevailing cultural norms that this is a “beta’s [son’s] zimidari [responsibility]”

(Interview 1/30-08-06). Her parents went through a difficult period not having their sons

who work and study overseas with them; they needed their daughter’s help. While she

felt supported by her mother-in-law and her husband to care for them, she experienced

tension about neglecting her traditional gender responsibilities towards them.

Influence of school: becoming and being kindergarten teachers as married women

Within prevailing socio-cultural norms, the teaching profession is considered one

of the more appropriate careers for women and many girls move from the experience of

being students to teachers in schools. This was reflected in the participants’ experiences.

They all started their careers as teachers after marriage47. Three participants appeared to

have become teachers because of financial constraints in the family; two women seemed

to be encouraged by their mother-in-law and husband to work as teachers as an outlet to

tension staying at home all day; two participants appeared to have entered into teaching

47 One participant taught for approximately one year prior to getting married and then stopped teaching for some years.

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because of interest. Four participants shared that teaching was not their initial choice of

career.

Four teachers began their teaching careers at Rainbow School. Three teachers

began teaching elsewhere and later joined Rainbow School. They left other school

systems either because of dissatisfaction, distance, remuneration, or the school structure

did not facilitate being able to balance work and domestic responsibilities.

Being kindergarten teachers: successes

Overall, the participants spoke positively about being kindergarten teachers,

particularly at Rainbow School where they feel respected and valued for their

contributions. Four teachers mentioned anxiously waiting for teaching positions to open

up so that they could apply to teach at the school. All the teachers found their work

“demanding”, “powerful” and “honorable” requiring much responsibility, planning and

organization. One teacher commented that being a kindergarten teacher at Rainbow

School has shifted her understanding of teaching and learning. She came into the

profession expecting teaching to be easy, the way it was when she had learned through a

teacher-directed approach. She realized, however, that every day is challenging and

requires much reflection and preparation to involve children and meet their needs.

The teachers talked about the sense of fulfillment and pride they have teaching

young children who they described to be: “trusting”; “faithful”; “loving”; “natural”;

“moldable”; “innocent”; “curious”; “expressive”; “easier to control”; and “easier to bond

with”. The teachers described the sense of satisfaction they have when children: learn to

read and write; talk to them about their interests and problems; give them feedback on the

impact they have had upon them; bring work they have done at home to share with their

peers and teacher. Moreover, the teachers felt that the role they are playing today in

creating a foundation will have a “life time” impact on these children and on society.

The children’s progress delights the teachers though it is not often immediate. Five

teachers were content to teach at the kindergarten level rather than at lower levels

because the children are more settled, more expressive, more mature, have a better

command of the language, more able academically and, as such, are more fun to be with.

Nevertheless, this also required the teachers to be more “informed” and “up-to-date” with

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information and resources to meet the children’s needs. One participant said she enjoyed

teaching in a co-education classroom because she enjoys the different kinds of interaction

between girls and boys. Furthermore, she believed that it is important for girls and boys

to learn together for future life experiences. One teacher preferred working with younger

children because she likes them and finds that there is less pressure. Another participant

mentioned that she would no longer want to teach secondary school. All the teachers

talked about the commitment and motivation they have towards their profession and to

their professional development to enhance their teaching practice. They felt disappointed

when a lesson did not go as planned and wanted to improve themselves the next time. At

the end of the school year, they feel sad and some of them cry on the last day of class

because of the bonds created between them and their students.

All the teachers felt that being at Rainbow School has had a profound impact

upon them. They perceived the school to be reputable, well-established, welcoming,

facilitative, and friendly where they all felt proud to teach. Overall, the participants have

felt supported by their administration and their colleagues. One teacher who had taught

at other schools commented on feeling treated more equally at Rainbow School. They

perceived their principal to be a role model who has instilled in them confidence that they

too are “role models” and “leaders” making differences in children’s lives. For example,

one teacher explained: “It’s a very nice institute with a lot of moral teachings and values

and especially the leadership values, to be a leader within yourself (and not)

underestimate yourself for whatever things you do” (Interview 3/23-04-07). Likewise,

another teacher described how their principal inspires them: “(She says,) ‘You are

teachers, and teachers are someone very special…You should feel proud, we can never

repay a teacher… you can never reward a teacher… It’s a life time thing’” (Interview

3/21-02-07). Their principal has encouraged them to think of themselves beyond being

objects of beauty and adornment and to reflect upon and celebrate their important

qualities, talents and values to contribute to the positive development of society. The

teachers felt inspired by their principal’s message that they “can also bring the change”.

One teacher said that teaching has made her feel “alive” and as though released from

“jail”. Likewise, two teachers talked about teaching allowing them to “come out of

(their) shell(s)” instead of “dying” inside them. The teachers felt that they have

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developed a sense of inner peace, patience and positive thinking working at the school.

They commented on the importance of both religion and education in an individual’s life

which they have learned being teachers at the school which “integrates Islamic values” as

an important part of a “modern academic” curriculum. All the teachers mentioned their

increased desire and initiative to learn more about their religion. They have felt inspired

by the value of teaching, learning and knowledge in Islam both in the Qu’ran and Prophet

Muhammad’s (PBUH) hadith. Another teacher added that it has been Allah’s will that

she teach at such a school. All the teachers strongly believed that they are answerable to

Allah and that He would reward them for their work.

Being kindergarten teachers has also significantly impacted their home life. They

felt as though they have something to look forward to everyday and that it is “easier to be

at school than at home”. For the participants, teaching has been a vehicle out of “family

politics at home”. Furthermore, it has provided them an alternate lens from which to

understand experiences of women and contributions they can make outside the

household. One teacher mentioned that she has found she is better able to manage her

time since she began working. As women, teaching is a profession that offers security

and the possibility to balance a career and domestic responsibilities. Teaching at

Rainbow School has also had the added advantage of being together with their own

children who attend the school. Being able to come to school and return home with their

children has eased many burdens. One teacher explained that her mother-in-law felt very

happy that she is not neglecting her children by teaching at a different school.

All the teachers expressed their desire to continue in the teaching profession and

to further their knowledge through early childhood courses and programs. Although, one

participant still continued to feel disappointed that she was unable to pursue the career of

her dreams and would still do so if given the chance. One teacher shared her aspiration to

pursue a master’s degree in education. Two co-teachers talked about aspirations to

become main class teachers one day. One class teacher would like to teach at the lower

primary levels and make use of her professional development experiences in education;

she is also very eager to open up her own school in the near future. Another teacher,

however, is not eager to open up her own school or to take up an administrative position

despite her husband’s encouragement. She felt that she would lose “contact” with the

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children which she would really miss. One teacher sadly remarked that her “future holds

nothing for her”.

Being kindergarten teachers: tensions and dilemmas

The participants shared some tensions that they face in their teaching practice.

Four teachers found that it took time for them to adjust to the school’s dress code policy

of simplicity, particularly covering their heads and wearing long-sleeved kameez, which

they had not previously done. Now they have “adjusted themselves” and all feel

comfortable with this. They spoke about: feeling inspired by their principal’s message

that covering their heads does not restrict them from excelling in their careers and

professional life; “(feeling) touched” by the message of “simplicity” in Islam shared by

the principal; feeling more relaxed and more focused on their teaching being simply

dressed; feeling that they are role models to children; feeling more protected as women;

and feeling closer to Allah. One teacher explained that when she visited Iran she

observed all the women covering their heads and yet they were “working in all fields”.

Nevertheless, they also spoke about uncertainties they still have about the religious

significance behind covering their head and their quest to search for a deeper

understanding of this. Another teacher has also found that she must now reflect more

carefully on what to wear to ensure it is simple enough.

Three teachers said that they do not usually cover their heads outside school.

However, two of them did cover their heads when they went to the market because they

felt more respected and more protected; although this was not always the case. One

teacher explained:

Like I would not take the dupatta on my head everywhere when I am out, but like…if I would walk from my house to the market then I would take it, but otherwise I won’t take it… Obviously we feel more secure and we don’t notice that everyone is like watching us… I would always cover myself more… If I would walk with my mother-in-law, I would be comfortable and fine (without covering my head), but if I am alone I would always wear a (dupatta on my head). I don’t know why we are (changing) like that… (Interview 4/10-01-07)

Two teachers said that nowadays they also cover their heads outside school all the time,

except in their homes. They felt that they can still enjoy dressing up for parties and

covering their heads. There are moments when they have felt respected for this and when

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non-Muslims have expressed a “sincere” interest in learning more about them and their

religion; at other times it has felt awkward because of perceptions both by Muslims and

non-Muslims that covering one’s head is a “hindrance”, “backwards” and “not modern”

and that women who cover their heads are “uneducated” and “can’t speak English”. As

one teacher explained:

(B)ut you know that I never used to do it, though it was in our religion. And my mother also never covered her head, and I was like her… I was like that kind of a person, wearing short sleeves and I was a very modern kind of person. I (have) always thought that whenever I am going to start a thing I have to be persistent in that… So even outside also now I cover my head. I go to parties with this (where there are) foreigners also… (At these) places you feel awkward, because you are covering your head, and they also feel and ask you a lot of time, but I do cover my head… (I)f I have started something good then I have to keep moving (with) it. (Interview 1/17-08-06)

She further added that her spouse is very pleased with this school policy.

Three teachers who already covered their heads prior to working at Rainbow

School felt their practice to be reaffirmed by the school’s policy. They described feeling

more protected and closer to Allah practicing a tradition that they perceived to be an

important part of Islam. Like the other four teachers, they too feel inspired to search for a

deeper understanding of this practice.

The participants spoke about tensions and dilemmas related to their training as

teachers. At times they felt that having no prior training in early childhood education has

been challenging. During my fieldwork, it was apparent that while the teachers were

committed to their practice, they grappled with their pedagogical content knowledge and

the concept of reflective practice. Nevertheless, their pedagogical content knowledge

including their knowledge of child development and their reflective practice skills varied

based on their teaching, professional development and life experiences. Although the

teachers indicated a desire to research and read further on their own, they often felt that

they had little time for this once they went home. As the teachers spoke about their

practice, they sometimes commented on feeling “ineffective” or “lacking” in their

abilities as teachers. One teacher expressed that a lack of training has affected her

confidence. Three participants mentioned their colleagues practice to be a model which

they look to for enhancing their own practice. The participants are appreciative of the

school’s efforts to provide opportunities for professional development both within and

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outside the school, and they are aware that it is challenging at an administrative level to

provide training for all the teachers. Contradictions were also apparent in their

perceptions of in-house professional development during the academic term. They

welcomed such opportunities to enhance their learning which allowed them to manage

their domestic responsibilities as well. However, on some occasions they felt it

conflicted with their time at school for planning and preparation. Preparations that

teachers were unable to be complete at school needed to be done at home which was

often difficult to manage with their domestic commitments.

Having one support teacher between two classrooms also proved problematic for

the main class teachers during the academic year when the data was collected. The

support teachers also felt that they were unable to have as much impact upon the children

as the class teachers having to provide support in more than one classroom. There were

also a few occasions when the kindergarten teachers felt that they would have liked to

receive more administrative support with their planning and teaching and more autonomy

in their lesson planning. One teacher felt that she underestimates her abilities as a

teacher; she felt that this is part of her nature and that this has been pointed out to her.

The teachers also talked about pressures to complete the academic curriculum due

to: challenging classroom dynamics; having children with special needs integrated into

their classrooms; extreme heat in Karachi during certain months complicated by power

shortages and load-shedding of electricity which leads to many sleepless nights for the

teachers and to challenging days in classrooms with often tired and irritable students;

numerous holidays; short school days during the holy month of Ramadan; and an

unpredictable and often volatile political climate which results in the unexpected closure

of schools some days. All the teachers were very committed to ensuring that no child

was retained in kindergarten. Sometimes the teachers perceived the academic curriculum

to give children little time to interact with material and to play which they felt was

integral to children’s learning. The participants also felt that the resources for children to

play with were insufficient. Although they have tried to collect and bring resources for

children to use, there is either little space to store them or they often get lost.

Six teachers mentioned days when it is challenging to balance their home and

work responsibilities, especially when they receive little support with household work.

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One teacher felt she leads a “mechanical” life with a routine that rarely changes and with

little time to rest. Another teacher shared that when her family moved closer to the

school it made a big difference for her to cope. Two teachers who were expecting during

the data collection period felt further fatigued by their pregnancies. During Ramadan, the

holy month of fasting, the teachers’ responsibilities at home increased. They would wake

up before dawn to prepare the ‘sehri’48, come to teach, and then return home to begin

preparations for ‘ifftar’49 and the evening meal. During this month when families often

gather together to partake in ‘ifftar’ and dinner, the stresses increased for the teachers,

particularly when their extended marital family members would come to their homes.

The two teachers who also went for Hajj this year felt pressured by their home and work

responsibilities. Although the teachers felt supported by their husbands to work, there

were instances when their spouses felt discomfort and tension with the changes in their

open and independent outlook since they have started teaching at Rainbow School.

Being kindergarten teachers: managing community perceptions

Managing community perceptions about kindergarten teachers has also created

tensions for the participants. At times the participants felt respected for their work as

teachers, particularly by their school environment and parents. In other instances, they

felt that the status of women teachers is low in Pakistan. According to one teacher,

people have even commented that she is “not giving enough time to her family”.

However, when it came specifically to the participants being kindergarten teachers, they

felt that there is little understanding, appreciation, value and recognition of pre-primary

teachers - who are mostly women - in Pakistan. Even some of their colleagues at higher

levels have little awareness about their work. Some students in the higher sections also

seem to disrespect and disregard the pre-primary teachers. One teacher shared that some

48 During Ramadan, most Muslims observing the fast wake up before dawn to eat a meal known as sehri. This meal is substantial and considered to be important for sustaining a person until the break of their fast. Many women rise before the rest of the household to prepare the sehri. Fajr namaaz (prayers) are then offered to begin the fast before sunrise. See glossary (Appendix B) for further references to sehri. 49 At maghrib (sunset), Muslims partake in ifftar to break their fast. Traditionally, the fast is broken by eating dates just as the Prophet (PBUH) is believed to have done to break his fast. Thereafter, people partake in a delicious array of ‘snack-type’ food that is both sweet and savory. Later in the evening and after maghrib prayers, dinner is eaten. Ifftar and the dinner after are occasions when families and friends get together. As such, there is often a lot of pressure on women family members to prepare for guests. See glossary (Appendix B) further references to Ifftar.

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people have never even heard of “kindergarten” before. Another teacher explained

people’s reaction to her, “‘Oh, just a kindergarten teacher!’” (Interview 3/23-04-07) As

teachers of young children they felt that they have less status and are inadequately

remunerated; teachers at higher levels, coordinators, and administrators receive more

status and are better remunerated. There are times when people “make faces” and ask:

“‘Okay, kindergarten. Okay, why don’t you teach higher level classes?’” (Interview

3/23-04-07) Other people are curious why the participants do not aspire to teach higher

classes, even trying to convince them of this. The teachers indicated that the community

by and large thinks that teaching young children is easy, requiring “no degree”, “no

training” and only a “few resources” because children: “come to play”; “sing rhymes”;

“learn 1,2,3,4 and A,B,C,D”; and then go home. Moreover, there are perceptions that

children are unable to learn anything at this age and that teaching them is a “headache”

and “burden”. As one teacher explained: “I think that concept is there… (People) tend to

say... ‘What do they learn going to the school?’ or ‘Is it very important for them to go to

the school?’ ‘Do they want to do their PhD?’” (Interview 3/09-01-07) Teaching young

children is also seen as suitable work for women as an extension to their role of mother.

The participants expressed feeling hurt and badly about community perceptions of

their work. For example, two teachers shared that there were times when they would

hide and not want to tell anyone about their profession. Yet, the participants felt that they

have gained confidence working at Rainbow School and seeing the impact their teaching

is having on young children to “proudly” tell others that they are “kindergarten teachers”,

even offering “lengthy explanations” about the value of being a kindergarten teacher.

The four participants whose salaries are “pocket money” and two teachers whose salaries

make a significant contribution to family income felt that pre-primary teachers are not

sufficiently remunerated for the challenging work that they do. One teacher felt that her

salary compared to teachers in higher classes is fine because of the level of training

which is required of them to teach specific subjects. Moreover, the participants felt that

government policies need to change to provide more status, access to quality institutions

for training in early childhood education and resources to pre-primary teachers.

Nevertheless, the participants were all grateful to be paid more as well as to have access

to more resources and opportunities for professional development than government

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school pre-primary teachers. Three teachers mentioned that it would be valuable to have

more male teachers at the pre-primary level although they may not have the patience and

gentleness to be with young children. Furthermore, and more importantly, society may

not easily accept this.

Understanding of gender in relation to self today

Reflecting upon their experiences, the participants shared their perceptions on

how they have come to understand themselves today. According to them, they have had

to continuously change and adapt themselves, usually to accommodate the expectations

of others within the norms of this patriarchal society. Change for them has spanned

historically, geographically, economically, and culturally. Nevertheless, the participants

have found renewed confidence in their abilities and contributions to their families, to

young children and to society largely due to their careers as kindergarten teachers at

Rainbow School. They have continued to encounter tensions and dilemmas in their

relationships with their husbands, members of their extended marital families, children

and birth families. Yet, they felt that they have more confidence than their own mothers

had. They believed that this is critical to being able to “push” socio-cultural boundaries

to ensure their children’s well-being, particularly to ensure opportunities for their

daughters that they never had. Nonetheless, they still experienced “inner turmoil”

knowing that ultimately their decisions and voice would likely be overridden by their

husbands and extended marital families.

Five participants spoke about feeling relatively comfortable in public places like

the markets although they take great care to cover their heads and their bodies especially

if they are alone. Two teachers still felt reluctant to go out on their own because of their

nature and not having been given these responsibilities as young girls and growing

women. One of these teachers takes her son with her. Six teachers mentioned traveling

outside Pakistan to visit family or for religious purposes, like Hajj or Umrah50. Four

teachers also spoke about feeling comfortable today to wear long skirts, saris with long-

sleeve blouses, trousers, shirts and blouses. Two teachers have confidence to drive. 50 Umrah is a religious pilgrimage made by Muslims to Mecca as an act of piety at any time except during the last month of the Muslim calendar, Dhu al-Hijja, during which the main pilgrimage, the Hajj, is undertaken (Nanji, 2008).

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Nevertheless, the teachers still perceived that it is much easier for women in

Western countries to make their own decisions than it is for them. Yet, one teacher

expressed her shock at reading about abuse against women in the West which went

contrary to her perceptions that only women in the East have few rights. According to

the participants, women in Pakistan have little respect and status. They have to struggle

for their rights in an environment which is very restrictive and oppressive towards

women, even educated women, and which largely discourages them from working

outside the home. According to one teacher, “Some of the religious people… think

that… women should be kept in their house, should not go to work… They think that

(women) are getting away from responsibilities and they are going out for fun”

(Interview 3/10-03-07); at times harm even befalls working women. Another teacher

also shared that with political decisions largely made by men, it is even more challenging

for women to improve their condition. Yet, the teachers commented on the changes they

have seen over the years with more women getting education, working, going out,

entering into politics, and gaining some status as well as more boys entering into fields

traditionally seen for women. The teachers felt that belonging to middle class and upper-

middle class families has placed them in a better situation than women from low socio-

economic backgrounds and women in rural areas. The participants expressed that

women, including working women like them, have difficulty making decisions and are

less confident than men; nevertheless, they felt that women are better able to manage and

handle a diverse range of situations than men. As such, the participants continued to feel

bound by deeply entrenched socio-cultural norms which are enforced by both men and

women, particularly elder women within extended family structures. One teacher

explained: “We (feel) more…answerable to the people around us than to (ourselves) or

Allah. That’s the main thing that we have to overcome” (Interview 3/14-02-07).

According to the teachers, quality education is the key to changing perceptions and to

improving the condition of women in the country. As one teacher shared:

There (is a) lack of education and lack of…understanding of our religious beliefs, because we are not following…the true religion…We say that it is an Islamic country… Just look at the literacy rate. It’s very low and it’s not only for the way men are looking when women are around… Look around. In everything you can feel that. Look at the streets and roads, in everything, how do they [men] behave, how they walk, how they talk. (Interview 2/11-22-06)

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The teachers spoke about paradoxical understandings of religion and culture in

shaping their views of gender. All the teachers spoke proudly about Islam being an

integral part of their lives. Nevertheless, they prefaced their views on Islam being

“learning in progress” and that teaching at Rainbow School has greatly contributed to

their growing understanding and initiative to discover more about their faith. Moreover,

they felt that many people have little understanding of the depth in Islam which provides

the “answer to everything”, including the position of women; though this is slowly

changing. Six teachers alluded to their being differences in their religion and culture

when it comes to women. They all felt that Islam does not restrict women from going

out, from seeking knowledge and from working. Rather, Islam gives women their

“rights”, “status” and “freedom”, including “rights to property” and a “dowry to protect”

them. The teachers made reference to various women in Islamic history like Prophet

Muhammad’s (PBUH) wives, Hazrat Bibi Khadijah and Hazrat Bibi Ayesha, who were

both well-respected women. For example, they talked about Hazrat Bibi Khadijah, an

enterprising business woman who proposed marriage to the Prophet (PBUH) herself.

The teachers also referred to Hazrat Bibi Ayesha’s example teaching Qu’ran to other

women after learning it from the Prophet (PBUH) and helping people injured in the war

together with her sister, Hazrat Asma. Two teachers commented on the diverse practices

within different Muslim communities when it comes to women. According to them,

certain Muslim sects are more conservative in their outlook towards women; others are

more liberal in their views of women. These two teachers perceived that in Pakistan,

people are less accepting of diversity within Islam unlike in other parts of the world

where different Muslim sects live side-by-side. Therefore, in Pakistan, many tensions

and problems arise rooted in religious interpretation, including what women are able and

unable to do. Four teachers felt that the prevailing “culture can be changed” to support

more Islamic ways of treating women.

Nevertheless, all the teachers felt that the rights given to women should be

followed within certain boundaries. For example, women should cover themselves

appropriately, including their heads, because “girls are so precious and precious things

we have to keep it in lock and key” (Interview 1/16-08-06). In addition to the influence

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of their families and their school environment, four teachers shared that their experiences

going for Hajj has reinforced for them the importance of covering themselves, including

their head. For two teachers, this also included wearing an abaya. However, none of

them interpreted their religion to require of them to cover their faces as well. Two

teachers also mentioned their understanding that “Allah has always said that ‘men are

superior’”. For example, one teacher explained her view that:

I am working, and a woman in Islam can go out in the world, but within certain limits…because God has made us that way… (The) main role of women in Islam…is to bring up their children, (to give them) the true teaching of values, plus Islamic education… Men are supposed to be the bread earners. If a woman is working, if she is contributing, that is well and good. If she does not want to, she is not supposed to be forced by men. (Men are) whole and soul responsible for earning (for the family)… and (they are) going to be asked for that (by Allah). (Interview 3/03-27-07)

One teacher spoke about the dilemma she has faced in her interpretation that if Islam is

followed correctly, “When a child comes to her puberty age, so if a proposal is there, you

should get her married” (Interview 2/05-12-06). Yet, she has felt it to be very important

to provide opportunities for her daughter to get higher education and even enter into a

career. According to her, ultimately she would be answerable to Allah for her deeds and

that would even mean accepting her daughter’s marriage over higher education.

The view of ultimately pleasing Allah was shared by all the teachers who felt that,

“There is life hereafter and we are in the world to achieve Allah’s will” (Interview 2/05-

12-06). Therefore, their actions must ultimately please Allah, even if it means sacrificing

their own interests and desires. This is an important value they also want to teach their

children, especially their daughters, to be able to deal with whatever life offers them.

Summary

In the first section of this chapter, I have presented findings of how the women

kindergarten teachers’ perceptions of gender have been constructed through their life

experiences. I have traced their experiences thematically from their childhood to their

current lived realities as married women who teach kindergarten. The research findings

illustrate the commonalities between the women teachers’ experiences. The findings also

reflect that these seven women teachers have responded to different contexts. As such,

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these findings provide critical insight into how the women kindergarten teachers have

constructed their views of gender. In the next section of this chapter, I present how the

women’s understanding of gender evident in their teaching practice both through their

reflections and my observations. I end the results chapter with a conclusion of both

sections one and two.

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Section 2: Understanding of Teaching Practice in Relation to Gender

In the previous section of the results chapter, I explored the seven women

kindergarten teachers’ understanding of gender through their life experiences. In this

section, I present their understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender and

how this is reflected in observations of their teaching practice. From the analysis of the

teachers’ life experiences and how they have come to understand gender, it is evident that

their gendered classroom practice with girls and boys and how they understand it is

rooted in their lived experiences in the patriarchal context of Pakistan and in their

religious values. Classroom observations of their teaching practice, qualitatively and

quantitatively represented, reveal both convergent and divergent findings in relation to

their understanding of their teaching practice.

This chapter begins by exploring the teachers’ perceptions on planning for gender.

Next, I present their perceptions of teaching kindergarten girls and boys, how they

understand and practice their teaching in relation to gender and their perceptions of

kindergarten girls’ and boys’ future. A summary of my findings concludes the chapter.

Perceptions on planning for gender

Exploring the teachers’ understanding of their teaching practice in relation to

gender brought with it many contradictions and tensions. It was evident that their own

biographies have influenced their understanding and their practice. In their planning for

teaching, gender had thus far never been considered. The participants all shared similar

views about their reflections of gender in relation to their teaching practice. For example,

as one participant mentioned:

To tell you the truth, you [researcher] are the first one that (has made me think) that this is something we have to look into… I have attended many workshops…but …I never have got this chance…to talk about this thing… (Interview 2/05-12-06)

Likewise, another participant added,

Previously we never had that kind of thinking (about gender in early years’ education), that thinking was not given to us and the exposure was not given and we were not made to think. Maybe if we are made to think, (this would) help us out. (Interview 3/23-04-07)

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One teacher did indicate that in her in-service teacher training gender was briefly

discussed when it was mentioned that “female teachers …are very strict with the girl

students and are very lenient towards the boy students” (Interview 2/28-11-06). She

further added that she has never overtly discussed gender in Pakistan with children in her

class and has “not really thought of doing this”. All the participants appeared to welcome

the opportunity to “start thinking” about gender in their teaching practice to enhance it.

Moreover, they commented on the importance of gender in early years’ education being

part of their professional development.

Teachers’ understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender

This section presents the participants’ understanding of their teaching practice in

relation to gender under the following broad sub-themes which emerged from both the

interview and observation data: 1) perceptions about similarities and differences in

kindergarten girls and boys; 2) perceptions of kindergarten girls’ and boys’ academic

orientation; 3) perceptions of teaching practice and interaction with children in relation to

gender; 4) perceptions of classroom management and discipline in relation to gender; 5)

and perceptions of teachers’ role in the development of femininity and masculinity. I

discuss their understanding of their teaching practice in relation to findings from both

qualitative and quantitative observation data to illustrate the instances when their

teaching practice either converged or diverged from how they understood their practice.

Perceptions about similarities and differences in kindergarten girls and boys

When I asked the participants about their perceptions on similarities and

differences between kindergarten girls and boys, there was no consensus in their

immediate responses which were rooted in their life experiences as women, mothers and

teachers. Four teachers felt that kindergarten girls and boys are “different”, although one

of them indicated that “they are so innocent at times…you don’t feel that they are

different” (Interview 3/23-04-07). Three teachers felt that at this age girls and boys are

mostly “the same” with differences becoming apparent as the children were older; one of

these three teachers commented that “when they start growing”, it would be a “natural”

process for them to “change”. As I probed further and as the participants reflected and

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further elaborated upon their teaching experiences and experiences as mothers,

discernable differences became apparent in all of their descriptions of kindergarten girls’

and boys’ social and academic behavior, learning styles, interests and abilities which I

discuss later. Variations and tensions in their views about the origins of gender

differences were also evident. Five teachers felt that both nature, in the sense of Allah,

and nurture influence children’s gender development; although one of these participants

expressed her uncertainty about whether innate differences had to do with girls’ and

boys’ “brain systems” or other biological factors. Three out of these five participants

also alluded to the interaction of both innate and environmental influences, including the

family, school, community and culture, in the development of children’s gender identity

as evident in the following:

What I feel is, of course there must be something with the genes… because Allah-t-Allah has made them different…We can’t deny that thing also… I have this trust. But I think the society plays a major role…of changing their emotions and (in the way they) grow… If you give both of them [boy and girl] the same opportunity in a family, I think I can say that the girls will also automatically do things with boys (and which boys do) and boys will also do (with girls and what girls do). (Interview 2/5-12-06)

One teacher only mentioned socialization to influence differences in girls and boys: “We

have created (the) differences” (Interview 2/15-11-06). One teacher emphatically stated

that differences in girls and boys were “natural”. Yet, contradictions were apparent as

she alluded to family and society influence without consciously mentioning them to

impact upon children’s gender development.

The participants’ views also reflected categorizations of girls’ and boys’ gender-

appropriate behavior, at times as the way it is “supposed to be”. Tensions were also

apparent in the way the teachers perceived behavior which crossed gender boundaries.

As one teacher reflected: “In some cases the boys (behave) just like the girls are

supposed to be (and) girls are behaving the way that boys should” (Interview 2/22-11-

06). Interestingly, boys’ behavior often seemed to be understood as the “norm” against

which girls’ behavior was judged. Furthermore, the teachers perceived girls wanting to

be “more like boys” than boys “wanting to be like girls”. A common observation by all

the teachers was that children, including girls, today are generally more confident, but

also have more behavioral problems than before. According to them, children are

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coming across different “opportunities” and “circumstances” in an increasingly

technological society which were not there previously. The teachers felt that such

changes seemed to have influenced their classroom practice and interactions with young

girls and boys.

Perceptions of kindergarten girls and boys academic orientation

Academic values and behavior

As discussed in Chapter 1, the kindergarten syllabus was primarily academic and

teacher-directed. The participants highlighted consistent views of differences in

kindergarten girls’ and boys’ academic values and behavior. The descriptors voiced by

the teachers and presented in Table 7 reflect their shared views.

Table 7. Teacher Perceptions of Girls’ and Boys’ Academic Values and Behaviors

Girls Boys

• Settle quickly • Attentive • Focus more • Listen/obedient • Clear in expressing thoughts/ideas • On-task • Conscientious • Willing to try new things/adaptable • Neat • Meticulous • Helpful • Caring • Able to self-regulate • More teachable

• Take time to settle • Inattentive • Unfocused • Don’t listen/not obedient • Less expressive • Off-task • In a hurry • Less willing to try new things/inadaptable • Messy • Fidgety/energetic • Unhelpful • Careless attitude • Unable to self-regulate • Less teachable

Their shared views in Table 7 are eloquently expressed by one teacher:

Definitely I would say that yeah boys and girls, they are different - they are too much different from each other. Like the girls are good listeners, the girls are more attentive and you gain their attention quite easily rather than boys, because most of the boys, they are fidgety all the time. They want to do something very energetic, they don’t listen to you until their physical needs are (met). They want to run around and they want to take out their energies… If we go to manners, the girls are taking care of the others also. Boys, they don’t care of others that much; they are always in a hurry. But the girls, they take care of these things also - if the water is spread on the table, they would take the duster and they clean it up and then they continue

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their work. But boys, they don’t care. If it’s a mess, then they let it remain like this. (Interview 2/05-12-06)

Academic ability

Three teachers’ perceptions on girls’ and boys’ academic ability seemed to reflect

their feeling of differences between the two. These teachers felt that boys are more

mathematical and spatial and girls are more linguistic, creative and artistic; boys are

better able to grasp math concepts and understand money and girls are better able to

express themselves verbally, in writing and through art. These teachers also commented

on their observations of girls appearing to enjoy drawing and writing and boys seeming to

enjoy working with math material, like counting and connecting things. Their views

were reflected in the following:

Like academically I have noticed that most of the girls… have problem in mathematics; they take time to grasp…mathematical concepts. Otherwise language, Mashallah51, they are alright in it and they have a lot of creativity… They express themselves quite well… But boys grasp their mathematical concepts… faster than girls do… I have noticed that their creativity towards the arts through drawing…is not that good as compared to the girls… Some of them [boys]…are very good in it (drawing), but majority of them… are not very good at it… Normally I consider arts subject as the ‘girls’ subject and math as a ‘boys’ subject. (Interview 2/28-11-06)

One of these teachers felt that this was “natural” rooting her views in her observations of

female students in her classes as well as her own and her daughter’s experiences of

finding math difficult:

I feel that there are some things which are naturally in them, like for mathematics. I have experience for myself as well, for my daughter as well and now for the children in the class as well that I have observed… I don’t know how that’s inherited in them [boys], but… this mathematical sense, it’s naturally in them [boys]. (Interview 2/28-11-06)

Four teachers felt that academic ability depended upon an individual child and the

opportunities that she or he received. According to them both girls and boys are “good at

doing anything” depending upon their “nature” and if given “opportunities”. Reflecting

upon her own daughter’s interest and ability, one of these teachers expressed, “(Girls)

don’t want to do maths. (They are) not weak…girls are not interested in maths”

51 Mashallah means “with God’s praise”

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(Interview 3/9-01-07). Likewise, recollecting her son’s interest and ability, she felt that

“some boys are good at drawing; however they have in their mind that ‘I can’t draw’”

(Interview 3/9-01-07). Another teacher felt that boys are also “creative” and “have wild

ideas”. Her colleague also noted that, “I don’t think there is any difference in the

learning ability of girls and boys. It is all a matter of how they concentrate…and how

willing they are to learn” (Interview 3/27-02-07). One teacher’s perception of boys being

“good in math” and girls taking “some time to grasp a new concept” was challenged

during the year of my fieldwork. According to her, “In this class, I have more boys who

are not doing maths well. Girls are doing math well. So there are changes (from) time to

time in that also” (Interview 2/12-05-06). Interestingly, these four teachers also shared

the view that today girls are: becoming “more serious and responsible” in their academic

work; taking up challenges to compete against boys; able to do “anything these days” and

are good at everything “doing the same things boys are doing”. They attributed this

largely to parental influence as described by one teacher:

The parents, they are also supporting them [girls] now, but they were not supporting (them) before…I think... Even school wise and class wise…girls are going one step ahead of boys in the academics… They have started taking initiatives also to come in front to…prove themselves. (Interview 3/21-02-07)

Although three teachers felt that the “mental capacity” of girls and boys is the same, they

found boys to be “sharper” and “quicker” at picking things up, “good observers”, and

keen “listeners” who would “notice and hear” things that the teachers themselves might

have missed. One of them attributed this to boys having more freedom and opportunity

to go outside and explore their environment. These three teachers also felt that though it

takes girls “longer to grasp concepts”, they are more “focused”, “hard-working”,

“detailed”, “persistent” as well as “take time to think” and “think deeply” enabling them

to understand and retain concepts more “quickly” and perform well academically.

Furthermore, girls are more inclined to seek teacher support. These three teachers,

including one of their colleagues, felt that boys: “lack concentration”; are always in a

“hurry” and want the teacher to “hurry” so that they could play with material or be the

first to stand in line; “give up easily and quickly”; are “inattentive”; are “easily

distracted”; “speak out quickly” without taking time to think; are “playful”; “have a

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carefree attitude”; “take it very casually that school is a fun time”; and do not “go for

details” in their work. Moreover, boys are less likely to seek teacher assistance. As such,

this limits boys from being able to fully grasp concepts and they need “extra help”,

“guidance” and “support” from teachers. I often observed girls seeking clarification from

teachers and teachers approaching boys to assist them. One teacher noted: “If there is

something… the girls would (need to) spend five to ten minutes on it. The boys might

(only need to) give five minutes (to the task) if they concentrate and they would get it”

(Interview 3/09-01-07). Another participant added that it is “nicer to teach girls”.

Moreover, she also gives girls the “duty” to sit beside quiet boys who need help with

their work.

Despite the teachers’ general understanding of girls being more focused and

academically inclined and boys lacking concentration and being less academically

inclined, they were all aware of certain girls and boys who did not fit within these

categories. There were a few girls in the kindergarten classes who lacked concentration

and either faced challenges with their work or managed successfully; there were a few

boys who were attentive and managed their work well or inattentive and managed

successfully. There were also a few girls and boys who appeared to be concentrating and

focused, but who showed evidence in their written work and communication with

teachers of not having understood concepts. For example, one teacher described a girl

and a boy in her class who did not fit her general view of girls and boys:

(G1) is…good at a lot of things… She is not lacking towards anything… She does the work very nicely and the thing which she is interested in more, she responds very well. She has a lot of information…It’s only with her (written) work - because she is distracted more often,…her work…gets affected (and) is a bit late… (B1) is bit quiet and it’s not that that he is distracted with others or (that) he would play with others. He tends to do his work. When he is doing it, it’s just that he has a little bit (of a) problem in grabbing the concept or the (letter) formation. He is totally different from other boys; you will never see him talking loudly. He is not doing any of those things. (Interview 3/09-01-07)

The teachers often remarked about wanting boys to be more “composed” and “attentive”

to complete their tasks.

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Learning styles

The teachers also spoke about their perceptions of kindergarten girls’ and boys’

learning styles. Two teachers felt that girls and boys “learn in the same way”; if a child

immediately reviewed with their parents a concept learned at school and if a child

concentrated she or he would not have any difficulties. Two teachers perceived that:

girls learn better through “verbal instructions” and are able to “follow these instructions”

easily; boys find it “harder to follow verbal instructions” and need “information presented

on the chalkboard” or something “to hold and see”; boys need repeated instructions while

girls understand the first time; and boys use material to support academic learning “more

effectively” than girls and this helps them retain concepts better. One teacher felt that the

current teacher-directed, academic curriculum affects girls and boys differently: “In my

class this happens that boys, when they get bored of something, then they start disturbing

others; they are either pinching or…doing (things) to other children… The girls, they put

their head down and they try to sleep. So the action is different” (Interview 2/28-06-07).

Play experiences

As discussed in Chapter 1, the children had an unstructured play period once a

week in the kindergarten syllabus. The participants voiced consistent views of

differences in kindergarten girls’ and boys’ abilities and interests during their play

experiences. Initially, two teachers expressed their views that boys and girls play in the

“same way” and the “same games” because they are young and have been together since

they joined the school two years back. However, after further probing, they both talked

about differences they had observed in girls’ and boys’ play. Table 8 provides the

participants’ shared perceptions on play activities that girls and boys preferred and at

which they were good, which were largely stereotypical. Activities which teachers’

viewed boys to like and be good at were referred to as “boyish”. Likewise, activities felt

to be preferred and done better by girls were considered as “girlish”.

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Table 8. Teacher Perceptions on Girls' and Boys' Play Interests and Abilities Girls Boys

Interests and abilities

• Drawing • Playing with dolls • Spinning the hula hoop around

waist/hips • Jumping • Skipping • Playing with play dough • Creating jungle and farm scenes in

sand • Cooking and trying new recipes • Dressing up • Folding clothes • Sitting in small groups talking and

gossiping • Home area • Kitchen area • Sand area • Water area

• Sports • Racing • Playing with blocks • Connecting things • Playing with balls • Playing with airplanes and vehicles • Playing ‘catch’ • Throwing and catching bean bags • Talking about cars and money • Working with tools • Fixing things • Skipping and jumping in hula hoops • Block area • Water area

During my observations, I observed similar play experiences of girls and boys described

by the teachers in Table 8.

Six teachers talked about kindergarten girls’ and boys’ play partner preference

and interactions. Three of them mentioned that girls prefer same-sex play partners rather

than mixed-sex groupings, preferring to “play with other girls” and “not with boys”. Two

of these teachers perceived that boys like playing with both boys and girls. According to

them, even though “boys want to play with girls”, girls “want to be with each other only”.

One teacher felt that boys did not like mixed-sex peer groups and preferred only to play

with boys. Another teacher felt she had not had much opportunity to observe the

kindergarten girls and boys playing with each other and, as such, could only share her

speculation that both girls and boys interacted together in their play. My classroom

observations confirmed the teachers’ views on children choice of gender play partners

and their interactions with them.

The teachers also commented on instances when girls and boys transgressed

gender boundaries in their play and engaged in activities that teachers felt were not of

interest to their sex group. There were a few girls who liked “playing with blocks” in the

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block area and “playing with balls”. Girls also liked to run and chase a lot, but in a

“softer” way than the boys who were “harsh” and “wild”. When girls engaged in cross-

gender play, the teachers referred to their behavior as “tomboyish”. One teacher

observed that there are girls who would “always want to try what boys do, like for

example…climbing the tree…or wall”. According to her, most girls would “watch the

boys”, but “not do it”; a few girls would “watch the boys” and if they felt it was “safe”,

they would do it also. The participant felt that this was due to girls not being daring and

also being concerned about “what others will say”.

The teachers spoke about a few boys who liked to go to the home and kitchen

areas where they would wear an apron and cook and serve soup. One teacher talked

about a boy who wore a “frock” in the dressing up area; although he “looked like the

girls…he was very good about it.” Another teacher also gave the example of boys who

like going to the water area to mix detergent and wash clothes. One teacher observed that

boys have a difficult time folding clothes in the home area. When boys engaged in cross-

gender play like this, the teachers referred to their behavior as “girlish”. However, when

the boys were in the home area, “styling” themselves and dressing up like their “fathers”

with a “tie” to go to the “office” or to say their “prayers” such behavior was not

perceived to be “girlish” by the teachers. On one occasion, a teacher also referred to a

boy cooking in the kitchen area as a “chef” because he was imitating a chef from a

television cooking show. The teachers felt that boys were hesitant to go to the home and

kitchen areas to try “girl” things and to wear “girls” things; at times a few boys would

stand and watch the activity in the kitchen area commenting about the similar work their

mothers did in the kitchen at home. One teacher remarked that perhaps they “feel shy

about Aunty52 watching and what she and other girls may say” (Interview 1/17-08-06).

As the teachers reflected upon children, particularly boys, transgressing gender

boundaries in their play, they appeared to show a sense of surprise at such behavior,

particularly the first time it happened. Nevertheless, the degree of their surprise varied

amongst each of them. One teacher felt that because she has been teaching for so long,

such behavior does not “shock” her so much anymore. Three teachers mentioned their

52 The kindergarten children addressed their teachers as ‘Aunty’. This is a common practice in many pre-primary settings in this cultural context.

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being astonished to see boys dressing up “like girls”, wearing frocks and carrying dolls as

babies and boys wanting to go to the kitchen area. One of these teachers laughed as she

recalled how funny she found it the first time she saw a boy wearing a “frock” and

carrying a doll in the home area. One teacher mentioned her surprise to see a quiet girl

always wanting to play in the block area because she thought “blocks are only for boys”.

She was also alarmed at a girl dressing up like a “boy” and pretending to be her father

and expressed her concern over the “matter” to the primary section coordinator. These

experiences resulted in these teachers having to shift their perceptions about girls’ and

boys’ behavior during play. One teacher realized that “if given a chance” girls and boys

may choose things of interest to them which may deviate from what is perceived to be

appropriate for a specific sex. What I found interesting during my fieldwork was the

teachers’ tendency to share humorously with their colleagues when boys engaged in

“girl-type” activities such as dressing up like girls or cooking; when girls engaged in

“boy-type” activities like making trains in the block area, this did not usually become a

topic of discussion amongst the participants. Moreover, they seemed to understand that

“girls want to be more like boys than boys want to be like girls”. It appeared that the

teachers were relatively comfortable with children transgressing gender boundaries in

their play though it unsettled them somewhat; they also seemed to feel that transgressing

gender boundaries would be inappropriate as the children became older. As one teacher

remarked: “At (a young) age, (children should) just to do whatever (they) want to do

because when (they) grow up (they) have to do what the others will say” (Interview 1/17-

08-06).

Perceptions of teaching practice and interaction with children in relation to gender

The teachers’ understanding of their teaching practice and interaction with

children in relation to gender both during academic and play periods revealed many

contradictions and tensions. The forthcoming section draws from my observation data of

teacher-student interactions (as indicated in Chapter 3, Appendix L provides a description

of the categories), teacher interviews and my anecdotal observations. The major finding

was that the numerical data seem to converge with teachers’ perception of their practice

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in relation to gender. However, qualitative data findings raise tensions and show

divergence.

Teaching and interacting with girls and boys in the classroom: teacher perceptions

Six teachers felt that they taught girls and boys in the same way, viewing them the

same way, using the same strategies, giving equal opportunity to all and providing

individual support where needed whether it is a girl or a boy. In other words, the main

position taken by these teachers was that of equal treatment towards girls and boys. As

one of them shared,

When we are taking the class as a whole, we don’t have this thing in mind that we have to…apply the different strategies for the girls and the boys. It is the whole class (that we teach) so we just teach through one method… We don’t tend to discriminate at all whenever we are doing (the theme) of professions or anything. We don’t say that this is a profession which is taken by the girls and that’s the one which is taken by the boys. When we are teaching them, we have that perspective that we are not discriminating. Whatever we are telling the boys, we are telling the same thing for the girls and we don’t have a perspective in our mind that we give one guideline to the girls and the other to the boys. We would give it on the whole to both of them in (considering) their future, in developing their thinking or anything… So when we are teaching we don’t differentiate at all. (Interview 2/15-11-06; Interview 3/09-01-07)

Likewise, two teachers noted that they “consciously” try to teach girls and boys in the

same way, though “unconsciously” this may not be happening. Another teacher indicated

that at the kindergarten level, issues of gender in education are “not even discussed”. She

has always been told to keep kindergarten girls and boys “equal” and that “no preference

[in the sense of special consideration]” should be given in her teaching practice to

children because of gender. She added that she has found it impossible to spend the same

amount of time with any child though she tries her best. From workshops and

discussions with me (researcher) she has implemented strategies like pair work which she

feels has made it “easier to talk to everybody now”; previously she would only spend

time with academically “weak” children believing that “other children could manage on

their own”. Nevertheless, she still felt, “It’s still that, I don’t know how much am I doing

that, ke [that] I am talking to the girls equally and the boys equally, I go to each and every

child since I have the pairs” (Interview 3/16-02-07). One teacher felt that she “needs to

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deal with girls and boys differently” because they are “two different things”, although

previously she felt that she “was just doing the same thing with all the children”.

According to her, boys are more physical and find it difficult to sit and concentrate for

too long; they need opportunities to expend their energy. As such, she tries to include

transition songs with actions before an academic activity, especially when it is difficult

for her to take the children for ‘free play’. This makes the children, especially the boys,

more “relaxed” and “focused on work”; it produces the desired “results”. One teacher

also felt that girls’ “nature” is to be “very talkative” and “very expressive”. However,

she feels that, “at times we (teachers) don’t have time to listen to them” (Interview 2/29-

11-06). Girls, therefore, find alternatives like “keeping things within themselves.”

As the teachers further reflected about their interaction with girls and boys in the

classroom, tensions arose in their views of the amount of time given to girls and boys, the

nature of interaction and their inclination towards girls and boys. Five teachers felt that

they give equal time to both girls and boys in terms of support and otherwise. According

to two of these teachers it is because the school is “co-educational” with both girls and

boys in the classroom. Six teachers also shared that they felt closer to and were more

inclined towards girls than boys. They had a “soft-spot” for and a tendency to protect

girls because girls are: calm; soft; gentle; friendly; well-mannered; easy to cuddle and

hug; more focused; nicer to teach; not treated well by boys; and need to be protected.

One teacher felt she was inclined towards girls because she has no daughters. However,

she has found that over the years, she has changed and has also begun to have “fun” with

the naughtiness and expressiveness of boys. She also enjoys “tomboyish” girls who

express themselves “like boys”. Interestingly, as a young girl, this participant also

enjoyed engaging in “tomboyish” behavior. One teacher who felt more inclined towards

girls also shared her admiration and attachment to boys because she has no brother or

son. Another teacher mentioned feeling “humbled” by boys though it was unclear what

she meant by this. Three teachers felt that their disposition towards girls and boys was

the same. For example, they felt that they “did not discriminate between girls and boys”;

they were “firm with both” and “softer with quiet, soft spoken, nice girls and boys”.

Two teachers felt that they do not “intentionally” give more time to one sex over

another. One teacher clarified, “Unintentionally I don’t do that…I have never even

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thought about that” (Interview 3/21-02-07). While they both “enjoyed” helping both girls

and boys, they were aware that overall they helped boys more largely because boys

“don’t concentrate”, “don’t listen”, have difficulty working “independently”, “are easily

distracted” and are “in a hurry”. Furthermore, they felt that, unlike girls, boys seldom

seek teacher help. Both the teachers also felt that they shouted more at boys because of

their “distractive” and “unfocused” behavior. Nevertheless, one of these two teachers

mentioned spending more time helping girls with math because they seemed to have

more difficulty grasping concepts. However, she realized that her understanding that

boys could manage on their own while she helped girls, especially with no support

teacher present in class, was false; some boys also needed help. It was apparent that

these two teachers had “never thought about” how girls might feel about their teacher

spending more time with boys. One of these teachers felt that girls always want to be

close to the teacher and some of them who are “not smart” and “not dominant” may feel

badly about her “giving more time to the boys”. She mentioned reading the story It’s

hard to share my teacher to help children understand that they need to share her.

Teaching and interacting with girls and boys in the classroom: comparing qualitative and quantitative data

As discussed in Chapter 3, the data of the teachers’ interactions with their

kindergarten female and male students are drawn from classroom observations which

included teacher-directed lessons and unstructured play which was offered once a week

in the syllabus. The data were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. A summary of

quantitative results of the teacher-student interactions across gender is appended (see

Appendix N). A paired t-test analysis was carried out to gauge if there were any

quantitative differences. As mentioned in Chapter 3, a paired t-test analysis would

normally not be carried out on such a small sample size. Results from this analysis

should, therefore, be interpreted with caution. Only significant results are presented.

The first comparison examined teachers’ total verbal interaction with girls and

boys. Figure 1 illustrates differences in the number of total verbal and non-verbal

interactions teachers had with girls and boys. Total number of behaviors across teachers

is shown in Figure 1. Teachers’ total verbal interaction with boys (Mboys = 479.29,

Range = 370 – 605, SD = 94.28) was slightly more than for girls (Mgirls = 415.00, Range

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= 279 – 589, SD = 105.28). Teachers’ total non-verbal interaction with boys (Mboys =

144.00, Range = 118 – 163, SD = 18.71) was slightly less than for girls (Mgirls = 157.57,

Range = 128 – 212, SD = 26.74). These data converge with the teachers’ perceptions that

they interact with girls and boys in a similar way, however, the qualitative nature of

interactions was different with teachers appearing to have more interaction with boys.

Figure 1. Teacher total verbal and non-verbal interaction with KG girls and boys

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Figures 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 illustrate the total number of times teachers interacted

with girls and boys in terms of: 1) questions asked; 2) number of responses given; 3)

number of times help was given; 4) number of directives given; and 5) number of times

praise was given. Although teachers did not directly speak about the first four aspects of

their teaching practice in the interviews, these findings suggest consistency with the

teachers’ perceptions of interactions with girls and boys and data. Nevertheless, while

these numerical data seem to converge most of the time with the belief held by the

majority of the teachers of having similar interactions with girls and boys, the qualitative

nature of interactions appeared to be different. A discussion related to the tensions

arising from these qualitative and quantitative findings is provided in the next chapter.

Figure 2 shows differences in the total number of questions teachers asked boys

and girls. Teachers’ academic questions to boys was slightly less than (Mboys = 52.29,

Range = 27 – 85, SD = 26.15) girls (Mgirls = 53.57, Range = 28 – 89, SD = 22.61). Boys

(Mboys = 18.43, Range = 10 – 27, SD = 7.44) and girls (Mgirls = 18.14, Range = 8 – 27,

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SD = 8.26) were asked almost equal number of procedural questions. The qualitative

nature of interactions, however, suggests that girls were asked slightly more academic

questions than boys reflecting the teachers’ earlier views of girls being more

academically oriented than boys.

Figure 2. Teacher questions to KG girls and boys

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When it came to teachers’ academic and procedural responses to kindergarten

girls and boys, the findings in Figure 3 suggest little difference in total number of

questions. Teachers responded to boys (Mboys = 33.0, Range = 14 – 49, SD = 12.52)

slightly less than girls (Mgirls = 36.71, Range = 15 – 75, SD = 20.15) when it came to

academic content. Furthermore, teachers responded slightly more to boys (Mboys =

23.57, Range = 10 – 32, SD = 8.42) than girls (Mgirls = 22.29, Range = 8 – 46, SD =

12.55) when it came to classroom procedures. Teachers’ responses to boys (Mboys =

5.86, Range = 2 – 12, SD = 3.53) also extended their thinking slightly less than girls

(Mgirls = 8.43, Range = 3 – 24, SD = 7.41). The low number of teacher responses

extending children’s thinking appears to reflect current teacher-centered practices which

focus primarily on low-order thinking tasks.

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Figure 3. Teacher responses to KG girls and boys

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Figure 4 shows differences in the total number of times teachers helped girls and

boys. The teachers gave slightly more academic help to boys (Mboys = 20.00, Range =

13 – 27, SD = 5.42) than girls (Mgirls = 18.29, Range = 10 – 31, SD = 7.48) when

students requested the help. Furthermore, teachers gave slightly more teacher-initiated

academic help to boys (Mboys = 27.43, Range = 12 – 46, SD = 12.38) than girls (Mgirls

= 20.71, Range = 7 – 33, SD = 10.69). Teachers gave boys (Mboys = 12.57, Range = 9 –

17, SD = 2.88) slightly less procedural help than girls (Mgirls = 14.14, Range = 5 – 27,

SD = 8.01). The numerical data appear to confirm the view held by most of the teachers

that they give equal support to both boys and girls. Nevertheless, the qualitative nature of

interactions suggests that boys received more academic help than girls reflecting

teachers’ earlier views of boys being less academically inclined and requiring extra

assistance from teachers.

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Figure 4. Help given by teachers to KG girls and boys

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Figure 5 shows differences in the total number of times teachers gave academic

directives to girls and boys. Teachers gave boys (Mboys = 25.71, Range = 17 – 38, SD =

7.01) more directives related to academic learning outcomes than girls (Mgirls = 21.29,

Range = 12 – 40, SD = 8.88). Although a paired t-test would typically not be carried out

on such a small sample size, results from this analysis did reveal that this difference was

significant (p<.05). Teachers also gave boys (Mboys = 23.43, Range = 11 – 54, SD =

14.95) more directives related to academic instructions than girls (Mgirls = 19.71, Range

= 12 – 42, SD = 10.64). Boys (Mboys = 49.29, Range = 30 – 58, SD = 9.23) and girls

(Mgirls = 49.43, Range = 30 – 67, SD = 14.94) appeared to receive almost equal number

of procedural directives. Although the teachers may feel that they interact with girls and

boys equally, these numerical data show that they gave more academic directives to boys

than girls. These findings seem to converge with the teachers’ views presented earlier of

boys being less academically oriented and in need of more academic support and

direction from teachers. Moreover, these findings appear to be consistent with the

qualitative nature of teacher-student interactions in relation to gender with boys receiving

more teacher attention than girls.

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Figure 5. Teacher directives to KG girls and boys

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Findings shown in Figure 6 also show differences in the total number of times

teachers praised girls and boys academically and procedurally. Teachers gave boys

(Mboys = 11.00, Range = 5 – 18, SD = 4.44) slightly less academic praise than girls

(Mgirls = 15.14, Range = 2 – 42, SD = 13.36). However, teachers gave boys (Mboys =

8.00, Range = 3 – 17, SD = 4.40) more procedural praise than girls (Mgirls = 6.57, Range

= 2 – 13, SD = 3.40). Although the teachers may feel that they interact with girls and

boys equally, the descriptive statistic findings show that they gave more procedural praise

to boys than girls. These results appear to confirm teachers’ views of boys’ off-task

classroom behavior which perhaps they are attempting to change by reinforcing positive,

on-task behavior through procedural praise. The qualitative nature of interactions

appears to confirm teachers’ views of girls being academically more inclined than boys

and, therefore, receiving praise for their accomplishments.

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Figure 6. Teacher praise for KG girls and boys

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There were differences in teachers’ non-verbal interaction with girls and boys

related to touch and proximity. Girls were touched 303 times (Mgirls = 43.29, Range =

23 – 84, SD = 22.08) and boys were touched 281 times (Mboys = 40.14, Range = 15 – 87,

SD = 25.09) by teachers. Teachers approached girls 1437 times (Mgirls = 3.86, Range =

0 – 8, SD = 2.91) and went near boys 1397 times (Mboys = 3.14, Range = 0 – 9, SD =

2.91). The quantitative findings from classroom observations appear to again confirm the

teachers’ views of interacting with girls and boys in a similar way. Nevertheless, the

qualitative nature of findings appears to converge with the teachers’ feelings of greater

inclination towards girls.

Perceptions about supporting girls and boys play

During the interviews, the teachers talked about the learning areas in which they

preferred to be when children played in their weekly unstructured play period. They also

spoke about how they engaged with children in these areas. Interestingly, the teachers

used the word “children” and not “girls” or “boys” when sharing their perceptions. Four

teachers enjoyed the art area because as children draw and paint they are “thinking”,

being “creative”, coming up with different “ideas”, “making different things” and

verbally expressive about what they have made. One teacher shared that she is

continuously amazed at what the children are able to create and how they talk about their

work. Four teachers felt drawn to the home and kitchen areas. They enjoyed it when

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children, especially girls, dressed up and enacted different situations like “going on a

picnic”, “to the office”, or “talking on the phone”. The participants found these two areas

exciting because the children were “more verbal”, engaging in conversations about their

play both with their peers and their teachers. When children brought “food” that they had

“cooked” for the teachers to taste, the participants felt very happy. One participant said

that she liked asking children about what they had cooked and who or what the children

had become in their role play. Two teachers mentioned being drawn to the home and

kitchen areas because of their own experiences as young girls; they loved to play with

dolls and to dress-up. They remembered their play experiences as young girls and would

interact with children accordingly, for example “playing dolls” with them. My

observations reflected more girls than boys bringing “food” which they had prepared for

their teacher to taste. Girls also tended to invite their teachers more to “parties”,

“picnics”, and “weddings” that they had organized. Through my observations of

children’s choices of learning areas and play material in the learning areas, I also found

that girls chose the art, home, kitchen, and library areas more than boys. Moreover,

their choice of play material - like dolls, dresses, pots and pans, and art material – and

play behaviors – getting dressed for a party, cooking/preparing for visitors, drawing

sceneries with butterflies and flowers - reflected traditional gender images. One teacher

also enjoyed going to the water area and observing children washing clothes. Another

teacher enjoyed the block area because children were verbally expressive in this area.

One participant felt that she “tries to be equal in all the areas”, “moving around”, “talking

to children” and “asking them about their play”.

One teacher found it “boring” and “uncomfortable” to be in the block and sand

areas; nevertheless, she did not mind it when children “played with small blocks in the

classroom”53. Her colleague also felt less drawn to the sand area as well as the water

area. She felt that she continuously had to “motivate (children)…and tell them…to do

different things. They keep on doing the same thing there, filling up the bottle and

making a mountain (with sand)” (Interview 2/06-12-06). After my workshop on

supporting children’s play, she remarked that she will make more effort to spend time in

53 The block area was resourced with blocks of different shapes, colors and sizes, including some blocks which were very big.

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these areas and encourage children to experiment with resources, for example “sinking

and floating” objects. Based on my observations, the block and sand areas were preferred

choices of boys who liked to make mountains and jungle scenes with the sand and

make/fix trains and other vehicles with blocks and tools.

During play episodes54, there were differences in the total number of times

teachers were closer to girls than boys. Teachers went near girls 229 times (Mgirls =

33.90, Range = 16.5 – 54, SD = 14.45) and near boys 186 times (Mboys = 28.00, Range =

13.5 – 53, SD = 15.88). While the teachers mentioned feeling more comfortable in

female-dominated learning areas and engaging in girl-type activity, observational data

show their equal proximity to girls and boys when children were playing. Nevertheless,

the qualitative nature of findings appears to reflect teachers’ feelings of their greater

inclination towards girls and girl-type activities. Findings of teacher-student proximity in

relation to gender during observations of play reflect similar patterns as those of the total

academic related and play episode observation findings presented earlier.

A comparison of data presented in Figures 7 and 8 of total teacher-directed

academic lessons plus play episodes and play episodes only suggests differences in

teacher-student gender interactions, particularly in relation to teachers’ responses to girls

and boys.

54 As mentioned in the footnote of the appended summary of quantitative results of the teacher-student interactions (see Appendix N), my play observation data comes from seven play episodes of five research participants. Two play episodes were observed for two teachers. For these teachers who were observed twice, I calculated the average score from the two play episodes of each of them to get a single observation score. The other three teachers were observed during one play episode each. In total, there were five observation scores.

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Figure 7. Teacher interactions with KG girls and boys (academic related/play episodes)

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Figure 8. Teacher interactions with KG girls and boys (play episodes)

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When the total academic and play related observations were taken into consideration,

teachers asked boys (Mboys = 70.71, Range = 37 – 110, SD = 30.78) and girls (Mgirls =

71.71, Range = 43 – 116, SD = 27.18) almost equal number of questions. During

observations of play episodes only, however, teachers asked boys (Mboys = 14.50, Range

= 6 – 21, SD = 7.37) fewer questions than girls (Mgirls = 20.80, Range = 15 – 26, SD =

4.60). When total academic and play related observations were taken into consideration,

teachers gave boys (Mboys = 98.43, Range = 61 – 135, SD = 23.82) more directives than

girls (Mgirls = 90.43, Range = 62 – 124, SD = 23.06). During observations of play

episodes only, however, teachers gave boys (Mboys = 8.50, Range = 5 – 12.5, SD = 3.20)

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fewer directives than girls (Mgirls = 9.20, Range = 7 – 13, SD = 2.68). When the total

academic and play related observations were taken into consideration, teachers helped

boys (Mboys = 60.00, Range = 47 – 90, SD = 15.68) more than girls (Mgirls = 53.14,

Range = 35 – 73, SD = 13.70). During observations of play episodes only, however,

teachers helped boys (Mboys = 7.30, Range = 2 – 17, SD = 6.04) less than girls (Mgirls =

9.00, Range = 4 – 16, SD = 5.20). When the total academic and play related observations

were taken into consideration, teachers responded less to boys (Mboys = 62.43, Range =

30 – 86, SD = 19.08) than to girls (Mgirls = 67.43, Range = 29 – 145, SD = 39.30).

During observations of play episodes only, however, teachers responded less to boys

(Mboys = 7.80, Range = 3 – 13, SD = 4.04) than girls (Mgirls = 15.10, Range = 6 – 23,

SD = 7.68). Although a paired samples t-test would normally not be carried out on such a

small sample size, results from this analysis showed that this difference was significant

(p<0.05). This finding of teachers responding more to girls than boys during play

episodes appears to converge with my anecdotal findings and the teachers’ perceptions of

feeling more comfortable interacting with and conversing with children in female

dominated learning areas about girl-type activities. Furthermore, the difference in the

qualitative nature of interactions with boys and girls during total academic and play

related observations and play related observations only seems to be consistent with the

teachers’ views of being more inclined towards girls.

Gendered teaching practice

During the interviews, the teachers made references to moments that occurred

during their teaching practice when they made conscious decisions based on gender. One

teacher mentioned that she had brought a book from the library to read to her students

based on what she perceived to be of interest to the girls in her class. Another teacher

spoke about bringing airplanes and other material which could be connected for boys to

play in the block area. Four teachers shared their views that it was important for boys to

play in the kitchen and dress up areas and to engage in “girlish” things like cooking. One

of these teachers explained that she “makes” boys go to these areas which are largely

dominated by girls. Recalling her son’s behavior, one teacher also said that she

encourages boys to explore different areas, like the kitchen area, and does not stop them

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from going there. A similar view was shared by another teacher. Their colleague also

noted that when girls taunt the boys for doing “girlish” things like cooking she tells girls

that in the hotels the people who cook are men and not women. This raised the question

for me about the importance given to male chefs versus women who do daily cooking for

their families in the home. One of the teachers also described an incident when a boy

wanted to wear a dress, but was hesitant. She encouraged him to wear the dress telling

him, “‘Okay, you can wear it... Nobody is looking at you, only Aunty is looking”

(Interview 3/10-03-07). Likewise, her colleague challenges children to ask “why not?”

when boys play with dolls and when girls talk about going to outer space. According to

these four teachers, children “at this age” should have opportunities to try things which

each gender stereotypically does later on. One teacher explained that she encourages

both girls and boys to play in different areas with a variety of material. She felt that if

children are restricted in their play, for example telling them that dressing up is only for

girls, they will develop gendered perceptions. I would often observe teachers

commenting on the number of girls and boys who had selected different learning areas

during their ‘planning’ time. At times, they would make remarks such as, “Why are there

no girls going to the block area today? I want some girls to go there also” or “Can I have

some boys in the art area also?”

Perceptions of classroom management and discipline in relation to gender

Issues related to classroom management and discipline in relation to gender

surfaced continuously in the teachers’ reflections of their teaching practice. During my

observations, I also perceived much of the teachers’ time to be taken up in dealing with

classroom managements issues related to discipline. The teachers felt that school

workshops on conflict resolution as well as their own independent reading have

facilitated dealing with discipline issues. Nevertheless, it was apparent that the teachers

grappled with classroom management almost daily and had inconsistent expectations and

consequences. There were moments when they felt “helpless” with their current

strategies and shared their eagerness for “new strategies” to support them. After my

workshop on conflict resolution with the teachers post teacher-student observations (at

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the request of the principal), one teacher shared her realization that she should be

“friendly”, but not become her students’ friend.

In this section, I first present the teachers’ views of girls’ and boys’ social

behavior in relation to their teaching practice. I then discuss strategies they shared to deal

with behavior that disrupted the teaching-learning process.

Children’s social behavior

Teachers’ perceptions of girls’ and boys’ social behavior was similar to their

views described in Table 7 of their academic values and behaviors. Table 9 below

highlights the social attributes of girls and boys as perceived by the teachers. Table 9. Teacher Perceptions of Girls' and Boys' Social Attributes

Girls Boys

• Calm • Gentle • Composed • Less outspoken • Less physical • Well-mannered • Good etiquette • Neat • Own up more easily to mistakes • Use less classroom space • Want to feel secure and protected • Spend more time closer to teacher

• Naughty • Restless • Loud • Physical • Restless • Distractive • Attention-seekers • Reactive • Fight more • Use crude/bad language • Use more classroom space • Own up less to mistakes • Spend more time further away from the

teacher • Less respectful of girls and women

Figure 9 shows differences in the total number of times girls and boys were near teachers

during total academic and play related observations and during play observations only.

Boys (Mboys = 43.00, Range = 28 – 67, SD = 15.82) came near teachers less than girls

(Mgirls = 53.29, Range = 20 – 89, SD = 23.43) during total observations. Furthermore,

boys (Mboys = 3.00, Range = 0 – 6, SD = 2.24) went near teachers fewer times than girls

(Mgirls = 8.10, Range = 1.5 – 20, SD = 8.11) during play episodes. Although teachers

perceived girls to spend more time closer to teachers than boys, results from the

observations show girls’ and boys’ proximity to teachers to be almost equal.

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Figure 9. KG girls and boys proximity to teachers

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The teachers did speak about a few girls and boys who did not fit their

generalizations of social behavior as described earlier in Table 9. They elaborated,

particularly, on their observations of girls’ behavior changing these days and, to a great

extent, becoming “more like boys”. As the teachers shared, girls are becoming more

“naughty”, “hyper”, “harder to control”, “outspoken”, “talkative” and over-“confident”

“just like the boys”. Five teachers attributed this to social influence as described below:

For the last few years the girls were more calm and composed, but now the girls are also quite hyper… (I)t’s a very big change that is (also) coming in girls… The parents, they are also supporting them now, but they were not supporting (them) before…I think... Even school wise and class wise…girls are going one step ahead of boys in the academics… They (girls) have started taking initiatives also to come in front to…prove themselves. (Interview 3/21-02-07)

According to the teachers, however, when girls became “naughty” and “hyper” it was on

lower gradient and “different” than the “hyper” activity of boys. For example, girls “clap

softly” and “jump around” less than boys who “want to be too physical all the time”,

“banging tables”, “stamping feet” and “moving around”. Three teachers also felt that

girls’ “tomboyish” behavior is similar to boys when they are younger, but it changes as

they grow up and become “more sober and composed”. One of these teachers drew her

view of this from her daughter’s experience. One teacher talked about how “shocking” it

is for her when girls were “outspoken” and “physical”. My observation of one of her

lessons confirmed this. She had asked the students to raise their hands before answering

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her questions. Many boys began calling out answers trying to get the teachers attention

by shouting “Aunty, Aunty” to which she began responding seemingly unaware of her

request. One girl was sitting quietly with her hand raised and appeared ‘invisible’ to the

teacher. After some time, this girl also began to call out responses. The teacher turned to

her and scolded her for calling out and not raising her hand. I observed similar patterns

in other classrooms as well. Another teacher felt that having taught for a long time she

does not feel shocked when girls are hyper and rough.

The teachers also felt that a few boys were “good”, “calm”, “understanding”,

“soft”, and “emotionally expressive”; a few boys even cried. The teachers appreciated

boys’ “good” conduct which they felt led to an organized classroom with on-task

behavior. Reflecting upon her son’s behavior, one teacher felt, however, that as boys get

older it is their “nature to change” and get more “naughty”. Two teachers even shared

their surprise at the sensitivity of one male student and one of them also mentioned how

his behavior caused her to question her own assumptions about girls and boys. She

described:

I have changed myself…in how I (understand) girls and boys… There is…one boy in my class and it’s the first time in my professional life that a boy came to me and he said that, ‘Aunty, I really like you’ and he wants to stay close to me. He likes to hold my hand, he wants to come and hug me… It was a very new thing for me, because I have seen girls coming to me (and wanting to be close) and even…boys come to me and talk to me a lot, but not being so close to me. (Interview 2/5-12-06)

Conflict and discipline issues amongst girls and boys in the classroom

All the teachers felt that both girls and boys engaged in conflict in their

classrooms which affected the teaching-learning process though the nature and way of

dealing with their conflict varied. The few girls and boys who “did not want to be in it”

would “move away”. Three teachers felt that girls and boys engage in equal amount of

conflict. Three teachers mentioned that the academic curriculum with a heavy emphasis

on written work and little opportunity to engage/play with material caused children,

especially boys, to get restless and distract their peers even while teachers were teaching.

All the participants felt that having no support teacher in the classroom also made

children, especially boys, engage in mischief while waiting for teacher help. According

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to four teachers, both boys and girls engaged in conflict over resources like “measuring”

pencils to get the longest one and sharing erasers and play material, with boys usually

dominating. One teacher mentioned that conflicts also arose if a girl or a boy was in the

“wrong” sex-segregated line and their peers taunted them. Girls and boys also engaged

in conflict when they were teased or their work and play was disturbed by other children.

Boys were usually harsher and hit girls in conflict amongst one another. Two teachers

noted that boys tended to get into conflict more with other boys when “they (were)

running around and (were) not listening to each other” or when they wanted to be the

“first to stand in line”. Boys’ conflict with other boys was usually physical, involved

crude/bad language and was more visible. Girls engaged in conflict more when other

girls did not easily accept them in their play. Their conflict tended to be more verbal and

using the “dosti/kutti”55 sign, although they sometimes “pinched” and “pulled hair”; on

one occasion, a girl was observed to “slap” another girl. My anecdotal observations

confirmed the teachers’ views.

Through my observations and post-observation discussions with teachers, it

appeared that conflicts and discipline issues also surfaced from the teachers’ limited

understanding of pedagogical content knowledge and of managing the classroom learning

environment. Moreover, the school’s organizational structure and its vague policy on

discipline issues in the early years sometimes made it difficult for the teachers to

incorporate strategies to facilitate smoother teaching-learning processes56. Nevertheless,

there was variation in their understanding and abilities based on their personalities and

life experiences. Teacher-directed learning with more talk and little opportunity to

manipulate practical material led to discipline issues. I observed lessons where teacher-

talk lasted almost the entire period, resulting in children becoming inattentive and

55 Young children often engage in ‘dosti/kutti’ (literally translated as ‘friend/not friend’) as a way to indicate their friendship with other children. If a child wishes to be ‘dosti’ (friend) with another child, s/he will hold out her/his forefinger and middle finger together and touch the other child’s forefinger and middle finger. If a child wishes to indicate that s/he is no longer the friend of another child – or ‘kutti’ with another child -, then s/he holds out the little finger. I often observed the kindergarten children engaging in ‘dosti/kutti’ both openly and secretively in the classroom and other areas of the school; this activity was particularly evident amongst them during the middle and latter parts of the school year. Moreover, I observed girls engaging more in ‘dosti/kutti’ than boys. 56 My discussions with the principal to understand the school discipline policy led to a workshop in response to their need to begin the process of developing a more well-defined school discipline policy, especially for the early years.

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distractive. Through my observations, I also found discipline issues to arise from

teachers: giving insufficient ‘wait-time’ for answering questions; explaining concepts

and tasks while children were unfocused; providing no ‘filler’ activities for children who

completed their tasks early; displaying visual aids which made them ‘invisible’; and not

checking for children’s understanding after explaining a task, expecting them to

accomplish their work successfully, and getting upset at them - usually boys - for doing

work incorrectly. In one post-observation discussion, a teacher commented that she felt

“pressured” to complete her lesson and as such began her lesson quickly without giving

children time to settle and focus between lessons. Sometimes, teachers did not allow

children to play with material after completing their written work feeling that this would

disrupt the transition to the next period. As one teacher shared,

There is not much gap between the two (periods)… So at that time I think that this is not the right time (for children to take material) because when they start using the material, they want to (play for a long time) and then telling them, ‘Just sit with the material for only five minutes’ and (their) need is not fulfilled, so obviously that is not correct [in the sense of being fair to the child]. So I tell them that there is not much time, so you can sit on the mat or (by the) windows. (Interview 2/28-11-06)

Ironically, during these moments between two periods when children were not allowed to

play with material in teachers’ effort to curtail classroom management problems,

discipline issues ensued. Inconsistency was also apparent in their classroom rules and

expectations like asking children to raise their hands and then accepting responses called

out, usually by boys. At times, this created chaos in the classroom. Furthermore, the

teachers did not follow through consistently with consequences for children’s

inappropriate behavior57. During these moments, teachers often felt helpless and out of

control. One teacher, in particular, who felt committed to giving more time to the

“reserved” children based on her own experience feeling left out in the classroom as a 57My classroom observations began two weeks after school had started. As such, I was unable to observe the first two weeks to get a sense of how the teachers had begun the year in terms of establishing classroom norms and expectations to ensure teaching and learning was maximized in the classroom. According to Bennet and Smilanich (1994, p. 148) what teachers do during the first two weeks of the school year “sets the vision for the rest of the year. Once the two-week window begins to close, it becomes increasingly difficult to alter norms that are being established.” I also noticed that none of the kindergarten classrooms had expectations of student behavior posted. After my workshop on conflict resolution towards the end of the school term, the teachers had classroom expectations clearly placed in their rooms. They also appeared to be making more effort to be consistent with their expectations and consequences with the desire to work on this area right from the start of their next school year.

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“reserved” student, was at times unable to do this. The teachers shared that they were

often unaware of inconsistencies in their practice.

Figure 10 shows differences in the total number of times teachers responded to

girls and boys when they had their hand raised and when they called out responses.

Overall teachers responded more times to girls and boys when they called out responses

than when they raised their hands. Teachers also responded to boys (Mboys = 8.43,

Range = 0 – 25, SD = 8.66) and girls (Mgirls = 8.00, Range = 0 – 25, SD = 9.59) who had

their hand raised almost equally. Teachers responded to boys (Mboys = 42.71, Range = 5

– 118, SD = 37.26) who called out responses slightly more than girls (Mgirls = 32.29,

Range = 5 – 96, SD = 31.01) who called out responses. The qualitative nature of

interactions appeared different, with boys receiving greater teacher attention for their

visible, loud, and non-compliant behavior.

Figure 10. Teacher eliciting responses from KG girls and boys (group lessons)

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Dealing with discipline issues

The teachers spoke about a variety of strategies they used to encourage and

motivate on-task behavior and positive relationships amongst children like: talking and

reading about values and moral behavior; using reward systems like stars and badges;

using practical material in their lessons whenever possible; splitting children up,

particularly boys who “play(ed) roughly” together and “buil(t) weapons with blocks”;

encouraging children to be friends, to be nice to each other, and to resolve their own

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conflicts if these were not too severe; discouraging complaining; implementing seating

plans where gender was used as a buffer between off-task children; encouraging sex-

segregated lines to transition between activities. The teachers seemed to struggle with

constant complaints from children, especially girls. The teachers perceived boys to

resolve their issues more independently than girls. I also observed that girls complained

to teachers more. Girls were usually told not to complain and to “talk matters” over with

their “friends”. One teacher shared that she encourages girls to “be bold enough” to talk

politely to boys who bother them, who are engaged in off-task behavior or who are

unable to complete a task. Furthermore, she guides girls to “sit, wait and let boys finish”

when they dominate play and to then tell the boys, “‘It is our turn, we want it’”.

Moreover, she encourages girls to share with boys and not go away when boys snatch,

take things or hit them. Through my observations, I found boys to physically dominate

over and intimidate girls when it came to space and resources. I also found that girls

occasionally remained silent over these matters which were sometimes ‘invisible’ to

teachers. There were moments when I wondered whether teacher intervention when a

girl complained about a boy disturbing or hitting her would have been more facilitative,

leading to girls and boys both having safe and equitable experiences in the classroom.

Four teachers felt that they disciplined boys more than girls. Furthermore, they

were “stricter” and “shouted more” when disciplining them; although they were “firm”

with a few girls. From their experiences, boys did not listen, were not afraid of them, and

did not respect their teachers, especially women teachers. The teachers felt that even

though girls had discipline problems also they listened and “knew their limits”.

Moreover, they were afraid of their teachers. Two teachers talked about how irritated and

angered they felt by boys’ behavior, especially when they had to raise their voices at

them and repeatedly reprimand them. If they were “too soft”, the boys did not listen;

according to one teacher, the boys even “expected” this. One of the participants reflected

that perhaps teachers also have an unconscious belief that boys will only listen if they are

firm with them. The teachers’ perceptions on disciplining boys are reflected in the

following example:

I feel… very irritated (with) them because the same thing happens…with the boys. Girls, they don’t bring you to that (point), they don’t do that. They [girls] have a discipline problem, but to some extent they listen to you…

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They do not want to be threatened by the teacher… They know their limits, but the boys, they do cross their limits… They [boys] want to see what Aunty is going to do because they know that Aunty won’t hit - they know that. Since (nursery) they are in the school, they know that there was that Aunty (in nursery who) never scolded us that much… so they take us for granted. (Interview 3/21-02-07)

One teacher indicated her belief that talking to children is better than reacting.

Nevertheless, at times she “can’t help” it. She feels bombarded with pressures to

complete the syllabus, children’s constant complaints and having no consistent support

teacher in the classroom. When she reacts, she usually shouts at the boys. The teachers

also felt they were more lenient disciplining girls. If they were too loud or strict, the girls

cried because they are “more sensitive”. Moreover, two teachers mentioned feeling more

protective towards girls especially because of the ill-mannered way in which boys treat

them at times. One teacher shared her belief that male teachers would be stricter with

boys because women teachers have a “soft corner” for boys given their identity as

mothers. Moreover, she felt that boys would listen more to male teachers. She felt that

women teachers do not differentiate between girls and boys, but a male teacher would.

One teacher said that she varies her tone depending on the individual girl or boy.

There are both girls and boys who will not listen if she “shouts”; likewise, there are both

girls and boys who will not listen if she is “soft”. She felt that it was very hard for her

when girls and boys did not listen; she felt very happy when they listened. She also

shared her fear of how the class 1 teachers might perceive the kindergarten teachers when

the children transitioned to class 1 and if their behavior was still the same. Another

teacher also said that she “raised her voice” and was “firm” because she felt that this got

children’s “attention” and “made them understand”; nevertheless, she did not always feel

good about this. One teacher felt that teachers must not always be firm with children;

they also need to be gentle. They should not see that their “Aunties are just here to scold

(them)” (Interview 2/15-11-06). Having a balance and including praise is important to

developing healthy relationships and teacher-child attachments which she learned from

her teaching experience at another school.

Figure 11 shows differences in the total number of times teachers disciplined

girls’ and boys’ behavior. Teachers disciplined boys’ (Mboys = 94.00, Range = 49 –

146, SD = 30.85) social behavior more than girls (Mgirls = 49.00, Range = 29 – 80, SD =

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16.37). Once again, a paired samples t-test showed this difference to be significant

(p<.01); however, given the small sample size, this result should be interpreted with

caution. For academic behavior, teachers disciplined boys (Mboys = 6.86, Range = 3 –

18, SD = 5.27) and girls (Mgirls = 5.57, Range = 2 – 12, SD = 4.32) almost equally.

Results from these observational comparisons are consistent with the teachers’

perceptions of managing boys’ social behavior more than girls though inconsistent with

their earlier mentioned views of treating girls and boys equally. Furthermore, these data

reflect the qualitative nature of teacher-student interactions in relation to gender and

behavior management. The frequency of teachers disciplining girls and boys for their

social behavior also appears to be consistent with the teachers’ views of considerable

time being taken up dealing with discipline issues.

Figure 11. Behavior management of KG girls and boys by teachers

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Figure 12 illustrates differences in teacher affect towards girls and boys based on total

teacher directives and responses. Teachers positive affect towards boys (Mboys =

161.29, Range = 109 – 207, SD = 36.50) was almost equal to girls (Mgirls = 177.57,

Range = 123 – 248, SD = 46.31). Furthermore, teachers negative affect towards boys

(Mboys = 33.14, Range = 5 – 71, SD = 25.98) and girls (Mgirls = 33.00, Range = 10 – 75,

SD = 27.17) was almost equal. The greater number of positive teacher directives and

responses to girls and boys suggests that despite the extent of classroom management

issues, especially with boys, the kindergarten children learnt in a supportive and

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emotionally sound environment. This is consistent with the teachers’ perceptions of a

classroom and school environment that fosters positive child affect. My anecdotal

observations and general feeling being in the school for my fieldwork confirm these

findings. Figure 12. Teacher affect on KG girls and boys based on directives and responses

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Perceptions of teachers’ role in the development of femininity and masculinity

All the teachers felt it was important for all the girls and boys to learn values like:

respect for each other; taking care of the environment; looking after their physical

appearance and hygiene; and having good manners and etiquette. All of this was

important to “prepare them for their future” where they can be “good people”, “have

good qualities”, “become professionals”, “be role models” and “have good positions in

society”. The participants made references to girls having the opportunity to “learn

everything that boys can do”. The teachers also expressed views such as “boys can do

anything like girls”; although boys tended to shy away from this. As one teacher shared,

for example, girls and boys should learn that “earning is not just boys’ responsibility and

cleaning house is not just girls’ responsibility”; they both have to share and help each

other. According to the participants, whatever teachers teach young children “will

always be in their minds” and “it stays with them as they grow up”. One teacher

mentioned that children need to be made aware of their gender relationships and

identities from the early years to prepare them for future generations. She clarified this

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noting it is important to create awareness in children at a young age that girls and boys

“are same…they both are equal… and Allah-t-Allah has given (them the) same brain and

it’s how (they) use (their) brain” (Interview 2/05-12-06). She added that she tries her best

to support both girls and boys; she especially tries to give girls “freedom” in her

classroom. Her colleague, however, felt that in kindergarten girls and boys should not be

treated differently. Nevertheless, contradictions were apparent in their views. Their

understanding of their teaching practice in relation to gender and their roles in the process

revealed their perceptions of approved codes of conduct for girls and boys reflected in the

broader socio-cultural context.

According to three teachers girls tended to be hesitant and fearful and, therefore,

needed to become bolder, more confident and be able to make decisions like boys. One

of these participants even felt that girls should be able to change their parents’ views

about girls echoing her views about her daughters. These teachers discussed supporting

girls with this. One teacher even raised her concern about the parenting of some girls

whom she perceived to be too “timid” and “fairy-like”. Boys needed to be more

“composed” and “attentive” to complete their tasks as well as open up and share their

feelings more. Moreover, boys should be encouraged to “be good gentlemen” and “be

respectful to girls” as “this is something lacking in this society”. The teachers felt that

they had a responsibility to instill such values and behaviors in boys.

All the teachers felt that they gave equal responsibilities to girls and boys to help

and tidy up in the classroom. Two teachers remarked that boys love to get these duties

likely because they get stars or because they can go outside of the classroom and “stare”

which they enjoy doing. I often noticed boys standing in the corridors “staring” at the

ground in front of their classrooms where older students participated in sports activities

during their physical education class58.

Figure 13 shows differences in the total number of times girls and boys were

given responsibilities to help or to tidy up. Teachers gave boys (Mboys = 3.43, Range =

0 – 7 SD = 3.05) and girls (Mgirls = 4.43, Range = 1 – 9, SD = 3.46) almost the same

number of responsibilities to help. Furthermore, teachers asked boys (Mboys = 5.00,

58 In front of the pre-primary section where the kindergarten classrooms are located, there is a ground used for physical education classes by students from different class levels in the school.

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Range = 2 – 10, SD = 3.06) and girls (Mgirls = 5.71, Range = 3 – 12, SD = 3.82) to tidy

up almost equally. These observational data are consistent with teachers’ views of giving

girls and boys equal responsibilities. Figure 13. Responsibilities/duties given to KG girls and boys by teachers

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The teachers’ gender messages to girls and boys also revealed differences in the

ways girls and boys were expected to sit, talk and dress. Apparent as well were their

views on parents’ roles in these matters. For example, as one teacher shared,

It’s very important how we sit, and this is something which we start teaching children, girls especially, from very young age. I still remember, my father telling us that… So I prefer telling girls that very much, I do that with all the girls: ‘Sit straight’; ‘Stretch down your skirt’; ‘Never pull up your skirt’. If the tights are small…they want to stretch their tights… They have to pull up their skirt and they are doing that… So I tell them that, ‘Ask your mummy to change your tights. Ask her to buy you a new one…’ (Mothers) should buy…longer skirts; it’s not right that the girls should wear like this (so short)… (Girls) should have place to sit, (especially girls who are) tomboyish type (and don’t) take care. So it’s not that the boys are looking at (them); it’s just that, it doesn’t look good to yourself… (For)…boys and girls, there are different ways of sitting…I am very particular about this. (Interview 3/02-16-07)

One teacher mentioned that she only talks to boys about their attire and the way they sit

when she notices that they are not wearing an undergarment. Referring to why she feels

it is important to tell girls how to sit appropriately, one teacher shared that young

kindergarten girls and boys are growing up and need “to know for later that they have to

take proper care of themselves”; they are different individuals and belong to different

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genders which they cannot understand at this stage. According to one teacher, women

teachers were role models for children, especially girls and including their daughters,

when it came to their dress code.

Like always a teacher or elder, they are as role model… (Through my behavior and dressing) I am teaching them something. Even at home, I am teaching my daughter… When they are sitting, so I tell them that, there are some girls whose skirts are out [not pulled over their knees]…We tell them that girls don’t sit like this, they sit like this, they cross their legs and cover (their) head… When we are saying something, we have to take care that, we should be practicing the same thing, at home or in the school… We should be as a role model. (Interview 3/03-10-07)

I often observed girls being scolded for sitting inappropriately; I rarely saw this

happening with boys. During one of my observations, a girl and a boy were sitting on the

mat. The girl’s knees were up and her undergarments were showing; the boy was

sprawled inappropriately on the floor. The teacher reprimanded her saying, “This is not

your (bed)room”; the teacher said nothing to the boy. As discussed earlier, I found that

girls were disciplined for calling out and being loud; such behavior from boys appeared

to be more accepted. Girls were also reminded to use hair accessories that were the

appropriate color for their school uniform. Boys were reminded to have their hair cut if it

was long; at times they were even scolded for this59. During the winter months when

boys came to school in trousers, they were reminded to wear white leggings under their

shorts. One teacher spoke about the tensions this caused for some boys:

It’s a rule in our school that the boys…are not allowed…to wear pants (in the winter). They have to wear leggings. They look smart, but the girls, they make fun of the boys that, ‘You wear leggings.’… So there are some boys, they were crying at home. Their mothers came that, ‘They are crying. They don’t want to wear leggings. So please allow them to wear pants.’ (Interview 2/05-12-06)

One teacher also spoke about her belief about boys’ behavior making reference to her

own son as well:

I…always…tell the boys, ‘You have to be a soldier. Soldiers always sit straight. They don’t have…hair like this. They have troop cut. They sit straight. They are smart. Their neck is always straight…I like smart children. My own son is like this, ‘Son, please stiff(en) (up) yourself.’ (Interview 3/16-02-07)

59 Boys having short hair and girls having appropriate color hair accessories were also a general school requirement discussed at assemblies.

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Interestingly, one teacher who regularly scolded girls for not sitting properly also felt that

girls’ and boys’ conduct in the early years did not matter. It would matter as they got

older and girls would become more “girlish”.

Through my observations, I also heard teachers make references to the role of

children’s mothers and fathers. For example, when teachers were distributing school

material or concerned about children’s uniforms and school bags, they would generally

tell the children to talk to or give material to their “mummies”. References made to

fathers were usually in the context of purchasing items for children or taking children out,

reflecting traditional gender roles in this context. When I inquired about this, one teacher

explained that it is usually their mothers who are at home looking after their day-to-day

needs. One teacher also felt that through her practice it was important for her to teach

young girls to be patient as this would be very important for them later in their married

life; she had also spoken about this with reference to her own daughter.

During topics and themes like Ramadan, Eid-ul-Fitr60 and professions, gender

messages were also apparent in terms of approved codes of conduct for girls and boys.

For example, teachers made references to children taking care of their “mothers” at home

and “aunties” (teachers) at school during Ramadan. “Mothers” and “aunties” would be

tired: they have to wake up early in the morning to prepare the sehri, offer prayers, and

begin their fast; during the day and while they were fasting, they may be working and

they would also have to prepare the ifftar and dinner. The transmission of gender

stereotypical notions was also evident in class discussions around Eid. After Ramadan,

one of the creative writing lessons was on the children’s Eid day. The teacher was

brainstorming with children what they did on Eid-ul-Fitr. Probing questions were put

forward to children like: “Where did the boys go on Eid?” (Student responses: “masjid

for namaz”); “What did the girls do when the boys went to the masjid?” (Student

responses: “help their mummies at home”); “What did the girls wear?” (Student

60 Eid-ul-Fitr is celebrated by Muslims around the world. It is a time of great joy for Muslims as it marks the end of the holy month of fasting, Ramadan, with the sighting of the new moon. Amongst the majority of Muslim sects, boys and men go to the masjid (mosque) to offer special prayers called Eid namaz; women pray at home and are usually involved in preparing a special meal and other food items. It is a day when families and friends visit each other wearing their best clothes and exchanging sweets. Elders usually give children money as a gift for Eid.

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responses: “shalwar kameez”, “dress” or “shahrarah”61; “bangles”62); “What did the

girls have on their hands?” (Student responses: “mehndi”63); and “What did the boys

wear?” (Student responses: “trousers”, “shirt”, “shalwar kurta”64). I also observed

laughter in the classroom, including the teacher, when a child mistakenly mentioned boys

applying mehndi and wearing bangles.

During the theme of professions, teachers mentioned that they did not

“discriminate” or “differentiate” by telling children that some professions were only for

women and some only for men. According to one teacher, “Girls and boys…should be

given…messages…that (they) can also work… (They) can be a doctor… (They) can

serve the country (and they) can serve (their) parents” (Interview 2/6/12-06).

Nevertheless, she was unsure of how effective she was in conveying such messages

through her teaching practice, including language, activities and resources.

All of the teachers’ visual aids and discussions with children during the theme of

professions revealed otherwise. For example, most of the display boards depicted men in

a range of professions. The few images of women were women as teachers or nurses.

When I spoke with the teachers about their resources for teaching professions, they were

unaware of the hidden messages behind their material. As one teacher, who initially

remarked that they make no “discrimination” or “differentiation” between girls and boys,

commented: “Actually, those pictures are quite old and each year (we) put the same

pictures there. Yeah, that is something that you [researcher] have made us notice that for

girls only the nurse was there” (Interview 3/09-01-07). Another teacher made a similar

remark and added that, for the next school year, she wanted to include more pictures of

women in a range of professions including ones which are generally stereotyped for boys.

One teacher also recalled that during this theme, many girls told her they wanted

to be teachers. She responded to them that they could balance their teaching and

household responsibilities giving herself as an example: “See Aunty works at home

even, so she is not only a teacher. She is a mother; she has got responsibilities”

(Interview 2/06-12-06). Another teacher added her view of being a role model to her 61 A shahrarah is a long, traditional skirt with a short blouse. It is complemented with a dupatta. 62 During Eid-ul-Fitr, it is a tradition for women to wear bangles. A few days before Eid, women and girls go shopping to buy bangles that match their new Eid outfits. 63 Henna – for Eid, girls and women usually apply henna to their hands in beautiful and intricate designs. 64 The kurta is similar to a kameez (long, loose-fitting shirt worn by women) and is worn by boys and men.

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female students that they can also work outside the home. The teachers’ discussions with

the children around professions rarely challenged gender stereotypes. I did observe one

teacher talking to her students about girls and boys both being able to go to outer space as

astronauts when this issue was raised by one girl in her class. She noted that the boys

found it strange and began to chuckle at the thought. She gave reference to the Pakistani

woman astronaut who had recently gone into space as an example to the children. She

said that she always encourages girls to believe that they can do anything boys can and to

never think that they cannot do anything. She also tells boys they can do anything the

girls do; they tell her they don’t want to do “girlish” things.

Other instances where teachers’ role in the development of femininity and

masculinity were evident included: frequent references to children as “girls” and “boys”;

references to female administrative, teaching and support staff and me (the researcher) as

“Aunty”, references to male administrative, teaching and support staff as “Uncle”;

gender-grouping strategies; gender segregated lines to transition from one activity to the

next; gender stereotyped visual aids for other themes and lessons; and the use of

textbooks/storybooks/resources reflecting gender stereotypical language and images. In

most cases, issues related to gender were never critically addressed or unpacked by the

teachers with their students.

Perceptions of kindergarten girls’ and boys’ future

The teachers’ perception about the future of the kindergarten girls and boys in

their classrooms revealed tensions as they spoke both of a future which at times

challenged and at times maintained current socio-cultural gender norms. While all the

teachers felt that they both had and desired to play an important role in the future

development of their students, particularly the girls, they were aware that the amount of

change they could bring about was limited by other environmental influences and their

own pressures of fulfilling school curricular expectations. One teacher also felt that a

teacher’s “own school of thought” mattered in their gender influence upon girls and boys.

According to one teacher, women like her “need to be able to come forward to bring a

change in (other girls’ and women’s) life” (Interview 2/05-12-07).

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All the teachers felt that both girls and boys who complete their education at

Rainbow School will have received good, quality education which would give them an

edge in pursuing further studies and good careers thus giving them an edge in society.

Furthermore, the research participants perceived that the current “technical” environment

is greatly influencing girls’ and boys’ learning in terms of understanding both what is

“good” and “bad” which contributes to their “intelligence”. One teacher cautioned that

ultimately, only a “few” may be able to survive successfully in this increasingly

technological environment. According to the teachers, performing successfully in her/his

studies would allow a child to do well in the future and to have better opportunities like

becoming “an engineer” regardless of gender.

Reflecting upon their own life experiences, five teachers also felt that girls would

likely have a “better” future than they had. Moreover, they shared their hopes and

prayers that this would happen with girls being given chances for higher education and

careers. One teacher talked about conversations she has with children in her class about

how she has managed to take up the teaching profession and balance this with her

household and family responsibilities; her hope is that young girls would “gain”

something from her experience. Her colleague also mentioned that there are girls in her

class who “can achieve more than the boys”; they are “bright” and will take up “nice

careers” including ones which are “boy-oriented”. Two teachers noted that girls today

are “bolder” and more “confident” which is reflected in the following: “I think they

[girls] are more competent. When I see girls nowadays, they are more confident. I think

they can take the risk to do whatever they like” (Interview 3/02-14-06). Nevertheless,

she commented that it would “take time” for men to accept this though she “thinks they

are accepting”. Furthermore, all of the five teachers shared a similar view that, while

they prayed for “better” prospects for the girls in their class and were confident in their

potential, the future of the girls would ultimately lie in the “hands” of their “parents” and

their “in-laws”. One teacher commented that girls with “uneducated” parents would

likely have less opportunity to study after O’ Levels or to pursue careers. Another

teacher also felt that after getting married, girls would be less likely allowed to study or

work. The five teachers expressed that if “not all the girls” in their classes had

opportunities to pursue higher education and professions, hopefully a handful of girls in

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each class would have these chances. One teacher expressed that those girls who would

end up working would still have “pressures of married life” like taking care of their

“family” and the “house”. For her, this is something a woman “can never be apart from”.

One teacher also expressed her wish that girls in her class would have a “better”

future than her and that she always tries her best to encourage them that they “can do

anything”. Moreover, she felt that being given the kind of opportunities today like

attending an “elite school” right from their early years, girls ought to be better positioned

for the future. Nevertheless, she expressed her pessimism about her hopes of better

prospects for girls being realized due to deep-rooted socio-cultural gender norms.

Parents are still “overprotective” of their daughters and would prefer that they get

“married early”. Furthermore, although there are changes with boys wanting “to get

married to girls who are educated too”, by and large most boys and men would still feel

“threatened” with women being more “educated” and having successful careers.

Moreover, many families would still “not allow” their daughters-in-law to pursue further

studies and careers. According to her, therefore, “There is no future really (for girls); the

same thing…is passing all to the next generation” (Interview 2/05-12-06).

Summary

In this section of the chapter, I have presented findings of how the women

kindergarten teachers’ understand their gendered teaching practice as evident in their

reflections and observations. The analysis of the teachers’ understanding of their

teaching practice revealed many contradictions and tensions as evident in the data drawn

from teacher interviews and classroom observations. These findings provide important

insight into how the women kindergarten teachers’ understanding of gender influences

their practice and how, in turn, their practice influences their understanding of gender.

Their gendered teaching practice highlights their critical role in shaping young girls’ and

boys’ classroom experiences, including their developing gender identity. In the next

section, I provide a brief conclusion of the chapter

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Conclusion

In this chapter, I traced the women kindergarten teachers’ life histories from their

childhood to their present lived realities to illustrate how their perceptions of gender have

been constructed. Their experiences highlight their tensions negotiating multiple

identities as women at various moments in their lives and across diverse geographical

contexts. Their extended families of origin, marital families, and experiences at school

both as learners and teachers have played a critical role in shaping their gender identities

and how they construct the concept of gender. The strong-hold of deep-rooted patriarchal

and hierarchical cultural norms on the microsystems of family and school is clear.

Transitions from childhood to adolescence, adolescence to adulthood, and

unmarried to married women have been particularly critical in their understanding of

gender. Conformity and compromise are running threads in their experiences in a

patriarchal and hierarchical context which has enhanced their vulnerability.

Nevertheless, slight evidence of change, including their own attempts at resistance, is

apparent. Becoming teachers has been a defining moment in their lives in providing an

alternate lens to them of gender possibilities within the social and religious norms of this

context, including their role in this process. They have become advocates for early

childhood education in a context where little status is given to this area and they are keen

to improve their practice.

The analysis of the participants’ understanding of their gendered teaching and

observation of their practice has illustrated that their experiences are deeply rooted in

their socio-cultural and religious contexts. Although it is important for them to prepare

both girls and boys to compete successfully in the increasingly global and technological

environment, their understanding of their practice and the way they teach reveals the

predominant upholding of approved codes of conduct for girls and boys evident in the

broader social context. Their experiences and understanding of gender in relation to their

lives and teaching practice, therefore, reflect the contentious nature of gender in this

research context and the importance of studying gender to analyze teacher subjectivities

in Pakistan.

The next chapter provides a discussion of my research findings.

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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION

Introduction

There were two general aims in this research: 1) to explore how women

kindergarten teachers in Pakistan understand the concept of gender as informed by their

life experiences; 2) to explore how these teachers understand their teaching practice in

relation to gender and how this understanding is reflected through observations of their

interactions with girls and boys at school. In this chapter, I discuss my study findings in

relation to these two aims using Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) bioecological model of human

development described in Chapter 2 to illustrate how the research participants understand

the concept of gender in relation to their lives and their teaching practice.

Discussion of Study Findings

The research participants’ understanding of the concept of gender in relation to

their lives and their teaching practice was gauged in a number of ways in this study.

Through life history interviews, insight was gained into their understanding of gender

from reflections of their life experiences, including their teaching practice. Observations

of their teaching practice were conducted to compare their reflections with how they

enacted their relationships with girls and boys for both converging and diverging

evidence. Document analysis was also critical in providing deeper insight into the

teachers’ understanding of gender. Using a researcher journal allowed me ponder the

data collection process and emerging findings which I could connect to theoretical ideas

from literature as I did my fieldwork.

My study findings gleaned from multiple data collection methods point to the

enactment of patriarchy in the context of Pakistan within Bronfenbrenner’s (1994)

framework. In the ensuing sections, I discuss these findings to illustrate the different

ways in which patriarchy has enacted itself over the course of the participants’ lives

within the interrelated microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem and

chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1994) in the way they have come to understand gender in

their lives and in their teaching practice. I link my findings to the school and school

structures in which these women teachers work and to the broader socio-cultural context

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in which they live. I discuss the study findings drawing upon literature on women

teachers’ lives, on teachers’ gendered classroom teaching practice, and in relation to the

Education for All and Millennium Development Goal commitments in early childhood

education and gender and education made by Pakistan as well as their implication for

education in this context, other similar contexts, and more globally.

Section 1: Understanding the Concept of Gender through Life Experiences

Gender preferences within the patriarchal extended family of origin

The study findings reveal that the microsystem of the family is a powerful agent

of gender socialization and is significantly influenced by the broader socio-cultural

context or macrosystems. Within the patriarchal context of Pakistan, India and

Bangladesh, the seven women kindergarten teachers entered into this world

disadvantaged simply by being born girls. As young girls, they were already aware of the

preference and freedom given to boys and men in their families which shaped their early

sense of their gendered selves. For one first born teacher, this greatly affected her self-

esteem, confidence, and forming a healthy relationship with her mother. As children,

they experienced a relaxation of rigid patriarchal boundaries which allowed them to

participate in both female and male activities, largely through their play. Nevertheless,

tensions were apparent as they were both encouraged towards and discouraged away

from crossing gender boundaries in their behaviors and activities. Early in life they also

learned about the position of girls and women as well as boys and men through spoken

and unspoken gender relationships, roles and expectations enacted within the norms of

their patriarchal extended families. Their experiences confirm Witt’s (1997) position that

a child’s earliest exposure to what it means to be a girl or boy comes from her/his family

and findings by MacNaughton (2000) and Yelland and Grieshaber (1998) that very young

children are clearly aware of gender roles and what it means to be a boy or a girl in

society.

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Gender relationships within the patriarchal extended family of origin

As adolescents and growing women nested in their extended families of origin,

the influence of deep rooted patriarchal norms was more strictly enforced and was

evident in terms of expectation, activity, mobility, attire, and interaction with others,

especially boys and men. Their lives were largely directed and monitored by male family

patriarchs, particularly their fathers, within the social norms of the context. These

findings also reflect Ashraf’s (2004) observation of the adherence to strict rules rooted in

“local variants of Islam” (p. 7) in this context which regulate the girls’ behavior as they

move from childhood to womanhood when the perceived threat of a woman disgracing

her family is more highly at stake. Geographical context influenced their subjective

experiences as evident in the lives of the participants from India and Bangladesh,

contexts with a relatively more liberal outlook towards women as the teachers perceived.

A deeper analysis of these contexts may reveal otherwise.

The participants experienced conflicting relationships with their fathers. They

knew their fathers loved them and they too respected, loved and honored their fathers.

Their fathers were the center of the family whose hard work and economic contribution

provided for their sustenance, access to education, access to public space and a good

moral and religious upbringing. Nevertheless, the teachers felt intimidated by their

fathers. Both the nature of patriarchal family structures and relationships between

children and their fathers in this context seem to have had an influence. As evident in the

teachers’ own relationships with their children, threats of reprimands from fathers,

usually by mothers and other women in the family, are often used to frighten young

children into behaving. Moreover, within this context, fathers’ affection towards and

love for their children, especially their daughters, tend to be less outwardly and

physically displayed. Preferences for sons may also have contributed to the participants’

distant relationship with their fathers. Losing their fathers represented a critical moment

for three teachers in negotiating their gendered identities. Two teachers were confronted

with the powerful role of the paternal extended family being taken into the fold of their

father’s extended family. It was with great difficulty that their mothers assumed their late

husbands’ responsibilities. One mother continued to rely upon the support of her

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husband’s brother; another widowed mother with no sons turned to her daughter for

support and to access the male-dominated public world.

The participants’ lives revolved primarily within the home with other women in

their families as gender norms restricted their mobility. All of the teachers looked

towards their mothers for support, care, and affection. Their mothers’ primary

responsibilities were domestic work and caring for their children, spouses and extended

marital family. Contrary to social norms, one mother also cared for her aging parents

because most of her siblings lived abroad. They were hard working women who

sacrificed their lives for the well-being of their families in conformity to social norms.

As the participants reported, their mothers had little say in major decisions and in the few

instances where they tried to offer opinions or ideas their voices were largely unheard.

The participants seemed to have closer relationships with them than with their fathers,

being drawn to their tenderness, care, and beauty. Nevertheless, their perceptions of

relationships with their mothers were not uniform. Two teachers felt disheartened by

distant relationships with their mothers and felt that this influenced their self-esteem and

sense of self worth. Perhaps their mothers’ natures combined with pressures of managing

an extended family household led to limited opportunities to establish close bonds with

their daughters.

The participants’ mothers, through their verbal or practical actions, conveyed

powerful but conflicting messages to their daughters about being women in this

patriarchal society. They valued their daughter’s education, even saving transport money

given to them by their husbands and standing up to family patriarchs for their daughters’

to study. At the same time, they attempted to raise their daughters to conform to the

social norms of ‘good’ women by grooming them into “the art of housekeeping”

(Bashiruddin, 2007, p. 44) and carrying themselves appropriately. The heroic act of one

teacher’s widowed mother to cross geographical borders with four young daughters

during tense political times and at the insistence of her late husband’s family was

significant in her understanding the possibility of women’s agency. It was probably

important for the participants’ mothers to preserve their own integrity within their

extended families by raising good daughters who would uphold family honor and to

ensure good prospects for their daughters’ marital life in Sharif and Khandaani families.

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Yet, their messages reflect their effort to resist deep-rooted patriarchal structures within

which they were entrenched to create better opportunities for their daughters through

education. A similar discussion is evident in studies by Ashraf (2004) and Bashiruddin

(2007).

The research participants were clearly aware of the hierarchy in the authority and

power of different women within their extended patriarchal family structure. They spoke

of their mothers’ and their own subordinate position and the position of power held by

their paternal grandmothers. Their mothers seemed to be quiet shields protecting and

giving comfort to their daughters amidst the unyielding, dominant influence of family

patriarchs. These multiple tensions in the relationship between girls and women in

extended families were also observed in Ashraf’s (2004) research with women teachers’

in Northern Areas, Pakistan. Through their accounts, the research participants also

developed awareness of their relationship as ‘guests’ within their maternal grandmothers’

homes just like their mothers. This likely shaped their views of the position they would

one day occupy as married women in relationship to their own mothers and fathers.

Gendered experiences of schooling: influence on women teachers as learners

Within Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) framework, mesosystems which are the

connections between microsystems also influence the developing individual. My study

findings reveal that the microsystem of the patriarchal family influenced the choice of

school setting for the participants within the gender norms of the context. The socio-

economic condition of their families was also a factor in the choice of private or public

school. The teachers’ experiences within the microsystem of school in turn impacted

upon their understanding of gender.

In a context where girls are significantly disadvantaged when it comes to

education both in terms of access and quality, the participants felt privileged to go to

school and to perform well in their studies. Living primarily in urban contexts and

belonging to middle and upper middle class families has facilitated this and they are

aware of this. By and large they enjoyed their schooling experiences from childhood

onwards. Within contextual norms, single-sex schooling was a preferred choice for

families, especially from adolescence. What did not surface in the study and would have

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been interesting to explore further was if families gave consideration to the participants’

academic attainment in single-sex schools compared to co-education schools or whether

prevailing norms over gender space was the overriding factor. Writing about single-sex

schooling in the United Kingdom, Leonard (2006) notes, “One of the most contentious

debates (on mixed- and single-sex schooling) has been on academic attainment.”

Attending single-sex girls’ schools with female teachers was also more comfortable for

the participants where they were removed from boys’ disruptive and harassing behavior;

their female teachers also seemed to prefer teaching girls only. These findings are also

evident in studies by Ashraf (2004, 2007b) and Sales (1999).

The teachers’ experiences in their post secondary education were in single-sex

and co-education institutions. Geographical context seemed to have influenced their

diverse schooling experiences as perceived by the participants. For example, the

participant’s experiences in India reflect a relatively more liberal cultural space offering

girls more opportunities to participate in a range of activities. However, attending co-

education institutions was problematic and reflected how male behaviors routinely

enforce what girls can do in the classroom and how girls are subjected to inappropriate

gender remarks. Attending co-education colleges brought with it strict rules about

behavior and mobility. Selecting higher studies, educational institutions and careers of

their choice also created tensions within the patriarchal norms and political uncertainty of

the context. Their families’ socio-economic situation was also a factor. Their subject

areas were in female dominated fields of the arts, to the disappointment of some teachers.

These findings are in line with global findings of subject segmentation remaining highly

gendered, with girls more likely choosing or entering caring and artistic careers

(Leathwood, 2006). Nevertheless, the participants pointed out that boys secured “top

positions” in both sciences and humanities. Farah and Shera (2007) have cautioned that

the growing segregation at higher levels in Pakistan which is making higher education

more accessible to women “could restrict women’s access to good quality higher

education by confining them to a few universities” (p. 16). Socio-cultural norms around

early arranged marriages also made it difficult to study and enter into careers. The

cultural constraints experienced by the women in their pursuit of education and careers

and which were not imposed on their brothers at times left them disheartened.

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Tensions conforming to norms within extended family of origin

The women teachers’ experiences within their families of origin show them

moving along a continuum in terms of accepting and resisting cultural norms, with

resistance often posing a significant challenge. In their accounts, tensions were evident

in how they perceived their socialization as girls from childhood into adulthood in this

patriarchal context. Both an unconscious maintenance and a reluctant conformity to the

norms governing women’s behavior were evident. At times they accepted these

differences in gender expectations as the norm; they raised no objections because they

saw no reason to. At other times the teachers expressed their perceived injustice about

restrictions on their dress code, behaviors and mobility as well as their early arranged

marriages, already feeling helpless at a young age about the differential gender treatment

that they felt disadvantaged them. Only one teacher mentioned communicating her

resistance to this injustice which she perceived fell on deaf ears. It is likely that the

women teachers would have silently harbored any perceived injustice based on: fear of

strict family elders; socio-cultural norms dictating that children, especially girls, listen to,

obey and not question their elders who are considered to know what is best for the child;

cultural norms which expect women to conform unquestioningly to the various

manifestations of patriarchy; and wanting to uphold family honor (Ashraf, 2004; Vazir,

2007).

Negotiating relationships within the extended marital family

The participants’ arranged marriage within the norms of this context, and about

which they had little say, was a critical moment in redefining their identities and

perceptions of gender. The interrelationship between the microsystem, macrosystem and

chronosystem is particularly evident in their identity transition from unmarried to married

women. Like the women teachers from the Northern Areas in Ashraf’s (2004) study, an

important dimension to the multi-layered struggle of the women teachers in my research

has been negotiating their space within the extended marital family, maintaining

relationships with their new family members, improving matrimonial relationships and

dealing with different pressures of upholding family status. The initial period of

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adjusting to married life was painful and difficult for the teachers whose ties with their

family of origin were severed and who wished they had been better prepared to deal with

negotiating new relationships, expectations and routines within contextual norms. For

two teachers, shifting across geographical and cultural borders added to their hardships.

Their extended marital families have created sites for multiple tensions and

reflects Ashraf (2004)’s position that, “The complex organization of relationships and

related expectations within these teachers’ families maintains their vulnerability as

women of a patriarchy” (p. 280). Within their new families, the research participants

took up domestic, caregiving and nurturing roles according to ascribed gender norms

which left no space for them to pursue higher education or enter into careers. Social

norms and religious beliefs within their extended marital families also governed their

subordinate position, mobility, activity, attire and interactions with others. Pressures to

bear sons were also evident and, as mothers, the participants themselves have been

unable to resist this. They were clearly aware of the status and position within the family

that comes with having a son even if they did not entirely approve of this practice. The

teachers talked about their struggles negotiating tender relationships within the intricate

and complex marital extended family structure which were both facilitative and

challenging. Although they spoke of supportive spouses with whom they could share

their views and feelings, the teachers were aware of gender boundaries that were difficult

to cross. Maintaining peaceful relationships with their spouses and extended family

members was and continues to be critical to uphold the honor of both their birth and

marital families. As such, any frustration has usually been silently endured knowing

there is little recourse within the norms governing the traditional family arrangement.

Those teachers whose mothers/families of origin were close by experienced some release

from the tensions within their marital homes, even if only momentarily. Like the women

teachers in the Northern Areas about which Ashraf and Farah (2007) write, the

participants’ marital extended families have strictly monitored the enactment of

traditional gender roles and the transmission of patriarchal values.

As with their experiences in their extended families of origin, in their initial years

of marriage the women teachers demonstrated both an unquestioning maintenance and

reluctant compliance to traditional norms within their extended marital family homes.

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Resisting gender structures within the marital home may have been difficult given that

their family honor and their own honor would be at stake. Souring relationships with the

marital family may have resulted in further hardships for them and possibly their children

in this context where women’s ‘righteous’ behavior is subject to constant scrutiny.

Becoming teachers: re-defining their position within the extended marital family

The participants’ entry into teaching largely facilitated through their extended

marital family represented a defining moment for all the women. Becoming teachers has

shifted their understanding of what it means to be a woman and a teacher of young

children. Working at a school headed by a woman leader with a vision of modern

education that incorporates Islamic routines and practices and where the teaching

profession is celebrated has led to a redefining of their gender identity. It has enhanced

their sense of self-worth and their confidence in making a difference in their families,

school and society. In a cultural context which limits women’s possibilities, they are able

to draw strength from their growing understanding of their religion which gives women

freedom to study and work. For example, acts like covering their heads as part of school

policy which some of them were not practicing convincingly before taking up teaching,

today make them feel more liberated because the scarf provides them the protection and

the freedom to be actively engaged in their various roles in the society. They also feel

that this practice has brought them closer to Allah. Nevertheless, they yearn for a deeper

understanding of this practice and for their religion’s position on gender. The deeper role

of what theology plays in the teachers’ understanding of gender is beyond the scope of

this study, and could be picked up as a point of focus in future research. Like their

families and the social context around them, the women teachers also find that teaching is

a suitable, respectable and fulfilling profession. It offers security and allows them to

accomplish domestic and caregiving commitments. More importantly teaching has

provided them an outlet from their dull routines and complex familial relationships.

However, their entry into teaching has not taken the form of creating a new

image, but rather the form of modifying the previous image (Ashraf, 2004). They feel the

tension between the traditional views of women’s positions in patriarchal families having

to perform routine caregiving and domestic chores, even if they have maids, and the

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modifications in this positioning that has been required to fulfill their professional

commitments and, in the case of one teacher, community commitments. A changing

social and economic environment has also added to the stress of two teachers. They have

had to care for their own parents with their brothers studying and working abroad which

has created tension for them about neglecting traditional gender responsibilities towards

their marital extended family. Like the South Asian women teachers in Nayar’s (1988)

study, the teachers also perpetuate this tension by working hard to reduce the risk of

being seen as inadequate wives and mothers. Consequently, in encouraging them to take

up teaching, the participants’ extended marital families, and to a certain extent the

teachers themselves, were not ready to examine the traditional image of womanhood

even within the narrow context of their own household. The apparent ease with which

the participants’ extended marital families have perceived them to manage their

traditional and professional commitments has been far from real. Becoming teachers has

added to their ascribed roles thereby making life more intensive for them. Similar

findings are also evident in studies of women teachers by Ashraf (2004) and Kirk (2003)

in Pakistan, Coleman and Yanping (1998) in China, and Nayar (1988) in South Asia.

Their subjective experiences are clearly evident in their conformity to traditional family

structures either due to: their unquestioning belief of this being their role as women in

this patriarchal context; or their awareness of their vulnerability within their families and

society.

Evidence of small changes in traditional task division and decision-making in

their families has eventually become possible because of: extended family members’,

particularly spouses’ and mothers’-in-law, readiness and the women’s attempts to review

their multiple roles and responsibilities; smaller extended families and nuclear families

with limited involvement of extended family members to monitor the practice and

transmission of patriarchal values. The teachers’ resistance to the ascribed boundaries for

men’s and women’s work is evidence of the women teachers’ engagement in redefining

their own images and the related expectations. Nevertheless, the teachers continue to feel

the pressure of having to resume these household and caregiving responsibilities after

returning home from teaching. Although becoming teachers has marked a step away

from the traditional image of women’s roles solely within the household, their ability to

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earn has not significantly improved their position in their families’ traditional patterns of

gender organization and relations or in the broader social context where low status and

salaries dominate the scene in early childhood education. A dominant position for men in

comparison to a submissive one for women still directs their everyday lives following a

similar pattern as before their employment. Paradoxically, their families have been the

impetus into their employment which they enjoy and yet have directed the maintenance

of their traditional routine, ascribed familial roles and subordinate positions within the

family. Similar findings are evident in studies by Ashraf (2004) and Kirk (2003). Given

cultural norms which intersect with religious interpretations of women’s subordinate

position relative to that of men, including the women teachers’ own understanding of

their religion, the extent to which ascribed gender boundaries can be penetrated by the

research participants and other women is important to consider in this context.

Alternate model of mothers and mothering

Ashraf (2004) has found that education and employment in the Northern Areas of

Pakistan have altered the concept of traditional woman in women teachers’ substantial

contributions to their children’s education and future plans. Their own struggle as

women and their recognition of the need to adapt to the changing global environment has

influenced how they perceive their relationships with their children and students. They

have advocated wider education and careers for their daughters and female students to

ensure them a better future. For their sons and male students, they have advocated taking

up domestic responsibilities. As educated, professional women, they feel that they are in

a better position than their own mothers were to raise and educate their children,

especially their daughters, to be able to adapt to an increasingly changing global

environment. Their smaller family size, both in their nuclear and extended families, and

their economic status may also be facilitating factors. Their attempts to provide the best

opportunities for their daughters and their own act of taking up a career as women have

provided a model of equal opportunities for girls and boys.

Nonetheless, a multi-layered struggle is evident in the participants’ attempts to

raise their daughters and sons within the patriarchal structures of this rapidly increasing

global and technological environment complicated by political instability. The society

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seems to be at a crossroad in the face of change and tensions with maintaining deep-

rooted patriarchal cultural values are evident. Although this sometimes causes inner

turmoil, the teachers’ attempts to resist prevailing gender norms in raising their children

are, therefore, carefully gauged. Within the traditional family set-up decision-making is

still governed by the family patriarchs, including their mothers-in-law. They are

especially concerned not to risk jeopardizing their daughters’ futures as well as their own

dignity and honor. The participants’ own espoused gender beliefs and religious

interpretations of male privilege reflect the tensions within the broader socio-political

context. For the most part, their child-rearing practices highlight the perpetuation and

maintenance of existing patriarchal gender images. A cycle from their own youth is

evident in grooming their young daughters on the art of domesticity and on appropriate

attire and behavior according to contextual norms. This marks the participants’ attempts

to maintain traditional gender norms of securing respectable suitors for their daughters

and ensuring their daughters’ protection and care within their marital homes. The

pressures of rigid patriarchal structures are evident in their willingness to forgo their

daughters’ pursuit of careers and higher education should a suitable marriage proposal be

received. Moreover, the women teachers feel that they have a critical role to play in

preparing their daughters to adapt to unpredictable life circumstances which will likely

not be in their control, such as complex relationships within the marital home and

managing multiple commitments, something they feel their own mothers were unable to

do for them. It is also essential that their sons: pursue male activities; learn to be

confident in public spaces and with money; take up dominant, protector roles; and be in

sound economic positions to support their families which included the participants and

their husbands. Questions remain around the role that the women kindergarten teachers

will play as they proceed through the life cycle and take up senior positions within the

family, particularly in their relationships with their married daughters and sons, their

daughters-in-law and sons-in-law, and their grandchildren.

Redefining their position as women kindergarten teachers

The participants did not consciously map out their careers in ways that would lead

them to become kindergarten teachers. The experiences reflect Kirk’s (2003) finding that

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family and socio-cultural realities and expectations rather than a specific vocation to be a

teacher channel women into these professions. As studies by Ashraf (2004), Kirk (2003),

and Rarieya (2007) have shown, their taking up teaching seems to suggest that anyone

can teach, especially at the pre-primary level, as is widely perceived in contexts like

Pakistan and Kenya.

Their entry into the pre-primary levels of teaching appears to reflect broader

societal trends of women teachers in this context: they had no formal teacher

preparation; teaching in a women-dominated field is safe; and teaching young children is

an extension of women’s nurturing roles as mothers. Any initial apprehensions to take up

teaching have faded away. Today the participants speak of the positive influence being

teachers has had on their lives. They are committed to their work and enjoy teaching

young children. This is consistent with findings by Beach (1994) and Jagielo (2004).

Their eagerness to take up posts at Rainbow School is evident of the significant role that

the microsystem of the school context plays in how women teachers perceive their work.

The participants’ social class and their families’ role in the kind of schools they selected

for their daughters appear to have been critical factors in the participants securing

positions in a reputable school offering quality education. Their experiences reflect

Heward’s (1999) position that private, English-medium schools in urban centers which

offer a comfortable and facilitative work environment are the preferred choice of women

teachers.

The teachers seem to have entered into teaching with unconscious beliefs similar

to those more broadly perceived that being mothers and women would facilitate working

as pre-primary teachers. Similar findings are evident in Kim’s (2004) study of women

early childhood teachers. However, they have come to a realization that teaching

kindergarten is complex, demanding and resource intensive and requires sound

pedagogical content knowledge as well as careful preparation and planning. The model

of teacher-directed learning with heavy emphasis on academics is limited in its potential

to adequately meet the learning and development needs of their students. They are aware

that teacher preparation and on-going in-service professional development incorporating

current trends recognized as central to early childhood education (Gestwicki, 2007) are

important to delivering quality education to young children. They are grateful for the in-

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house professional development at Rainbow School. However, they feel that this has

only grazed the surface in enhancing their practice and they are keen to learn more.

Nevertheless, they feel continuously conflicted with their ascribed domestic

responsibilities to pursue their professional development on their own time. As Kirk

(2003) has pointed out, time and energy are required for women teachers to make the

most of their careers and to ensure that their families and homes are looked after.

The paradoxical nature of being a woman kindergarten teacher also evident in

studies by Beach (1992) and Jagielo (2004) is apparent: they feel valued for their

nurturing qualities and they also feel their work is devalued because of social beliefs that

these nurturant qualities are “soft” and “non-rigorous”. This has caused tensions and

concerns for the participants who feel that there is little understanding and appreciation of

the work they do with young children. They spoke of the need at a government level to

re-visit policies and ensure more status be accorded to the profession of early childhood

education, particularly in relation to quality teacher training, resources and adequate

remuneration. This has important implications for commitments made by Pakistan to the

Education For All and Millennium Development Goals which will be discussed further in

the next chapter. According to three of the teachers, having more male teachers in this

field would increase the status and provide children alternate gendered teaching

experiences. Yet, they felt that society may not readily accept the act of men taking up

positions as early childhood teachers. Despite their challenges, the women teachers in

my study like the women pre-primary teachers in Kim’s (2005) study have challenged the

social image of pre-primary teachers. Their occupational knowledge has helped them to

construct their own professionalism and confront cultural stereotypes of preschool

teachers.

The next section of this chapter discusses the participants’ understanding of their

teaching practice in relation to gender.

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Section 2: Understanding Gender in their Teaching Practice

Gendered teacher-student interactions

The influences of the patriarchal macrosystem and the mesosystems

encompassing the interrelations between the family and school in the women teachers’

lives have been powerful in their understanding of gender. The exosystem analysis

within Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) framework of the processes between the different

microsystems influencing the teachers and their students in the microsystem of the

kindergarten classrooms illustrates the complexity of gendered teacher-student

interactions within this cultural context. The teachers’ understanding of their gendered

teaching practice revealed many contradictions and tensions as evident in the qualitative

data drawn from teacher interviews and the qualitative and quantitative data drawn from

classroom observations. As discussed in Chapter 3, given the academic curriculum, most

of the observations were made during teacher-directed lessons which involved written

tasks for children; a few of the observations were made during unstructured play periods

in the learning areas. She’s (2000) study reflects a similar methodological process of

coming to understand the interplay between teachers’ beliefs, practices, and classroom

interactions with female and male students. Greene and Caracelli (1997) have argued

that taking a dialectical position within mixed method research as I have is important for

comprehensiveness and meaningful understanding.

An overall positive tone is reflected in the teacher-student interactions.

Descriptive statistic findings show that teachers gave more positive than negative

directives and responses to both girls and boys. The quantitative findings from classroom

observations also showed no significant difference in teacher affect towards girls and

boys based on teacher directives and responses. My anecdotal observations and teachers’

understanding of their practice also confirmed the supportive and emotionally sound

environment.

The main position taken by the women kindergarten teachers in their practice was

that of treating girls and boys equally. The teachers felt that they taught girls and boys in

the same way, viewing them the same way, using the same strategies, giving equal

opportunity and time to all and providing individual support where needed. Underlying

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this stance was perhaps: their sense that in the early years there is not much difference

between girls and boys; their attempt to comply with school policies of treating children

equally; topics on gender in education have never been covered in their professional

development; and that they have never reflected deeply about it before. The teachers did

add that unconsciously they may not be treating girls and boys in the same way. The

major finding was that frequency counts of teachers’ behavior with boys and girls

converged with the teachers’ main stance of equal treatment towards girls and boys.

However, qualitative data findings raised tensions and showed divergence between their

espoused position and practices. The important insights yielded through the tensions in

my research findings and the ensuing methodological implications are discussed further.

Perceptions and expectations of kindergarten girls and boys

Upon further reflection, teachers’ perceptions of differences in their gendered

teacher-student interactions were apparent. These were rooted in their understanding of

the nature of gender differences in children, their life histories, and their practical

teaching experiences. The teachers generally attributed gender differences to result from

the interaction between both biological - from Allah - and social factors. At times,

however, they seemed to hold unconscious beliefs of these differences being either solely

natural or solely due to environmental influence. Connolly (2004) has argued that

biological explanations alone provide little help in accounting for gender differences in

education; the socio-cultural and biological are deeply entwined which results in great

diversity between differing groups of boys and girls. Browne (2004) also notes that

teachers’ understanding of the nature of gender differences has implications on how they

make curriculum decisions, evaluate their practice, and evaluate girls’ and boys’ abilities

and potential. For example, one teacher has realized through her practice that she needs

to deal with girls and boys differently because they are different and have different needs.

The teachers appeared to favor girls as students, a finding which raises tensions in

teachers’ espoused beliefs about the value of boys within the patriarchal norms governing

family structure in this context. They shared their greater inclination towards girls

because of their calm, gentle and well-mannered nature and because they were mistreated

by boys. The teachers expressed their interest being in female-dominated learning areas

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where ‘girl-type’ activities took place during the weekly unstructured play period.

Perhaps the participants empathize more with girls given: similarities in their own

gender socialization; and their sense of wanting to support girls’ development and

learning given their own disadvantaged position as women. The participants seemed to

feel that they disciplined boys more because of their distractive, non-compliant behavior

which affected teaching and learning. They wanted boys to be more “composed” and

“attentive” to complete their tasks and appreciated the few boys who behaved this way.

This reflects how the school can be a site of conflict in gender role expectations for

young boys to be dominant, achieving, independent, and aggressive, but also quiet,

conforming and model students. While it does not seem to conflict with traditional role

expectations of girls being calm and compliant, their willingness to conform could have

long term negative consequences for their self-esteem and independence. These findings

are consistent with research by Cherry (1975), Kirk (2003), Hyun (2001), Mercurio

(2003), and Sadker and Sadker (1994).

The teachers generally felt that they helped boys more than girls because boys did

not concentrate, were off-task, and were less likely to seek teacher support. They viewed

girls to be more academically inclined and boys to be less academically inclined.

Nevertheless, they seemed to hold an unconscious belief of boys being naturally more

able but failing due to lack of effort and girls succeeding academically through effort.

This is consistent with findings by Liu (2006) and Skeleton and Francis (2003). As Edge

and her colleagues (1997) have argued, such gender biases may lead to girls blaming

their poor performance on a lack of ability rather than a lack of effort which could have

far reaching effects on their performance in school and later in their careers.

Quantitative findings within mixed-method research

Visible boys, invisible girls: the teacher-centred academic classroom

The observation data showed that there was no significant difference in teachers’

total verbal and non-verbal interaction with girls and boys. These data confirm the

teachers’ main position of equal treatment towards girls and boys and reflect consistency

in their views and practice. Nevertheless, teachers gave boys significantly more

academic directives than girls. This finding supports findings by Cherry (1975) and

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Serbin, O'Leary, Kent and Tonick (1973) where teachers’ speech to boys was more

directing. Teachers also disciplined boys’ social behavior significantly more than girls.

When observation data from play episodes only were considered, teachers gave girls

significantly more responses than boys. These three important findings raise questions

about the participants’ general assertion of interacting with girls and boys in a similar

way. The finding of boys receiving more academic directives than girls seem to

converge with teachers’ perceptions of boys being less academically oriented and in need

of more academic support and direction from teachers. The result of boys’ social

behavior being disciplined more seems to confirm teachers’ perceptions of boys’ difficult

and deviant behavior which disrupts teaching and learning. The research participants’

views about boys’ and girls’ learning styles and behaviors seem to suggest an

unintentional bias that the teachers may have towards boys, particularly in teacher-

centered, ‘chalk and board’ academic classrooms. The finding of teachers responding

more to girls during observations of play episodes seems to be consistent with teachers’

feeling of inclination towards girls and their perceptions of feeling more comfortable

interacting with and conversing with children in female dominated learning areas about

girl-type activities. This comparison of qualitative and quantitative findings shows

clearly the importance of observational data and interpretation in making sense of the

research participants’ qualitative claims.

Qualitative findings within mixed method research

Within this mixed method research, it has been equally important to celebrate the

importance of qualitative analysis and interpretations in making sense of the quantitative

findings. The qualitative findings in this study drawn from teacher interviews and my

anecdotal observations have been a critical attempt to gain deeper insight into the

complexity of gendered teacher-student interactions that risk getting glossed over in

considering quantitative results only. This is particularly important in developing

contexts like Pakistan where numbers are often used within educational policy and

planning to discuss issues related to gender. This presents a risk in diluting the intensity

of issues and masking the plight of women and girls who remain largely vulnerable,

disadvantaged, and unheard.

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Visible boys, invisible girls: the teacher-centred academic classroom

The quantitative results from classroom observations showed no significant

difference in teachers’ total verbal and non-verbal interaction with girls and boys

showing consistency with their views of treating girls and boys equally. Nevertheless,

further probing into their experiences as well as my anecdotal observations of their

practice raised tensions and showed divergence. Particularly important has been the

qualitative nature of teacher-student interactions which show that boys remained more

visible and were rewarded for receiving more teacher attention and time, a finding

consistent with literature (Kyungah & Haesook, 2006; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; She 2000;

Skeleton & Francis 2003; Tsouroufli, 2002; and Zainulabidin, 2007).

Despite their perceptions of treating girls and boys in a similar way, the teachers

also seemed to be aware that they give boys more time in class, particularly disciplining

their aggressive, non-compliant behavior to ensure an environment conducive to

teaching-learning. Frequency counts, my anecdotal observations and the interview data

confirmed this. The participants shared their irritation of having to be “stricter”, “shout

more” and make repeated reprimands to boys because boys: did not listen; engaged in

physical conflict; used crude/bad language; were not afraid of their teachers; did not

respect women teachers; and perhaps even expected this from their teachers. The

teachers seemed to feel frustrated that disciplining boys left little time to give to reserved

children, usually girls. This was painful for some teachers who had felt left out at school

because of their own reserved nature or had kept things within themselves which they

would have liked to share with others. Although the participants felt that girls had

discipline problems, they felt girls: listened; “knew their limits”; were afraid of their

teachers; and engaged less in conflict. Moreover, teachers viewed girls’ misbehavior on

a lower gradient and different than boys’ misbehavior. When the teachers disciplined

girls, they seemed to raise their voice less. The teachers’ views of girls being softer and

more emotional than boys probably also influenced the gentler disciplining methods used

for girls than boys. These findings are consistent with research (Sadker & Sadker, 1994;

Serbin et al., 1973; Tantekin, 2002). The resulting patterns of teacher attention are those

which would likely maintain or possibly even strengthen existing levels of disruptive

behavior in boys (Serbin et al., 1973).

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Teacher-student interaction in relation to discipline reflects a vicious cycle,

particularly between women teachers and young boys in the classroom. As discussed

earlier, within the microsystem of the family male adult authority is more readily adhered

to and even maintained by women. Young girls and boys early socialization within the

family, therefore, shapes their understanding of male privilege and dominance in this

context. The women teachers, themselves, play an active role in perpetuating the

adherence to male authority within their families which at the school level becomes

problematic for women teachers like them. Within co-education pre-primary settings

this is particularly important to consider given the predominance of women teachers.

The teachers perceived boys’ discipline issues to result from: the teacher-directed

syllabus with a heavy emphasis on written work; little opportunity to use manipulatives

or to play; and no support teacher in the classroom on a consistent basis. My anecdotal

observations and post-observation discussions with teachers confirmed this. It was also

apparent that the teachers’ limited understanding of pedagogical content knowledge also

led to daily struggles with classroom management, particularly inconsistencies with

expectations and consequences. At times, this even appeared to exacerbate the situation.

A school policy vague on discipline issues in the early years was also problematic. The

teachers were generally unaware of the influence of their pedagogy on classroom

management. Nevertheless, variation was evident in their understanding and abilities to

manage the learning environment based on their personalities and life experiences.

As discussed earlier, the participants also seemed to have an unintentional bias

towards boys by giving them more academic directives. The nature of qualitative

interactions also suggests that teachers unconsciously provided boys with more academic

help affirming their views that: boys will not come to teachers for help as readily as

girls; boys need more academic support; and boys are more off-task when concepts are

explained by teachers. Sadker and Sadker (1994) have also found that teachers help boys

more than girls. Teachers also gave boys more procedural praise than girls. This finding

appears to confirm teachers’ views of boys’ off-task classroom behavior which perhaps

they are attempting to change by reinforcing positive, on-task behavior through

procedural praise. Teachers also responded more to boys who called out responses than

to girls even when they were asked to raise their hand. The descriptive statistic findings

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and my anecdotal observations suggest that this is because boys called out more and were

more visible and louder. These findings are also evident in studies by Guzzetti and

Williams (1996) and She (2000) who argue that teaching strategies which employ whole

class discussions are dominated by boys; girls fade into the background with their passive

behavior.

My study findings corroborate with Skeleton (2001) in that the teachers seemed to

interact more with boys in an effort to engage them in work and/or to discipline them

because they were more demanding and restless in class than girls. Furthermore, the

teachers’ greater interaction with boys to support them academically suggests a sense of

responsibility to prepare boys to uphold the dominant image of masculinity as provider.

A similar pattern was apparent in their relationship with their sons. In some instances,

the teachers even sought girls’ assistance to provide academic help to boys which does

raise the question of how boys might perceive themselves in a context where girls

outperforming boys is not readily accepted. Nevertheless, teachers’ greater attention

towards boys in the classroom reflects and perpetuates the dominant gender pattern of the

society and raises the question of young girls developing sense of selves in a context

which privileges boys and men.

To some extent, the teachers are aware that girls get less attention and time;

nevertheless, they feel helpless in this matter. In an era of increasing global concern

about boys’ underachievement, this raises important pedagogical implications for the

kind of classroom experiences that would best support boys (Connolly, 2004).

Furthermore, it also raises important implications for girls’ invisibility in the classroom

and their sense of self-esteem.

Giving girls some visibility: the teacher-centred academic classroom

Although boys received more teacher attention and time, an important

qualitative finding was that teachers asked girls more academic questions. This finding

seems inconsistent with research that has found teachers to ask boys more academic

related questions (Kyungah & Haesook, 2006; She, 2000; Sadker & Sadker, 1994).

Teachers also gave girls more responses that extended thinking. These two findings

appear to reflect the teachers’ views of girls being more academically oriented than boys.

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Furthermore, they reflect teachers’ feelings of having and desiring to play an important

role in the future development of their female students given their own struggles. What

this study did not address and which would be important for future research is the

complexity of questions teachers ask pre-primary girls and boys in this context where the

general pattern in classrooms is to ask low level questions (Pardhan & Bhutta, 2001). My

anecdotal observations and the low number of teacher responses that extended both girls’

and boys’ thinking, which reflect current existing practices of giving low-ordered

thinking tasks, suggests that their questions would have been of a similar nature.

Another important qualitative finding was that the research participants gave girls

more academic praise than boys. In the context of Pakistan, this finding appears

inconsistent with findings by Qureshi, Pirzado, and Nasim (2007) of girls being praised

more for their quiet, compliant, passive behavior. Research has also generally found

boys to receive more praise than girls (Kyungah & Haesook, 2006; Sadker & Sadker,

1994; Tsouroufli, 2002). Giving girls more academic praise appears to confirm the

research participants’ perceptions of girls being more academically inclined than boys

and, therefore, receiving praise for their accomplishments. Moreover, their own

vulnerable position may have also influenced the praise they gave girls whose behavior is

often under critical scrutiny by others.

Contrary to Cherry’s (1975) speculation that preschool girls receive less non-

verbal feedback than boys, the qualitative nature of findings suggests that the teachers

had more non-verbal interaction with girls than boys. Teachers appeared to go closer to

girls than boys and touched girls more than boys. These findings seem to be consistent

with the participants’ perceptions of feeling more inclined towards girls perhaps due to

their similar patterns of socialization. It was perhaps also an affirmation of their

expressed views of wanting to protect girls from dominating, aggressive boys as their

own mothers did with them. Interestingly, when girls verbally sought teacher support

from aggressive boys, they were encouraged to be bold and to resolve their own conflicts.

The teachers’ own schooling experiences also showed that their female teachers felt more

comfortable with girls than boys in the classroom.

Teachers’ perceptions and qualitative observation findings also reflected girls’

preference of staying in greater proximity to teachers, a finding consistent with studies by

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Colwell and Lindsey (2003), Fagot (1994), and Serbin et al. (1973). Colwell and Lindsey

(2003) suggest that gender-segregated patterns of behavior may influence differences in

boys’ and girls’ relationships with teachers. This is evident in my study where girls are

socialized by caregivers to spend more time with women, particularly in the home, and

where girls tend to have closer relationships with their mothers; this may make it more

conducive for them to develop closer and positive relationships with female teachers.

Moreover, in order to avoid boys’ aggressive styles in the classroom the girls likely

choose to remain in close proximity to teachers who like their own mothers serve as a

shield of protection. Girls may also feel that they get more teacher attention if they are

near their teachers, reinforcing their proximity to them.

Visible girls, invisible boys: children’s unstructured play

When gendered teacher-student interactions during play periods only were

considered, tensions surfaced. Girls seemed to remain more visible based on qualitative

findings drawn from teacher perceptions, my anecdotal observations and from frequency

count results. The research participants indicated their preference to support children’s

play in the art, home, and kitchen areas - areas predominantly selected by girls whose

play reflected traditional gender images. Their comfort in these areas and with ‘girl-type’

activity in these areas was rooted in their own interests and socialization as young girls

and women. The teachers expressed feeling less interested and less comfortable in the

block and sand areas, the preferred choices of boys. Furthermore, the teachers felt that

they spent less time there. These areas were perceived to be ‘boring’ for teachers who

struggled with how to support children – usually boys – with constructing and fixing

things. Perhaps the teachers’ own limited opportunity as young girls and women to

engage in such experiences and an ensuing sense of feeling incapable with such activities

led to the teachers’ disinterest and to their challenges facilitating such kind of play. My

anecdotal observations and descriptive statistic findings confirmed the teachers’

preferences of learning areas and activities during children’s play. Furthermore, results

showed that teachers responded more to girls than boys when children were playing.

These findings suggest that if the children had had more opportunities for play, girls may

have received more teacher attention than they currently do in the predominantly teacher-

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centered academic curriculum. These findings also seem to support teachers’ perceptions

of having more time to give to girls when boys are on-task and engaged in activities

which they enjoy and which support their learning styles. Nevertheless, for a curriculum

which included more opportunity for play to be transformative, it would be important for

teachers to reflect critically about prevalent gender structures that shape their

understanding and their students’ understanding of gender. As their current practice

supporting children’s play reflects, the teachers by and large reinforced the maintenance

of existing gender patterns of behavior.

Developing femininity and masculinity

An important qualitative finding has been the women teachers’ roles in the

construction of kindergarten children’s gender identities. Contradictions and tensions are

apparent in their perceptions and in anecdotal observations of their practice. At times,

their practice revealed attempts to resist dominant gender structures; at other times, and

for the most part, their practice reflected their role in maintaining existing gender

patterns. Similar trends were apparent in their relationship with their own children.

These tensions reflect how young children receive conflicting messages over what it

means to be a girl and a boy.

Attempts to resist dominant gender ideologies

The teachers felt it was important for them to teach both girls and boys values of

respect for themselves, each other and the environment. They attempted to do this by

incorporating Islamic moral and ethical messages into their teaching. Furthermore, an

attempt to push gender boundaries was apparent in their views that both girls and boys

should have opportunities for higher education, to enter into careers, and to share both

domestic and economic responsibilities at home. Moreover, the participants felt that as

early years’ teachers they played an important role in laying a sound foundation to

facilitate this. Their perceptions were supported by results showing that teachers gave

boys and girls equal responsibility to help and tidy up in the classroom. Drawing on her

own experience of being restricted in her choice of career, one teacher challenged the

gender perceptions of children in her classroom about only boys being able to go to outer

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space. As with their sons, the teachers felt that they had an important role to encourage

and teach boys to be more respectful, calm, and attentive. Furthermore, they felt it was

important to help boys to open up and share their feelings more. Reflecting upon their

own socialization which they felt has contributed to their hesitation and lack of

confidence, the women teachers also felt it was important to support girls to become

bolder, confident, make decisions, and change their parents’ views about girls. Similar

views about raising their daughters were shared by them. Contradictions are evident in

their perceptions and in anecdotal observation findings. Although the teachers spoke of

encouraging girls’ boldness, they usually scolded them for being assertive. Similar

patterns were evident with their daughters. Liu (2006) and Skelton and Francis (2003)

have also found that girls’ perceived inappropriate gender conduct raises concerns for

teachers. Such behavior from boys, while frustrating in the classroom, is more accepted

as the norm.

The teachers also tried to encourage children to engage in non-stereotypical play

and discouraged them from teasing and taunting peers for crossing gender boundaries.

The participants shared that their teaching experiences have resulted in their having to

shift their perceptions about girls’ and boys’ ‘deviant’ gender behavior during play,

particularly when girls and boys are given their own choices. This reflects Browne’s

(2004) view that early childhood teachers may begin to change their minds through their

teaching experiences about the validity and effectiveness of their work in relation to

gender. Furthermore, it affirms Browne’s (2004) and Connolly’s (2004) argument of the

need to problematize existing stereotypical and taken-for-granted notions of ‘femininity’

and ‘masculinity’ which give little, if any, consideration to the emotional investment

children make in taking up particular forms of ‘femininity’ or ‘masculinity’ in different

contexts and how they are positioned by others through engagement in different

discourses. Nevertheless, even when teachers felt unsettled with children transgressing

gender boundaries and attempted to encourage non-stereotypical play, they seemed to

feel reassured that for young children this was relatively acceptable; as they became older

this would be inappropriate, particularly for the girls, who would have to conform to what

others wanted. This reflects the cultural pattern evident in their own lives and their

children’s, especially their daughters’, lives, in the transition from childhood to

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adolescence where marked differences in appropriate gender behavior become more

strictly enforced.

Maintaining prevailing gender structures

Most often, the participants’ teaching practice revealed their predominate role in

maintaining approved codes of conduct for girls and boys evident in the broader socio-

cultural context. The teachers reinforced traditional gender images in their talk,

resources, and behavior during lessons, reflecting their underlying orientation towards the

patriarchal norms of the society and their interpretations of their religion. Teachers’

references to the role of children’s mothers and fathers reinforced messages about

prevalent gender structures of women’s caring and nurturing role within the home and

men’s role outside the home as provider. The participants’ gender messages to girls and

boys reflected dominant gender ideologies in the ways girls and boys were expected to

sit, talk, dress, and groom themselves. Although the teachers seemed to feel less

concerned with this in the early years, they appeared to feel a responsibility to guide girls

and boys in these matters for their ‘future’ when this would become important. Their

sense of responsibility in this matter seemed to be derived from their understanding that

young children are innocent and unaware of belonging to different sexes.

The teachers viewed themselves as role models for children, especially girls,

when it came to their conduct and dress. The teachers’ perceived role to teach their

daughters the art of patience to deal with uncertain life circumstances and to manage

multiple commitments as women was also evident in how the teachers understood their

responsibility towards their female students and, consequently, the messages they gave

them. Girls were also encouraged to take up professions and guided that it was possible

to balance careers and domestic responsibilities just as the teachers did. As with their

sons, the teachers felt a responsibility to encourage their confidence, dominance and

pursuit of male activities.

The teachers’ subtle, yet powerful, influence over children’s evolving gender

identities was also apparent in their: choice of language like ‘girl’, ‘boy’, ‘Aunty’,

‘Uncle’, evoking gender in the organization of everyday interactions; use of gender-

segregation as a form of organizational management in the classroom; reference to

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dominant patterns of gender behavior; and use of teaching-learning resource material

reflecting gender stereotypical language and images. In most cases, issues related to

gender were never critically addressed or unpacked by the teachers with their students.

Moreover, the study findings reflected the participants’ unawareness of the implicit

gender-biased messages to students in their practice. Similar findings have been reported

by Ashraf (2004) and Zainulabidin (2007).

Perceptions of kindergarten girls’ and boys’ future

The women teachers felt that both girls and boys in their classes were privileged

to attend Rainbow School and to be born in an era of great technological advancement

and opportunity. They seemed to feel that some girls in their classrooms had the

potential to achieve more than boys, but it would take time for boys and men to accept

this. According to the teachers, children who performed successfully in their studies

regardless of gender would have better career opportunities and, therefore, a better future.

Nonetheless, they felt that the future of young girls would still be largely determined by

others, including their birth and marital families. Furthermore, the future of the girls in

their classes would likely follow a similar pattern as theirs had – having less opportunity

for further studies and careers than the boys and getting married early. And, if the girls

had a chance to work, they would have to balance it with domestic and caregiving

responsibilities as the research participants and other working women do. The teachers

expressed their hope that at least a few girls in their classrooms would have better

prospects than they feel they have had.

The teachers expressed their strong belief that the role they play today in the lives

of young girls and boys will have important implications for their future development. In

particular, they spoke of the important role they feel that women teachers have in helping

to bring change for girls and women in this context. The study findings show that the

participants do and can play a critical role as agents of change in young children’s gender

development. This is evident in their attempts to resist prevailing gender norms as career

women and in their own teaching practice. Nevertheless, the participants felt limited in

the extent of their influence by other environmental factors and their own teaching

pressures. I would further add that the study findings which have revealed the women

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teachers’ active role, often unconscious, in perpetuating and reproducing existing gender

patterns in their interactions with kindergarten girls and boys may also have the undesired

effect of maintaining male privilege and female disadvantage.

The next section brings this chapter to a close by making connections between the

teachers understanding of gender as evident in their reflections and observations of their

teaching practice.

Section 3: Making the Connections

Shifting gender patterns in the women teachers’ lives and teaching practice

The influence of patriarchal structures within the microsystems of the family and

school over which broader socio-cultural macrosystem have a stronghold play a

significant role in shaping women kindergarten teachers’ understanding of gender.

Equally significant has been the impact of the chronosystem – or the various changes

over the course of their lives - upon their development and understanding of themselves

as women and women teachers. The women teachers have had to negotiate and

renegotiate their multiple identities in response to specific and evolving social, economic,

religious, historical, cultural and political contexts across diverse geographical spaces.

Their life histories have brought out their subjective experiences and the complex nature

of the patriarchal social world in which they live and teach. Evident throughout their

experiences has been the contradictory expectations and limitations which have created

tensions in the way they have come to understand gender in relation to their lives and

teaching practice. The complex, dynamic nature of gender is apparent in how they have

understood gender over the course of their lives and in their teaching practice. Figure 14

provides a visual summary of the influence of patriarchy in their lives as enacted within

Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) model.

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Figure 14. Enactment of patriarchy in teachers’ lives within Bronfenbrenner's (1994) model

CHRONOSYSTEM: Changes across the life span influenced by patriarchy: political; historical, economic;

geographic; life transitions

MACROSYSTEM: Broader Patriarchal Social Context

EXOSYSTEM: Kindergarten Classroom

MESOSYSTEM WOMEN KINDERGARTEN TEACHERS

MICROSYSTEM: Patriarchal Extended Family of Origin Patriarchal Extended Marital Family

MICROSYSTEMS: Kindergarten Girls’ and Boys’ Families

MICROSYSTEM: School as Students School as Teachers (Influenced by Patriarchy)

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The women teachers’ experiences and understanding of gender reflect signs of

shifting gender patterns across their life histories within this patriarchal context. During

the course of their lives, positive forms of patriarchy within their extended families of

origin and extended marital families have made it possible for them to develop both

personally and professionally (Bashiruddin, 2007; Kandiyoti, 1997). Moreover, windows

of change within the evolving patriarchal macrosystem currently being influenced by

globalization, socio-economic conditions, and technology seem to present hope for

further dents to be made in gender relationships and alterations in task divisions. As

evident in the teachers’ experiences, some developing flexibility in society’s attitudes is

reflected in the: gradual shift towards nuclear family structures; women’s and men’s

attempts to review traditional gender roles and responsibilities; the growing acceptance

by families to provide their daughters with quality education and opportunities to position

themselves to potentially take up careers; and women’s paid work being increasingly

desired and approved of by families and society. These subtle shifts are influencing

family outlook, the gender division of ascribed roles, and the experiences teachers and

students are bringing into the classroom setting from their own family microsystems.

Moreover, these signs of change are evident in the subtle shifts in kindergarten girls’ and

boys’ behavior in relation to ascribed gender patterns in the women teachers’ classrooms.

These gradual changes, the participants’ status as teachers, their developing

understanding of their religion according women the right to education and work, and

their heightened sense of confidence to influence change have been an impetus for the

women teachers themselves to ‘push’ socio-cultural boundaries consciously and

unconsciously, within the microsystem of their family and the school.

Nevertheless, tensions with maintaining deep-rooted patriarchal cultural values

within the microsystem and macrosystem in the face of change are evident. The

patriarchal world the women teachers occupy presents great resistance to changing its

gendered worldview. Challenges to accommodating women’s needs still persist and

women still remain vulnerable within the patriarchal microsystem of the family, the

hierarchical microsystem of the school, and the broader macrosystem. Furthermore, the

teachers’ subjective experiences reflect tensions in their unquestioning conformity to

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traditional gender norms based on their deeply espoused gender beliefs influenced by the

social context and contradictions in their religious interpretations as well as an awareness

of unjustifiable gender divisions over which they have limited control. Their entry into

teaching has enabled them to some extent to transcend their position being ‘woman only

in the household’ although they continue to be disadvantaged as women kindergarten

teachers in the hierarchy of education. Like the women teachers in Ashraf’s (2004)

study, it is evident that the teachers are in a unique position to identify and critique the

gendered structures of the profession, their families, and societies which have given them

little voice and space to make decisions and address their concerns. Nevertheless, this

awareness has not always made it easier to construct a comfortable individual personal

life. Most frequently, they have used traditional and well established forms of femininity

such as that of dutiful wife, mother, daughter-in-law and daughter to counter negative

stereotyping and pressure both from the microsystem of their family and the macrosystem

of the broader socio-cultural context. Although their practice provides evidence of

schools and classrooms serving as important spaces for change, their teaching practice

largely reflects the active production and reproduction of patriarchal gender divisions in

the classroom reflected in the broader social context. While they advocate equal

opportunities for young girls and boys, when students, including their own children, enact

transgression in their gendered behavior this is problematic for the women teachers who

may not be ready yet or prepared to cope with the impact of such change and what it

might entail of their role and position as women teachers and mothers.

According to the participants, any drastic change in dominant gender ideologies

will take generations to happen and must be handled cautiously. They often feel helpless

and frustrated at being unable to completely surmount the deep-rooted traditional values

in their subordinate position as women and women teachers both within and outside the

family. For the women teachers, quality education and their society’s acceptance of

diverse interpretations in their religion about possibilities for women are critical to

shifting perceptions and improving women’s position in Pakistan. Nevertheless tensions

are evident in their own understanding of the extent to which women’s position can be

changed. This part of critical self-reflection through their opportunities to engage in a

profession and, to a certain extent, to engage in this research has allowed the teachers to

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recognize the spaces that they have managed to create for themselves as women

operating within a particular traditional cultural setting and religious context. They are

also recognizing the ways in which there are tensions and conflicts in the messages they

get from their socio-political context which, on the one hand, encourage them to push the

boundaries and, on the other hand, put restrictions on what is possible for them. However,

less is known about the impact of religious beliefs and interpretations on the potential of

people, in this case, the practicing women kindergarten teachers to question what they

believe are the boundaries laid for them by religion. Strong forces draw their validation

from certain religious traditions within this cultural context which disadvantage women

in certain ways. Yet, the teachers see spaces for women to shift, question, and modify

their role. What is uncertain is how much further they can go if it is seen that religion

within this particular patriarchal cultural context places boundaries on their possibilities.

Conclusion

This chapter has provided a detailed discussion of the research findings showing

how women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan understand the concept of gender in

relation to their lives and their teaching practice using Bronfenbrenner’s (1994)

bioecological model. The discussion of research findings in this chapter has also

illuminated the importance of mixed method analysis and interpretation to provide a

comprehensive understanding of the complexity of gender processes in teacher-student

interactions within pre-primary classrooms. The next chapter concludes this dissertation

by providing implications and recommendations for further research.

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CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION

The rich source of data generated through this mixed-method research and

discussed through Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) bioecological model of human development

provides powerful and comprehensive insights into the realities and understanding of

gender among seven women kindergarten teachers in the patriarchal context of Pakistan.

Within this patriarchal context, changes across the chronosystem impacted by

globalization, socio-political and socio-economic change, and technology influence the

broader socio-cultural macrosystem which in turn exerts significant control over two

important microsystems in the lives of the women teachers: family and school. The

interconnectedness between these two microsystems has represented a critical

mesosystem that has influenced the participants’ development and their understanding of

gender. Their experiences reflect how the family and school are powerful spaces which

can perpetuate existing gender relations or which can serve as agents of change.

Furthermore, the participants’ experiences within these two microsystems show how they

are actively involved in this process both consciously and unconsciously.

In a context like Pakistan where discussions around gender issues in education

focus primarily on numbers, the women kindergarten teachers’ perspectives and

classroom teaching practice have been critical in providing a dimension of education

which has gone largely unexamined. The study draws attention to the complexities and

ambiguities created through women’s negotiations of multiple positions in their extended

families, schools, and, to some extent, the larger community in response to evolving

social contexts across diverse geographical spaces. The study has problematized the

straightforward approach to teaching young children in this context by illuminating the

complexities of what it means to be a woman and a teacher teaching kindergarten girls

and boys. It presents a dismal view held by the society about women teachers,

particularly at the pre-primary level. It highlights how the teachers are doubly

disadvantaged as women and women kindergarten teachers. Furthermore, it draws

attention to how their experiences are characterized by the possibilities, tensions and

limitations of what they can do or may want to do, and what is appropriate and feasible

within the interrelated patriarchal and hierarchical contexts in which they operate. Being

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women kindergarten teachers in this context is complex and rests on their ability to

balance their personal and professional responsibilities. Often times, their religion seems

to be the only solace in gaining strength and in making sense of their experience.

Upholding the image of being dutiful to their families to ensure their family’s

honor and their dignity have been an integral part of how the women kindergarten

teachers have come to understand themselves and women in this context. They have:

conformed to and complied with male dominance and norms restricting their mobility

and social interactions; have ensured their appropriate conduct and dress code; and have

looked after their families. Nevertheless, they have also experienced a different and

positive concept of patriarchy made possible by the dominant role of male heads of their

extended families of origin and marital families. They have had access to education and

employment albeit in adherence to dominant gender ideologies. This form of patriarchy,

probably relatively easier to institute in middle and middle upper class families within

urban, cosmopolitan cities like Karachi, has made it possible for the women teachers to

make adjustments within the existing system to develop in their own right, both

personally and professionally. Teaching at a school with a progressive outlook,

adherence to Islamic routines and practices, and its positive vision of teaching and

teachers has been critical to how they have constructed their own professionalism and to

confidently confront cultural stereotypes of pre-primary teachers. Their work as teachers

has provided them space to consider their own understanding of gender, their sense of

self and purpose, and the possibilities available to them and for them to influence change

in their families, school, and society. Their act of taking up employment outside the

home provides an alternate model to their children and students of women’s position.

These shifts in attitude within the family and schools like the research site represent

small, but significant steps towards greater shifts in collective thinking about women and

women pre-primary teachers.

This study also illuminates the intricate complexities and ambiguities in the

women kindergarten teachers’ gendered teaching practice. The study has drawn attention

to the role that teachers play in making the classroom a space where gender norms can be

perpetuated or where possibilities for change can take place. For the most part, their

interaction with their students reflected their internalization of dominant patriarchal

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values and their active role in perpetuating them. Boys remained more visible, more

problematic academically and socially and were given more teacher time. Girls remained

largely invisible, more compliant, and received less teacher time; academically, they

performed more successfully and independently. Inconsistencies in classroom

expectations largely due to a lack of training were problematic and contributed to male

dominance in the classroom, at times frustrating the teachers and rendering them helpless.

The study has also problematized the active role young girls and boys make in producing

and reproducing gender divisions and its influence on teaching practice. In theory, the

women kindergarten teachers espoused relatively accepting views of non-stereotypical

gender behaviors. In practice, this raised tensions for them and they seemed unprepared

and, to a certain extent, not quite ready to handle it. Such tensions were apparent in

raising their own children.

Their gendered teaching practice has also presented possibilities for change in

their unconscious and, occasionally conscious, attempts to push gender boundaries. Their

messages to children sometimes challenged prevailing gender ideologies. In certain

instances, the teachers seemed open to considering alternate forms of being ‘girl’ and

being ‘boy’. Some evidence of girls’ visibility in their play and in the greater frequency

of teachers’ academic questions and academic praise to them reflect ways in which

teachers can challenge and disrupt stereotypical gender constructions. In this patriarchal

context where girls remain largely vulnerable and disadvantaged, the teachers’ actions are

critical for girls’ developing understanding of their gender identity and self worth.

At present, there seems to be a dilemma at all levels about following ascribed

gender norms or allowing for more change in tradition, particularly for girls and women,

in a context being rapidly influenced by globalization and socio-economic change.

Though subtle changes to gender relationships are evident, a resistance to revision or

modification of women’s positions is also discernable, even by the women teachers

themselves. The complex organization of relationships and the related expectations

within this socio-political context, nevertheless, continues to maintain the research

participants’ vulnerability as women of a patriarchy. Efforts for them to shift their

positions or to advocate change in gender patterns need to be carefully considered,

consciously and unconsciously. Nevertheless, their small and subtle efforts to push

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gender boundaries present the possibility of moving towards more equitable gender

relationships in this patriarchal context.

Implications of the Study

At the outset, I mentioned that this study is significant for two major reasons: the

first is personal and the second is its potential contribution to policy and practice at local,

national and international levels. On the basis of my findings, I highlight the implications

of the study in this section.

Implications for policy, planning, and practice at national and international levels

Through this mixed method research, I hope to be able to inform the way policy,

planning and practice in Pakistan and similar contexts are conceptualized and

implemented specifically in meeting Education For All and Millennium Development

Goal targets in early childhood education and gender equality in education. With

increased attention to gender issues in education, promoting quality early childhood

education for all children, and recruiting women teachers to promote girls’ education, a

more complex understanding of women teachers’ lives such as this study has provided is

critical and necessary. In developing contexts like Pakistan numbers are often used

within educational policy and planning to discuss the impact of women teachers in

relation to children’s access, retention, and achievement in schools. Furthermore, in a

context like Pakistan where women remain largely vulnerable, disadvantaged, and

unheard, they risk fading further away in numbers which dilute the intensity of issues and

mask their plight. The subjective and partial nature of this study with a qualitative

dimension has been its strength in unveiling the complexity of gender ideologies and

processes in education, particularly how women kindergarten teachers’ understand their

lives and teaching practice in relation to gender. This study has been significant in its

detailed exploration of the way patriarchy has directed the lives of the research

participants, in particular their subjective paths to becoming and being kindergarten

teachers, and the way they understand gender. It has placed their voices and actions in

their broader educational, social, geographical, religious, economic, cultural and

historical contexts to better comprehend their specific experiences. Furthermore, it has

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highlighted the way women kindergarten teachers play an active role in young children’s

gender socialization and the formation of their gender identities. The complex gender

dynamics in the classroom show how teachers both reproduce dominant patriarchal

norms for girls and boys and serve as agents of change. Women pre-primary teachers in

Pakistan have a significant role to play in achieving gender equality in education and

ensuring quality education for both girls and boys. Addressing gender gaps in enrollment,

achievement and outcomes and addressing issues around quality education in early

childhood education must be taken seriously. Furthermore, the role of women teachers in

achieving these targets needs to be carefully considered. As the women teachers’

experiences show, the boundaries between their personal and professional lives are

blurred and influence the way they go about their gendered teaching practice. It is,

therefore, important to develop alternate approaches that connect with women teachers’

own gender perspective, concerns, experiences, and challenges.

Within the hierarchical education structures, pre-primary education is at the

lowest echelon. It is assumed that anyone can teach at lower levels of education and that

women especially are best suited to teach young children as an extension of their

maternal role. Remuneration and budgets to adequately resource pre-primary classrooms

are dismal. Given Pakistan’s commitment to the EFA goal of ensuring quality education

at the pre-primary level for all children, it is imperative that relevant teacher training on

child development and pedagogical content knowledge for potential pre-primary teachers

and for already practicing teachers be provided and be required. As the study findings

indicate, the lack of quality, relevant pre-service teacher preparation at the pre-primary

level has enormous implications on the quality of education, the development of young

girls’ and boys’ individual potential, and teacher-student interactions, particularly in

relation to gender.

Attempts to address this issue are being made by organizations like the Aga Khan

University – Institute for Educational Development (AKU-IED) and the Teachers’

Resource Center (TRC) through their in-service teacher education programs. This study

has provided important insights into the lives of women pre-primary teachers for these

institutions to evaluate how their programs are preparing women pre-primary teachers,

who are the most likely to attend these programs, for the realities they face on a daily

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basis. Furthermore, study findings point to the importance of including a component of

gender to allow teachers’ space to reflect critically upon this important component of

education.

Nevertheless, significantly more work is required in this context with its dearth of

pre-service teacher training institutes at the pre-primary level. It is not just enough to

prepare teachers to have relevant pedagogical content knowledge and understanding of

child development. Equally important to include in teacher training programs at all

levels, including pre-primary, is a component on gender. Teacher education needs to

provide potential and practicing teachers with space for dialogue and critical reflection on

their understanding of existing gender structures and what implications this has for their

teaching practice and relationship with female and male students. Moreover, space to

discuss the influence of how classroom resource material and curricula construct

gendered subjects and a gendered world is also necessary. For educators to bring about

change in the classroom and schools in line with gender equity, it is necessary to first

raise teachers’ awareness of the detrimental effects of sexism and for them to be

committed to change. Developing a culture of reflective practice is vital, particularly in

considering gender issues in education which often remain subtle. Providing quality pre-

primary teacher training is an important way to raise the bar of the low status of pre-

primary education and pre-primary teachers, most of whom are women. It is also critical

to ensure that pre-primary teachers are adequately remunerated for the demanding work

they do and its important contribution in young children’s development and learning.

Budgets in pre-primary education also need to be revisited and changed to allow

sufficient allocation for classroom resources and learning materials which have

pedagogical implications for young children’s learning. Raising the status of pre-primary

education has important implications of ensuring that it is an attractive career choice for

both women and men. Although issues of culture would need to be carefully and

sensitively considered, the presence of more male teachers in pre-primary education

would provide a valuable alternate dimension to young girls’ and boys’ learning

experiences. For such changes to happen at a policy level, it is first necessary for key

stakeholders to recognize the importance of pre-primary education. This study has aimed

to do this.

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The study findings have highlighted pre-primary teachers and women teachers’

centrality in the process of education. Furthermore, the findings provide a complex

framework of women pre-primary teachers’ priorities and personal lives including what

informs and motivates their work to initiate development initiatives in education and to

allow stakeholders to tailor teacher development and curriculum development programs

accordingly. Decision-making bodies within government and private education sectors

and donor agencies in Pakistan and similar contexts can also make informed policy and

curriculum decisions about teachers, teaching and schools.

Implications for policy and planning at the school level

Findings from this study also raise implications about schools’ contribution to

perpetuating traditional gender images. Fundamental changes in school curricula are

necessary to modify them into more gender-sensitive education tools. This would require

support from the Ministry of Education in Pakistan at a federal level. Given that many

schools like the one in which this study was conducted use international curricula this

also raises global implications for curriculum transformation to promote gender equity.

Changes in curricula will not be enough unless combined with changes in pedagogy.

This would entail gender-sensitization workshops and reaffirms the need discussed earlier

for pre-primary teacher education programs to explore the construction of gender in

textbooks. Schools would also need to recognize and promote a culture of reflective

practice as well a teachers’ more active role in curriculum planning and implementation.

The process of developing gender inclusive schools involves multiple stakeholders and,

at the school level, support from school leaders is critical.

This study has created awareness for school leaders about the complexity of

women pre-primary teachers’ life experiences and teaching practice as influenced by

patriarchy. It has made it possible for schools and school leaders to re-conceptualize the

experiences and position of pre-primary teachers. In particular, it has provided insight

into the important need for school leaders under whose direction pre-primary teachers

work to facilitate them in their practice and in-service professional development

opportunities to provide quality education to young children.

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This study also raises important implications for educational environments which

best support young children’s learning and development. There are global debates

around the most appropriate learning environments and practices for children in the early

years. Although a Pakistan National Curriculum in Early Childhood Education drawing

from the High/Scope approach of active learning and play has been implemented in 2002

and revised in 2007, most existing practice in pre-primary settings is teacher-centered,

academic and focuses on rote learning. Private schools are not required to follow this

national curriculum; dissemination and implementation of the national curriculum within

government schools has been slow with little teacher training on its implementation. The

findings from this study related to young girls’ and boys’ learning, development, interests

and behavior has important implications on the predominant use of teacher-directed

academic curricula with its heavy emphasis on writing in this context both generally and

in relation to gender. At a national and at a school level, consideration needs to be given

to ensure developmentally appropriate learning environments and practices which also

consider gender equity. This would necessitate changes in pedagogy, appropriate teacher

education, and helping families and communities to understand the kind of learning

environments and practices which are in their children’s best interests.

Implications for research participants

This study has located the research participants’ struggle in the social, political,

historical, religious, geographic and economic contexts within which they live. Women’s

vulnerability as a result of patriarchy and hierarchy in these contexts gives them little

space to voice their concerns. This study has opened a window for the women

kindergarten teachers to reflect upon their gendered life experiences and teaching

practice. It has given them the space to consider their knowledge base, attitudes and

beliefs to begin re-thinking about approaches to teaching and learning which challenge,

empower and provide more equitable learning opportunities for young girls and boys.

Other women teachers in similar situations can connect their own experiences to the

struggles and valuable contributions made by the research participants to their families,

school, and community. This study also has the potential to encourage other women

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teachers to share their life stories and provide various stakeholders a more detailed

picture of gender dynamics in their society.

Methodological implications

This mixed method study illustrates how the integration of multiple perspectives

has captured the complexity and ambiguity of the gendered social realities of women

teachers in Pakistan, broadly and within the family and school contexts. Multiple data

sources, multiple participants, and multiple ways of interpreting data in this study have

generated comprehensive and insightful knowledge claims and have provided an

alternative way to represent data to allow this study to engage many audiences.

Consequently, this study contributes to the understanding of women pre-primary teachers

from theoretical and methodological perspectives to facilitate change.

The process of studying women in developing contexts like Pakistan where an

educational/social research culture is in its infancy and where women are rarely studied

or provided space to voice their issues is also important. This research has highlighted

the complexity of research relationships and research sites which are often problematic to

articulate.

Implications for literature

There is a dearth of documented literature on the lived experiences of women pre-

primary teachers in developing contexts like Pakistan and internationally. This research

contributes to an understanding of how women kindergarten teachers in this context

understand the concept of gender as evident through their reflections and interactions

with their female and male students. In a context like Pakistan where much attention has

been directed towards gender disparities in education in rural areas, this study of urban

women kindergarten teachers teaching more privileged children in a private school has

also been particularly important. This study has added to a more globally inclusive

understanding of what it means to be a woman teacher and how the gendered life

experiences of women teachers influence their teaching practice in co-education

classrooms.

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Implications for myself

My search to understand the women kindergarten teachers’ experiences has

allowed me to examine my own experiences as a woman teacher in this context. Doing

this study has deepened my understanding of the complexity and ambiguity of gender

issues in education. My work as a teacher educator of early childhood teachers at the

Aga Khan University – Institute for Educational Development, who for the most part are

women, will be enhanced by the insights gained through this study. Furthermore, this

research will be pivotal in developing early childhood programs in contexts like Pakistan

which consider the complexity of teachers’ experiences, particularly those of women

teachers. My teaching practice will also be considerate of gender and will make space for

equitable opportunities to my colleagues and students irrespective of gender.

Limitations of the Study

The reflexive nature of this mixed-method study with rich description, descriptive

statistics, quantitative data, and interpretations that use theory to provide structure has

allowed me to develop comprehensive insight into the experiences of urban, middle and

upper middle class women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan teaching in a co-education,

private, English-medium school. This study has provided the women teachers space to

think more reflectively about their understanding of gender through their life experiences

and their teaching practice in this patriarchal context. It has accorded importance to their

everyday realities, including the tensions and contradiction within them. Moreover, the

study has allowed me to reflect upon my positioning as researcher. However, it has not

been a participatory study that would necessarily mobilize the women teachers to act.

Having taken place in an urban setting, this study has also sidestepped the experiences of

the large number of Pakistan’s women teachers who live in the rural areas where

conditions are more challenging. Furthermore, it may not be reflective of the experiences

of the many other urban women pre-primary teachers in diverse school settings.

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Recommendations for Future Research

As an initial study in this subject area, this research opens up for future

investigation further research which can extend from it. In this section, I provide

recommendations for some pursuable issues.

A similar study in this context which explores the experiences of women pre-

primary teachers in government schools, in single-sex schools, or in rural areas would

offer deeper insight into other factors that influence women’s lives and how their

understanding of gender is shaped and enacted in their gendered teaching practice.

Furthermore, a comparative study of experiences of women teachers understanding of

gender in their lives and their practice at different levels of education – pre-primary,

primary, middle school, and secondary school – would be valuable to understand how

their experiences might converge or diverge and to seek explanations for this.

The limited research on pre-primary teachers’ lived experiences has tended to

focus on men because of their minority status in this field. However, in this context

where the lived experiences of pre-primary teachers, both women and men, has received

little attention, a study exploring male pre-primary teachers understanding of gender as

evident in their lives and teaching practice would present a more complete picture and

allow for the construction of more gender inclusive theories. Such a study would be

informative about men and masculinities in this context, particularly in the field of pre-

primary education. A comparative study of the experiences of women and men pre-

primary teachers would also be another possibility to understand the extent their

experiences might converge or diverge and to seek explanations for this.

Questions emerged during this research as to the extent religious perceptions and

interpretations influence the understanding of gender and the possibilities for women and

men in this cultural context. This would require another study to explore these critical

issues, particularly in relation to education and teaching.

Drawing upon the observational coding scheme used for this study, a large scale

study investigating gendered teacher-student interactions of both women and men

teachers at the pre-primary level across diverse regions, the rural/urban divide, socio-

economic backgrounds, and school contexts would also allow for a more generalized

understanding of gendered classroom processes in this context.

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An action research that would provide space to mobilize women and men pre-

primary teachers to act in making their schools gender sensitive for students would be

important. Gender is an uncommon discourse in the field of education in Pakistan. As

such, teachers are generally unaware of its presence and implications. An action research

would be a more participatory study to develop in pre-primary teachers the knowledge

and skills to make their classrooms gender friendly and to help their male and female

students achieve successful outcomes in all aspects of their lives.

Headteachers and other school leaders play important roles in school effectiveness

and the day-to-day running of these institutions. However, in the context of Pakistan,

little is known about the understanding of early childhood education from the perspective

of headteachers and other school leaders. Moreover, little is known about how pre-

primary headteachers experience gender roles and relations in their schools, families and

communities. Studies exploring these issues would be valuable given the important role

pre-primary headteachers and school leaders have in supporting pre-primary teachers

with their practice.

A further extension to this study would be exploring kindergarten girls’ and boys’

perceptions about their gendered schooling experiences in this context. Given the focus

of this study, of particular interest would be their perceptions of their teachers’ teaching

practice and interactions with them in relation to gender. Studies in this context

investigating kindergarten girls’ and boys’ gendered interactions with their peers and

family – nuclear and extended - would provide important insight into the socialization

processes which influence young children’s understanding of gender and their developing

gender identity. This would allow for a more comprehensive understanding of how

children develop their gender identities through the interaction of teacher, peer, and

family influence.

Further areas to be researched are pre-primary girls’ and boys’ transition within

different levels in pre-primary and from pre-primary into class one. The kindergarten

children’s experiences in this study illustrate a drastic transition from the nursery level

with its greater focus on play and active learning to kindergarten with more academic

emphasis on written tasks. It would be important to understand the emotional, social,

physical and intellectual impact upon these children. Exploring the transition from an

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academic curriculum in kindergarten to class one would also be valuable, especially in

relation to student readiness and achievement.

Final Reflection

Through this study, I have grown to understand the complexity of gender issues in

early childhood education. Early childhood teachers, the large majority of whom are

women, make important contributions to the lives of young children. In this context

particularly where women early childhood teachers are doubly disadvantaged being

women and teachers of young children and where insufficient attention and resources are

being given to this field, I am humbled and in deep admiration of the efforts made by

women teachers like the research participants to ensure that young children get an

adequate education. This study has initiated a new beginning for me in my journey as an

academician and researcher in early childhood education.

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APPENDIX A

Map of Pakistan

Source: http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/ministries/defence-ministry/images/PAKISTAN-Map.gif

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APPENDIX B

Glossary of terms

Terms

Explanations

Abaya Long coat worn over clothing by women as part of the practice of purdah, particularly in public spaces

Abu Father Allah God Ami Mother Dada Paternal grandfather Dadi Paternal grandmother Dupatta A long scarf that is draped across the bosom and shoulders and sometimes

over the head; usually worn with a kameez and shalwar Eid-ul-fitr Eid-ul-Fitr is celebrated by Muslims around the world. It is a time of great

joy for Muslims as it marks the end of the holy month of fasting, Ramadan, with the sighting of the new moon. Amongst the majority of Muslim sects, boys and men go to the masjid (mosque) to offer special prayers called Eid namaz; women pray at home and are usually involved in preparing a special meal and other food items. It is a day when families and friends visit each other wearing their best clothes and exchanging sweets. Elders usually give children money as a gift for Eid.

Fajr namaaz Prayers offered before sunrise Gullidanda Gullidanda is a local game played with the following equipment usually

made out of natural material found in the environment: a small piece of wood (gulli) about 4-5 inches long that is sharpened and pointed at both ends; a long stick (danda). The object of the game is to use the long stick to flick up and strike the small piece of wood which has been placed in a hole in the ground as far away from the home base as possible. The game can be played individually or in teams.

Hadith The term applied to the sayings and actions of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). These accounts were collected and systematized after his death by Muslim scholars specifically devoted to the task. Initially the mode of recording these narratives was through oral accounts from memory by reference to the person or persons through whom the narration was transmitted. Later, the hadith were put into collections for the purpose of teaching and applying to the daily life and activities of Muslims and their communities (Nanji, 2008).

Hajj The annual pilgrimage to the Ka’ba in Mecca during the last month of the Muslim calendar, Dhu al-Hijja. The Qu’ran enjoins the pilgrimage on all able Muslims who have the necessary financial means.

Ifftar At maghrib (sunset), Muslims partake in ifftar to break their fast. Traditionally, the fast is broken by eating dates just as the Prophet (PBUH) is believed to have done to break his fast. Thereafter, people partake in a delicious array of ‘snack-type’ food that is both sweet and savory. Later in the evening and after maghrib prayers, dinner is eaten. Ifftar and the dinner after are occasions when families and friends get together.

Jannat Paradise/heaven

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Juma namaaz Friday prayer recited in the afternoon Kameez A loose-fitting shirt - knee-length or longer - and usually worn over a

shalwar or trousers and a dupatta Khandaan Of good, reputable family (the English equivalence does not capture the real

essence of meaning) Khandaani Of good, reputable family (the English equivalence does not capture the real

essence of meaning) Khatak Classical Indian dance Kurta A loose-fitting shirt usually with long-sleeves; usually worn by boys and

men either over trousers or a shalwar Kurti A loose-fitting shirt usually with long-sleeves and slightly shorter than a

kameez; worn by girls and women usually over trousers Maghrib Sunset; prayers are offered at maghrib Maika Maika refers to the girl’s parents home – after the nikka (signing of the

marriage contract) and ruksati (daughter leaving her family of origin for her marital home) ceremonies are over, the girl’s cousins and female family members usually come to the girl’s marital home to take her back to her parents’ home for a day or so.

Mashallah ‘With God’s praise’ Masjid Mosque – a Muslim place of worship/prayer Mehndi Henna Nana Maternal grandfather Nani Maternal grandmother Purdah The literal translation of purdah is ‘veil’. The practice of purdah aims at

eliminating any contact between unrelated women and men. According to purdah, women cover themselves to varying degrees usually while in public spaces. Some women cover their whole body including the face. Others use a shawl or scarf to cover their head and bosom. The requirements according to traditional Muslim legal practice indicate forms of covering as an act of modesty (Nanji, 2008).

Qu’ran For Muslims, the Qu’ran is the faithful and complete recording of all revelation that came in the form of divine inspiration to the Prophet Muhammad (Nanji, 2008).

Ramadan Ninth month in the Muslim calendar when most practicing Muslims observe daily fasting and prayer

Sehri During Ramadan, most Muslims observing the fast wake up before dawn to eat a meal known as sehri. This meal is substantial and considered to be important for sustaining a person until the break of their fast.

Shalwar Baggy, loose-fitting trousers usually worn with a kameez and dupatta Sharafat Of good, moral character (the English equivalence does not capture the real

essence of meaning) Shararah A long, traditional skirt with a short blouse, complemented with a dupatta Shurfa Of good, moral character (the English equivalence does not capture the real

essence of meaning) Umrah Umrah is a religious pilgrimage made by Muslims to Mecca as an act of

piety at any time except during the last month of the Muslim calendar, Dhu al-Hijja, during which the main pilgrimage, the Hajj, is undertaken.

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APPENDIX C

Sample syllabus components and sample lesson plan

Below are selected components from the syllabus that students were expected to accomplish by

the end of the academic year taken with permission from teachers and school administration.

English • Recognize sounds, recite A-Z, write letters of the alphabet

• Recognize and write beginning, ending and middle sounds • Recognize and write three letter words and use them in simple sentences • Understand concepts of punctuation • Picture comprehension • Do creative writing • Colors • Reading from the Ladybird series and a textbook from the United Kingdom

Math • Recognizing, reading and writing numbers (units and double digit numbers) • Addition • Recognizing and naming solid and flat shapes • Identifying missing numbers • Completing activities in a math workbook from the United Kingdom

Science • Colour and light • Living things

Below is an example of a weekly and daily lesson plan written by one of the teachers and taken

with her permission.

WEEKLY PLAN (25-29 September, 2006) Language: Sound ‘Gg’; three letter words, review beginning and ending, introduce middle sound; introduce sky, grass, and root letter; review sentence formation; alphabet workbook; creative writing “My Mother” Maths: Write 0-19; math workbook #4 pgs 7, 10; math workbook #10; introduce money Activity: Play – sand area, dressing up area, block area, library area Theme: Living Things DAILY PLAN (26 September, 2006) Objective: Students will be able to write “Gg” with correct formation Activity: Write “Gg” in alphabet workbook Resources: Alphabet workbook, pencils, erasers URDU (not taught by main class teacher) Objective: Students will be able to know the teen numbers and will be able to write them in squares Activity: Write 0-19/Art Resources: Math exercise books, pencils, erasers

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APPENDIX D

Information letter for Principal and Head Teacher

Date: Dear Madam,

My name is Almina Pardhan. I am a teacher educator and have been working with the Aga Khan University – Institute for Educational Development, Karachi, Pakistan. Currently, I am pursuing doctoral studies in Toronto, Canada at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto (OISE/UT). For the successful completion of my doctoral studies, I am required to undertake a research project and report the findings in the form of a thesis. For this research project, I am interested in exploring how women kindergarten teachers’ gender histories and beliefs influence children’s gender socialization in school in Pakistan. The background of this interest is that teachers play an important role in children’s development including their socialization. I want to understand further how women kindergarten teachers teaching practice and interactions with students influences children’s gender socialization.

I feel that your school which has always extended its support towards the cause for better education for children would be a valuable contributor to my field of research. In turn my work will bring further insights into teachers’ teaching practices and interactions with students in school.

My research would involve the following:

• Conducting three life history interviews with all eight kindergarten teachers (main

teachers and assistant teachers) at your school; observing the eight kindergarten teachers’ teaching practice and interaction with students; each teacher’s teaching practice and interaction with students will be observed for 30 minutes on 12 different days, at different times of the day;

• Observing the eight kindergarten teachers’ teaching practice and interaction with a small sample of kindergarten students chosen at random from the signed parent consent forms; in each classroom, observations of each kindergarten teacher and four target children (two boys and two girls) will be observed; each teacher’s interaction with each targeted child will be observed on 2 different days for a period of 2 hours on each day;

• Observing the small sample of 16 kindergarten students’ (4 per class) interactions with their peers; each of the target children’s interactions with peers will be observed during play periods on 4 different days for 30 minutes on each day;

• Interviewing the small sample of 16 children for about 15 minutes each; • Interviewing the mothers of the small sample of 16 children for about 60 minutes each; • Carrying out post observation conversations and discussions with the 8 kindergarten

teachers and the small sample of 16 target children; • Maintaining a fieldwork journal to document my observations and interviews and

recording my personal reflections on my learning, ideas, and critical incidents;

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• Collecting documents and artifacts which will provide useful sources of information during my proposed study. The gendered nature of the school syllabus, lesson plans, classroom resources, children’s drawings and photographs of their constructions, for example, will allow me to examine how these relate to children’s gender socialization processes through teachers, peers and family interactions.

• The data would be collected from August 2006 – April 2007.

I would like to assure the school authority that I would do my best not to interfere with the everyday classroom and school environment throughout the period of my research. I will also ensure the confidential nature of the data collected during and after the duration of my research. I will use the data only for my research purposes. In my writings such as my thesis and any publications, I would not disclose the participants’ identity and a pseudonym would be used for the name of your school. If you do agree to have your school participate in the study, the school will have the option to withdraw from the study without any repercussions on your reasons for withdrawal. The purpose of the research is not to evaluate the teachers or their work nor would my research with children influence their academic performance in any way. Upon completion of the study, a summary report of the aggregated results will be prepared and a copy will be provided to you and the research participants if you and they would like to receive one. You will be contacted when this report is complete. While every effort will be made to ensure that anonymity and confidentiality is respected in this report, the nature of the study could give rise to limits to confidentiality.

If you should agree to have your school participate in this study, I would like to come and give a presentation of my research its purpose, aims and objectives in detail to the staff of your school. I would be happy to provide you with more information and to answer any question that you might have in regards to this study.

I look forward to receiving your consent to conduct research which holds great potential for pre-primary education in Pakistan in your school. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact me. You can also contact my Thesis Supervisor, Dr. Janette Pelletier, if you have any further questions regarding this study. Our contact addresses are:

Dr. Janette Pelletier The Institute of Child Study, Room 307 45 Walmer Road Toronto, Ontario Canada M5R 2X2 Telephone: 416-934-4506 Fax: 416-978-6485 Email: [email protected]

Almina Pardhan IED-PDC, 1-5/B-VII, F.B. Area, Karimabad, P.O Box 13688, Karachi-75950, Pakistan Telephone: 6347611-4 Fax: 6347616

Sincerely, Almina Pardhan Ph.D Candidate OISE/UT, Toronto, Canada

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------------------------------------Please detach at line---------------------------------------------------- I have read and understood the attached description of the study with women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan. I understand that the school’s participation in this study is voluntary and that the school has the option to withdraw from the study at anytime without any repercussions on the reasons for withdrawal. I understand that all information will be treated as confidential and that pseudonyms will be used for the name of the school, the name of the teachers and staff, and the name of the students to identify the information collected. I understand that the purpose of the research is not to evaluate the teachers or their work, influence the children’s academic performance in any way nor interfere with the everyday classroom and school environment. I ---------------------------------------------, agree to have the school participate in this study.

Name of head teacher (Please print)

Signature----------------------------------- Date----------------------------------------- Telephone number (school): --------------------- Telephone number (residence): --------------------- Address where I can be reached: ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- My e-mail address: ----------------------------

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APPENDIX E

Letter of informed consent for teacher-participants

Date: Dear My name is Almina Pardhan. I am a teacher educator and have been working with the Aga Khan University – Institute for Educational Development, Karachi, Pakistan. Currently, I am pursuing doctoral studies in Toronto, Canada at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto (OISE/UT). For the successful completion of my doctoral studies, I am required to undertake a research project and report the findings in the form of a thesis. For this research project, I am interested in exploring how women kindergarten teachers’ gender histories and beliefs influence children’s gender socialization in school in Pakistan. The background of this interest is that teachers play an important role in children’s development including their socialization. I want to understand further how women kindergarten teachers teaching practice and interactions with students influences children’s gender socialization. I am, therefore, inviting you to participate in this study. I will collect data about the topic of my research from August 2006 to April 2007. To collect the data relevant to my research topic I will:

Interview you three times; the first interview session will last approximately 90 minutes; the second and third interviews will last approximately 60 minutes;

These interviews will be conducted at a place and time that are convenient to you and not during your classroom teaching time.

For the interviews, I will use English; With your permission, I will audio record your interviews. These tapes from the

interviews would be transcribed and your identity will be kept confidential by using a pseudonym throughout the process.

I will also:

Observe your teaching practice and interaction with students as it relates to gender in your classroom for 30 minutes on twelve different days, at different times of the day;

Observe your teaching practice and interaction with a small sample of 4 kindergarten students in your class chosen at random from signed parent consent forms on 2 different days for a period of 2 hours on each day;

After each observation with you, I would like to briefly discuss with you your perspective on your actions as a teacher; this discussion would not occur during classroom teaching time and would occur at a time convenient to you.

Observe the small sample of 4 kindergarten students’ interactions with their peers; each of the target children’s interactions with peers will be observed during play periods on 4 different days for 30 minutes on each day;

Interview the small sample of 4 children for about 15 minutes each; Carry out post observation conversations and discussions with you and the 4 target

children Collect documents and artifacts which will provide useful sources of information during

my proposed study. The gendered nature of the school syllabus, lesson plans, classroom resources, children’s drawings and photographs of their constructions, for example, will

260

allow me to examine how these relate to children’s gender socialization processes through teachers, peers and family interactions.

The other kindergarten teachers (main teachers and assistant teachers) in your school are also going to be invited to participate in the study following the same procedures that I have outlined above. A small sample of four kindergarten children will also be selected for observations and interviews in each of the other kindergarten classrooms. The purpose of the interviews and observations is not to evaluate you and your work or the children’s learning. It is to understand women kindergarten teachers’ gender histories and beliefs and how these influence their teaching practice and interactions with young children in relation to gender in the Pakistani context.

The data will be kept locked up in a cabinet in my office so that nobody else can access it except me. I will share this data only with my Thesis Supervisor, Dr. Janette Pelletier, who may view this data to guide me with my fieldwork and research report writing. I will avoid talking publicly about our work to keep your confidentiality and to respect your professional integrity. However, due to the nature of this study, people from your immediate context which is your school may get to know about your involvement in the study. In my writings such as my thesis and any publications, I would not disclose your identity. I would be pleased to share with you the interview transcription and observation for your review. Upon completion of the study, a summary report of the aggregated results will be prepared and a copy will be provided to you if you would like to receive one. You will be contacted when this report is complete. While every effort will be made to ensure that anonymity and confidentiality is respected in this report, the nature of the study could give rise to limits to confidentiality. This study will be significant as it will allow women teachers the opportunity to share their experiences. It will also help teacher educators and other concerned officials to make relevant policies keeping in view female teachers’ particular experiences and special circumstances. I also expect that it will enable teacher educators, like me, to extend well-informed effective support to women teachers for their professional development. Your participation in this study is on a voluntary basis. You can withdraw from the study at any time. You can decline to answer any question that is asked during the interviews. Although I would greatly appreciate your participation in this study, you have complete freedom in deciding whether you would like to participate or not to participate in my study. Your decision regarding your participation in this study will not have any impact on your position in school. You can inform me in person or by telephone if you wish to learn more about the research in order to decide if you should participate in my proposed study. You can also contact my Thesis Supervisor, Dr. Janette Pelletier, if you have any questions regarding this study. Our contact addresses are:

Dr. Janette Pelletier The Institute of Child Study, Room 307 45 Walmer Road Toronto, Ontario Canada M5R 2X2 Telephone: 416-934-4506 Fax: 416-978-6485 Email: [email protected]

Almina Pardhan IED-PDC, 1-5/B-VII, F.B. Area, Karimabad, P.O Box 13688, Karachi-75950, Pakistan Telephone: 6347611-4 Fax: 6347616

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Sincerely, Almina Pardhan Ph.D Candidate OISE/UT, Toronto, Canada ------------------------------------Please detach at line---------------------------------------------------- I have read and understood the attached description of the study with women kindergarten teachers in Pakistan. I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I may decline to take part in particular aspects of the study and that I may end my participation at any point in time. I understand that all information will be treated as confidential and that pseudonyms will be used for my name, the name of my students and the school to identify the information collected from my classroom or me. I ---------------------------------------------, agree to participate in this study.

Name of teacher participant (Please print)

I consent / do not consent to having the interviews audio taped.

(Circle one) Signature----------------------------------- Date----------------------------------------- My telephone number (residence): --------------------- My email address: Address where I can be reached: ----------------------------------------------------------------------------

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APPENDIX F

Child assent script

Words spoken to the whole group I am a researcher. Do you know what a researcher is? A researcher finds out about something. I want to find out about how girls and boys learn at school. Sometimes I will do my work in your classroom. When I am doing my work in your classroom, I will not be able to talk to you all the time. Sometimes I will be talking with some of you. I won’t be able to talk with all of you though. Will this be alright with all of you?

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APPENDIX G

Life history interview guide for teacher participants

The first interview will begin with greetings and a review of the research agenda. I will briefly talk about my research and interview purposes. I will invite my teacher research participants to share their gendered life histories and beliefs with me using the following questions to guide the 3 semi-structured life history interviews: Family (Girlhood Experiences)

How many sisters and brothers do you have? Are your siblings older or younger than you? Who are your other family members? When and where were you born? Where did you spend your childhood? Can you share some of your childhood experiences? (probe for gender) Can you describe the community you lived in as you grew up? (probe for gender) Which school(s) did you attend – from early childhood to completion? (probe for gender) What opportunities did you have for higher education or professional courses? (probe for

gender) How much education did your siblings receive? (probe for gender) How much education did your parents receive? (probe for gender) What occupations have your parents’ been involved in from your childhood until now?

(probe for gender) What was the main source of income in your family? (probe for gender) How did you see your place in the family among your other siblings? (probe for gender) In what ways were your girlhood experiences similar or different from the experiences of

girls your age in your family/your community? In what ways were your girlhood experiences similar or different from the experiences of

boys your age in your family/your community? In what other activities did you participate besides your school? (probe for gender)

Education

What were some of the subjects you studied? What subjects did you enjoy or not enjoy? What credentials did you receive? Have you received any training/education in early childhood education and development? Who did you play with? Can you describe the relationship that you had with your peers? Can you describe the relationship that you had with your teachers? Can you describe your teachers’ teaching practices and interactions with girl and boys

students? In what ways were your girlhood experiences similar or different from the experiences of

girls your age in class/in your school? In what ways were your girlhood experiences similar or different from the experiences of

boys your age in your class/in your school? How did you feel about your schooling experiences? (Positive/Negative)

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Career Can you describe the different types of work that you have been involved in? Why did you decide to become a teacher? What motivated you to become a teacher? Who were the people who played an important role during the development of you as a

teacher? Did you face any challenges to becoming a teacher? How did you address these challenges? Which school did you join for your initial teaching? How did your colleagues and supervisory staff react to your initial year in teaching? Have you always taught at Rainbow School? What are some of the positions that you have held in your various work places? Have you always been a pre-primary (early childhood/kindergarten) teacher? Why did you choose to be a kindergarten teacher? How do you feel about being a kindergarten teacher? How do you feel about being a kindergarten teacher at Rainbow School? What are your responsibilities as a kindergarten teacher at Rainbow School? Can you describe a typical day that you might have at school? Can you describe your relationship with your colleagues and supervisory staff at Rainbow

School? What do you enjoy/value about being a teacher? What challenges have you faced or do you face teaching? How did your family react to your teaching? How does your family currently view your work as a kindergarten teacher? How did your community and larger society react to your teaching? How does your community and larger society currently view your work as a kindergarten

teacher? How do you find teaching kindergarten compared to other levels of teaching? (status,

income) How do you find teaching compared to other professions? What value do you find in teaching for women? What value to you find in other professions for women (administrative work, nursing, doctor,

business, engineering, lawyer, etc)?

Teacher Beliefs Can you share some of your views on similarities and differences between girls and boys? Why do you think that girls and boys are similar or different? What do you believe that girls are capable of/good at doing? What do you believe that boys

are capable of/good at doing? Why? What do you believe that girls find difficult doing? What do you believe that boys find

difficult doing? Why? What do you believe that girls should learn? What do you believe that boys should learn?

Teaching Practice and Interaction with Students How do you think that children in kindergarten learn best? How do you feel that this

reflected in your teaching practice? Can you share with me how you have set-up your learning environment and the provisions

that you have made available for the children (probe for space issues, resources issues, keeping gender in mind).

How often do you change the resources made available for children? What do you think about when you select resources (books, toys, other resources) for your

teaching practice? In any of the teacher training that you have received, has gender in early childhood been

discussed?

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As a teacher, how do you perceive the way girls play (toys/activities/peers)? How do you perceive the way boys play (toys/activities/peers)? Can you share some examples?

As a teacher, how do you perceive the way girls learn? How do you perceive the way boys learn? Can you share some examples?

As a teacher, how do you perceive the way girls behave? How do you perceive the way boys behave? Can you share some examples?

In your view, do the boys or the girls engage in more conflict in class/at school? When do these conflicts arise? How are they resolved? What is your role in this process?

How do you perceive the way you teach girls? How do you perceive the way you teach boys? Are your teaching practices with girls and boys similar or different?

How do you perceive your interactions with girls? How do you perceive your interactions with boys? Can you share some examples?

Do you feel that spend the same amount of time interacting with boys and girls? Why? How do you perceive the way you discipline girls? How do you perceive the way you

discipline boys? Can you reflect on the learning areas in which you spend the most time/the least time

supporting/extending children’s play? What do you believe that your role is as a teacher in the learning and development of young

girls? What role do you believe you have as a teacher in the learning and development of young boys?

Overall, how do you feel about the way you teach?

Married Life Are you married? Can you describe your husband’s education and occupation? Do you have any children? How many children do you have? How old are they? What is

their gender? Can you share their schooling experiences with me? What is the main source of income in your family? What are your responsibilities at home? How do you find combining teaching and your married life? Describe a typical day that you have in a week? Can you describe the response that you get from your colleagues and supervisory staff about

your efforts of combining your home responsibilities and your teaching role? How do your family members (husband, children, and in-laws), broader community and

society perceive your teaching?

General Questions about Gender in Pakistan How do you feel about the general status of women and particularly women teachers in

Pakistan? What would you like to improve or reinforce about women teachers? What role do you think religion plays in determining women and women teachers’ status and

position in society and at Rainbow School? What role do you think culture plays in determining women and women teachers’ status and

position in society and at Rainbow School? What role do you think society plays in determining women and women teachers’ status and

position in society and at Rainbow School? What role can women teachers play in changing women’s general condition in Pakistan? How do you see the future of your daughters/girls/women in society?

Other Can you describe your future ambitions and aspirations?

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APPENDIX H

Classroom maps with code key to record observations

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268

APPENDIX I

Coding frame for life history interview data

Initial Categories and Codes to Select Themes

Themes Codes Sub-Codes

Understanding the Concept of Gender in

Relation to Life Experiences

Girls/Young Women/Married Women • Individual

personalities and interests

• Family influence • Family relationships • Schooling

experiences • Socio-cultural issues • Religious beliefs • Role models and

mentors Woman Kindergarten Teacher • Entering teaching

profession • Family • Workplace structure • Career ascendancy/

professional development

• Roles and responsibilities

• Socio-cultural issues • Religion • Role model and

mentors

Young girl Growing Girl – Adolescence/Young Woman Married Woman Woman Teacher Woman Kindergarten Teacher

• Gendered attitudes and practices

• Gendered space and boundaries

• Gender expectations • Historical, political,

geographical context • Religious beliefs • Socio-cultural issues • Social roles and

responsibilities • Patriarchal family

structures • Educational

opportunities • Teacher preparation • Career opportunities • Marriage norms • Perceptions of pre-

primary teachers • Shaping of gender

beliefs • Pre-primary/

kindergarten school context

• Workplace structures • Role models

Young girl/ adolescence/young woman • Parents • Extended Family

(family of origin) • Teachers • Students • Larger Society Married woman • Husband • Children • Extended Family

(marital) • Larger Society Teachers • Job opportunities • Job seeking and

selection • Management

structures • Resources • Teacher training/


• Students • Parents Personal/professional Supporting mechanisms Successes/ challenges Perceptions and values Hopes/opportunities Decisions/choices

Demographics Birth date Birthplace Life as a child Life as an adolescent Family before marriage Family after marriage Education Work experiences

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Initial Categories and

Codes to Select Themes Themes Codes Sub-Codes

Understanding the Concept of Gender in Relation to

Teaching Practice

Gendered classroom practice • Teaching practice • Beliefs about girls and

boys • Roles and

relationships • Interaction with girls

and boys • Socio-cultural issues • Religion • School structures

Woman kindergarten teacher teaching in a co-educational school

• Pre-primary/ kindergarten school context

• Teaching practice • Teacher preparation/


• Classroom organization • Curriculum/play • Planning for teaching • Gendered attitudes and

practices • Gendered space and

boundaries • Gender beliefs • Gender expectations • Perceptions about girls’

and boys’ academic abilities, interests, learning styles

• Perceptions about girls’ and boys’ behavior and discipline

• Perceptions of peer relationships

• Perceptions of interactions/teaching practice/relationships with girls and boys

• Resources • Religious beliefs • Socio-cultural norms

and expectations • Social roles and

responsibilities • Patriarchal family

structures • Teacher as role model

Teachers • Management

structures • Resources • Teacher

training/ professional development

• Students • Parents • Society Perceptions and values Hopes/opportunities Classroom structures Teaching practices Relationships with girls and boys Decisions/choices

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APPENDIX J

Preliminary coding scheme for observation data

Initial Codes • Teacher Praises Girl (Tr P G) • Teacher Praises Boy (Tr P B) • Teacher Disciplines Girl (Tr D G) • Teacher Disciplines Boy (Tr D B) • Teacher Asks Girl Question (Tr Q G) • Teacher Asks Boy Question (Tr Q B) • Teacher Touches Girl (Tr T G) • Teacher Touches Boy (Tr T B) • Teacher Verbal Response to Girl (Tr R G) • Teacher Verbal Response Boy Non-Academic (Tr

R B) • Teacher Non-verbal Response Girl Non-

Academic • Teacher Non-verbal Response Boy Non-

Academic • Teacher Verbal Response Girl Academic • Teacher Verbal Response Boy Academic • Teacher Directive to Girl • Teacher Directive to Boy • Teacher Helps Girl • Teacher Helps Boy

• Teacher Gender Talk about Girls (T GT G) • Teacher Gender Talk about Boys (T GT B) • Teacher Gender Talk about Mothers – School • Teacher Gender Talk about Mothers – Home • Teacher Gender Talk about Fathers – School • Teacher Gender Talk about Fathers – Home

Observation notes: Developing initial coding scheme

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APPENDIX K

Refining coding scheme for observation data

Observation notes: Refining coding scheme

272

Refining Codes TEACHER ACTIONS: • Teacher Touches Girl • Teacher Touches Boy • Teacher Near Girl • Teacher Near Boy • Girl Near Teacher • Boy Near Teacher • Teacher Notices Girl • Teacher Notices Boy • Teacher Notices Girl (Girl Called

Tr) • Teacher Notices Boy (Boy Called

Tr) • Teacher Marks Girl Work • Teacher Marks Boy Work

TEACHER VERBAL INTERACTIONS: • Teacher Praises Girl (non-academic) • Teacher Praises Boy (non-academic) • Teacher Praises Girl (academic) • Teacher Praises Boy (academic) • Teacher Disciplines Girl (Social Behavior) • Teacher Disciplines Boy (Social Behavior) • Teacher Disciplines Girl (Academic) • Teacher Disciplines Boy (Academic) • Teacher Responsibility to Girl • Teacher Responsibility to Boy • Teacher Tidy Up to Girl • Teacher Tidy Up to Boy • Teacher CM Girl (Routines, Space, Organization) • Teacher CM Boy (Routines, Space, Organization) • Teacher Initiated Directive Girl (Social Behavior) • Teacher Initiated Directive Boy (Social Behavior) • Teacher Initiated Directive Girl (Academic) • Teacher Initiated Directive Boy (Academic) • Teacher Initiated Directive Girl (Routines) • Teacher Initiated Directive Boy (Routines) • Teacher Initiated Comment Girl (Academic) • Teacher Initiated Comment Boy (Academic) • Teacher Initiates Comment to Girl (Content Unknown) • Teacher Initiates Comment to Boy (Content Unknown) • Teacher Asks Girl Question (Academic/Content) • Teacher Asks Boy Question (Academic/Content) • Teacher Asks Girl Question (Routines) • Teacher Ask Boy Question (Routines) • Teacher Asks Girl Question Posed to Larger Group • Teacher Asks Boy Question Posed to Larger Group • Teacher Asks Girl Question (Content Unknown) • Teacher Asks Boy Question (Content Unknown) • Teacher Use of Gendered Language • Teacher Verbal Response to Girl (Academic/Content

Related) • Teacher Verbal Response to Boy (Academic/Content

Related) • Teacher Extends Girl’s Thinking • Teacher Extends Boy’s Thinking • Teacher Responds to Girl (Routines) • Teacher Responds to Boy (Routines) • Teacher Verbal Response to Girl (Content Unknown) • Teacher Verbal Response to Boy (Content Unknown) • Teacher Helps/Supports Girl (Academic/Content Related) • Teacher Helps/Supports Boy (Academic/Content

Related) • Teacher Helps Girl (Routines) • Teacher Helps Boy (Routines)

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APPENDIX L

Final coding scheme for observation data

A. Teacher Verbal Interaction with Students

Teacher Question

Teacher Asks Question to Girl/Boy (Academic/Content Related) • Related to child’s understanding/thinking of

task (i.e. if there are 2 ducks in the pond, then how many ducks are there altogether?”)

• Related to aspects required in the children’s work i.e. the date

• Asking what child is doing that is related to their present task (i.e. workbook, discussion in class on a certain curriculum related topic or outcome, play episode, reading books, etc)

• “What are some words that begin with the letter ‘Pp’? Alright, Muneeb”

Teacher Asks Question to Girl/Boy (Procedural) • Related to procedural/routine events in class

(i.e. is the child’s work finished, instructions for a task), a child’s emotions, something belonging to a child or a child’s personal experience

Teacher Asks Question to Girl/Boy (Content Unknown)

Teacher Help

Teacher Helps Girl/Boy (Tr Initiated) (Academic/Content Related) • Clarification/further explanation of

task/concept • Child comes up with book for marking and

needs help • Speaking to child in Urdu for clarification • Writing for the child • Helping child to get dressed for socio-

dramatic play

Teacher Helps Girl/Boy (Student request) (Academic/Content Related) • Clarification/further explanation of

task/concept • Child comes up with book for marking and

needs help • Helping child to get dressed for socio-

dramatic play

Teacher Helps Girl/Boy (Routines/Procedural) • Tying shoelaces, helping to open page of

book, folding paper, sharpening pencil, pushing chair in, helping child line up , putting badge on, helping girl to put hairclips on, guiding a child to an area in class

274

Teacher Response

Teacher Responds to Girl/Boy (Academic/Content Related) • Repeating what child has said • Not adding any new information to what

child has said • Writes child’s response on board

Teacher Responds to Girl/Boy (Routines/Procedural) • Child’s personal experience • Complaints • Routines (using washroom, drinking water,

getting material) • Finding correct page in the book

Teacher Response to Girl/Boy Extends Thinking • Building on child’s understanding to

introduce more complex ideas related to concept/content

Teacher Verbal Response to Girl/Boy (Content Unknown)

Teacher Response – Group Lesson

Teacher Responds/Calls upon a Girl/Boy (Student has hand up to respond) • Teacher with a group of children or the entire

class – discussion during large group time • Teacher directed lesson - i.e. introducing a

concept - before children begin their tasks

Teacher Responds to Girl/Boy (Student has called out response) • Teacher with a group of children or the entire

class – discussion during large group time • Teacher directed lesson - i.e. introducing a

concept - before children begin their tasks

Teacher Directive

Teacher Directive to Girl/Boy (Academic/Content Related – Instructions/Directions) • ‘Hurry’, ‘be quick’, ‘start work’, ‘focus on

work’, ‘open page’, ‘draw’, ‘draw nicely’, ‘look at board’, ‘color’, ‘paint’, ‘color in the lines’, ‘think first’, ‘make it nice and colorful’, ‘limited space on paper’, ‘take pencil and write’, ‘do it like this’, ‘write quickly’, ‘write yourself’, ‘use this (material)’, ‘read it’, ‘use material gently’, ‘listen’, ‘be careful’, ‘fold paper’

Teacher Directive to Girl/Boy (Academic/Content Related – Learning Outcome Related) • Where to write the word/letter (learning

alphabet and words beginning with a letter of alphabet)

• Where to draw illustration • What to write • What to draw • Count • How to write/form words/letters • Something happened in a storybook • Assigning roles for children in socio-

dramatic play • Repeating a vocabulary word • How to act in a role play • Sounding out word • What they can/should make

275

Teacher Directive to Girl/Boy (Procedural/Classroom Management) • Routines/Space/Organization/Time (i.e.

seating, lining up, resources, waiting for turn)

Teacher Initiates Talk with Girl/Boy (Content Unknown)

Teacher Praise

Teacher Praises/Thanks Girl/Boy (Procedural) • Social behavior • Helping • Child’s appearance

Teacher Praises Girl/Boy (Academic/Content Related) • Something child made • Work child has completed successfully

Behavior Management

Teacher Disciplines Girl/Boy (Social Behavior) • Sharing • Interruptions • Coughing without covering mouth • Off-task behavior • Complaints • Disruptions • Talking too loudly or softly • Snatching • Destroying school/classroom material • Not listening • Way child is sitting (not according to

routines) (Tr tone, facial expression, body language)

Teacher Disciplines Girl/Boy (Academic/Content Related) • Speaking in English • Do own work • Completing work • Sitting down and focusing on work • Participating • Wanting nice/neat work • Writing/doing work correctly • Child finishing work too slowly (Tr tone, facial expression, body language)

Teacher Asks Girl/Boy Question – Disciplining child • ‘Why are you shouting?’

Teacher Assigns Classroom Task

Teacher Asks Girl/Boy to Tidy Up • ‘Push chairs in’, ‘tidy up your area’, ‘tidy up

your tables’

Teacher Gives Responsibility to Girl/Boy • Distributing material • Holding transition cards from one activity to

the next • Helping teacher with an activity

Teachers’ Gender Language

Teacher Use of Gender Language • ‘Girls’, ‘boys’, ‘mothers’, ‘fathers’,

‘dadi/dada’ (paternal grandparents) , ‘nana/nani’ (maternal grandparents), ‘aunty’

• Topic related content

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B. Teacher Non-Verbal Interaction with Students Teacher Near Girl/Boy (Proximity) • Helping child • Standing by child • Monitoring group of children • Children sitting in front row when teacher is

seated at front of mat area

Girl/Boy Comes Near Teacher (Proximity) • Teacher has called child to her • To have work marked • To ask question • To be by teacher • Come to be close to teacher

Teacher Gives Material to a Girl/Boy Teacher Goes to a Girl/Boy who has called her

Teacher Looks at/Notices/Takes something from Girl/Boy • Child calls out to Tr and Tr looks/notices child • Tr nods/shakes head at child • Tr pts at child’s book • Child has complained about another child and

Tr takes action without verbal interaction to the complaining child

Teacher Looks at/Notices Girl/Boy (Tr initiated) • Teacher watching, looking at a child • Teacher pointing to child’s work

Teacher Touches Girl/Boy

Teacher Marks Girl/Boy Work

C. Teacher Affect Positive Affect of Directive/Response on Girl/Boy • Responds to/directs child in supportive,

facilitating manner • Tone is sensitive, caring

Negative affect of Teacher Directive/Response on Girl/Boy • Responds to/directs child in discouraging,

non-facilitating manner • Tone is stern, harsh, abrupt, sarcastic

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APPENDIX M

Emerging themes – life history interview and observation data

Emerging Themes: Life History Interviews and Observations

• Demographics • Growing up – family relationships and influence • Married women – family relationships and influence • Becoming/being kindergarten teachers • School context, kindergarten classroom context, teacher preparation • Teaching practice in relation to gender – perceptions and actions

278

APPENDIX N

Teacher-student interactions across gender

Indicators Girls Boys

Total Verbal Interaction with Children

Mean score 415.00 479.29 Standard deviation 105.28 94.28 Minimum 279 370 Maximum 589 605

Total Nonverbal Interaction with Children


Academic Instruction Directives


Academic Learning Outcome Directives


Procedural Directives


Procedural Praise


Academic Praise


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Teacher Responds to Child with Hand Raised


Teacher Responds to Child who Calls Out


Teacher Disciplines Child for Social Behavior


Teacher Disciplines Child for Academic Related Behavior


Teacher Asks Academic Question


Teacher Asks Procedural Question


Teacher Responds to Child - Academic Content Related


Teacher Responds to Child - Procedural


Teacher Responds to Child which Extends Thinking

Mean score 8.43 5.86 Standard deviation 7.413 3.532 Minimum 3 2

280

Maximum 24 12

Teacher Gives Academic/Content Related Help (Teacher Initiated)


Teacher Gives Academic/Content Related Help (Student Request)


Teacher Gives Procedural Help


Teacher Touches Child


Teacher Proximity to Child – Teacher Goes Near Child


Teacher Proximity to Child – Child Comes Near Teacher


Teacher Questions (Total) – All Observations


Teacher Responses (Total) – All Observations


Teacher Directives (Total) – All Observations

Mean score 90.43 98.43 Standard deviation 23.06 23.82

281

Minimum 62 61 Maximum 124 135

Teacher Help (Total) – All Observations


Teacher Gives Child Responsibility to Help


Teacher Asks Child to Tidy Up


Teacher Positive Affect (Directives/Responses)


Teacher Negative Affect (Directives/Responses)


Teacher Questions (Total) – Play Episodes65


Teacher Responses (Total) – Play Episodes


Teacher Directives (Total) – Play Episodes

Mean score 9.20 8.50 Standard deviation 2.68 3.20

65 My play observation data comes from seven play episodes of five research participants. Two play episodes were observed for two teachers. For these teachers who were observed twice, I calculated the average score from the two play episodes of each of them to get a single observation score. The other three teachers were observed during one play episode each. In total, there were five observation scores.

282

Minimum 7 5 Maximum 13 12.5

Teacher Help (Total) – Play Episodes


Teacher Proximity to Child (Teacher Goes Near Child) – Play Episodes

Mean score 33.90 28.00 Standard deviation 14.45 15.88 Minimum 16.5 13.5 Maximum 54 53

Teacher Proximity to Child (Child Comes Near Teacher) – Play Episodes

Mean score 8.10 3.00 Standard deviation 8.11 2.24 Minimum 1.5 0 Maximum 20 6