50

William Hampton Adams

Recycling Bottles as BuildingMaterials in the Pacific Islands

ABSTRACT

In a recent article, David Burley investigated the use of beerbottles as grave decorations in the Polynesian kingdom ofTonga. Burley concluded that these should not be viewed in asymbolic framework, but instead that the bottles were merelyconvenient building materials. The custom of marking a gravewith bottles is much more widespread, for it is found on theislands of Yap and Palau in the western part of Micronesia,and in the Solomon Islands of Melanesia. In Micronesia ,bottles are used to mark paths and planting beds as wellas graves. This article explores, briefly, some of the issuesinvolved in recycling bottles.

Introduction

Recycling may take three basic forms: reusein a similar function, reuse in a different func­tion, or reuse as a raw material source. Whenwe fill a used soda pop bottle with water for anouting at the beach, we are simply reusing thatbottle somewhat differently than it was intended,but its basic function remains the same, namelybeing a container for liquids. An example fromColonial America, is at Raleigh Tavern in Wil­liamsburg, where Ivor Noel Hume found winebottles reused to make cherry cordial; these wereburied next to the tavern and then apparentlyforgotten. Sometimes we use an item for acompletely different purpose, once its originaluse is defunct. An example would be using abottle as a flower vase. The third form is therecycling of the object back into a raw materialand includes melting glass to make new bottles.All three forms of recycling have considerableantiquity. Until recently, humans seem to havebeen reluctant to discard things that might havea use . Most societies with an abundance ofmaterial things have had their ragpickers, theirscrap metal dealers, their junk dealers.

In America, the used bottle trade was welldeveloped by the mid-18th century (Busch1987:67). Between 1804 and 1839, Americansimported 93,557,664 empty black glas s quartbottles, an average of 2,598,768 bottles per year

Historical Archaeology. 2002. 36(2):50-57.Permission to reprint required.

(Adams 1992). These were cleaned and reused.The modem world has the problem of disposingof millions of used bottles and cans annually .In some places, these items can be melted downand recycled completely. Th is, however, isnot an economically feasible option in manyareas of the world , like the island nation s ofthe Pacific. The shipping costs to return bottlesand aluminum cans for recycling have been toogreat to be feasible economically. Faced withan inflow of bottles to those islands, the peopleoccasionally responded by finding uses for themas building materials.

The problem of what to do with empty con­tainers is an old dilemma. In the ancient Medi­terranean , the problem was how to dispose ofthousands of used amphorae. While in someplaces these could be refilled and shipped out, inother places these amphorae must have presenteda major disposal problem. Some bright peoplein antiquity decided to use them as buildingmaterials. The light weight in relation to volumeand the structural strength if properly used,resulted in amphorae being employed by theRomans in the 2nd century B.C. to reduce theweight in the vaulted Stabian Baths at Pompei(Anderson 1927:37). Florence C. Lister andRobert H. Lister (1981) have discussed the useof amphorae in constructing Spanish cathedralsand other monumental architecture.

Like amphorae, glass bottles can be used ina variety of ways as building materials. Theyare durable and structurally strong. A housein Pullman, Washington was built in the 1960salmost entirely of bottles mortared together;glas s recycling began there about 1972. Inthe Middle East, bottles are used in domed orvaulted roofs, neck down, presumably to providelight into the room below, or as a means oflessening the dome's weight. Thi s methodcan be seen in Jerusalem rooftop s and in therooftops shown in the movie Topkapi (Dassin1964), filmed in Istanbul, Turkey. At one sitein the Northern Mariana islands (Figure 1),beer bottle s were used in constructing the topof a cistern , presumably to let in light (Butler1992:108).

In the abo ve examples, ceramic and glassbottles were used in roof construction for sound

Adams-BOTILES AS BUILDING MATERIALS IN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS 51

Tonga

FIGURE 1. Map of Micronesia . Melanesia. and partof Polynesia.

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cially for grave markers, using examples fromthe Solomon Islands, Yap, Palau, and Tonga.

Tonga is located in western Polynesia, south ofSamoa and east of Fiji. Under the Declarationof Berlin in 1886, Tonga was declared a neutralterritory, but became a British protectorate in1900. In 1970, Tonga regained independence.

David V. Burley noted that the practice ofdecorating graves with bottles occurred on all thethree main island groups: Vava'u, Tongatapu,and Ha'apai . The paramount chief's lineage wasburied in more elaborate tombs (Kirch 1990)."These tombs were large, rectangular earthenmounds faced with heavy dressed blocks ofbeach-stone, often in tiers" (Burley 1995:76) .Burley noted that commoner graves were oftendecorated with beer bottles. These were placedupside down and buried in the sand to theirshoulder to form retaining walls . Sometimesmore than one tier would be present and, lessoften, the grave would be paved with upsidedown bottles or even beer cans. The bottles areusually from the Steinlager Brewing Companyof Auckland, New Zealand . Burley (1995:78)noted that while other kinds of bottles like softdrinks were available, "only those associatedwith beer have been consistently found in gravedecoration." If there is indeed a high correlationin using beer bottles exclusively, then the bottle,its contents, or both must have some meaning.The question is, what does this mean? Burleyalso noted that the glass color was consistentlybrown, despite the fact that Steinlager hadswitched to green glass bottles.

architectural reasons: their weight-to-strengthratio was high and, in the case of glass bottles,they allowed the passage of light into the inte­rior. The underlying reason, however, for theiruse really was that they were readily availablein quantity and inexpensively so. Even whereother forms of recycling might have been avail­able, people chose to use the bottles as buildingmaterials.

The rest of this article will examine the useof bottles as building materials in the PacificIslands. The purpose is to expand upon anarticle by David V. Burley (1995) who presenteda study of the beer bottles used in grave archi­tecture in the Polynesian kingdom of Tonga.In that study he originally sought to find asymbolic meaning to this usage, but reachedthe conclusion that the bottles were, ultimately,mere construction materials. "Beer bottles andcans are one component of material culture withwhich archaeologists may confess a degree offamiliarity, and one is naturally intrigued bytheir potential metaphorical association withfunerary rites" (Burley 1995:75). Burley'sarticle arrived in Palau during fieldwork thereand it was realized that the practice of usingbottles to mark the outline of a grave has amuch greater distribution in the Pacific thanjust Tonga. Indeed, it is found in not onlyPolynesia, but also Melanesia and Micronesia.The author has noted such graves in Yap and inPalau, islands located in Micronesia, in what wasonce called the Western Caroline Islands in thewestern Pacific more than 6,000 km (3,700 mi.)northwest of Tonga (Figure 1). This area ofMicronesia fell under Spanish, German, Japanese,and finally, American control beginning in the19th century, whereas Tonga was under Britishcontrol. The Solomon Islands in Melanesia wereunder German and British control. The Solo­mons, Tonga, Yap, and Palau are thus separatedby great distance, have considerable culturaldifferences, and shared different political historiesof European exploitation. While cultural contactacross wide expanses of the Pacific should neverbe underestimated in prehistory and especiallyafter the whalers and traders reached theseislands, the use of bottles as grave decorationappears to be neither diffusion of ideas, normigration, but instead independent invention.

This study examines the use of bottles asbuilding materials in the Pacific islands, espe-

52

Solomon Islands

The Solomon Islands are located in Melanesia,due east from New Guinea, roughly 3000 km(1800 mi.) northwest of Tonga and 3600 km(2200 mi.) southeast of Palau and Yap (Figure1). The Spanish discovered the Solomon Islandsin 1568. In 1885, the islands initially becamea German protectorate, but soon most of theislands were transferred to the British. Theremaining German-controlled islands fell underAustralian administration with the outbreak ofWorld War I. The Japanese held the islandsfrom 1942 to 1945. Although located in Mela­nesia, a few atolls are occupied by Polynesianvillages.

A drawing published in 1889 probably madefrom an etched photograph taken in 1876, showsgraves purported to be in the Solomon Islands(Figure 2) (Buel 1889:510). Buel's book is anexample of early ethnology mixed with travel­ogue, but appears to have some useful informa­tion in it. In describing burials there, J. W. Buel(1889:511) noted that cremation was preferred,but inhumation was practiced as well: "When,however, inhumation is preferred, the gravesare ornamented with strings of beads, pottery,clay-pipes, betel-nuts and dishes made frompalm leaves." The graves in the drawing weredecorated with plates, various ceramic vessels,and a variety of bottles . These bottles aredepicted as resting on their bases, while theplates are upright on their edges. The objectsare shown as marking the edges of the graveand resting on the grave . Although some ofthese may have contained food offerings, thegrave on the right clearly has had bottles andother objects used to mark its perimeter. Whilethese contrast with the upturned bottles seen inTonga, Yap, and Palau, they do indicate the useof bottles as mortuary objects in a 19th centurycontext, either just before or just after theseislands became a protectorate. Buel's unnamedsource for the burial information visited in 1876,so likely the photograph was taken then as well.If so, then the practice predates both Germanand British administrations of the islands, whichbegan in 1885. Earlier contact with tradershad, of course, brought these bottles to theislands and due to their newness or prestigevalue, bottles supplanted locally made things asmortuary objects.

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 36(2)

FIGURE 2. Solomon Island graves in the late 19th century(BueI1889:510).

Yap State, Federated States of Micronesia

Yap is the westernmost of four states in theFederated States of Micronesia. Yap lies south­west of Guam and east of the Philippines andPalau (Figure 1). Yap proper contains threemain adjacent islands but the Yapese are foundon several other islands and atolls. Yap properis a high island on the Asian continental plate,unlike its volcanic neighbors to the east, likeChuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae. This is the islandfamous for its large stone money, quarried inPalau and brought some 500 km (300 mi.) usingopen canoes. Yap and Palau maintained closecultural ties in the 19th century and earlierbecause of these Yapese quarrying expeditions.Stone masonry was well developed in Yap andPalau. Most buildings in these islands havestone foundations and stone paving of patios,plazas, and paths are extensively done.

Yap may have been visited by the Spanish asearly as 1528 and possibly by Sir Francis Drakein 1579 (Lessa 1975:6, 251 ; Hezel 1983:15,19). Although the Spanish established a Jesuitmission in a Yapese village in nearby Ulithiin 1731, it was soon abandoned. In the early1800s, beche-de-mer (sea slug) traders beganvisiting Yap. In 1841, Andrew Cheyne set uptrading stations in Yap and these operated until1866 (Hezel 1983:183-185). In 1871 DavidDean O'Keefe was shipwrecked in Yap and laterreturned to build a trad ing station for copra.Several British and German companies vied for

Adams-BOTILES AS BUILDING MATERIALS IN THEPACIFIC ISLANDS 53

the trade here as well, establishing posts (Hezel1983:263-271). In 1885, Spain reasserted herterritorial claims to Yap and ruled here untilthe Spanish-American War in 1898. Germanybought Yap from Spain in 1899 and held ituntil October 1914, when it was taken by Japanat the outbreak of World War I (Yanaihara1940: 18-22). Japan held Yap as part of itsSouth Seas Empire until 1945, when it becamea United Nations Trust Territory under Americanadministration. In 1986, a Compact of FreeAssociation was signed, giving Yap independencefrom the USA as part of the Federated Statesof Micronesia.

Yapese burial patterns have been recordedby several scholars (Beauclair 1967; Pickering1980a; Pickering et al. 1980; Hunter-Anderson1981 :59--61, 1985:18, 35-36; Adams 1997:32-35)and will only be examined briefly here to pro­vide a context for understanding the use ofbottles as mortuary objects. An important aspectof the Yapese mortuary practice is that thegraves in a village may not be the burials ofthat village's residents. Yap has a caste systemand one of the many obligations a low-castevillage has to its overlords is to bury the deadof the higher caste village . The Yapese holdvery strong beliefs regarding purity and this isdirectly visible in the way houses and villagesare built and used . Burials are impure. Tobury the dead in a location is to make it animpure place . Hence the higher castes burytheir own dead in lower caste villages to keeptheir village pure and to make the lower castevillage less pure . Gachlaw was a low castevillage obligate to bury the dead of Guror vil­lage (Adams 1997). We asked the people ofGachlaw where they buried their own dead andfound it was too sensitive a subject to derivean answer.

In 1982, Rosalind L. Hunter-Anderson (1985)surveyed a low-caste village, Nlul, on the islandof Map in Yap proper. Hunter-Anderson (1981,1985:51, 58) found that the mortuary practicein Map was somewhat different than in the restof Yap, noting the burials there lacked the tallflat upright stone slabs called magrey, found ongraves in nearby Toruw. The island of Mapwas not normally used for burials, except forindividuals killed in battle or otherwise beinghonored and remembered. Such people had theirgraves in the villages. The Japanese forbid thetraditional buria1 practices in their Micronesian

possessions and so the majority of the burialslocated on Map are from the Japanese Period,1914-1945. She recorded 39 graves (Hunter­Anderson 1985: 18: "Graves were single ormultiple, had one or more levels, and wererectangular in plan . . . . Some occurred inpairs or clusters near residential complexes(house and sitting platform combinations), whileothers had been built directly on house or sittingplatforms."

Robert Pickering (l980a) discussed Yapeseburials at considerable length in developing atypology, yet made no mention of bottles beingused in any graves. Presumably, the burials inthe upland area being surveyed were earlier andcontained no historic graves.

In 1989, William H. Adams, Sarah K. Camp­bell, and Richard E. Ross surveyed the low-castevillage of Gachlaw, in southern Yap. Althoughgraves were noted at eleven sites, only onehad bottles as a decoration. That grave hadupside down Japanese beer bottles along the twolongest sides of the grave (Adams 1997:60, 81;Adams et al. 1997:32-35). Gachlaw village wastaken over by the Japanese Army during theWW II as a military camp to guard the southernpeninsula. So that they would not be bombed,they lived in the Yapese houses and dressed asYapese. Evidence of occupation can be seenin tunnels, machine gun emplacements underhouses, and Japanese artifacts at various housesites. The burial is not likely, however, to beJapanese because it is a single grave locatedwithin a traditional Yapese cemetery . TheJapanese remains would have been crematedand returned to Japan, if possible. There are,however, Japanese burials on Yap. Robert B.Pickering (l980b) described three Japanesemilitary graves as having a raised tier with twobeer bottles presumed to be flower vases.

Hunter-Anderson (1985:58) also mentionedthat beer bottles were associated with the gravesoccasionally. "Other items noted in these con­texts are Japanese beer bottles and Yapese shellvaluables called yar." Although she noted thepresence of beer bottles, she did not describewhether these were scattered about or were usedas integral parts of the grave.

Immediately after World War II, the U.S. gov­ernment sent teams of researchers into the TrustTerritory to record the geology, climate, botany,and anthropology. One group of researchersnoted the use of beer bottles on graves:

54

Cemeteries are located near the villages, generally on aprominent ridgetop or hill. The graves are rectangularpyramids built up one or two steps. The sides ofeach step are made of stones collected locally, and theinside is filled with soil. Many are decorated withbeer bottles stuck neck down into the soil. The sizeof the graves varies from a few feet on each side forsmall children, to 20 feet by 10 feet and up to 6 feethigh for men of high soci al standin (italics added )(Johnson et al. 1960:7)

Hunter-Anderson (1985:18) also noted "someof the Japanese bottles were incorporated into thedry-laid masonry of house platforms." Further,she remarked (1985:30) "In rare cases, Japanesebeer bottles had been used as edging for a housefoundation rather than stone." We thus see thatbeer bottles were used in Yap for constructinghouses and graves and that this practice tookplace during the Japanese Period.

Republ ic of Palau

The Republi c of Palau is located some 500km (300 mi.) southwest of Yap, 1000 km (600mi.) east of the Philippines and 1000 km (600mi.) north of New Guinea (Figure 1). Like Yap,it is a high, continental island in Micronesia.Palau shares a similar history with Yap, fromthe early fleeting contacts with the Spanish, tothe beche-de-mer and copra traders of the 19thcentury. Andrew Cheyne built a trading post in1840 and was killed there in 1866, promptingthe British to intercede . Both German andBritish traders operated in Pal au. In 1885,Spain acquired Palau, along with Yap, and lostboth in 1898. The Germans then administeredthe islands. Japan seized them in 1914 fromthe Germans . During the Japanese Period,1914-1945, Palau served as the capital of theirSouth Sea s empire. In 1938, some 15,000Japanese lived there, compared to 6,000 Palauans.The U.S.A. administered Palau after the war asa UN Trust Territory. Palau became nominallyindependent in 1981 and fully independent in1994.

The Palauan funeral practices have beenrecorded in detail (Society of Historians1995:31-36; 1996; 1997:39-46). The traditionalburial practice was to bury individual s in thestone platforms surrounding house sites in eachvillage. The Japanese forbid this practice andrequired the use of separate cemeteries . Inthe traditional burial, the stone platform paving

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOG Y 36(2)

would be removed to accommodate the burialand then replaced in a way marking the graveedges.

While servi ng in the Division of CulturalAffairs in the Republic of Palau in 1995 and1996, I observed that Japanese beer bottles wereused in three different contexts. First, bottleswere seen around several grave s in MelekeokState, on a ridgetop cemetery (Figure 3). Thesewere relatively recent interments. A full can ofBudweiser seen on one grave may have been aneven more recent offering. The bottles were allupside down, marking the perimeter of the gravepit, using a double row. I asked my Palauancolleague , Vince Blaiyok, if the bottles aroundthe grave had any special meaning and was toldthe bottles were used simply to mark the graveand make it attractive. The second instance waswhen we recorded the 1920s and 1930s Japaneseresidential sites which were to be destroyedby construction of the Palasia Hotel (Adams etal. 1995). One house had beer bottles placedupside down as an edging to a path leading tothe front door. The third instance was a militarysite , a pillbox guarding a water route throughthe rock islands into the capital, Koror. At thatsite, the Japanese soldiers had built a path onthe steep hillside, using bottles lain horizontallythree or four tiers, without mortar (Figure 4).Possibly these had been hammered back into theclay hillside. The conclusion to be drawn fromthese observations is that bottles were used inPalau as an expedient building material and thatdoing so alleviated the disposal problem. Afterconsuming the beer, one had to do somethingwith the bottles, so the Palauans used themcreatively . The use of bottles for building

FIGURE 3. Bottle marked graves in Melekeok cemetery,Republic of Palau.

Adams-BOTILES AS BUILDING MATERIALSIN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS 55

materials was observed on Japanese civil andmilitary sites, as well as Palauan graves.

Discussion

In each of the examples from the Pacific,discussed above, bottles were used to mark theperimeters of a grave. In the Tonga example,these graves were multi-tiered. Bottles usedin multi-tiered graves in Yap or Palau have notbeen observed, it would not be surprising to seethem used that way, for the graves there aresometimes multi-tiered.

Drinking beer is an important part of any get­together in Micronesia, including funerals. Atsome point the bottles must be disposed in aculturally appropriate manner. Graves also needto be marked so that they can be visited laterand so that newer burials do not disturb olderones. The use of bottles to mark the gravesprovides a useful means of disposing of thebottles.

David V. Burley noted the graves in Tongawere decorated with beer bottles used to forma rectangle around the grave (Burley 1995) .Although he at first searched for a deeper mean­ing to this practice, after talking with informants,he concluded that the beer bottles were simplydecoration. Based on a wider geographic surveyof this practice, we must reach the same conclu­sions.

Is there any kind of symbolism used in thispractice? Perhaps, in a very simple way, thebottles are left around the grave to mark thefact that friends and relatives mourned theindividual's passing. So the bottles serve asa visible reminder of the wake itself and thegrieving therein . The bottles may be akin tothe Jewish practice of placing a pebble on agrave when visiting, a kind of calling card, justto say to passers-by that someone cared. TheTongan use of only brown beer bottles perhapssuggests, contrary to Burley's conclusions, thatsome aspect of symbolism may yet be involved.This, however, may simply be that brown bottleslook better to the Tongan eye.

Conclusions

Confronted by the need to dispose of other­wise useless containers, people for more thantwo millennia have resorted to integrating thosecontainers into their architecture and landscape,

FIGURE 4. Japanese soldiers created a path of bottlesduring World War II.

turning a useless item into a useful one. Thisis, after all, the basis of recycling.

While in Micronesia the use of beer bottlesfor building materials can probably be cor­related with the Japanese and American Periods,this reflects a global technology more thanthe specific cultures involved. The develop­ment of mass production for bottles made themcheap and expendable, while the long distancesinvolved in reaching these islands meant thatit was too expensive to ship the glass back toits origin for recycling. Even today, recyclingaluminum cans from these islands is not eco­nomical to do and aluminum is more valuablethan glass by weight.

The use of glass bottles for building materialin the Pacific Islands will tum out to be a 20thcentury phenomenon and it will be found onany island in which a substantial supply ofbottles arrived. On some islands it may wellbe correlated with the arrival of GI's duringWorld War II, on others when mining companies

56

arrived. This will likely correlate with either theadoption of a cash economy or with the arrivalof significant numbers of foreigners with cashincomes who could afford the bottle's contents.Tahiti and New Caledonia might differ from theformer British, German, and Japanese territoriesduring the same time, for they were held by theFrench, who preferred wines. Did wine bottleswend their way into these islands at the samerate that beer bottles did?

The use of bottles as grave decoration wasshown here to have been practiced as early as1889 or before in the Solomon Islands. Whiletraders and other island visitors might be respon­sible for the spread of ideas across the Pacific,the use of beer bottles to decorate graves isnot likely to be one. Burial practices are gener­ally a conservative cultural trait, except underforced culture change. The Japanese did forcethe Yapese and Palauans to bury their deadin cemeteries and not in the house sites. Mis­sionaries established churchyard cemeterieswith Christian burial practices. In those cir­cumstances, thus, we can see changes in burialpractices in terms of location, grave orientation,and the addition of Christian mortuary art. Theuse of beer bottles as grave decoration justdoes not seem likely as an outgrowth of forcedculture change and so must reflect individual andgroup decisions. The best explanation for thispractice appears to be that the mourners used amaterial, beer bottles, which was a by-productof the mourning ceremony. Instead of haulingthat material away to be dumped elsewhere, theyemployed it in a practical and creative way tomark the grave.

At some future point, we can hope that some­one will conduct a fuller field survey of mortu­ary practices in Yap, Palau , and other Pacificislands focusing on the use of bottles as mortu­ary objects and building materials. This articlehas shown that such a study might be produc­tive. Clearly, beer bottles dating from theJapanese times were used as grave borders andin house construction. Hopefully, future researchcan determine if the practice predates the Japa­nese Period. One Yapese site in Gachlaw,Charon, contained a mid-19th century bottledump containing broken handblown-in-moldwine bottles and case gin bottles (Adams et al.1997:57). While they may have been dumpedimmediately after consumption, they may alsohave been used for decades as containers for

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 36(2)

other liquids . In either case, this presents uswith one example showing that bottles at thatpoint in time may not have been valued asbuilding materials. Most likely future researchwill find that the practice in Micronesia origi­nated in the Japanese Period, when large num­bers of Japanese entered Micronesia, bringingtheir culture with them, including abundantbeer.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the assistance of the lateAndrew Kugfas and of Andrew Figinnad of the Yap HistoricPreservation Office during our study in Yap. Their hospitalityduring my 1989 and 1993 visits to Yap were appreciated.Figirmad accompanied me everywhere in Yap, serving asinterpreter, guide, and friend. I wish to thank the Council ofPilung and the various chiefs for their assistance, includingGadad and Kenfel. I also thank Sarah K. Campbell andRichard E. Ross, who shared the fieldwork with me. In Palau, Iwish to thank Vicky Kanai, Vince Blaiyok, FIorencio Gibbons,and Rita Olsudong for their patience and understanding duringmy 17 months stay there. They helped me see Palau throughtheir eyes. The 1989, 1993, and 1995-1996 fieldwork wasdirectly or indirectly sponsored by the U.S. National ParkService, San Francisco Office. I wish to thank David W.Look, Paula Creech, Margaret Pepin-Donat, Leo Barker, PatParker, and especially Michael Evans for the opportunities andassistance each provided. The Micronesian Endowment forHistoric Preservation supported the 1989 fieldwork. 1 thankthe late Teddy John for his vision in establishing the MRSstudy. I would like to thank the various people who readand commented on the drafts of this manuscript, includingBrian M. Butler and David Burley . Copies of the draftmanuscript were provided to the historic preservation officesin Palau, Yap, and Pohnpei for their review. I also thankLouAnn Wurst for her assistance in getting this reviewedand published.

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WILLIAM HAMPTON ADAMSCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY-CHANNEL ISLANDS

ONE UNIVERSITY DRIVECAMARILLO, CA 93012