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WHITE PAPER OF COUNTERTERRORISM
STUDY OF CONTAINMENT OF BOKO HARAM IN NORTHERN NIGERIA
‘DEKN International Security Crisis Group’
Dayana BobkoEllen Scherwinski
Katrin HegerNicole Struth
Dr. Matt Bonham12/03/2014
Department of Political Science
Background and Justification
Graph 1: Boko Haram attacks and violent deaths (2006-2013)
Boko Haram has its origin in the Borno region in the northeast of Nigeria and was founded by
Mohammed Yusuf in 2002. The group’s real name is the ‘Sunni Community for the propagation
of the Prophet’s Teaching and Jihad’ (Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunnah Lidda’awati Wal Jihad) and was
solely nick-named Boko Haram (‘Western education is prohibited’). Devastating poverty, poor
governance, the sense of injustice and hopelessness among the population in the region were
contributing significantly to Boko Haram’s establishment. The strict enforcement of Sharia law
was seen as a way out of the hopelessness and back to social justice which was preached in the
radical lectures of Yusuf. Boko Haram believes in the total implementation of Sharia law, thus a
fundamental change in political regime is necessary since secular statehood and democracy
hinder Sharia law to completely take its place. While their primary focus is within Nigeria’s
borders, and as graph one illustrates most of their devastating violence has taken place in their
state of origin and surrounding states, their influence reaches into transnational territory in the
regions between northern Nigeria, the Republic of Niger, Chad and Cameroon, whose borders
they reject due to its origin in colonization by the United Kingdom, France and Germany (de
Montclos, 2014, p. 6-9).
Graph 2: The Boko Haram crisis: number of deaths caused by insurgents and security forces
Since 2009 Boko Haram has transitioned from its extreme ideology to extreme violence as well.
The graph above illustrates the spike of violence in 2009 when Yusuf was in police custody and
it led to the fragmentation of Boko Haram, its uprising and consequential state repression. This
violence escalated further when Boko Haram’s leader Yusuf was killed on July 30 th 2009 by
Nigerian security forces in public outside a police station. Since 2012/2013 there is an ever
increasing violence trend that emerged with the emergency rule in the states of Borno, Yobe and
Admawa. This emergency rule brought about an increased number of Nigerian forces in the
region that are accused of repression, continued massacres, extra-judicial killings and arrests
without trial which has led to an alienation of the population from the Nigerian soldiers with
increasing amount of people seeking protection from Boko Haram while not sympathizing with
them in the beginning. This also brought about a sharp alleged increase in Boko Haram fighters
from 4,000 in 2009 to about 6,000 and 8,000 in 2014 facing 15,000 Nigerian security forces on
the other side of the conflict (p. 15).
This development of Boko Haram from an extremist ideological group into a terrorist
organization took place rapidly in August of 2009, one month after Yusuf’s death when Imam
Abubkar Shekau claimed to have taken over Boko Haram’s leadership. His followers were all
experienced combatants and thus resembled more a terrorist organization than the ideological
sect with women and children in its midst that Boko Haram had been before. Violence took more
and more the form of sectarian violence following his takeover. Shekau instructed his followers
to target Nigeria’s’ security forces, false converters to Islam and alleged traitors. Boko Haram
also started its suicide attacks on UN buildings and churches, giving Christians a three-day
warning to convert to Islam or leave northern Nigeria. While the violence intensified, there
seemed to be no clear strategy to destabilize the state, however, and violence was directed more
towards local Christian minorities, responding to military assaults and persecuting its direct
opponents (p. 12-13). In August 2014 the took a more decisive step to achieve their political
goals and seeming more confident in their organization by proclaiming a ‘caliphate’ in the local
government area of Gwoza in Borno which is inhabited by around a quarter million people (p.
13).
In that sense, Boko Haram has always adapted to the circumstances, growing out of an economic
desperate situation, to a political transitioning force, to a religious sectarian movement and
finally to an extremist terrorist organization. However, the recent development of the Boko
Haram is cause for major security concerns: Terrorizing civilians with the killing and kidnapping
of hundreds of women and children, Boko Haram constitutes a major security threat to Nigeria
and the surrounding region.1 Official reports put the death toll at well over 4,000 since Boko
Haram began their violent campaign in 2009.2 Over the past several years the group has extended
its geographic reach and increased the sophistication and lethality of its attacks. The Nigerian
government has launched a substantial military offensive against the group but has neither been
able to rescue the abducted nor has it been successful at preventing further kidnapping. Pressure
on the Nigerian government increased, when in April 2014 the abduction of 200 girls from a 1 The group is now becoming a regional threat as well because of their actions in Chad, Cameroon, and Niger. http://www.theafricareport.com/West-Africa/nigerias-boko-haram-becoming-a-regional-threat.html
2 See http://www.cnn.com/2014/06/09/world/boko-haram-fast-facts/
school attracted the attention of international media. Recently, Nigeria negotiated a ceasefire
agreement with the terrorist group but this diplomatic effort failed with Boko Haram kidnapping
another 30 children this week.
The US-Nigeria Bi-National Commission is the forum where both the US and Nigeria can
discuss their strategies and collaborate on the implementation annually. The recent developments
concerning Boko Haram and the Commission’s last meeting in September 2014 once more
showed us the pressing need for cooperation, especially with the new elections in Nigeria in
2015 coming up and the likely increased pressure from Boko Haram concerning these.
Current US Policy
Since the kidnapping over 270 girls from their school in Nigeria, the United States has worked
with the Nigerian government to cripple the ability of Boko Haram to continue their reign of
terror and ultimately dismantle the group. In October 2014, the United States released the most
recent information regarding their efforts to assist Nigeria in their crusade against the violent
group. This report indicates that the United States has offered a dynamic approach to dealing
with the threat in Nigeria through advisory support, sanctions, continued engagement with
governments, and support to affected populations.
Advisory Support
One of the most comprehensive forms of assistance provided by the United States is their offer to
share intelligence. At the beginning of this endeavor, the states had difficulty directly sharing
intelligence because there were no established protocols between the two governments.3 The
United States was hesitant to share this information because of alleged corruption in the Nigerian
3 Anne Gearan and Greg Miller, “U.S. eager to help Nigerian search for girls but cautious in sharing intelligence,” The Washington Post (May 15th, 2014). http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/us-eager-to- help-nigerian-search-for-girls-but-cautious-in-sharing-intelligence/2014/05/15/c5ad010e-dc5c-11e3-bda1-9b46b2066796_story.html
army. A deal was struck between the two states on May 19 th, 2014 which allowed the United
States to share all open source intelligence while raw intelligence will still be confidential.45
In addition to sharing intelligence, Nigeria will be provided with training on intelligence
gathering. It is likely that training for the Nigerian Army will consist of classroom instruction
detailing the intelligence process cycle used by the United States.6 The US will also provide
Nigeria’s army with technical assistance which includes military weapons.7
Advisory support by the United States will also involve a multidisciplinary task force team. This
team was deployed in May 2014 and is intended to advise the Nigerians on how to safely secure
the return of those who have been kidnapped and to encourage a comprehensive approach to
ensuring the security of the region. 8This team consists of a variety of individuals with a diverse
set of backgrounds that include civilian and humanitarian experts, members of the US military,
law enforcement advisers, experts on hostage negotiations, and those skilled in strategic
communication.9
Sanctions
The United States has also utilized sanctions in order to isolate Boko Haram by designating
members of their organizations as terrorists. They specifically singled out the group’s official
leader, Abubakar Shekau, and are offering up to $7 million for information that may lead to his
capture.10 In addition to this isolating the group, the designation of Boko Haram as a Foreign
Terrorist Organization allows US Law enforcement to pursue them. Also, the United States was
able to push the issue at an international level by persuading the UN Security Council to
designate the group as a terrorist organization.11
4 Open source intelligence is intelligence that has already been collected and analyzed. This is different that raw intelligence because raw intelligence has not yet gone through the process of being analyzed and interpreted for meaning.5Richard Sisk, “US Restricts Intel from Nigeria on Missing Girls,” military.com news (May 13th, 2014). http://www. military.com/daily-news/2014/05/13/us-restricts-intel-from-nigeria-on-missing-girls.html6Jesse Sloman, “How Can U.S. Intel Training Help Fight Boko Haram?’ Council on Foreign Relations (November 13th, 2014) http://blogs.cfr.org/campbell/2014/11/13/how-can-u-s-intel-training-help-fight-boko-haram/7The White House Office of the Press Secretary, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government in its Fight against Boko Haram,” (October 14th, 2014). http://www.whitehouse.gov/the -press-office/2014/10/14/fact-sheet-us-efforts-assist-nigerian-government-its-fight-against-boko-.8The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.9The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.10The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.11The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.
Continued Engagement
The United States continues to engage the Nigerian government through programs aimed at
capacity building in certain sectors of law enforcement, military action, and citizen engagement.
There are three specific actions that have been taken on the part of the United States to combat
Boko Haram: the launch of the Global Security Contingency Fund, creating the Trans-Sahara
Counterterrorism Partnership, and the recent announcement of the Security Governance
Initiative.12
The intentions of the US State Department when launching the Global Security Contingency
Fund (GSCF) was to provide funding to assist in security and counterterrorism training, as well
as rule of law programs.13 In striving to observe its goals, the GSCF has pledged $40 million14 to
specific activities it believes will strengthen the resolve to combat terrorism in the countries
receiving the funds. One of these activities is intended to enhance military and security
capabilities regarding border and maritime security, internal security, and counterterrorism
efforts. Under this section the funds will be used to assist the government agencies that are
responsible for the aforementioned forces.15 The funds will also go to support Nigeria in any
operations that are consistent with US foreign policy regarding military action, actions aimed at
stability, and developing peace.16 Finally, the GSCF will fund ‘rule of law’ programs and
stabilizing efforts should the US determine that the capacity of citizens to adhere to the legal
constructs is challenged to instability or conflict.17
Nigeria is also part of the US-led Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism partnership (TSCTP). The
purpose of the (TSCTP) is to counter violent extremism by building up marginalized
communities so they can better resist radicalization and terror recruitment, as well as to combat
terrorism.18 Their current program is divided into 6 specialized areas: military capacity building,
law enforcement anti-terrorism capacity building, justice sector, public diplomacy, community
12 The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.13 Nina Serafino, “Global Security Contingency Fund: Summary and Issue Overview,” Congressional Research Service (April 44th, 2014). http://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42641.pdf14 The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.15 Serafino, “Global Security Contingency Fund,” 4.16 Serafino, “Global Security Contingency Fund,” 4.17 Serafino, “Global Security Contingency Fund,” 4.18 Lesley Anne Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership: Building Partner Capacity to Counter Terrorism and Violent Extremism,” CNA Analysis and Solutions (March 2014), 1. http:// www. cna.org/ sites/default/files/research/CRM-2014-U-007203-Final.pdf
engagement, and vocational training.19 Military capacity building is intended to improve basic
skills military skills and communication as well as assisting to facilitate communication between
partner nations.20 Law enforcement anti-terrorism capacity building aims at building the local
law enforcement’s investigative capacity, improving their response to crisis situations, and
strengthening their ability to protect critical infrastructure and regions.21
The TSCTP focus on the Justice Sector hopes to strengthen counterterrorism legislation, counter
transnational organized crime, improve prison management, and increase partner’s judicial and
legislative capacity to deal with terrorists.22 For example, there is currently an effort in Nigeria to
establish a counter terrorist financing unit that will assist law enforcement.23 Public diplomacy is
used to conduct information operations that “promote moderation and tolerance, counter violent
extremist ideology, and encourage populations to report security threats to local law enforcement
agencies and the military.”24 Currently, military information support teams are working with the
Nigerian Army, current Nigerian policy, and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency to
educate the local populace about illegal activities and are encouraging them to report such
activities to local law enforcement.25
Community engagement through TSCTP works to involve many members of the Nigerian
society to work towards a shared goal of peace.26 USAID has created a program called Training
of Leaders for Religious and National Co-Existence (TOLERANCE). They hope this program
will work to enhance interfaith understanding and build trust between citizens within Nigeria.27
In Nigeria, USAID is also working on a project called Conflict Mitigation and Management
Regional Councils that will bring together influential citizens within religion, government, and
civil society in hopes of strengthening the collaboration between these groups in order to reduce
tensions.28 Finally, the TSCTP will provide vocational training in order to assist people in finding
jobs rather than having to turn to terrorist organizations to get by.29
19 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership.”20 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 36-37.21 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 38.22 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 41.23 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 41.24 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 43.25 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 44-45.26 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 46.27 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 47.28 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 48.29 Warner, “The Trans Sahara Counter Terrorism Partnership,” 48.
The most recent advancement of US policy in Nigeria is the announcement of the Security
Governance Initiative (SGI) at an African Leaders Summit meeting in August 2014.30 This
initiative will involve multi-year funding to assist in improving the current security sector
institutions within the state of Nigeria.31 It also has a goal of assisting in economic development
by continuing to strengthen security.32
Population Support
Support to the population is mainly provided by USAID. Currently, they are providing trauma
counseling to survivors to Boko Haram attacks. The role of the social workers involved in this
counseling is to sensitize the community in order to prevent a stigma against those who were
kidnapped.33 USAID is also working on launching the Nigeria Regional Transition Initiative
which aims to stabilize and strengthen democracy in Northern Nigeria where Boko Haram is
most prevalent.34 This effort works to build the capacity of communities who may be vulnerable
to extremist groups in their fight to resist the influence of groups such as Boko Haram. They plan
to do this by increasing dialogue between the government and citizens, assisting in providing
more credible information to the public, and providing support that will reduce the vulnerability
of youth towards extremist organizations.35
Critique of Current Policy
It has now been over a year since Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of
emergency in Nigeria. However it has shown little effect on limiting the Islamist insurgency of
Boko Haram. Boko Haram has instead increased its acts by attacking several military bases, 30 The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.31 The White House Office of the Press Secretary “FACT SHEET: Security Governance Initiative,” (August 6th, 2014). http://www.whitehouse.gov/the -press-office/ 2014/08/06/ fact-sheet-security-governance-initiative.32 Rob Prince, “AFRICOM – Lite: The Obama Administration’s Security Governance Initiative for Africa,” Foreign Policy in Focus (September 2nd, 2014) http://fpif.org/africom-lite-obama -administrations-security-governance-initiative-africa/.33 The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.34 The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.35 The White House, “FACT SHEET: U.S. Efforts to Assist the Nigerian Government”.
bombing public areas such as bus terminals and most publicly known, the kidnapping of more
than 200 school girls from Chibok. Therefore, policies need to be critiqued, re-evaluated and re-
implemented to achieve a high success rate.
Nigerian Army - Lack trust, equipment, training and motivation
Nigerian military and Civilian Joint Task Force (CJFT) has been has been noted on many
occasions for its corruption and human rights abuses. Recent images include military members
slitting throats of men one by one into a mass graves. This is not the image the military, who
should be protecting its citizens, to be sending to an already terrified public. It is also important
that the state of emergency that Boko Haram has caused does not give way to a state of
lawlessness. There needs to be a systematic reform to the Nigerian army in order to rebuild trust
with the Nigerian people.
Nigeria has had “decades of mismanagement resulting from military rule and corruption” which
Boko Haram used to grow a movement. We know is an adaptable state as it has thrived in a
constant state of flux. For supplies and weapons, the group relies on the Nigerian Army and local
extortion. It is evident that Nigeria could use more support and advice on managing a military.36
In addition to mismanagement, here are also divisions within the Nigerian military which could
have aided the development of Boko Haram; competition between the army chiefs and security
personnel. President Jonathan has admitted for the first time that mistakes have been made by
Nigeria in response to Boko Haram. Because of such divides and mistakes, Boko Haram has
been able to attack the Air Force base of Maiduguri, destroy the heart of Nigeria’s military
might, two helicopters. A united front needs to be created. No one part of the Nigerian army will
be able to tackle this program, it is a common threat and should be treated as such.37
Other areas which could use improvement include motivation and increased security on high risk
days for violence. Motivation in the military is also a large problem that should be addressed.
Salaries for the military are low and should be addressed. In addition, increased security on
public holidays and Christian holidays needs to be addressed, as more attacks seem to happen
during those times. For example, a prison break was carried out in Bauchi during Ramadan and
36 See http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/field/field_document/20140901BokoHaramPerousedeMontclos_0.pdf. 37 See http://www.bbc.com/news/world-25978785
two days before Eid al-Fitr in September 2010, the bombing of a church on the outskirts of
Abuja on Christmas Day in 2011, and a bomb attack in Kaduna during Easter 2012.
Nigerian security agencies do not have a track record of protecting civilians or informants and
Nigeria does not have witness protection programs. Local Muslim clerics no longer dare to
condemn the movement because they risk being killed. The upward trend in violence suggests
that the more security forces have intervened, the worse the crisis has become. The purpose of
the presence of the armed forces needs to change: the only sustainable way to combat Boko
Haram is to protect civilians. Without a reordering of priorities and visible efforts to regain the
trust of communities, Nigeria’s military will be caught fighting an interminable insurgency and
international contribution to combating Boko Haram will not be effective.
Economic Sanctions
Economic Sanctions will have little effect on curbing Boko Haram as their funding is mainly
internal. Boko Haram is funded mostly by bank robberies, extortion, other Al Qaeda groups and
ransom payments. Current economic sanctions could be kept in place, it is important to note that
they should be by no means the primary way to defeat Boko Haram. Again, the best way to
prevent Boko Haram from getting funds is to strengthen internal institutions like banks.38
Media: Boko Haram and Terrorist Classification
Although it is understood that classifying Boko Haram as a terrorist organization allows for a
broader variety of actions, legally, it may also be making matters worse. As a terrorist
organization, the attention they are getting in the media internationally in turn is causing them to
accelerate their efforts. They are getting an increased perception of power which is legitimizing
them, and making them more of a fear. It has been noted that Nigerian government armies are
afraid to venture into Boko Haram territory.
Boko Haram and Islam
It is important to discredit Boko Haram as a movement
38 See http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-27529566
- Boko Haram is ultimately aims at “bad Muslims.” Religious leaders worldwide should be
encouraged to be public that this is an incorrect interpretation of Islam. The actions of
Nigeria’s security forces have been a significant determinant in the trajectory of the
crisis. Since the July 2009 repression, continued massacres, extra-judicial killings and
arrests without trial have widened the gap between communities and the armed forces, to
the point where some civilians have sought the protection of Boko Haram, even if they
did not initially sympathize with, support or subscribe to the actions and doctrine of the
movement. As result of repression and forced conscription, the sect has allegedly grown
from 4,000 members in 2009 to between 6,000 and 8,000 in 2014, against 15,000 soldiers
deployed in Borno state.23
Summing up, Boko Haram is skilled at exploiting state institutional weaknesses; demoralized
and deficient security presence. However, any external actors seeking a more active engagement
in the crisis, for whatever reason, risk becoming entangled in what is ultimately a Nigerian crisis.
There, more management and governmental advice, support and training from the US can
increase effectiveness of Nigeria’s response to Boko Haram. The Nigerian army needs
strengthening by eliminating competition between military branches, eliminating corruption and
restoring a positive relationship with citizens. The Nigerian government needs to address
corruption within its state as addressing the reasons Boko Haram first started; a feeling of
injustice and hopelessness among its people.
Policy Recommendations
Boko Haram remains a national and regional insurgency and should be treated as such. It does
not pose a direct threat to the West and the US should thus maintain its policy of supporting and
advising the Nigerian government. In addition, any foreign military involvement is likely to
worsen the conflict since Boko Haram has strong resentments against the west. US boots on the
ground can thus be excluded as a reaction to Boko Haram on a short-term as well as on a long-
term basis.
US policies should be tailored towards five goals: First, they should provide immediate support
to the government in offering relief to victims of Boko Haram and tracking the kidnapped
children. The US government and its development agency USAID should for example assist the
Nigerian government in giving support to the displaced that fled over the Nigerian borders into
Chad, Cameroon, and Niger. USAID could further offer its expertise in coordinating
humanitarian agencies in the northern region in order to deliver aid effectively to those in need
(cf. Campbell 2014b, 21-22).
Second, the US should specifically support the Nigerian government in preventing future
kidnappings by implementing documentation tools.. One mechanisms would be to create a
committee which focuses on interviewing girls found from the previous captures. They will be
able to get an insider story and learn for the future how to combat these types of situations, and
what really was happening on the inside. Time will pass before some of the girls will escape and
be able to tell their story, however it is important to document the tragedies that have occurred to
prevent future ones from happening.
Third, policies should focus on strengthening the Nigerian government by re-establishing its
monopoly of force. The re-establishment of the monopoly of force can only be achieved when
the Nigerian security institutions are strengthened and regain both the trust of the population and
accountability with Boko Haram. The US administration should attempt to hold Nigeria
accountable for human rights violations committed by security forces (cf. Campbell 2014b, 20f.).
The US-Nigeria Binational Commission can be utilized as a forum for dialogue about human
rights issues and offers a diplomatic forum for the US to demonstrate that it is not only muslim
but also Christian human rights violations - as committed by the Nigerian government - that need
to be addressed publicly. These policies should be accompanied by long-term endeavors to
establish security service accountability. The US should encourage the Nigerian government to
stimulate public dialogue about military and police accountability and should advocate for
including NGOs in this debate. The US should lend its financial support to organizations such as
the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies in Kuru and the Center for Peace Studies at
Usman Danfodio University in Sokoto, which both do valuable work in this regard -8cf.
Campbell 2014b, 25). The US should further intensify its efforts to support the training of the
Nigerian security forces. Since corruption in the Nigerian military is high, the US should
consider advising the Nigerian government on starting to build up a new security force that could
be trained in the US. It would be imperative to pay them higher wages to increase their loyalty
and to prevent dissertation. Border security is another important aspect in the regaining of the
monopoly of force. Further, the US government is advised to keep up the provision of expertise
in the intelligence sector. The US should integrate Chad, Cameroon and Niger in efforts of
securing Nigeria’s borders, thereby preventing further spillovers in the region.
Fourth, although an ambitious aim, the US should campaign for “free, fair, and credible
elections” (Campbell 2014b, 21) in Nigeria and encourage NGOs to oversee the elections. The
US embassy in Abuja and the consulate in Lagos shall observe the usage of religious and ethnic
appeals in election campaigning in order to be able to predict the occurrence of potential
electoral violence.
Fifth, the US government should refrain from publicly comparing Boko Haram to ISIS or
relating the group to Al-Qaeda. The group has proven to be very flexible and adaptable to its
environment, which indicates that it does not follow a clear-cut agenda. Labelling them as a
terrorist organization might have pushed them towards more violent action and giving them too
much recognition and international attention might constitute a further motivating factor for their
actions.
Sixth, and most importantly, long-term development policies should be a focus, in order to tackle
the underlying causes of the emergence of Boko Haram. Economic inequality, corruption,
misgovernment, and religious tensions have brought about Boko Haram and its appeal of radical
thought. The international community has to adapt its ‘one-size-fits-all’ counter-terrorism
strategy and address the individual drivers behind the emergence of a radical group. The case of
Boko Haram and its unique development from a political movement to an insurgency requires
customized policies that include a high degree of local ownership in order to be successful (cf.
Campbell 2014a). A long term goal would be to eradication of corruption on all levels of
government. Since corruption traverses the whole administrative and political body, it is essential
to engage civil society and NGOs in anti-corruption efforts. The US should support these
organizations financially and invest in education programs, so that change is locally owned in the
maximum way.
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Graph Sources
Graph 1: Perouse de Monclos, AM (2014)
Nigeria’s Interminable Insurgency? Addressing the Boko Haram Crisis, Chatham
House: The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Page 3
Graph 2: Perouse de Monclos, AM (2014)
Nigeria’s Interminable Insurgency? Addressing the Boko Haram Crisis, Chatham
House: The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Page 16