What is Vienna Convention on Diplomatic

Relations ?

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961 is an

international treaty, accepted by 189 states till date, that defines a

guideline for diplomatic relations between numerous independent

countries. It specifies the privileges of a diplomatic mission that enable the

diplomats to perform their diplomatic functions without the fear of any

legal trouble or harassment from the host country. This forms the legal

basis for the diplomatic immunity. The articles of the Vienna Convention

are considered as a cornerstone for modern international relations.

According to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961

(VCDR), diplomatic immunity is granted to only certain individuals

depending on their rank and the amount of immunity they require to

carry out their official duties without legal harassment from the host

nation. Diplomatic immunity allows foreign representatives to work in

host countries without fully understanding the customs of that country.

However, diplomats are expected to respect and follow the laws and

regulations of their host countries.

Article 31 of the Convention exempts diplomatic agents from the civil and

criminal jurisdictions of host states, except for cases in which a diplomatic

agent

(1) is involved in a dispute over personal real property, .

(2) has an action involving private estate matters or

(3) is in a dispute arising from commercial or professional business

outside the scope of official functions.

What is Vienna Convention on Consular

Relations ?

The Vienna Convention on Consular Relations of 1963 (VCCR) is an

international treaty that defines the guidelines for consular relations

between the independent countries. A consul normally operates out of an

embassy in a different country, and performs two functions:

(1) protecting the interests of the country and the countrymen of the

consul, and

(2) furthering the commercial and economic relations between the two

countries.

While a consul is not a diplomat, they work out of the same premises,

and under this treaty they are afforded most of the same privileges,

including a variation of diplomatic immunity called consular immunity.

This treaty has been accepted by 176 countries.

Consular immunity offers protections similar to the diplomatic immunity,

but these protections are not as extensive, given the functional differences

between consular and diplomatic officers. For example, consular officers

are not given absolute immunity from a host country’s criminal

jurisdiction (they may be tried for certain local crimes upon action by a

local court) and are immune from local jurisdiction only in cases directly

relating to their consular functions.

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Some terms related to Diplomacy !!!

Asylum

Used in diplomacy to mean the giving of refuge in two senses: first,

within the extraterritorial grounds of an embassy (not generally done in

American embassies); and second, when one states allows someone to live

within its borders, out of reach of the authority of a second state from

which the person seeks protection.

Ambassador-Designate

An official who has been named to be an ambassador, but who has not

yet taken his oath of office.

Ambassadress

A term often used to denote the wife of an ambassador, and misused to

denote a woman chief of mission. The latter is an ambassador, not an

ambassadress.

Accords

International agreements originally thought to be for lesser subjects than

covered by treaties , but now really treaties by a different name.

Bout de Papier

A very informal means of conveying written information; more informal

than an aide mémoire or a memorandum.

Consulate

An office established by one state in an important city of another state for

the purpose of supporting and protecting its citizens traveling or residing

there. In addition, these offices are charges with performing other

important administrative duties such as issuing visas (where this is

required) to host country nationals wishing to travel to the country the

consulate represents. All consulates, whether located in the capital city or

in other communities, are administratively under the ambassador and the

embassy. In addition to carrying out their consular duties, they often serve

as branch offices for the embassy, supporting, for example, the latter’s

political and economic responsibilities. Consulates are expected to play a

particularly significant role in connection with the promotion of their own

country’s exports and other commercial activities. Officers performing

consular duties are known as consuls or, if more junior, vice consuls. The

chief of the consulate is known as the consul.

Consular Agent

An official doing consular work for a nation in a locality where it does not

maintain a regular consulate. This official is usually a national of his host

state, and his work is usually part-time.

Concordat

A treaty to which the Pope is a party.

Diplomatic Illness

The practice of feigning illness to avoid participation in a diplomatic event

of one kind or another and at the same time to avoid giving formal

offense. "Diplomatic deafness" is a somewhat related concept whereby

older diplomats allegedly turn this infirmity to advantage by not hearing

what they prefer not to hear.

Embassy

The residence of an ambassador. In recent years, also inaccurately used to

denote the building which contains the offices of the ambassador and

other key members of his staff. The proper term for the latter, as noted

above, is the "chancery". As also noted above, confusion is nowadays

avoided through the practice of using the two terms "embassy residence"

and "embassy office".

Envoy

Nowadays used to refer to any senior diplomat. Earlier it had a specific

hierarchical connotation, being used to designate diplomatic agents of less

than the highest rank.

Ex Gracia

Something which is done as a gesture of good will and not on the basis of

an accepted legal obligation.

Good Offices

An effort by a third state, or by an individual or an international body,

designed to stimulate the processes of settlement in a dispute between two

other states.

High Commission

A diplomatic mission of one Commonwealth country in another. For

example, Canada has a High Commission in Canberra, Australia.

High Commissioner

The chief of a high commission. Similar to what an ambassador is to an

embassy.

Letters of Recall

Also presented by a new ambassador, along with his letter of credence, to

the chief of state of his host country during his credentials-presentation

ceremony. It is the official document which formally recalls his

predecessor.

Mission

A generic term for embassy. Mission also describes the entirety of official

representation in a given foreign country which functions under the

supervision of the Ambassador, including civilian and military personnel.

Rapprochment

The establishment of improved relations.

Vice Consul

A junior ranking consular officer.

Visa

Written authority to enter a country for either temporary or permanent

residence, depending on its wording.

Defining "Civil Society"

The term civil society has a range of meanings in contemporary usage. It

is sometimes considered to include the family and the private sphere, and

referred to as the "third sector" of society, distinct from government and

business.

The term civil society was used by writers such as Locke and Rousseau to

describe civil government as differentiated from natural society or the

state of nature.

The Marxist concept derives from Hegel. In Hegel civil or bourgeoise

society as the realm of individuals who have left the unity of the family to

enter into economic competition is contrasted with the state or political

society. Marx uses the concept of civil society in his critique of Hegel. It is

used as a yardstick of the change from feudal to bourgeoisie society. Civil

society arose, Marx insists from the destruction of medieval society.

Previously individuals were part of many different societies such as guilds

or estates each of which had a political role so that there was no separate

civil realm. As these partial societies broke down, civil society arose in

which the individual became all important. The old bonds of privilege

were replaced by the selfish needs of atomistic individuals separated from

each other and from the community.

Contemplorary Civil societies: A pluralistic

Civil society is not a colourless or odourless gas. Civil society is not an

abstract academic concept anymore. Civil societies have colours and

cultures, contexts and contours, gender and grounds, and politics and

passion.

Civil society is plural. The theory and practice of civil society is plural in

concept, genealogy, history, form, locations, content and politics. Its

validity is partly due to this plurality at its conceptual core and the sheer

diversity in its praxis. There is no single theory of civil society. And no

single politics of civil society. This fluidity and fuzziness of the term is,

paradoxically, what makes it significant.

Civil society signifies diverse arenas and spaces of contested power

relations. So the contradictions and contestations of power, culture and

economy are reflected in the civil society discourse of a particular country

or political context. Civil society has now become an arena of praxis

wherein theory is continually negotiated and re-negotiated based on the

evolving practice in multiple social, economic and cultural contexts.

The idea of civil society is used for political subversion, political reform as

well as political transformation. Proponents of various ideological streams

from conservatism to neo-liberalism and from liberal reformists to

radical socialists have been using the idea and practice of civil society to

legitimise their respective political projects and programmes.

This dynamism, pluralism and diversity to a large extent shape the

emerging civil society discourse across the world. In South Asia, civil

society may reflect the feudal and post-colonial tendencies within its own

power spaces. In many countries of Africa, community differentiations

based on tribal identities may influence and shape civil society discourse

as well.

How civil society has changed the world

If we consider civil society discourse as a pluralist network of citizens and

associational spaces for social and political action, then one can begin to

appreciate the contribution of such discourse in shaping and influencing

the politics and policy processes in many countries and the world.

There are five specific areas where civil society discourse and initiatives

have made very important political and social contributions.

These are:

a) women’s rights

b) ecological justice and environment protection

c) human rights of ethnic,religious, race, and sexual minorities

d) movements for citizens’ participation and accountable governance

and e) resistance and protest against unjust economic globalisation and

unilateral militarisation.

In fact, even in these specific areas there is a multiplicity of civil society

discourse.

However, over the last 30 years, if women’s rights and green politics are

at the centre of all political and policy discourse, it is indeed due to the

consistent mobilisation and advocacy by thousands of organisations and

millions of people across the world. On February 15, 2003, more than

11 million people across the world marched against the war in Iraq and

unilateral militarisation. In fact, the unprecedented, coordinated global

mobilisation happened on the same day largely due to digital

mobilisation and partly due to the rather spontaneous coordination

among social movements and civil society actors who met during the

World Social Forum in Porto Alegre in January 2003.

In India too, in the last 25 years, most of the innovative policy framework

and legislation happened due to consistent campaigning and advocacy by

civil society organisations. It is the people-centred advocacy, campaigning

and mobilisation by hundreds of civil society organisations in India that

prompted the Indian government to enact the Right to Information

(RTI) Act, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, Right to

Education, the new Act to stop domestic violence, and the one aimed at

protecting the land rights of tribal communities. It is due to the efforts of

women’s rights organisations and civil society initiatives that women’s

political participation and 33% reservation for women in Parliament are

at the centre of political discourse in India.

In many countries of Asia and Africa, civil society activism has become a

countervailing political force against authoritarian governments. It has

also sought to challenge unjust economic globalisation. This was evident

in the citizens’ and civil society struggle against monarchy in Nepal and

authoritarian regimes in many parts of the world. In many countries of

Latin America, civil society became the common ground for diverse

interest groups and political formations to act together to challenge

authoritarian regimes. In fact, civil society played a key role in shaping the

political process in Brazil, where social movements, progressive NGOs,

progressive factions of the church, trade unions and public intellectuals

came together for political and policy transformation. The World Social

Forum process originated in Brazil partly due to these historical and

political conditions, and it helped the transformation of state power in

Brazil.

With the advent of the Internet, digital mobilisation and relatively cheap

air travel there is an increasing interconnectedness between civil society

initiatives and movements across the world. The unprecedented

mobilisation and campaigns against the unjust WTO regime and for

trade justice and fair trade demonstrated the power of citizens’ action

and mobilisation beyond the state and market. The diverse range of

mobilisation against the World Trade Organisation in Seattle, Cancun,

and Hong Kong influenced the political and policy choices of many

countries and the G20 process. The Jubilee campaign for cancelling the

unjust debt of poor countries attracted the support of millions of people

both in rich and poor countries and in remote villages and megacities.

The successful campaign against landmines proved to be another

example of civil society mobilisation and action across the world. The

World Social Forum emerged as an open space and platform for the

exchange of ideas, coordination of action, and collective envisioning

beyond narrow ideological and political divides. The emergence of a

global justice solidarity movement influenced the political process in

many countries in many ways.

A time for change: Civil society and

international relations

In the last 15 years, there has been a resurgence of political

consciousness in civil society. A whole range of new associations,

citizens’ formations, new social movements, knowledge-action networks

and policy advocacy groups have emerged at the national and

international level.

This was partly due to the shift in international politics in the aftermath of

the Cold War and a consequent shift in the aid-architecture, with a stress

on local ownership in the development process. The new stress on

human rights in the aftermath of the Vienna Human Rights Summit, in

1993, gave new spaces and international legitimacy to new human rights

movements, integrating civil, political, economic, social and cultural

rights. A series of United Nations conferences, starting with the Rio

Summit in 1992, created an enabling global space for civil society

processes and organisations. The Beijing Summit in 1995 on women’s

rights, the Copenhagen Summit on social development in 1996, and the

Durban Summit on racism provided a global platform for civil society

movements to advance a new discourse on politics and public policy.

The exchange of knowledge, linkages and resources began to create a

new synergy between countries and communities in the South as well as

in the North. In fact, the United Nations became a key mediating

ground between civil society and various governments.

Such a mediating role between civil society and state provided a new

legitimacy and role for the United Nations. The new stress on human

development, human rights and global poverty created a legitimate space

for global action and campaigns for civil society. New technological and

financial resources helped international networking and a new trend of

globalisation from below. As the new hegemony of power politics driven

by unilateral militarism, conservative politics and a neoliberal policy

paradigm began to dominate the world, the new social movements and

consequent civil society process became the arena for a new politics of

protest and resistance against unjust globalisation. Such a new civil

society process was driven by communities, communications and

creativity. New modes of communication, networking, campaigning and

mobilisation made civil society discourse one of the most influential

political and policy discourses in the 21st century.

There is a significant difference between the civil society discourse of the

1980s, 1990s and that of the last 10 years. Unless we understand and

appreciate the multiple political shifts at the national and international

levels, it might be difficult to understand the consequent shifts in the

practice and theory of civil society. In the 1980s, civil society was more

of a conceptual tool tolegitimise and organise the protest movement

against authoritarian governments in Latin America and Central Europe.

In the 1990s, the term ‘civil society’ became an instrument of policy and

politics at the international level, supported by both aid and trade. And

in the last 10 years, the idea of civil society has been increasingly

contextualised to become a plural arena of political praxis for

transformative politics in multiple contexts. The old civil society

discourse was submerged in new movements for radical democratisation,

feminist politics, and ecological, social and economic justice. It is the

new emerging discourse on civil society that seeks to address the issue of

democratic deficit, and crisis of governance.

So it is important to reclaim civil societies -->> as plural and diverse

spaces for collective human action -- as an arena for transformative

politics. The reclaiming of civil societies would mean a reassertion of the

dignity, sovereignty and human rights of all peoples.

The ethics and politics of the idea of civil society need to be

reclaimed to humanise the state, market and the political process.

There is the need to reclaim a new political consciousness driven

by freedom -- freedom from fear and freedom from want; freedom

of association and freedom of beliefs.

The idea of civil society needs to be reinforced by new civil values

and virtues: the values of equality and justice; values that would help

us fight all kinds of injustice and discrimination -- based on gender,

race, caste or creed.

Civil society can be transformative when it combines the politics of

protest and the politics of proposal. Civil society will become an

arena that can help combine the politics of people and the politics

of knowledge.

Civil society becomes a transformative space when it can help to

create the politics of dissent, politics of association and citizens’

action against monopoly of power and spaces for counter-discourse

and counter-hegemony.

State of Civil Society in India

Civil society in India seems defined by exclusion. It is crowded with

human rights lawyers and activists, NGO leaders, academics and

intellectuals, high-profile journalists, celebrities and think tank-hirelings.

Mass media debates never see landless labourers, displaced people,

nurses, trade union workers, bus conductors being asked to speak for

‘civil society.' Though, indeed they should.

After three rounds of talks in less than two months, Iran and six world

powers have reached a preliminary agreement in Geneva on curbing

Tehran’s nuclear programme in exchange for some sanctions relief. The

breakthrough came amid a history of failed negotiations, and could be the

first step towards a detente between Western powers and Iran after 35

years of hostility. Noticeably, the agreement came less than three months

after Iran’s new President Hassan Rouhani committed to changing Iran’s

relationship with the world.

The deal will have immediate regional and international ramifications,

and once a long term deal is reached, possibly within a few months,

rapprochement between Washington and Tehran is likely to pave the way

towards major realignment in the greater Middle East region.

It’s also expected to open the way towards the recognition of Iran’s

regional role starting with Syria, Iraq, the Gulf region, and eventually in

Afghanistan.

As the US downsizes its overall military presence, it expects the Iranian

leadership to be less of a nuisance and more cooperative towards crisis

management in the greater Middle East.

And it seems, many in Tehran, and among its supporters, are pleased to

see Iran replace Saudi Arabia or Israel as a reliable intermediary for the

United States in the region.

Some argue that this is all wishful thinking and will prove short-lived

considering the decades’ long antagonism and ideological differences.

Others argue that in the long term, Iran (and Turkey) could prove more

useful as US clients/partners than Israel and Saudi Arabia, considering

their regional weight and historic importance.

The new deal will have serious ramifications on

at least seven regional fronts:

Iran

The Islamic Republic is at the heart of any future regional shifts of

power. US failures in Afghanistan, and more importantly in Iraq and

Syria, have already strengthened Iran’s hand. And the newly gained

confidence in Tehran will be further enhanced by the removal of

economic sanctions, and buttressed by a bigger role in a weakened region.

Question: How will Iran’s rehabilitation and opening to the

West affect the balance of power within the country and the future of the

mullahs’ rule?

Syria

Iran’s expected participation in the Geneva-2 negotiation over Syria’s

future is its first reward for “good behaviour”. A staunch supporter of

Bashar al-Assad, with its special forces fighting alongside his regime,

Tehran is likely to ensure Assad’s survival, and along with Russia, assist in

his rehabilitation as an acceptable regional leader. Tehran and Moscow

are eager to end the war and shift the emphasis from ousting Assad to

“fighting terrorism” in Syria.

Question: What does a greater Iranian role in Syria mean to the struggle of

Syrians for freedom from dictatorship, and the outcome of the

horrific civil war there?

Iraq

The country is in a quagmire 10 years after the military invasion. It’s

terribly polarised between Sunni and Shia forces and hundreds – even

thousands – of people are killed every month by suicide bombings.

Tehran exercises major influence in the country, over Nouri al-Maliki’s

government, and among the Shia majority. And as of late, the

authoritarian Maliki has emerged as an indispensable link between

Tehran and Washington as he spearheads the fight against “extremist

Sunni groups”.

Question: Considering its new vigour, will Iran’s support for Maliki lead

him to an even greater monopoly of power and deeper divisions in the

country?

Saudi Arabia

The wars in Iraq, Syria and the conflict in Lebanon – in addition to the

upheaval of the predominantly Shia majority in Bahrain – have deepened

the rift between Riyadh and Tehran. Judging from criticism made recently

by Saudi intelligence chief Bandar bin Sultan, who is Washington’s ally in

the Kingdom, the Saudi leadership is the most alarmed with the potential

US-Iran detente and the rise of an unrestrained Iran on the Middle East

stage. Further, Saudi-Iranian antagonism will lead to major sectarian

escalation with incalculable price for the region.

Question: Will the hardening theological triangle - Saudi, Iran and Israel

– take the region to new historic lows as the danger of sectarian conflict

looms large in the region?

Afghanistan

As the US withdraws/redeploys outside the country in 2014 – after a 13

year war – leaving behind only residual forces through 2024, Washington

can use all the help it can get to maintain control. With a certain influence

over Afghanistan’s northern regions, Tehran could be of assistance if it

chooses to help stabilise Afghanistan and deter the return of the Taliban.

Question: Having briefly helped US forces fight against the Taliban after

2001, will Tehran cooperate once again with the US?

Palestine/Lebanon

Palestine is a domestic redline for both Washington and Tehran and,

therefore, expect little or no change to the occupation of Palestine where

they’ve agreed to disagree. Tehran has already lost much influence among

the Islamist Palestinian factions due to its support of the Assad regime; its

only influence remains with Hezbollah.

Question: Will Iran’s Lebanese ally emerge stronger or weaker from the

Syrian civil war, and will it become a Lebanese, and not an Israeli

menace?

Israel

For the foreseeable future, Israel will continue to be the only nuclear

power in the region. But Israel is no less annoyed by a resurgent Iran than

it is by its nuclear development, especially the fact that Tehran has already

acquired the nuclear know-how. Some suggest that this could lead to new

unspoken Israeli alliance with the so-called moderate Sunni regimes, ie,

Saudi Arabia, UAE, Jordan, Egypt, against their common nemesis, Iran.

Question: Since Israel is particularly eager for such an arrangement, will

such alliances finally see the light of day and what repercussion will that

have on the region?

India’s stand

India has welcomed the deal that Iran and six world powers clinched on

Sundaycurbing the Iranian nuclear programme in exchange for initial

sanctions relief.

“As the agreement between Iran and the P5 plus 1 has been agreed to just

a while ago we are in the process of obtaining details from our

interlocutors, however, based on initial information available at this stage I

can say that India welcomes the prospect of resolving questions related to

Iran’s nuclear program,through dialogue and diplomacy,” India’s ministry

of external affairs spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin told

Susruta Samhita

The portion in Susruta Samhita, which explains the preparation and

use of alkalies, occupies a prominent place in Indian medical chemistry. It

is said that alkalies were used to clean surgical instruments, which were

used to cut the diseased parts of human body. (the term СksaraТitself

means Сthat which removes away the affected parts of the bodyТ).Plates

of iron, silver and gold were dipped in alkaline liquids before mixing with

medicines.

Susruta classifies alkalies into mrdu, tiksna and madhyama. He gives

the preparation of each category. Some of them are used for external

application and some for internal administration. They are used

externally for skin diseases like kusta, tumors, piles etc. and internally for

abdominal tumors, indigestion, urinary deposits, intestinal worms etc.

devices to store them are also advised. According to him, the sharp,

saline taste of alkali when mixed with acid becomes very mild and gives up

its sharpness. That is why acid neutralises alkaly.

Different metals like bronze, iron, gold, silver, lead, copper, tin and

different salts like rock salt, sea salt etc are enumerated in the

Samhita. Roasting of iron and other metals so as to render them fit for

internal administration has been described. The thin leaves of metals

were plastered with a paste of the salts and afterwards subjected to roasting

and were converted into their respective oxides, chlorides or oxichlorides.

This can be considered a crude process for the preparation of the metallic

salts.

Brhatsamhita (6th Century AD)

Varahamihira, in his Brhatsamhita, refers to mordants like alum and

sulphate or iron for the fixing of dyes on textile fabrics. It also alludes to

cosmetics, scented hair dyes, perfumes etc. It also contains information

on various cement preparations, which may be classified under two heads:

rock cement (vajralepa) and metal cement (vajra samghata). These

varieties of cement were applied to the walls and roofs of temples and

other buildings.

Alchemy in Tantric Period (800 AD to 1600 AD)

The flourishing of chemistry in India, especially alchemy, has an

interesting phase during the period of tantra. The tantric cult in India was

an admixture of alchemical processes on the one hand and grotesque rites

on the other, centred on the worship of Siva and Parvati. We also have a

class of tantras, which is an admixture of Buddhist and Saiva

cults.Rasaratnakara ascribed to Nagarjuna belongs ato this category.

According to tantric cult, a man should preserve his body by means of

mercury and medicaments. According to tantrics, mercury was produced

by the creative conjunction of Siva and Parvati and mica was produced

from Parvati. The combination of mercury and mica was believed to be

destructive of death and poverty.

Sarvadarsana Samgraha of Madhavacarya which elaborates the sixteen

philosophical systems current in 14th Cent AD, includes raseswara darsana or mercurial system as one among them. According to this

darsana, different preparations of mercury can enable a man to be free

from old age and death, ie to obtain jivan mukti. Rasa is

called parada because, it enables one to overcome the worldly affairs.

Rasarnava (asked in UPSC GS MAINS 2012) of unknown authorship,

Rasaratnakara of Nagarjuna and Rasaratna samuchaya of Vagbhata are

some of the important works of Indian alchemy written during the tantric

period.Rasaratnakara and Rasarnava are tantras pure in which alchemy is

incidentally dealt with. Rasaratnasamuchaya is a systematic treatise on

pharmacy and medicine. Rasaratnakara of Nagarjuna contains

descriptions of alchemical processes and preparations of mercurial

compounds. Extraction of zinc, mercury and copper are described by

him. He also elaborates on the preparation of crystalline red sulphide of

mercury (swarnasindura or makaradhwaja) which is used as medicine for

many ailments.

There are also works written in regional languages like Tamil, Telugu,

Kannada, Malayalam, Bengali, Marathi, Oriya and Gujarati on alchemy.

Here, Tamil works on siddha vaidya, about two hundred in number,

deserves mention. Works of Agastya, Nandiswara, Romarshi and

Kailasamuni are important among them. A comparative study of the

alchemical ideas of these Tamil and Sanskrit works has not yet been

initiated.

According to tantric cult, siddhis are of two types - dehasiddhi

(development of the body) and loha siddhi (development of metals).

The first pertains to making mercury capable of changing the

molecules of lower metals into molecules of higher metals.

Mercury, which is capable of this, can certainly transform human

molecules also. This is dehasiddhi.

Lohasiddhi is called alchemy or dhatuvada. Dehasiddhi is obtained

through lohasiddhi. Gradually, devices to refine metals led to the

making of their powders, which were used as medicines.

As part of these alchemical processes, there are certain methods to

purify mercury. Indian alchemists had adopted 18 methods for this

purpose. They also make classification of chemical substances into

maharasa, uparasa, datu, ratna and visa. Certain refining processes of

metals and mine products, mixtures of mercury also deserve special

mention.

An important feature of Indian alchemy is the description of certain

plants used in alchemical processes. About two hundred plants are

referred to in this connection. We get an elaborate description of the

laboratories and the instruments from these alchemical works.