Week 6. Kids asking questions GRS LX 700 Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory

Week 6.Week 6.Kids asking questionsKids asking questions

GRS LX 700GRS LX 700Language Language

Acquisition andAcquisition andLinguistic TheoryLinguistic Theory

InversionInversion

In English, In English, only only auxiliaries invert auxiliaries invert with the subject in yes-no questionswith the subject in yes-no questions Will John leave? Will John leave?

(cf. John will leave, *Left John?)(cf. John will leave, *Left John?) And in And in whwh-questions-questions

When will John leave?When will John leave?(cf. John will leave tomorrow,(cf. John will leave tomorrow,*Left John yesterday?)*Left John yesterday?)

Kuczaj & Maratsos Kuczaj & Maratsos (1983)(1983)

Kids seem Kids seem to learn to learn auxiliaries auxiliaries one by one; one by one; they they appear at appear at different different times.times.

Form Abe Ben

Uninv Inv Uninv Inv

can 2;5 2;11 2;6 2;10

is (cop) 2;7 3;1 2;4 2;8

are (cop) 2;9 3;0 2;7 2;10

is (aux) 3;0 3;0 2;7 3;1

are (aux) 3;0 3;1 2;10 3;0

will 3;0 3;1 2;10 2;10


Each Each auxiliary auxiliary seems be seems be first used first used outside of outside of inversion inversion contexts, contexts, only later only later in in inversionsinversions

Form Abe Ben

Uninv Inv Uninv Inv

can 2;5 2;11 2;6 2;10

is (cop) 2;7 3;1 2;4 2;8

are (cop) 2;9 3;0 2;7 2;10

is (aux) 3;0 3;0 2;7 3;1

are (aux) 3;0 3;1 2;10 3;0

will 3;0 3;1 2;10 2;10


Only Only correctlycorrectly inverted inverted verbs verbs (auxiliaries(auxiliaries) appear in ) appear in child child speech (no speech (no inversion of inversion of main verbs)main verbs)

Form Abe Ben

Uninv Inv Uninv Inv

can 2;5 2;11 2;6 2;10

is (cop) 2;7 3;1 2;4 2;8

are (cop) 2;9 3;0 2;7 2;10

is (aux) 3;0 3;0 2;7 3;1

are (aux) 3;0 3;1 2;10 3;0

will 3;0 3;1 2;10 2;10

A famous non-result: SAI A famous non-result: SAI in YNQs before SAI in in YNQs before SAI in

whQswhQs Adam: At a certain Adam: At a certain

point, inversion point, inversion appears in yes-no appears in yes-no questions—but questions—but inversion with inversion with whwh--questions is still questions is still infrequent. Soon infrequent. Soon afterwards, afterwards, inversion is frequent inversion is frequent for both types of for both types of questions.questions.

YNQs WhQs

Inv Uninv Inv Uninv

3;0 0 1 0 3

3;5 198 7 9 22

3;8 33 5

A famous non-result: SAI A famous non-result: SAI in YNQs before SAI in in YNQs before SAI in

whQswhQs Problem is, seems to be true of Problem is, seems to be true of

Adam’s files, but not true generally…Adam’s files, but not true generally… Several later studies with better Several later studies with better

sampling show no identifiable stage sampling show no identifiable stage where yes-no questions invert while where yes-no questions invert while whwh-questions don’t—in fact, even the -questions don’t—in fact, even the frequency doesn’t go in one frequency doesn’t go in one direction for all kids.direction for all kids.

Stromswold (1990, table Stromswold (1990, table 5.5)5.5)

% of inversion WHQ % of inversion WHQ vs.YNQvs.YNQ

Child WH YN Child WH YN

Adam 88.3 96.6 Nathan 60.1 46.2

Allison 85.7 100 Nina 98.5 93.9

April 91.7 94.1 Peter 92.1 98.5

Eve 95.5 87.2 Ross 99.3 97

Mark 97.9 97.6 Sarah 92.9 91.9

Naomi 96.2 94.2 Shem 95.6 79

MEAN 93 93.7

Doubling errorsDoubling errors

A A double-auxiliary double-auxiliary error, both an error, both an inverted and an un-inverted auxiliary:inverted and an un-inverted auxiliary: Why Why diddid you you diddid scare me? scare me? How How cancan he he cancan look? look?

A “A “double-tensingdouble-tensing” error (where an ” error (where an auxiliary moves to I but the verb auxiliary moves to I but the verb surfaces with tense).surfaces with tense). What What diddid you you boughtbought?? What What did did you you diddid??

Doubling errorsDoubling errors

Are the kids pronouncing a “loud Are the kids pronouncing a “loud trace” of (head-)movement?trace” of (head-)movement? (Are (Are they moving the auxiliary but failing they moving the auxiliary but failing to leave the trace unpronounced?) to leave the trace unpronounced?) That would be interesting.That would be interesting.

Are they just forgetting what they Are they just forgetting what they are trying to say midway through are trying to say midway through and “blending” two structures? and “blending” two structures? (one (one with and one without movement)with and one without movement)

Nakayama (1987)Nakayama (1987)

The longer the subject is, the more likely a The longer the subject is, the more likely a kid is to make a doubling error; the length kid is to make a doubling error; the length of the VP makes no difference.of the VP makes no difference. Is [the boy who is watching Mickey] is happy?Is [the boy who is watching Mickey] is happy?

Looks like blending, rather than the (more Looks like blending, rather than the (more interesting) “loud trace” idea… Common interesting) “loud trace” idea… Common error type:error type: Is [the boy who is watching M], is he happy?Is [the boy who is watching M], is he happy?

Inversion in negationInversion in negation

Guasti, Thornton & Wexler (BUCLD Guasti, Thornton & Wexler (BUCLD 1995) looked at doubling in negative 1995) looked at doubling in negative questions.questions.

Previous results (Bellugi 1967, 1971, Previous results (Bellugi 1967, 1971, Stromswold 1990) indicated that kids Stromswold 1990) indicated that kids tend to invert less often in negative tend to invert less often in negative questions.questions. First: True?First: True? Second: Why?Second: Why?

GTW (1995)GTW (1995)

Elicited negative questions…Elicited negative questions… I heard the snail doesn’t like some things I heard the snail doesn’t like some things

to eat. Ask him what.to eat. Ask him what. There was one place Gummi Bear There was one place Gummi Bear

couldn’t eat the raisin. Ask the snail couldn’t eat the raisin. Ask the snail where.where.

One of these guys doesn’t like cheese. One of these guys doesn’t like cheese. Ask the snail who.Ask the snail who.

I heard that the snail doesn’t like potato I heard that the snail doesn’t like potato chips. Could you chips. Could you ask ask him if he doesn’t?him if he doesn’t?

GTW (1995)GTW (1995)

Kids got positive questions rightKids got positive questions right for for the most part.the most part. 88% of kids’ wh-questions had inversion88% of kids’ wh-questions had inversion 96% of kids’ yes-no questions had 96% of kids’ yes-no questions had

inversioninversion Except youngest kid (3;8), who had Except youngest kid (3;8), who had

inversion only 42% of the time.inversion only 42% of the time. Kids got negative declaratives right Kids got negative declaratives right

without exception, with without exception, with dodo-support -support and clitic and clitic n’tn’t..

GTW (1995)GTW (1995)

Kids got lots of negative Kids got lots of negative whwh-questions -questions wrongwrong..

Aux-doublingAux-doubling What kind of bread do you don’t like? (3;10)What kind of bread do you don’t like? (3;10)

Neg & Aux doublingNeg & Aux doubling Why can’t she can’t go underneath? (4;0)Why can’t she can’t go underneath? (4;0)

No I to C raising (inversion)No I to C raising (inversion) Where he couldn’t eat the raisins? (4;0)Where he couldn’t eat the raisins? (4;0)

Not Not structurestructure Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1)Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1)

GTW (1995)GTW (1995) But kids got negative But kids got negative subjectsubject whwh-questions -questions

right.right. which one doesn’t like his hair messed up? (4;0)which one doesn’t like his hair messed up? (4;0)

……as well as as well as how-come how-come questions.questions. How come the dentist can’t brush all the teeth? How come the dentist can’t brush all the teeth?

(4;2)(4;2)

Re: Re: Not Not structurestructure Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1)Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1) Kids only do this with object and adjunct Kids only do this with object and adjunct whwh--

questionsquestions—if kids just sometimes prefer —if kids just sometimes prefer notnot instead of instead of n’tn’t, we would expect them to use it just , we would expect them to use it just as often with subject as often with subject whwh-questions.-questions.

GTW (1995)GTW (1995) So, in sum:So, in sum:

Kids get positive questions rightKids get positive questions right Kids get negative declaratives rightKids get negative declaratives right Kids get negative subject questions right.Kids get negative subject questions right. Kids get negative Kids get negative how-come how-come questions right.questions right.

Kids make errors in negative Kids make errors in negative whwh--questions where questions where inversioninversion is is requiredrequired. Where inversion isn’t required . Where inversion isn’t required (or where the sentence isn’t negative), (or where the sentence isn’t negative), they’re fine.they’re fine.

GTW (1995)GTW (1995) The kids’ errors all seem to have the The kids’ errors all seem to have the

character of character of keeping negation inside the IPkeeping negation inside the IP.. What did he didn’t wanna bring to school? (4;1)What did he didn’t wanna bring to school? (4;1) What she doesn’t want for her witch’s brew? (3;8)What she doesn’t want for her witch’s brew? (3;8) Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1)Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1) Why can’t she can’t go underneath? (4;3)Why can’t she can’t go underneath? (4;3)

GTW propose that this is a legitimate option; GTW propose that this is a legitimate option; citing Paduan (Italian dialect) as a language citing Paduan (Italian dialect) as a language doesn’t allow neg->C.doesn’t allow neg->C.

GTW (1995)GTW (1995) Re: subject and Re: subject and how come how come questions…questions… In a subject question, we don’t In a subject question, we don’t knowknow that that

the subject the subject whwh-word got out of IP—maybe -word got out of IP—maybe kids left it in IP… heck, maybe even kids left it in IP… heck, maybe even adultsadults do.do. Who left?Who left? *Who did leave?*Who did leave?

How comeHow come questions don’t require SAI in questions don’t require SAI in the adult language{./?}the adult language{./?} How come John left?How come John left? *How come did John leave?*How come did John leave?

whwh-questions more -questions more generallygenerally

When is the earliest evidence that When is the earliest evidence that kids are using kids are using whwh-words in an adult -words in an adult way?way?

Is there a difference between subject Is there a difference between subject and object and object whwh-words as to which is -words as to which is used first?used first?

Early, early Early, early whwh-questions-questions There may be an early “formulaic” stage where There may be an early “formulaic” stage where

kids ask questions by just asking “kids ask questions by just asking “Wh(’s) NP?Wh(’s) NP?”.”. O’Grady: O’Grady: “Because of their formulaic “Because of their formulaic

character, it seems reasonable to treat these character, it seems reasonable to treat these utterances as instantiations of a simple utterances as instantiations of a simple template rather than the product of whatever template rather than the product of whatever mechanism forms mechanism forms whwh-questions in the adult -questions in the adult grammar.”grammar.”

But But whywhy? We already have lots of reason to ? We already have lots of reason to think young kids know a lot about adult think young kids know a lot about adult grammar by then… What is simpler about a grammar by then… What is simpler about a “simple template”?“simple template”?

Early, early Early, early whwh-questions-questions Radford gives some examples (without any Radford gives some examples (without any

counts) of counts) of whwh-questions with incorrect -questions with incorrect isis even after kids have “mastered” subject-even after kids have “mastered” subject-verb agreement: verb agreement: What color is theseWhat color is these?? Is Is isis a default form? Are we seeing a missing a default form? Are we seeing a missing

AgrSP?AgrSP? Radford also gives some examples of Radford also gives some examples of

“inappropriate responses” to “inappropriate responses” to whwh-object -object questions: questions: What are you doing with himWhat are you doing with him [=snake]? [=snake]? —Snake.—Snake. But how do we know that the kid isn’t just not But how do we know that the kid isn’t just not

interested in the question? interested in the question?

WhWh-subjects and -subjects and whwh--objectsobjects

Is there a difference in the timing of Is there a difference in the timing of emergence between subject emergence between subject whwh--questions and object questions and object whwh-questions? In -questions? In English, there is an apparent English, there is an apparent difference in complexity (“distance” of difference in complexity (“distance” of movement, SAI).movement, SAI).

Bottom line: Bottom line: There does seem to be a There does seem to be a preference of some kind for subject preference of some kind for subject whwh-questions over object -questions over object whwh-questions.-questions.

Early, early, Early, early, earlyearly whwh--questionsquestions

Seidl, Hollick, Jusczyk (ms.) looked at Seidl, Hollick, Jusczyk (ms.) looked at headturn preferences in really young headturn preferences in really young kids.kids.

Minimizes demands of taskMinimizes demands of task Use looking preferences to “answer” Use looking preferences to “answer”

whwh-questions.-questions. What hit the apple?What hit the apple? What did the apple hit?What did the apple hit? Where is the apple?Where is the apple?

Seidl et al.Seidl et al.

Kids saw a little simplistic computer-Kids saw a little simplistic computer-generated movie where, e.g., a book generated movie where, e.g., a book hit some keys.hit some keys.

Then there were two screens Then there were two screens presented side by side, one with a presented side by side, one with a book displayed, one with keys book displayed, one with keys displayed.displayed. What hit the keys? What hit the keys? (book)(book) What did the book hit? What did the book hit? (keys)(keys) Where is the book? Where is the book? (book)(book)

Seidl et al.Seidl et al. Graph shows Graph shows

differences (target differences (target minus non-target).minus non-target).

20-month-olds 20-month-olds seemed quite seemed quite capable of capable of comprehending all comprehending all three kinds.three kinds.

15-month-olds15-month-olds couldn’t do objects; couldn’t do objects; 13-month-olds13-month-olds couldn’t do any.couldn’t do any.-0.2

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1

1.2

1.4

subj obj where

13mo15mo20mo

Processing, structural Processing, structural distancedistance

The distance between the base and The distance between the base and derived positions for an object derived positions for an object whwh--word is greater than the distance word is greater than the distance between the base and derived between the base and derived positions for a subject positions for a subject whwh-word.-word.

WhatWhatii did did [[IPIP John John [[VPVP buy buy ttii ]] ? ]] ?

WhoWhoii [[IPIP ttii [ [VPVP bought coffee ]] ? bought coffee ]] ?

Processing, structural Processing, structural distancedistance

Re: preference for subject Re: preference for subject whwh-questions; -questions; perhaps kids are sensitive to the number perhaps kids are sensitive to the number of phrases a moving of phrases a moving whwh-phrase has to -phrase has to escape. This also makes other escape. This also makes other predictions:predictions: WhatWhatii will will [[IPIP Sue Sue [[VPVP read read ttii ]]? ]]?

WhatWhatii will will [[IPIP Sue Sue [[VPVP talk talk [[PPPP about about ttii ]]]? ]]]?

WhatWhatii will will [[IPIP Sue Sue [[VPVP readread[[NPNP a book a book [[PPPP about about

ttii ]]]]? ]]]]?

Hildebrand (1987)Hildebrand (1987)

Tested (fairly old) kids on a Tested (fairly old) kids on a paradigm of paradigm of whwh-questions of varying -questions of varying “depth” to see if more embedded “depth” to see if more embedded whwh-words are harder.-words are harder.

In a repetition task (4-10 year olds), In a repetition task (4-10 year olds), it was almost uniformly true that the it was almost uniformly true that the more deeply embedded the more deeply embedded the whwh-word -word was, the more errors the kids made was, the more errors the kids made trying to repeat it.trying to repeat it.

But wait…But wait…

So kids make more errors extracting So kids make more errors extracting from more deeply embedded structures. from more deeply embedded structures. Is this a fact about the acquisition of Is this a fact about the acquisition of whwh-movement? Or is it just a fact about -movement? Or is it just a fact about language language processingprocessing in general? in general?

What do What do adultsadults do? do? My guess: My guess: Even for adults, the more Even for adults, the more

complex structures are (marginally) complex structures are (marginally) harder to process. Certainly true for harder to process. Certainly true for subject vs. object relative clauses (subject vs. object relative clauses (the the man who _ left man who _ left vs. vs. the man who I met _the man who I met _).).

Does child Does child whwh-movement -movement obey the adult rules for obey the adult rules for whwh--

movement?movement? When the kids ask When the kids ask whwh-questions, -questions,

what structures are they using? what structures are they using? Are they like the adult Are they like the adult structures? If not, how are they structures? If not, how are they different? Are they performing different? Are they performing movement? Are there traces? Do movement? Are there traces? Do the movements obey constraints the movements obey constraints (e.g., (e.g., whwh-island, ECP, …)?-island, ECP, …)?

Do kids have Do kids have whwh-traces -traces in their in their whwh-questions?-questions?

How do they perform on How do they perform on wannawanna--contraction?contraction? Who do you want to help Who do you want to help tt?? Who do you wanna help Who do you wanna help tt?? Who do you want Who do you want tt to help you ? to help you ? *Who do you wanna / *Who do you wanna / tt help you ? help you ?

Crain & Thornton (1991) studied Crain & Thornton (1991) studied this…this…

Crain & Thornton (1991)Crain & Thornton (1991)

There are three guys in this story: There are three guys in this story: Cookie Monster, a dog, and this baby. Cookie Monster, a dog, and this baby. One of them gets to take a walk, one One of them gets to take a walk, one gets to take a nap, and one gets to eat gets to take a nap, and one gets to eat a cookie. The rat gets to choose who a cookie. The rat gets to choose who does each thing. So one gets to take a does each thing. So one gets to take a walk, right? Ask Ratty who he wants.walk, right? Ask Ratty who he wants.

Kid:Kid: Who do you Who do you want towant to take a walk? take a walk?

Crain & Thornton (1991)Crain & Thornton (1991)

The kids (2;10 to 5;5) all knew the The kids (2;10 to 5;5) all knew the wannawanna contraction rule… contraction rule…

59% 59% of the time kids contracted to of the time kids contracted to wannawanna with object questions (as with object questions (as allowed)allowed)

4% 4% of the time kids contracted to of the time kids contracted to wannawanna with subject questions (out for adult)with subject questions (out for adult)

The ECP and argument-The ECP and argument-adjunct asymmetriesadjunct asymmetries

Moving a Moving a whwh-word out of a -word out of a whwh-island -island is better or worse depending on is better or worse depending on whether the whether the whwh-word is an argument -word is an argument (subject or object) or an adjunct.(subject or object) or an adjunct.

**How How did he ask did he ask [[whwh where to fix the car where to fix the car t t ]?]?

What What did he ask did he ask [[whwh how to fix how to fix tt ] ? ] ?

De Villiers, Roeper, and De Villiers, Roeper, and Vainikka (1990)Vainikka (1990)

[Kid takes a shortcut home, rips dress, that [Kid takes a shortcut home, rips dress, that night, kid tells parent about dress]night, kid tells parent about dress] When did she say When did she say tt [she ripped her dress [she ripped her dress tt]?]? ““at night”at night” “that afternoon” “that afternoon” When did she say When did she say tt [ [whwh how she ripped her dress how she ripped her dress tt

tt ]? ]? ““at night” at night” *“that afternoon” *“that afternoon”

3-6 year-olds allow short and long distance 3-6 year-olds allow short and long distance questions for complement clauses, don’t like questions for complement clauses, don’t like long distance adjunct questions out of long distance adjunct questions out of whwh--islands…islands…

De Villiers, Roeper, and De Villiers, Roeper, and Vainikka (1990)Vainikka (1990)

And kids make the argument-adjunct And kids make the argument-adjunct distinction the ECP makes for adults:distinction the ECP makes for adults:

No No whwh-island, arguments/adjuncts both -island, arguments/adjuncts both take long distance interpretation about take long distance interpretation about 30-40% the time30-40% the time

Argument Argument whwh-island, neither argument -island, neither argument nor adjuncts can move out (2-8% LD)nor adjuncts can move out (2-8% LD)

Adjunct Adjunct whwh-islands, arguments can -islands, arguments can move out (30% LD) but not adjuncts move out (30% LD) but not adjuncts (6% LD).(6% LD).

Again, kids have a lot rightAgain, kids have a lot right—but what do they have —but what do they have

wrong?wrong? When kids make a mistake with a When kids make a mistake with a question like…question like…

When did she say how she ripped her When did she say how she ripped her dress?dress?

……it will often be that they answer it will often be that they answer something like “climbing over the something like “climbing over the fence”—answering the question fence”—answering the question How How did she say t she ripped her dress?did she say t she ripped her dress? instead. instead.

What are kids doing What are kids doing when they answer a when they answer a

medial medial whwh-word?-word? Are they answering the last Are they answering the last whwh-word -word

they saw?they saw? Kids don’t answer medial Kids don’t answer medial whwh-words in -words in

yes-no questions.yes-no questions. Did Mickey tell Minnie what he bought?Did Mickey tell Minnie what he bought?

Kids don’t answer Kids don’t answer whwh-words in -words in relatives.relatives. How did you meet the man who sang?How did you meet the man who sang?

German partial German partial whwh--movement?movement?

WasWas hat er gesagt hat er gesagt [ [ wiewie er das Kuchen machen kann ]? er das Kuchen machen kann ]? WhatWhat has he said has he said howhow he the cake make can’ he the cake make can’

‘‘How did he say he could make the cake?’How did he say he could make the cake?’

Are kids treating the upper Are kids treating the upper whwh-word like -word like a scope marker? (Are they “speaking a scope marker? (Are they “speaking German”?)German”?)

German partial German partial whwh--movement?movement?

Kids have been observed to produce Kids have been observed to produce questions with an initial questions with an initial whwh-word and an -word and an in situ whin situ wh-word (i.e. in its base position).-word (i.e. in its base position).

What do you think what’s in her hat?What do you think what’s in her hat? ‘‘What do you think is in her hat?What do you think is in her hat?’’

What do you think where the marble is?What do you think where the marble is? ‘‘Where do you think the marble is?’Where do you think the marble is?’

More evidence is required to determine More evidence is required to determine whether this should be considered to be whether this should be considered to be parallel to German partial parallel to German partial whwh-movement…-movement…

Processing constraints?Processing constraints?

O’Grady suggests that another reason O’Grady suggests that another reason why kids might answer the intermediate why kids might answer the intermediate whwh-word is that they’ve already forgotten -word is that they’ve already forgotten the matrix clause (citing Phinney 1981, the matrix clause (citing Phinney 1981, who found that 3-year olds often delete who found that 3-year olds often delete the matrix subject and verb when the matrix subject and verb when repeating biclausal sentences).repeating biclausal sentences).

Kids don’t answer a medial Kids don’t answer a medial whwh-word in a -word in a yes-no question, though..? yes-no question, though..?

Other constraints on Other constraints on whwh--movement from 3-5 year movement from 3-5 year

oldsolds They reject adjunct extraction from NPThey reject adjunct extraction from NP

*How*Howii did the mother see [his riding did the mother see [his riding ttii]?]? But they allow argument extraction…?But they allow argument extraction…?

WhoWhoii did the mother show [his copying did the mother show [his copying ttii] ?] ? This is de Villiers’ example; seems ambiguous to me This is de Villiers’ example; seems ambiguous to me

between extraction and non-extraction readings. between extraction and non-extraction readings. Better might be Better might be What did the mother show his eating?What did the mother show his eating?

They reject adjunct extraction from rel. clauseThey reject adjunct extraction from rel. clause *How*Howii did [the woman who knitted did [the woman who knitted ttii] swim?] swim?

And reject extraction from temporal adjunctsAnd reject extraction from temporal adjuncts *Who did the elephant ask [before helping *Who did the elephant ask [before helping ttii ]? ]?

Superiority 3-5Superiority 3-5

Adults:Adults: WhoWhoii ttii slept where? slept where?

*Where*Whereii did who sleep did who sleep ttii ? ?

And the kids seem to have that down And the kids seem to have that down cold. (Kid: cold. (Kid: It’s better if I startIt’s better if I start.).)

ThatThat-trace?-trace?

Who did the pig believe that swam in the Who did the pig believe that swam in the pond?pond? Kids opt for the interpretation where the questions Kids opt for the interpretation where the questions

asks which, of the animals the pig believes, swam.asks which, of the animals the pig believes, swam. Kids don’t go at all for the interpretation which Kids don’t go at all for the interpretation which

entails a violation of entails a violation of thatthat-trace (the pig believed -trace (the pig believed that who swam)that who swam)

This is sort of mysterious, since languages This is sort of mysterious, since languages differ as to whether they respect the differ as to whether they respect the thatthat--trace filter.trace filter.

ThatThat-trace?-trace?

Some conflicting results?Some conflicting results? Thornton (1990), production Thornton (1990), production

experiment found that-trace experiment found that-trace violations 18% of the time subject violations 18% of the time subject whwh-questions were used.-questions were used.

McDaniel, Chiu and Maxfield (1995) McDaniel, Chiu and Maxfield (1995) found an acceptance rate of 24% for found an acceptance rate of 24% for thatthat-trace effects.-trace effects.

Grammar vs. PreferencesGrammar vs. Preferences

These experiments are really testing These experiments are really testing preferences preferences not not grammaticalitygrammaticality. . If they If they preferprefer the the thatthat-less variant, we won’t see -less variant, we won’t see thatthat-trace -trace violations even if they are strictly grammatical violations even if they are strictly grammatical for the kid.for the kid.

Just because a structure is dispreferred (for Just because a structure is dispreferred (for whatever reason—frequency, difficulty, etc.) whatever reason—frequency, difficulty, etc.) does does notnot mean that it is mean that it is ungrammaticalungrammatical in the in the child’s grammar.child’s grammar.

Preferences are not the best route to Preferences are not the best route to discovering the properties of child grammar, discovering the properties of child grammar, though it’s hard to design grammaticality though it’s hard to design grammaticality judgment experiments..judgment experiments..

Questioning out of Questioning out of quotationsquotations

Adult languages generally can Adult languages generally can notnot question out of a quotation:question out of a quotation: *What*Whatii did the boy say “Can I bring did the boy say “Can I bring ttii” ?” ?

But English, French and German But English, French and German kids (3-6 years) seem to allow it.kids (3-6 years) seem to allow it.

Why?Why?

Correlates to questioning Correlates to questioning out of quotationsout of quotations

Kids may not quite grasp the quotation yet.Kids may not quite grasp the quotation yet. A significant proportion of kids around the A significant proportion of kids around the

same age range allow co-reference same age range allow co-reference between a pronoun in the quotation and between a pronoun in the quotation and the subject:the subject:

““HeHeii can sit here” said Mickey can sit here” said Mickeyii..

Perhaps, it has more to do with the fact Perhaps, it has more to do with the fact that it requires “getting into someone that it requires “getting into someone else’s head”…else’s head”…

False beliefsFalse beliefs Kids before a certain age (usually before 4) Kids before a certain age (usually before 4)

seem unable to take another person’s seem unable to take another person’s perspective:perspective:

Little rabbit puts carrot in red basket, leaves. Little rabbit puts carrot in red basket, leaves. Mother rabbit comes in, moves carrot to blue Mother rabbit comes in, moves carrot to blue basket. Little rabbit comes back. Where does basket. Little rabbit comes back. Where does he look for the carrot?he look for the carrot?

Some kids will answer “the blue basket”—Some kids will answer “the blue basket”—unable to see that the little rabbit shouldn’t unable to see that the little rabbit shouldn’t have known.have known.

False beliefs & False beliefs & quotationsquotations

Those Those samesame kids who answered “blue kids who answered “blue basket” were also those who would do this:basket” were also those who would do this:

Mother bought cake, but wanted to surprise Mother bought cake, but wanted to surprise girl. When asked, mother claimed to have girl. When asked, mother claimed to have bought paper towels.bought paper towels.

What did Mother say she bought?What did Mother say she bought?

The “blue basket” kids answer “cake.”The “blue basket” kids answer “cake.”

False beliefs & False beliefs & quotationsquotations

So, perhaps it is understanding what So, perhaps it is understanding what a quotation is that is allowing kids to a quotation is that is allowing kids to extract from them—they treat a extract from them—they treat a quotation as a regular clausal quotation as a regular clausal complement.complement.

Weak islandsWeak islands

In the adult language, there is a In the adult language, there is a certain configuration which seems to certain configuration which seems to create an island for movement of create an island for movement of whwh-adjuncts, which arguably has to -adjuncts, which arguably has to do with the logical meaning.do with the logical meaning. Coming by trainComing by train is a subset of the is a subset of the

events events comingcoming.. John said Mary was coming by train John said Mary was coming by train

implies implies John said Mary was comingJohn said Mary was coming..

Weak islandsWeak islands In In weak islandsweak islands the implication fails: the implication fails:

Negation:Negation: John didn’t say Mary was coming by train.John didn’t say Mary was coming by train. John didn’t say Mary was coming.John didn’t say Mary was coming.

Factives:Factives: John forgot Mary was coming by train.John forgot Mary was coming by train. John forgot Mary was coming.John forgot Mary was coming.

With quantificational adverbs:With quantificational adverbs: John often eats grapes with a fork.John often eats grapes with a fork. John often eats grapes.John often eats grapes.


And in those cases, you can’t extract And in those cases, you can’t extract whwh--adjuncts in the adult language. adjuncts in the adult language.

WhyWhyii did John say ( did John say (ttii) that Mary left () that Mary left (ttii)?)?

WhyWhyii did John forget ( did John forget (ttii) that Mary left (*) that Mary left (*ttii)?)?

WhyWhyii didn’t John say ( didn’t John say (ttii) that Mary left (*) that Mary left (*ttii)?)?

WhyWhyii does John often say ( does John often say (ttii) that Mary left (*) that Mary left (*ttii)?)?


Four-year-olds have been observed to fail Four-year-olds have been observed to fail on the implication:on the implication: Jim forgot that his aunt was arriving by train, Jim forgot that his aunt was arriving by train,

so he went to the bus station to pick her up… so he went to the bus station to pick her up… Did Jim forget that his aunt was coming?Did Jim forget that his aunt was coming?

——Yes!Yes!

Guess: They haven’t gotten the Guess: They haven’t gotten the implication pattern down for these non-implication pattern down for these non-monotonic-increasing environments.monotonic-increasing environments.


Now: Now: If kids haven’t gotten the If kids haven’t gotten the implication patternimplication pattern, and , and if the if the implication pattern is implicated in implication pattern is implicated in the islandhoodthe islandhood, , do kids fail to do kids fail to observe weak islands just when they observe weak islands just when they also fail on the implication pattern?also fail on the implication pattern?

Philip and de Villiers (1992) looked Philip and de Villiers (1992) looked into this…into this…

Philip and de Villiers Philip and de Villiers (1992)(1992)

Kids never allow LD association out of a Kids never allow LD association out of a whwh-island (they obeyed the purely -island (they obeyed the purely syntactic constraint).syntactic constraint). *Why*Whyii did the mother ask [what he made did the mother ask [what he made ttii ]? ]?

The other facts were “generally in The other facts were “generally in support”(de Villiers 1995) of the support”(de Villiers 1995) of the conclusion that where kids fail to make conclusion that where kids fail to make the inferences required by non-monotone-the inferences required by non-monotone-increasing environments, they also fail to increasing environments, they also fail to treat them as movement islands.treat them as movement islands.

Documents

Week 6. Kids asking questions GRS LX 700 Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory