thomsonpark.files.wordpress.com · Web viewKing George III is supportive and plans are developed. (Bearss pp 1-2) A squadron of warships under the command of Commodore Peter Parker

Doug MacIntyre TIMELINE May 14, 2012 Page 1

EVENTS RELATING TO THE BATTLE AT THE BREACH

This research aid helps make sense of confusing historical accounts to create a reasoned reconstruction of the past. It is a work in progress that serves as a quick reference. At least one source is listed for each entry. Notes [usually in brackets] refer to the Bibliography. Comments in italics are mine. Where sources differ, I attempt to reconcile conflicting accounts in the interest of accuracy. I welcome and appreciate corrections and suggestions.

January 1775

South Carolina's First Provincial Congress meets. Delegations from the province's various districts include many gentlemen who will be directly or indirectly involved in the 1776 Battle of Sullivan's Island and related events. The representatives are men such as Henry Laurens, Christopher Gadsden, Peter Timothy, William Tennent, John Rutledge, Francis Marion, William Moultrie, Daniel Horry, Charles C. Pinckney, William Bull, Gabriel Marion, James Mayson, Andrew Williamson, Edward Rutledge, Richard Richardson, Thomas Sumter, William Henry Drayton, Barnard Elliott, William Thomson, H.W. Harrington, and Samuel Wise. Colonel Charles Pinckney is elected President and Peter Timothy is elected Secretary. [Moultrie/Memoirs pp 14-18] The patriot leaders were well-acquainted. For example, Moultrie and Thomson had served together at least 15 years – as members of Colonial Assemblies, officers in the Cherokee War and commissioners to adjust the boundary between the Carolinas. Effective working relationships among these and other patriot leaders will contribute to simultaneous victories on opposite ends of Sullivan's Island in June 1776.

Spring 1775

In March, Patrick Henry gives his rousing speech, "Give me liberty or give me death". On April 19 patriot minutemen clash with British redcoats at Lexington and Concord. "The shot heard round the world" symbolizes the beginning of the Revolutionary War. In May Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys seize Fort Ticonderoga and the Second Continental Congress meets in Philadelphia. They name George Washington Commander in Chief of the American army. On June 17, the British drive the Americans from Breed's Hill in the Battle of Bunker Hill with the loss of many troops on both sides. British General Henry Clinton performs well. A year later, he will remember this costly victory when facing "manifest sacrifice" in the Battle of Sullivan's Island .

June 1775

South Carolina's Provincial Congress forms three regiments: 1st commanded by Colonel Christopher Gadsden, 2nd commanded by Colonel William Moultrie, and 3rd (Rangers) commanded by Lieutenant Colonel William Thomson. Thomson "soon filled his regiment with many of the best riflemen in the state, he himself being the most practiced marksman in his command." (Johnson/Traditions pp 90-91)

Disagreement over Indian affairs is one of many issues dividing the British government and American patriots/revolutionaries. As tensions mount, Thomas Gage, the British general-in-chief for North America, writes to the Earl of Dartmouth, British Secretary of State for the American Department, arguing “we need not be tender of calling upon the Savages.” The ministry agrees, responding that the Indians should be made to “take up the hatchet” and punish “his Majesty’s rebellious subjects.” Soon, Indian agent John Stuart receives directions to prepare the southern natives for action, so as “to distress them [the rebels] all in their power." (Dennis/Native Americans pp 207 and 260)

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July-October 1775

Royal Governors Josiah Martin of North Carolina and William Campbell of South Carolina appeal to Lord Dartmouth for military action to support loyalists in the south. He is impressed and suggests that Sir William Howe, British Commander-in-Chief in North America, dispatch an expedition. King George III is supportive and plans are developed. (Bearss pp 1-2) A squadron of warships under the command of Commodore Peter Parker is to be dispatched from the British Isles. Seven regiments of infantry and two companies of artillery under the command of Lord Charles Cornwallis will be aboard. When the fleet reaches Cape Fear, NC, Cornwallis will surrender command and a packet of sealed orders from the Secretary of State to Major General Henry Clinton. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20) In November 1775, Lord George Germain replaces Dartmouth as Secretary of State for the American Department. He oversees the American War for Independence in that capacity under Prime Minister Lord North until 1782.

The 3rd Regiment of South Carolina is mobilized as "rangers", a mounted regiment of riflemen who patrol the backcountry and fight dismounted. [Scoggins/Brothers p 79] Lieutenant Colonel William Thomson is in command. In August, there is a near mutiny by some soldiers due to pay and conditions being less than promised by the officers who recruited them. The problem is resolved.

The Council of Safety is directing activities in the colony of South Carolina and providing delegates to the Continental Congress. [Drayton/Memoirs p 9] To promote the patriot cause and counteract British support of loyalists in upper South Carolina, a detachment of the 3rd Regiment under Major James Mayson accompanies the mission of William Henry Drayton, Reverend William Tennent, Oliver Hart and others. They establish military presence and encourage citizens to join the Revolutionary Association for Public Defense. This organization of those committed to liberty becomes known as "The Association". Association documents at the SC Archives and History Center indicate Lieutenant Colonel William Thomson is personally involved in this mission.

Both sides seek to convince Indians as well as settlers that they can better serve their interests. Cherokees are the largest group of Indian people on the western frontier, in the piedmont and mountains of South Carolina, Georgia and North Carolina. The Cherokees form an uneasy alliance with the British and loyalists. Cherokees will attack backcountry patriots in the summer of 1776 shortly after the British attack at Sullivan's Island. (Dennis/Natives p 200) See July 8 and 11.

The Catawba Indians are recent enemies of the Cherokees who live on lands bounded on all sides by white settlement near present-day Rock Hill, SC. The small Catawba nation will serve the American cause throughout the war. Before the end of 1775, several dozen Catawba warriors are recruited by the patriot Council of Safety to hunt down runaway slaves. (Dennis/Native Americans p 200) They are involved in action throughout 1776; see notes on June 27.

August 4, 1775

In a letter written from near Keowee to W.H. Drayton , Lieutenant Colonel William Thomson describes an engagement with Indians and white men from over the Hills under Cameron. Thomson took two prisoners along to show where the enemy was camped and "…told them before I set out if they deceived me, I would order them instantly to be put to death…" Thomson's group of 34 is ambushed. "Here Mr. Salvador received three wounds, and fell by my side; my horse was shot down under me, but I received



no hurt … the enemy unfortunately got his (Salvador's) scalp." Salvador and two others in Thomson's party die and six more are badly wounded. The next day Thomson's men "reduced Seneca entirely to ashes". [Gibbes/Documentary History pp 125-126]

November 1775

On November 11-12, a skirmish occurs between British ships Tamar (pronounced "Tamer") and Cherokee and the new patriot schooner Defence in the harbor near today's Old Village of Mt Pleasant. Patriots are sinking vessels at the mouth of Hog Island Channel to obstruct passage and assist in harbor defense. Some consider this the first battle of the Revolution in SC. It stiffens public resolve and generates public support for defending the city at Sullivan's Island in addition to closer locations in 1776. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 16-17)

Major James Mayson and some of Thomson's rangers are involved in actions to subdue loyalists at Fort Charlotte, Ninety Six, and other locations in November. Some consider the November 19-21 action at Ninety Six the first battle of the American Revolution in SC.

December 1775

Exiled British government officials have been encouraging enslaved Africans to join them in exchange for the promise of freedom. Hundreds are escaping and hiding on barrier islands off the coasts of Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia, hoping to be picked up by the British fleet. Sullivan's Island is a sanctuary for runaway slaves who raid provisions from nearby plantations. The British ships have been using the old "pest house" or lazaretto, a colonial quarantine station and the only structure on Sullivan's island, as a watering station. Lieutenants John Withers and James Coachman of Captain John Allston's company of foot rangers make a retaliatory raid. (Allston's company is also known as the Raccoon Company and the Indian company.) After a tip, most of the fugitive slaves are removed in boats sent by the vessel Cherokee, but the raiders kill three-four fugitive slaves and take 16 prisoners, including slaves and loyalists. This is expected to "humble our Negroes in general". They also burn the pest house, destroy water casks belonging to British ships, and leave the island unsafe for future landing parties. [Schama/Rough pp 84-85] [Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 19]

On December 22, Colonel Thomson commands about 1300 rangers and militia who capture 130 loyalists at Great Cane Break in upper SC near present-day Greenville. [O'Kelley/Nothing p 71] "The troops were so enraged against this party of Insurgents, or King's men, as they call themselves; that great slaughter would have ensued, had not Col. Thomson's humanity prevented the same: five or six of them, however, were killed; and the pursuit was urged with great fervour." Thomson had one man wounded. [Drayton/Memoirs pp 64-65]

A 30-hour snowfall commences December 23 and snow accumulates two feet deep. Thomson and his officers and men gain more valuable experience during the Snow Campaign, an eight-day march under horrible conditions through the snow to the Congarees. [Drayton/Memoirs p 65] [Johnson Traditions p 91] [Salley/Orangeburg pp 286-338] Colonel Thomson and Captain Thomas Sumter work together and escort prisoners to Charles Town. [Gregorie/Sumter pp 41-43] [Drayton/Memoirs p 66]



Major Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and 200 soldiers of the 1st Regiment of SC set up a battery of 18 pounders at Haddrell's Point. The patriots now control access to Sullivan's Island via the Cove between the island and the mainland. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20)

American forces under Benedict Arnold fail to capture Quebec December 30-31.

January 2-9, 1776

In a letter dated January 2d to the Council of Safety from overall commander Colonel Richard Richardson, "Col. Thomson was introduced to the notice of the Council, by warm and honorable recommendations; for his excellent conduct and support, during the expedition." [Drayton/Memoirs p 66]

Cut off from provisions, the British men-of-war Tamar and Cherokee and their supporting vessels abandon Charles Town and head to Savannah. A committee of the Council on Safety visits Sullivan's Island and recommends building a fort. The Council adopts the proposal and contracts with Cornelius Dewees for palmetto logs at one shilling per foot. Lieutenant John Fergusson of the Cherokee has first-hand knowledge of Sullivan's Island and Charles Town waters. In June, he will be in Savannah, only a few hours sail away. Parker will consult with him or another who came from Savannah and who had been a pilot in Charles Town for many years. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 572] Other than this input, the Royal Navy's battle plan is dependent upon African American pilots who had been either seized from coastal shipping or spirited out of Charles Town. [Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20, 26]

January 12-14, 1776

Responding to intelligence about a British invasion, the Council of Safety orders Colonel Thomson to send a detachment of ranger volunteers to Sullivan's Island immediately "for the better securing the possession thereof." Thomson himself does not go at this time; he sends 8 officers with 66 rangers and 28 prisoners who agree to work on fortifications. The prisoners had been captured during the Snow campaign. South Carolina Vice President Henry Laurens writes "the rangers are heartily disposed to the service". [Salley/Orangeburg pp 340-343]

Thomson's regiment is always divided. Ranger companies are frequently attached to larger units as scouts or flexible fighters. In 1776, detachments are stationed at Charles Town, Sullivan's Island, Dorchester, Fort Charlotte, Beaufort and perhaps other locations. Thomson establishes his headquarters near Ten Mile House. [Salley/Orangeburg pp 340-343] Ten Mile House was in present-day North Charleston, near the intersection of Remount Road and Rivers Avenue. [Parker/Revolutionary War p 78] Most, but not all, of the 3rd Regiment will serve together on Sullivan's Island in June. One or two companies were in Beaufort in early June and we have found no evidence they made the trip to Sullivan's Island.

February 12, 1776

Sir Peter Parker's fleet sails from Cork, Ireland after a two-month delay. Lord Cornwallis and several army regiments are with him. The fleet is to rendezvous with a British expedition from the northeastern colonies at Cape Fear, NC. A portion of the three-month voyage is beset by some of "the worst weather ever known at sea". (Bearss/NPS p 4) (Foster/Diary pp 34-37) Dr. Foster was a surgeon who joined the



British expedition before departure from Ireland. His diary from October 1775 through October 1777 was released by his family about 1938.

In the same timeframe, Colonel Christopher Gadsden brings to Charles Town substantially accurate English and American newspaper accounts of the expedition. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 22)

February 27, 1776

At Moore's Creek, NC patriots under Colonel Richard Caswell rout a loyalist force, dashing British hopes for assistance from a large number of loyalists in North Carolina. (Stedman/American War pp 178-182) (Bearss/NPS p 4) (Ryan/Jeremiah pp 135-137)

February-March 1776

Patriots in Charles Town, SC anticipate an attack and begin preparing defenses. Planters begin moving their families and valuables into the country and soon a general exodus is underway.

March 1, 1776

The Continental Congress names Major General Charles Lee to command the entire southern army. He is held in high esteem for his abilities as a professional soldier. The recently-promoted Brigadier General John Armstrong (a veteran of the Indian wars in Pennsylvania) is to assume command of the South Carolina forces; however, South Carolina has no continental troops. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 23) The patriot officers and politicians from different places will satisfactorily work out authority and relationships when they are together in June.

March 2, 1776

The Council of Safety orders Colonel William Moultrie to proceed to Sullivan's Island and take command of the force already engaged in building a large fort. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 22) Moultrie later explains that he was "ordered down to Sullivan's Island, to take command; where we were building a large fort sufficient to contain 1000 men. As this was looked upon as the key of the harbor; a great number of mechanics and negroe laborers were employed in finishing this fort as fast as possible, we having got certain intelligence that the British were preparing, at New-York, for an expedition against Charlestown." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 124)

March 12, 1776

Major General Henry Clinton has been named commander the British Southern Expedition. This is his first major command and his first time sharing command with a naval officer. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 32 note)

Arriving at Cape Fear with 1500 men, Clinton learns of the patriot victory at Moore's Creek and realizes North Carolina cannot be returned to obedience at this time. He expects to meet Sir Peter Parker, who was to sail from Ireland in December, but Parker has not arrived. (Bearss/NPS pp 6-7)



While waiting for Parker, Clinton is visited by John Stuart, British superintendent for Indian affairs. They confer as to how the southern Indians might be used in some sort of "concerted plan." (Dennis/Native Americans p 210)

March 17, 1776

The British evacuate Boston and the British navy moves to Halifax in Canada.

March 26, 1776

The Provincial Congress declares South Carolina a free and independent republic and adopts a constitution "…'till a reconciliation between Great-Britain and the colonies should take place." John Rutledge is elected President, Henry Laurens Vice-President, William Henry Drayton Chief Justice. William Moultrie and William Thomson are members of the congress and will continue to serve as it is renamed the General Assembly. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 262-265)

April 1776

General Armstrong arrives from the north and takes command of the troops in South Carolina. According to Colonel Moultrie, "He was a brave man, and a good officer, but not much acquainted with our manner of defence which was principally forts and batteries, with heavy pieces of cannon: we had at that time at least, 100 pieces of cannon mounted in different parts of our harbor." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 140) Twenty-six years later, Moultrie reflects in his memoirs, "In the course of this reading, it will be found how ignorant we were in the art or war, at the commencement of our revolution." (Moultrie/Memoirs p viii)

May 1-3, 1776

Commodore Parker arrives at Cape Fear, five months after the date initially planned for departure from Ireland. British troops spot Major General Lee as they skirmish with patriots on shore. Lord Cornwallis arrives as Dr. Foster is dining with Major General Clinton, some officers, and exiled Royal Governors Martin of NC and Campbell of SC. (Foster/Diary pp 44-47)

Parker begins gathering the fleet, resupplying and coordinating with generals Clinton and Cornwallis. (Bearss/NPS p 7) Clinton's orders from Secretary of State Germain name several areas of the southeastern seaboard as possible military objectives, taking specific note of the South Carolina port. The orders say, "If you should judge it expedient to proceed in the first place to South Carolina, as Charlestown is the seat of commerce of all that part of America and consequently the place where the most essential interests of the planters are concentered, the restoration of the legal government there must and will have very important consequences." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 20-21)

May 1776

The best use of the gathered force is unclear to General Clinton. He has guidance from his military superior, General Howe, to get back to New York in time for a summer campaign. A ship joining the fleet at Cape Fear discloses that recent dispatches from Howe to Clinton had been thrown overboard to avoid capture. (Foster p 54) (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 372) Clinton realizes South Carolina loyalist



support is mainly in the Piedmont, not along the coast where the army and navy could strike immediately. The navy's late arrival in America gives the expedition limited time for operations in the southern colonies before heading north for a summer campaign, so the scope of any activities will have to be limited. Lacking other guidance, Clinton favors a return to the Chesapeake Bay. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 373) (Bearss/NPS p 10)

May 10, 1776

At Cape Fear, Clinton and Parker disagree about command and control. Clinton asserts that he has control over all matters relating to troops, including transports. (NDAR 5 p 40)

May 24-26, 1776

Lieutenant Toby Caulfield of the Royal Navy and Captain James Moncrief of Clinton's engineer corps conduct a daring 48-hour reconnaissance of Charles Town harbor and approaches. They sail from Cape Fear in the schooner Pensacola Packet escorted by the frigate Sphinx. According to Dr Foster's diary, Caulfield sounds the bar and finds it passable by the largest ship, the Bristol, at high tide. Moncrief lands alone at the fort which is under construction on Sullivan's Island. He talks with a guard, walks around the fortifications and makes a sketch. The patriots do not suspect him of being an enemy until he is leaving. They fire at his boat but he escapes unhurt. On May 26, Moncrief presents an encouraging report to Commodore Parker at Cape Fear. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 29) (Foster/Diary pp 54-55) (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 20) This information is the deciding factor in Parker and Clinton agreeing on the mission to seize Sullivan’s Island. Clinton later explains to Germain, "I was induced to acquiesce in a proposal made to me by the commodore to attempt the reduction of that fortress by a coup de main [sudden attack]." (Davies/Documents p 162) Later, Germain's caution will influence Clinton's tentative actions at Breach Inlet (see May 31, 1776 entry below).

May 27, 1776

Richard Hutson is a young patriot leader – a member of the General Assembly in 1776, who will later serve as a delegate to the Continental Congress, the first intendant (mayor) of Charleston, and Lieutenant Governor. He is well-connected and well-informed, dines with General Armstrong, and serves in the militia at Fort Johnson. On this day Hutson writes in a letter, "Most people seem to imagine that we shall have a visit from the Generals Cornwallis and Clinton, the latter end of this week on the Spring Tides." (Hutson/Letter Book) That Saturday will be June 1. A few days later, Dr Foster mentions that the highest spring tides will be Sunday-Monday, June 2-3. (Forster/Diary p 57) The highest and lowest "spring" tides occur every two weeks concurrent with new moons and full moons. Based on these accounts, we assume spring tides also occur about June 29 – July 1 (28 days later). The tidal range during the attack on Fort Sullivan June 28 is probably above average but not extreme, even if exacerbated by winds. We have found no account of violent storms that might have affected tides in late June 1776.

May 31, 1776

The British army and navy sail from Cape Fear for Charles Town at sunrise. (Foster/Diary p 56, Wilcox p 39) Enroute, the captain of the sloop Ranger delivers to General Clinton a letter written on March 3 by Lord George Germain, British Secretary of State for the American Department. Clinton infers that he



should return to New York if he determines that "nothing could be soon effected which would be of real and substantial service and advantage, or that making any attempt would expose the troops to great loss from the season being too far advanced and that there should be a hazard of disappointing his service to the Northward ..." He confers with his generals and decides to continue, as the Sullivan's Island mission is consistent with this guidance. [Morgan/Naval Docs pp 324-327] [Davies/Documents p 163] [Bearss/NPS pp 13-14]

As the squadron sails toward Charles Town, "…in a violent thunderstorm, the colony's Brigt. Comet, lying in the (Charles Town) harbour, was struck by lightning, whereby her mainmast was shivered, and one of the sailors on board killed. [Wells/Gazette]

British ships are spotted near Dewees Island, sending Charles Town into wild confusion. An attack is expected within a few days. Express riders are dispatched to all parts of the province with the call for militia. Troops pour into the city as refugees evacuate. Lead weights are removed from windows to be cast into musket balls. Barricades are erected on principal streets and small fortifications are thrown up wherever the British might disembark. The printing presses and public records are relocated to places of safety (such as Dorchester). President Rutledge even requests that gambling and horse racing be suspended. In a dramatic and expensive move, stores and buildings on the wharves are torn down to clear fields of fire. This transformation improves security and eventually results in a more beautiful city. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 140-141) (Bearss/NPS pp 30-31, 43) (Russell/Revolution p 90) (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 23)

June 1-4, 1776

Colonel Thomson previously had sent a detachment of 3rd Regiment officers and men with prisoners to work on Sullivan's island fortifications. (See entry January 12-14, 1776) He is now camped "near the Ten mile house" in present-day North Charleston (Parker/Guide p 78) with orders to march to Sullivan's Island. In a letter to SC President John Rutledge dated 1st June 1776, he mentions that 40 of his men are ill with the Flux and he himself is "unwell". (Salley/Orangeburg p 438) Thomson was ill before and after the Battle of Sullivan's Island. See also letters he wrote October-December 1776 and August-September 1777. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 444-447 and 452-455) His health during the battle is unknown.

The fleet is at anchor 20 miles from Charles Town, near Bull’s Bay. (Foster/Diary p 57) South Carolina's exiled Royal Governor William Campbell is with the expedition and gives input about recapturing Sullivan's Island. He concludes, "Two battalions of infantry and a detachment of artillery would be sufficient to hold Charleston if supported by two frigates in the harbor." Parker and Clinton discuss tactical options by letter and in person. They meet face-to-face aboard the Sovereign to clear up confusion and concerns. Each suggests plans for the other and they do not reach complete agreement. Parker favors a coup de main (sudden attack) by the army landing on Sullivan's Island near the Breach, supported by the navy. (Russell/Victory) (Bearss/NPS pp 27-28)

June 3, 1776

Colonel Moultrie reports to President Rutledge that a ship has been busy sounding the inlet at the Advance Guard and along Long Island. "It seems as though they intended a descent somewhere hereabout." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 146)



June 4, 1776

The squadron anchors off the Charles Town Bar. (Parker/Narrative p 83) Dr Foster writes "…they say there are thirty Thousand disciplined troops in the Town and Fort, that have been trained to arms for this two years past, that they are possessed with as much fanatic Fury as ever Oliver Cromwells Troops were." With glasses, he can plainly see men at work on the fort and he sees that the town is very pretty with "an air of magnificence". (Foster/Diary p 59)

Early June 1776

Clinton tells Cornwallis that he will "not attempt anything blindfolded", and "I must reconnoiter the object before I attempt it." (Bearss/NPS pp 15-16) Unfortunately for the British, he did not reconnoiter the depth of Breach Inlet before committing his force to Long Island with the assumption the channel could be forded.

Before going to Sullivan's Island, Colonel Thomson is granted two days furlough to take care of personal business at his plantation, Belleville, about 50 miles away in Orangeburg District. "He immediately mounted his horse, rode home, effected his business, and returned to the city within 48 hours. (Salley/Orangeburg p 370) Thomson's abilities were legendary and he is still considered a hero in his home area. Other personal stories are in Salley/Orangeburg pp 375-385.

June 4-10, 1776

On or about June 5, highly regarded Major General Charles Lee arrives in Charles Town, boosting patriot morale. He gets to work at a torrid pace and immediately expresses concern about defending Sullivan's Island. After inspecting the fort, he appeals to President Rutledge for it to be abandoned. He finds little support from anyone in the government for abandoning the island. The South Carolina leadership that rejected Lee's advice remembers the difficulty of dislodging a small hostile force from Sullivan's Island in late 1775. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 141-142) (Russell/Victory pp 177-178) (Bearss/NPS pp 34 and 41) (Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 23-24) Had the troops been withdrawn to the mainland, the British could have accomplished their objective without firing a shot. A British garrison stationed on Sullivan's Island in 1776 would have changed the course of the war, but there is no way to know how history would be different.

Morgan Brown is an 18 year-old soldier from North Carolina who had been with Thomson's regiment of rangers several months. His account, published in Russell's Magazine in 1859, states "General Lee had come on and taken the command, and we soon understood it was his opinion that the troops on the island were to be sacrificed. But our more immediate commander determined to defend it to the last extremity." (Brown/Reminiscences p 64)

Lee in 1776 "was a tall, skinny, ugly man of 44, with a bony nose. His arrogance, extreme temper, vanity, coarseness, and egotistical nature made him a difficult man to tolerate, but Washington and other patriots hoped his vast military experience would serve the patriot cause well." (Russell/Revolution p 88) On the 9th, President Rutledge announces that General Lee is in command of all troops in South Carolina to avoid any conflict over authority in the campaign. (Russell/Victory p 181) Over the next month, the South Carolina leadership will find this man of 10,000 oddities difficult, yet effective.



Parker directs that the men-of-war Ranger, St Lawrence and Friendship be placed where General Clinton thinks proper. Schooner St Lawrence, sloop Ranger and eight of the smallest transports are positioned in Spence's Creek and an armed ship takes its station off the south end of Long Island. (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p168)

June 6, 1776

Major General Clinton, Commander of His Majesty's Forces in the Southern Provinces of N. America, issues a proclamation demanding submission. It is ignored by the patriots. (Wells/Gazette)

June 7, 1776

Patriot Major Samuel Wise of Thomson's 3rd Regiment is on Sullivan's Island at Breach Inlet in command of 210 troops. He can see 50 ships in Charles Town waters. (Gregg/Cheraws p 268) Over the next three weeks, Wise writes several long letters from his position on Sullivan's Island to his friend, Henry William Harrington (1748-1809), Sheriff of Cheraw District. By the end of June, Harrington is stationed at Haddrell's Point, unbeknownst to Wise. Wise's last surviving letter was dated June 27. Both men had been delegates to the First Provincial Congress. Harrington will become a NC militia brigadier general in the Revolution, a legislator in both North Carolina and South Carolina, and a planter. Wise will be killed in action at Savannah on October 9, 1779. (Salley/Records pp 28-29)

June 7 - 10, 1776

Richard Hutson is stationed at Fort Johnson. He counts 52 ships including men-of-war, transports, store ships and prizes. (Hutson/Letter Book)

After the ships pass the bar June 7, General Clinton immediately embarks in a small sloop to reconnoiter the islands north of Charleston. He scouts for two days and determines that a landing on Sullivan's Island would be impractical because of the violent surf. He decides to land the army on Long Island. Reasons include (1) Long Island is not held by patriots in any force. (2) It communicates with the mainland by creeks navigable by boats of draft. (3) It is but a small distance north of Sullivan's Island. (4) Pilots confidently report that Breach Inlet is passable on foot at low water. He does not check the ford at the Breach. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs pp 30-31, 374) He later tells Lord Germain that Lord Cornwallis agrees with him. (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 163) Assembling the army on Long Island is a mistake from which the expedition is not able to recover.

The British army begins staging on Long Island as generals Clinton, Cornwallis and Vaughan make an unopposed landing at the north end with 500 troops. (Parker/Narrative p 83) (Russell/Victory p 181) (Bearss/NPS p 24)

Upon learning of the landing, Lee sends a message on the 8th to Moultrie ordering an attack on Long Island by Thomson's and Sumter's regiments reinforced by Alston's, Mahan's and Couritier's companies. For support, he orders Moultrie "to move, down to the point, commanding the breach, two field-pieces." He also orders "a considerable reinforcement of riflemen" for Colonel Thomson, (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 150-151) (Salley/Orangeburg p 344) Moultrie receives the order on the afternoon of the 10th and



preparations are made for an attack that night. When he learns the Bristol has crossed the bar, Lee rescinds the order. (Bearss/NPS p 42)

June 10, 1776

The British army plans to attack en masse across Breach Inlet. By this date, all the British ships of war have crossed the Charles Town bar and are cleared for attack. The army is ordered to be ready to land with three day’s provisions. Six transports are to carry 500 men each near Long Island; flat boats are to carry men from the transports to shore. “…these orders appear to be from the Generals receiving information that the small crick which separates Long Island from Sullivan’s Island was fordable for the whole Army in which case they were to ford over and attack the Enemy in the Rear When the Shipping had silenced the great Battery in Front.” (Foster/Diary p 60)

Captain John William Gerard de Brahm, the engineer of Fort Sullivan, is sent to the northeast point of Sullivan's Island to build breastworks of palmetto logs at the Advanced Guard. (Johnson/Traditions p 92) (Drayton/Memoirs p 288) (McCrady/History p 145) Emplacements for the cannons include brick foundations, which will be temporarily uncovered by shifting sands years later.

Cognizant of the threat from Long Island, Lee insists the British must be kept off Sullivan's Island at all costs. He encourages Moultrie to move two field cannons up to command the inlet. He also orders Moultrie to concentrate on completing the bridge connecting the mainland and Sullivan's Island, and to return 400 of the reinforcements sent to attack Long Island on the 9th. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 154-155) (Russell/Revolution p 91) The advanced guard soon has the cannons. Moultrie gives the bridge low priority. General Lee believes Sullivan's Island cannot be defended. He is bolstering the force on the mainland and preparing for withdrawal from Sullivan's Island.

June 11, 1776

Dr Foster writes, "We are elate with the Idea of being in three Days time in Possession of Charles Town, where we are in hopes of getting fresh Provisions and vegetables which we so much long for, the Town is so large and bears so much the air of grandure, that we may promise to ourselves something more than the bare necessaries of Life, who knows but I may sleep in a house in three Days time!" (Foster/Diary p 61)

June 13, 1776

General Clinton proposes having his footsoldiers seize the northern end of Sullivan's Island, then attack the fort. He and Commodore Parker work out a system of signals. (Bearss/NPS p 46-47) (Russell/Victory p 186)

June 14, 1776

Major General Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis arrive on Long Island for the coming battle. (Bearss/NPS p 47) They previously had landed with an advance party of 500 men on June 7.

June 15, 1776



Having observed the British behavior over the past two weeks, astute Charles Cotesworth Pinckney writes "They are certainly much weaker than they are generally reputed to be, or their councils are much divided, or they would not have conducted their affairs in the dilatory manner they have done." He believes that if they continue to postpone the attack, "…we shall be in exceedingly good order for them, at every outpost and also in town. (Gibbes/History pp 3-4) (Bearss/NPS p 48)

Brigadier General Armstrong is in command at Haddrell's Point (in today's Mount Pleasant across the mile-wide cove from Sullivan's Island.) Lee tells Moultrie to consider Armstrong his commanding officer. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 156)

June 16-18, 1776

Over three days, the British army troops and their gear are transported by small boats onto the northern part of Long Island through heavy surf. Some have to swim to shore. A few recruits are left aboard transport vessels to confuse the patriots. Colonel William Thomson is now in command of the patriot Advanced Guard at the Breach. He observes the landing through his glass, noting that they were landing "as fast as the boats can bring them." More than 2000 soldiers encamp in an area 1¼ miles long and 300-400 yards wide. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 156-157) (Russell/Victory p 243)

In response to the landings, Armstrong suspects the British will attack at Bolton's Landing on the mainland (3 miles northeast of Haddrell's Point) and/or Breach Inlet. Thomson asks that Armstrong "come over and take a ride on the island to observe what a length of ground we have to defend." Thomson requests the remainder of his 3rd Regiment of SC (Rangers) be allowed to join him from the mainland. Armstrong suggests that Moultrie reinforce Thomson. Thomson's men who had been removed to the mainland on June 10 are returned to Breach Inlet. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 573] [Moultrie/Memoirs pp 157-158] [Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 30] [Bearss/NPS pp 47-48, 50-51] [Russell/Victory p 188]

In Five Fathom Hole, the British ships are ready for the attack. [Parker/Narrative p 83] Parker consults this morning with a pilot who came from Savannah and who had been a pilot in Charles Town for many years. After the consultation, Parker plans to attack the fort at high tide and suggests Clinton attack the northern end of the island on the falling tide an hour or two after the ships engage. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 572]

The men-of-war under Parker's command include his flagship Bristol (50 guns), Experiment (50), Solebay (28), Actaeon (28), Active (28), Syren (28), Sphynx (20), Friendship (12, A.S.), Thunder Bomb (8), Carcass (8) and Ranger (22, A.S.). [Parker/Narrative pp 86] Other accounts show 8 guns on Ranger; the lower number is assumed accurate. Counting the schooners Lady William (8) and St Lawrence (8?) assigned to Clinton, the British have a total of approximately 284 naval guns.

Schooners Lady William and St Lawrence are stationed in the creeks aside Long Island. Clinton uses a sloop, possibly Ranger, for reconnaissance. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 573] Ranger also is reported in the ocean off Long Island and in Dewees Inlet. These three warships with 24 guns apparently are assigned to support Clinton's army, and nine warships with 260 guns are assigned to cannonade and bombard the fort. Ranger and St Lawrence seem to be wasted assets; they will not be deployed effectively in the attack.



From his headquarters on Long Island, General Clinton spends nights "in fording and reconnoitering those infernal bogs and creeks that lay contiguous to Sullivan's Island," and returns in the morning "wet and miry". [Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31 note]

June 17-20, 1776

Deserters from the Ranger sloop near Long Island say the land forces are about 2800 (some say 3300) men under Generals Clinton, Cornwallis and Vaughan. (Wells/Gazette) Other British accounts record the total as approximately 3000. (Campbell/Map – Plan) (Foster/Diary p 62)

Tuesday, June 18, 1776

The first battlefield casualty of the Battle of Sullivan's Island occurs on or about this day. Patriot leader Richard Hutson later writes to Captain Isaac Hayne from Fort Johnson, "On their sending their first reconnoitering party upon Long Island, one of their men was shot by one of our Riflemen. He was dressed in Red laced with Black and had a Cockade & Feather in his Hat, & a sword by his side. By which it appears that he was an Officer; but that is all we know about him." (Hutson/Letter Book, June 24) (Morgan/Naval Docs p 722) Isaac Hayne is a prominent patriot and Hutson's brother-in-law. He also is assigned to Fort Johnson; however, accounts indicate both Hutson and Hayne frequently spend days away from the fort. Hutson is on duty 24 hours, then off 48 hours. He lives 10 miles away at Montpelier in present-day West Ashley. Hayne's plantation is some 35 miles away at Ponpon, near present-day Jacksonboro. In 1781, the hanging of then-Colonel Isaac Hayne will make him a martyr and serve as a rallying point for patriots against British brutality.

After personal reconnaissance, Clinton concludes the channel through Breach Inlet is not fordable and notifies Parker on the 18th. He says, "This of course rendered it impractical for the army to take the share in the attack of the fort on Sullivan's Island which had been at first intended." (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31) While he should have sounded the creek before committing his force to Long Island, General Clinton's misinformation is understandable. Some attribute the belief that the inlet was fordable to the black pilots, but this may have been a general misconception among Charles Town people. A week after Clinton's discovery, patriot leader Richard Hutson mentions that the inlet is fordable at low water. (Hutson/Letter book, June 24) The inlet had been shallower in the past. In 1700, a British explorer/surveyor wrote in his journal, "…having five Miles from the Town to the Breach we went down in a large Canoe, that we had provided for our Voyage thither, having the Tide of Ebb along with us; which was so far spent by that Time we got down, that we had not Water enough for our Craft to go over, although we drew but two Foot, or thereabouts." "At 4 in the Afternoon, (at half Flood) we pass'd with our Canoe over the Breach, leaving Sullivans Island on our Starboard. (Lawson/Voyage p 4)

On the 20th, Parker disputes Clinton's claim that he can land only 400 men per wave because 15 boats will carry 600. He acknowledges that "all the Generals concur with You in Opinion that the Troops cannot take the Share You expected in the intended Attack." (Russell/Victory p 193) Clinton at various times says as few as 400 and as many as 700 can be transported by the 15 boats in a wave. His notes of June 16-27 say not more than 700. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 782)

Clinton outlines the issues limiting his options: (1) The army would have to march nearly two miles over the flats at low tide, within reach of the enemy's batteries. (2) They would have to pass numerous creeks



and channels, the last of which is seven feet deep at lowest tide. This channel runs along the front of the enemy's works, where strong batteries are erected to oppose a landing. (3) For want of flat-bottom boats, no more than 400-700 could land per crossing, under disadvantageous circumstances, with no way to retreat for six hours. (4) No vessels of force could be brought to protect the landing of the King's Troops. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 608-611) Breach Inlet is a tidal flat more than a mile wide, with a deep creek along the Sullivan's Island shoreline. The rest of the broad inlet is laced with shifting sands, creeks and tidal pools. Some of the sandbars are exposed at high tide; much more sand is exposed at low tide. The "disadvantageous circumstances" General Clinton mentions include narrow, shallow creeks and treacherous currents. If the amphibious crossing begins on an outgoing tide, the ability to retreat will be restricted while the water is shallow and creeks are narrow.

Clinton offers two battalions under Vaughan to directly support the navy's attack of the fort. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 31) Clinton believes he can land on the mainland within three miles of Haddrell's point if supported by frigates from the navy. (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 375) Parker formulates a plan to have three frigates bypass the fort to cut off communications with the mainland and support the army's landing on the mainland.

Wednesday, June 19, 1776

Cornwallis' 1st Brigade marches six miles to the southern end of Long Island near Breach Inlet. They have orders to be ready to attack that night. After arrival, a British sentinel is shot through the leg at night. Dr Foster says the British are "liable to surprise from the enemy they knowing these cricks much better than we, and the sleeping within Cannon Shot to two batteries and within musket shot of their centinels…" (Foster/Diary p 66) Foster occasionally exaggerates in his diary and his estimates of distances are sometimes inconsistent with maps and other accounts. Muskets are short-range weapons that rarely hit human targets more than 100 yards away. Patriot patrols and sentinels appear to be crossing the inlet creeks and marshes and taking positions either on Long Island or directly across the creeks adjacent to Long Island (such as today's Hamlin Creek).

Thursday, June 20, 1776

Major General Lee exhorts the people of Charles Town to prepare for the British attack. His orders of the day state "True soldiers and magnanimous citizens must brandish the pick axe and spade as well as the sword, in defence of their country. (Elliott/Diary p 27)

The British observe the patriot advanced guard raising new works every hour. British Captain Trail shoots a patriot officer through the head. He falls immediately and does not stir. (Foster/Diary p 66)

Alexander Chesney is a loyalist who had been captured and impressed into service with Sumter's regiment as a private. In his journal published later, Chesney mentions being stationed "…at Charlestown and Bolton's landing place opposite Long-Island whilst the British Army was encamped there under Sir Henry Clinton." He says, "going on a reconnoitering party one day towards the British lines on Long-Island a gun with grape shot was fired, one shot of which was within a few inches of killing me having struck the sand close by where I had squatted down to avoid the discharge; I endeavored with some others to get to Gen Clinton's army, but failed for want of a boat and returned to the Americans." (Jones/Chesney Journal p 7) Sumter's regiment was stationed on the mainland near Haddrell's Point. Some of his troops possibly



could have been on Sullivan's Island at this time. More likely, they rowed in a creek through the marsh from Bolton's Landing on the mainland to or near Long Island. Bolton's Landing and Long Island (Isle of Palms) are connected on period maps by a creek known today as Inlet Creek, which is navigable by boats of shallow draft. See July 15 for another account of patriots approaching Long Island from the mainland by water. The same creek may have been used in that episode as well.

A party of Thomson's rangers paddles over to Long Island at night, seeking a reward offered by President Rutledge for capture of the first British prisoner. They do not capture a prisoner, and they mistakenly shoot one of their own men. (Bearss/NPS p 51) Richard Hutson tells the story this way: "…there happened an affair with a very tragic-comical nature; when they began landing on Long Island our President offered a premium of thirty guineas (about $2000 in today's money) to any of the Riflemen who should first take one of the King's troops prisoner. Accordingly, three of them went over one night for that purpose. Two of them agreed to keep together, the other determined to go by himself. In the morning by twilight the one that was alone descried the two others at a distance, and imagining that they were the King's troops, took up his gun to fire at them, thinking, I suppose, to kill one and then take other alive; one of the others seeing his piece presented, was quicker than he was and shot him through the thigh, upon which he fell. They immediately ran up, dragged him to the boat, threw him in, and pushed off, all thinking that he was one of the King's troops. They had got a considerable distance from the shore before the poor man was sufficiently recovered from his fright to speak. As soon as he spoke they discovered their mistake. He is likely to recover. (Hutson/Letter Book, June 24)

Friday, June 21, 1776

The next morning, a British patrol tracks the patriot party from the previous night to the Breach. The Advanced Guard opens fire on the patrol with artillery. The British reply by firing platoons of musketry. Thomson's cannons fire on the schooner Lady William and the pilot boat Raven in the creek beside Long Island (now called Hamlin Creek). The Gazette reports the patriots also fired on an armed sloop. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 781) The vessels are hit several times before they can move out of range. Hutson states that two patriots are wounded by small arms fire and one has his hand blown off by a premature discharge when one of the gunners neglects to sponge a cannon. The firefight lasts several hours. (Hutson/Letter Book, June 24) (Bearss/NPS p 52-53) (Russell/Victory p 194)

Awakened at daybreak by the gunshots, British surgeon Foster runs to a high point on Long Island overlooking the Breach to watch. His perspective and his report are different from Hutson's. "At the distance of no more than two miles", he witnesses a party of Highlanders and a company of British light infantry fording a creek and killing patriot sentinels. He sees a considerable party of patriots supported by two field pieces advancing within 200 yards of the British positions while firing. He observes the Highlanders and British light infantry maneuvering by platoon and firing in volleys. The detailed account in his diary states the British operations are highly effective as they kill about 20 patriots and lose only two men. (Foster/Diary pp 67-68) Dr. Foster's casualty estimate from two miles away is suspect. I have found no other account to corroborate a large number of troops killed on either side in this engagement.

Note about the British use of oyster banks: Oyster banks at the edge of the marsh provided cover for British fighting positions near Sullivan's Island. One Oyster Bank served as a natural breastwork to protect British light artillery and crews. This was the British artillery position closest to Sullivan's Island. This Oyster Bank was on a hummock (small island in the marsh) about ½ mile north of Sullivan's Island. Today this land known as Clubhouse Point is visible west of the bridge between Sullivan's Island and Isle



of Palms, where Inlet Creek and Swinton/Hamlin creek flow together. I capitalize the name to distinguish this important Oyster Bank from others. Other oyster bank(s) protected British infantry armed with muskets, who approached even closer to Sullivan's Island. Oyster banks will be the scene of several skirmishes during the next week, and artillery placed behind an Oyster Bank will be critical for support of an amphibious crossing. The necessity of evacuating the Oyster Bank as the tide rises will limit artillery support for the British assault on June 28. Also on June 28, British infantry will attack Thomson's left flank from an oyster bank across a creek from Sullivan's Island, probably the creek known today as Conch Creek.

Patriot Major Wise provides a personal account of this engagement. He and Lieutenant Smith cross the unfordable creek by canoe and walk to the far side of a 200-foot wide circular sandbar or island, within shot of the enemy. He writes, "I took one Regiment to be Highlanders and the other to be Cornwallis' (common slaves) with some artillery." After they return, Smith crosses again with Private Jordan and an artillery private. This sparks a skirmish. Both sides fire small arms and cannons, and 7-8 Highlanders run to get between the patriots and their canoe and prevent escape. The patriots escape. Wise says there is one possible Highlander casualty. (Gregg/Cheraws pp 269-270) The opposing eyewitnesses, Dr Foster and Major Wise, provide distinctly different accounts of the same fight.

The combined army/navy attack is planned for midday June 21, if conditions are favorable for the navy. Conditions are not favorable. However, upon hearing the abovementioned cannonade at the Breach, Commodore Parker thinks General Clinton has launched the army's main attack. Despite contrary winds, Parker hoists the signal to launch the naval attack and weighs anchor to cause a diversion. He soon learns of the mistake and retracts the order. (Wells/Gazette pp 781-782) (Bearss/NPS p 68) (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 168)

Major General Charles Lee is told that Thomson's gunners have fired when it is almost impossible that their fire should have any effect. He issues instructions that no piece of ordnance should be fired at a distance greater than 400 yards. He adds in a PS to his letter, "Those two field pieces at the very end of the point, are so exposed that I desire you will draw them off to a more secure distance from the enemy...in their present situation it appears to me, they may be carried off when ever the enemy think proper." (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 158-159) The patriots follow this guidance and reap benefits. Thomson moves the cannons 500 yards further away, to positions where they are safe distances from Clinton's heavy artillery, but close enough to fire on British ships and troops attempting to cross the inlet.

In a second dispatch dated June 21, Lee cautions Thomson to make sure "…no vague, uncertain firing either of rifles, muskets, or cannon is permitted." He orders that "not a man under your Command is to fire at a greater distance than a hundred and fifty yards at the utmost – in short that they never fire within almost moral certainty of hitting their object – distance firing has a double bad effect, it encourages the Enemy, and adds to the pernicious perswasion of the American soldiers – vizt that they are no match for their antagonists at close fighting – to speak plainly, it is almost a sure way of making 'em Cowards." "I extend the rule to those who have the care of the field pieces; four hundred yards is the greatest distance they should be allowed to fire at." (Force/Archives S5-V1-p0099) Thomson's troops respond. During the British assault on June 28th, the Advanced Guard waits to fire upon his order – with devastating effect.

According to Parker, "The armed ship, not being wanted at Long Island, came into the harbour." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 168) Clinton must not have recognized a use for this unidentified vessel; therefore he returned it to Parker. He did not employ his other naval resources effectively.



Saturday, June 22, 1776

In response to the skirmish activity, Lee sends a scathing letter to Thomson through Moultrie. It is intended for both to read because Lee is frustrated by the styles of the two non-authoritarian leaders and the lack of discipline. He acknowledges Thomson's courage, spirit and zeal while chiding him as being "too easy in command". He made the same comment about Moultrie. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 144, 159-160) Lee warns about "soldiers running at random wherever their folly directs" and punishing those who don't follow orders. (Moultrie/Memoirs pp 160-162) (Russell/Victory pp 196-197) The culture clash is obvious between this professional military man from afar and these two strong but casual leaders of citizen-soldiers. Subsequent events indicate troops at the Breach become more tightly controlled. Thomson improves the patriot defenses by implementing the instructions from an experienced general who understands artillery tactics. While the British dawdle on Long Island, the Advanced Guard executes the change of position with speed and precision.

The British erect a battery overnight at the edge of the creek where the battle was fought the day before (the Oyster Bank at today's Clubhouse Point). Dr. Foster's diary states "…at daybreak this morning we had two Howitzers, two Royals (small mortars), and two six pounders to the great surprise of the Enemy who were greatly annoyed even in the Trenches from the Shells thrown by the Howitzers and Royals, the second Shell that was thrown dismounted one of their six pounders and killed several men, this we saw very plainly..." He says the patriots returned fire with cannons throughout the day without harm. (Foster/Diary, p 68) A "dismounted" gun was separated from its support or carriage. Troops had to make necessary repairs and remount the cannon before it could be fired again.

In a letter to his friend Henry William Harrington, Sheriff of Cheraw District, patriot Major Wise of the 3rd Regiment observes, "They have two pieces of cannon mounted, and are this day mounting three more, which will cover their landing in spite of all we can do." Wise says the situation is desperate and the patriot officers expect to be sacrificed, but they will fight to the death. He writes, "… I do conceive the longer we are kept in the face of the enemy, the less we dread fighting them." (Gregg/Cheraws p 269)

3rd Regiment soldier Morgan Brown writes "…our principal reliance was on the goodness of our rifles and our skillful use of them. Notwithstanding the odds appeared fearful, three or four thousand against three of four hundred, and very few of the latter who had ever burned powder in battle." (Brown/Reminiscences p 64) The patriot force at Breach Inlet would soon grow to about 780 men.

According to the journal of the Schooner St Lawrence (a ship armed with eight guns), she weighs anchor in Spencer's Creek (Dewees Inlet) at 11 am and moves toward the back part of Sullivan's Island to cover the troops on landing. She runs aground at noon and gets further up the creek in the direction of Sullivan's Island at 11 pm. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 784)

Patriot Major Wise observes the armed schooner (St Lawrence) come down the creek from the direction of Dewees Inlet and anchor within range of the patriot field pieces. The two field pieces are ordered to be removed (presumably to a less exposed position as suggested by Lee). Wise writes of the British, "Their guns fight under deck, consequently our rifles cannot touch them, and a number of flat-bottom boats, it is said, are following her…" Wise's men are ordered up to the point of the island to be prepared for an amphibious assault. He expects the British to move along the creek to the floating bridge after landing. (Gregg/Cheraws p 270)



On this day, Brigadier General Vaughan's 2nd Brigade and the British artillery break camp and join Cornwallis' 1st Brigade on the southern end of Long Island. Seeing the buildup and heeding Lee's advice, Thomson moves his troops from their original exposed positions near the shore to new and improved defensive positions 500 yards to the south, away from the shore. Clinton is impressed by the patriots' skill in erecting the fortifications, and distressed by this development – he was planning to neutralize the Advanced Guard with light artillery prior to the amphibious assault. (Bearss/NPS p 68) The patriots immediately gain advantage from the new defensive positions. The original patriot redoubts were within range of light artillery at the Oyster Bank and Green Island, but the new positions appear to be out of range.

Colonel Thomson writes to "His Excellency John Rutledge, Esqr in Charles Town" from "Camp on Sullivan'ts Island." He requests that two companies of Rangers stationed in Beaufort be relieved and moved to Sullivan's Island, and mentions that his regiment has never once been together. He says the men are in great spirits and the opposing sentinels are "so near to each other that they might shake hands, had we but boats and they chose to be friendly – Two field pieces were fired by the Artillery here early this morning at a boat of armed Men which we apprehended was returning from reconnoitering last night." (Salley/Orangeburg p 439.) Historian A.S. Salley is quoting from Thomson's order book. British troops stationed at the western edge of the inlet and American troops on the shore of Sullivan's Island are within a few hundred yards of each other, separated only by a creek and beach or marsh. Sentinels are usually closer than the main bodies. They could have been posted on either side of the creek along Sullivan's Island (Conch Creek is in this area today).

At Lee's request, Rutledge convenes a special meeting of the Council to reconsider Lee's case for evacuating Sullivan's Island. Lee is concerned Clinton will divide his army and mount coordinated attacks on Charles Town and Haddrell's Point, isolating the troops on Sullivan's Island. No official record of the meeting survives. Sources say Rutledge is adamant about defending the island to the last man. After the meeting, he supposedly sends a confidential note to Moultrie saying, "General Lee wishes you to evacuate the fort. You will not without an order from me. I will sooner cut off my hand than write one. John Rutledge." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 24)

Sunday, June 23, 1776

The rebels (patriots) are hard at work on their new battery and extending their lines. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 701) Clinton later explains to Lord Germain, "they took up some very strong ground 500 yards back, in a much more extended front than the narrow spit of land on which they had at first placed themselves, having a battery on their right and a morass on their left, razing their former work and making it a glacis or esplanade …This, my Lord, defended and sustained by three or four thousand men, was a formidable appearance, and such a one as a small army in boats, advancing singly through a narrow channel, uncovered and unprotected, could not attempt without manifest sacrifice." (Willcox, Clinton Memoirs p 374) Clinton's points appear valid, although he significantly overstates Thomson's troop strength. Fewer than 1000 patriots were stationed on the north end of the island, until reinforcements from the 8th Virginia Regiment arrived on June 28 after the British attempted to cross and withdrew. Moultrie's count of 780 men under Thomson is used by most historians. Patriot efforts to confuse Clinton may have worked, and/or he may be exaggerating to explain the failure to take the island.

According to Parker, this is the initial day selected by Clinton for the joint army/navy attack. (Parker/Narrative p 83) It may have been the 2nd day targeted, with June 21 first. Clinton and his generals



have the troops formed and ready and the wind is favorable. Parker later writes, "June the 23rd, made a private signal to the general that I would go on the attack at 1 o'clock, but the wind becoming contrary, hauled down the signal at 11." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 168) (Bearss/NPS p 70)

Parker offers to time the naval attack or make a diversion at any time and tide that will support the land attack, provided the wind will carry him abreast of the fort. Clinton replies by offering a diversion to support the navy. (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 699-701)

Colonel Peter Muhlenberg arrives in Charleston with his 8th Virginia Regiment of Continentals, greatly strengthening the patriot force on the mainland. (Bearss/NPS p 53) Muhlenberg was son of the founder of the Lutheran church in America. Born in Pennsylvania, he became an ardent Whig, leader of the German population in Virginia, and a friend of George Washington and Patrick Henry. After observing the "strength and good condition" of the recently-formed regiment in Virginia, General Lee had ordered it to accompany him to the Carolinas. (Muhlenberg/Life pp 17-18, 38-42, 58)

The Schooner St Lawrence lightens her load, gets a mile further up the creek toward Sullivan's Island, and grounds again. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 784)

Monday, June 24, 1776

Winds make this cloudy, rainy day undesirable for the attack of the fleet. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 722)

Richard Hutson writes to Isaac Hayne, apparently from Fort Johnson, "The slowness of their [British] operations affords a great deal of speculation." Hutson reports that three deserters from Long Island say the troops there "…are very sickly, and that most of them are disposed to desert if opportunity offers". Hutson thinks that General Lee has put Charles Town into "an exceedingly good posture of Defense. He [Lee] is intimately acquainted with Clinton, having been upon service with him. He says that he knows him [Clinton] to be a damned fool and that he will now make him sensible of it himself." Hutson says Lee expects the British army to attack the mainland from Long Island. Hutson expects the army and navy will attack Sullivan's island both in front and rear at once. He gives this account of General Lee's reaction to a fortification recently added near Fort Johnson: "His first question, upon seeing it was 'What d---d fool planned this Battery?' A by-stander replied that it had been planned by Mr Drayton our present Chief Justice, ̶ he said 'he may be a very good Chief Justice, but he is a d---d bad engineer, for if the Enemy had had the planning of it they could not have fixed it in a better place for the Reduction of the Fort Johnson…" (Hutson/Letter Book)

In a letter written three days later, Major Wise tells his friend Sheriff Harrington "…were I to give you an account of all our little skirmishes, I might write daily…. He reports an armed schooner (presumed to be Lady William, a ship armed with eight guns) approaching within 700-800 yards of the point of Sullivan's Island on Monday. Vessels with it are sounding the channel between Long Island and the mainland. The patriots plan to strike Tuesday, and carry an 18 pounder and two field pieces to the point Monday night. (Gregg/Cheraws p 271)

The British Schooner St Lawrence moves slightly toward Sullivan's Island, finding less water than the 7 feet 2 inches required. The depth is only 3 feet at low water. The ship does not float the next three days. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 784) This implies the water level rises four feet to a later high tide.



Tuesday, June 25, 1776

Patriots fire on the schooner and armed vessels in the creek early in the morning. "…some shot having struck, they were obliged to retire further into the creek." Three of eleven shots strike. They cannot destroy her and discontinue firing. General Armstrong hears the firing at Haddrell's Point. (Gregg/Cheraws p 271) (Morgan/Naval Docs p 747) (Russell/Victory p 201) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 163)

Wise is walking along the open beach at the point of Sullivan's Island at 11:00 am, when about 20 American renegade Tories (Highlanders) come down to the oyster bank opposite the advanced guard with clubbed* muskets and take shelter behind it. They ambush a group of Indians in the patriot force who are returning in a line from the point of Sullivan's Island. The Highlanders "kept up a brisk fire". Patriot Major Wise writes that the Indians "caused us to laugh heartily by their running and tumbling, several of them whooping and firing their muskets over their shoulder backward. I confess, though the bullets poured round me, I laughed against my inclinations." Wise is impressed by the superiority of the enemy musketry and the effectiveness of the patriot artillery. He says the artillery loaded by patriot Lieutenant Spencer, "a brave officer", dislodges the loyalists with grape and other shot, supposedly with the loss of two or three men. The schooner is hauled off during this engagement. (Gregg/Cheraws pp 271-272, Letter from Wise to Harrington, Morgan/Naval Docs p 747) The Oyster Bank is at the edge of the marsh, about ½ mile north of the Advanced Guard batteries. (James/Map, Campbell/Map) *"Clubbed" muskets were carried over the shoulder and held by the barrel.

Another incident involving Indians in the advanced guard is recounted in the 1832 pension application of Jeremiah Harrold. "This applicant recollects that at the time of the above engagement there were a number of Indians on the Island who had joined the continental army and manifested great bravery until alarmed by the explosion of a bombshell by which three or four of their number who not being acquainted with the design of a shell which fell near them and attempting in a bravado to lift the same were severely wounded, upon this the remainder of the Indians, this applicant thinks about nine in number, attempted to make their escape from the fort by fleeing across the bridge to the main land, being disappointed by the guard in crossing the bridge they threw down their arms and swam to the main land." (Graves/Harris – Application #S17467) (Ryan/Jeremiah p 150) Recounting the incident in court 56 years later, Harrold said he was born on the PeeDee River and served with Thomson on Sullivan's Island, but his name did not appear on Revolutionary military roles.

British Colonel Webster crosses the creek beside Long Island with the light infantry battalion and takes a position on Green Island (present-day Little Goat Island). The tender Roebuck joins the pilot boat Raven and the armed schooner Lady William in the creek. At night, the British throw up two entrenchments behind the Oyster Bank and prepare to fight in the morning. (Bearss/NPS p 72) (Gregg/Cheraws p 272)

The bridge across Sullivan's Island Narrows Creek (the cove), connecting Haddrell's point and Sullivan's Island, fails when North Carolina troops attempt to reinforce Colonel Thomson. The troops refuse to cross until the passage between the two places is safe. General Lee orders General Armstrong (commander at Haddrell's Point) to send 100 volunteers to strengthen Colonel Thomson. (Bearss/NPS pp 55-56)

Parker's plan calls for a landing force of sailors and marines from the ships to enter the fort in conjunction with Clinton's troops from Long Island, after the fort is silenced by the navy. In light of the improved patriot defenses at Breach Inlet, Parker proposes Clinton also consider a landing on the mainland under



cover of the naval bombardment. His plan includes enfilading the fort from ships west of the fort and cutting off the patriots' retreat to Mt Pleasant. These warships could support an assault by the army on Mt Pleasant. (Russell/Victory p 201) (Bearss/NPS p 71)

Armstrong reports "… the enemy constantly striving to find new landing places on the main." (Morgan/Naval Docs p 744) A British period map indicates a creek behind Green Island is navigable to the mainland. However, it is so narrow that vessels would have to travel in single file. This would make a naval assault impractical. (Campbell/Map) The creek appears to be present-day Inlet Creek, which is navigable to the mainland by boats of shallow draft.

Lee tells Rutledge that the Colonial Engineer now working on the fortifications, Baron Massenbourg, is "frightened out of his wits at the dangerousness of the situation of our Troops on the Island where retreat is so precarious." (Russell/Victory p 202)

Wednesday, June 26, 1776

The 50-gun man-of-war Experiment has arrived and crosses the bar. (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 168)

The British fire from an oyster bank(s) with howitzers, field pieces and musketry, plus an 8 pounder from South Island. They fire incessantly with musketry for 25 or 30 minutes. Major Wise mentions 16-20 guns involved from the patriot side and credits Captain Frances Boyakin for his support during the hottest fire. (Gregg/Cheraws p 272) The Oyster Bank protecting British artillery pieces is on the edge of the marsh at the west end of Breach Inlet, about ½ mile north of the Advanced Guard redoubts. Today, this small, uninhabited island between Inlet Creek and Swinton Creek is known as Clubhouse Point. British troops firing muskets probably were positioned closer to Sullivan's Island. We have not found South Island labeled on period maps – it could be Green/Willow Island or another island or hummock in the marsh at the west end of the inlet. Green Island and the Oyster Bank were southwest of British positions on Long Island.

President Rutledge and General Lee are with the advanced guard during the shelling. Richard Hutson writes to Robert Gibbs: "The firing yesterday was between the troops on Long Island and our advanced Guard on Sullivan's Island, across the Breach. They fired with Field Pieces, and threw several shells. The President and General Lee were down there at the time. One of the shells bursted within a few yards of the President, and he brought a piece of it up to Town with him." General Lee allowed only two shots to be returned by the patriot 18 pounder. (Hutson/Letter Book)

Clinton informs Parker that his situation "is rendered more difficult every hour, from the preparations the Rebels are making to defend themselves." His engineers are examining the patriot works on Sullivan's Island from the oyster bank. Although some engineers disagree, Clinton believes the fort to be a complete square and finished, the bridge of boats is in place, and Thomson's troops are "everywhere intrenching themselves in the strongest manner." [Morgan/Naval Docs p 760] [Bearss/NPS p 72] The fort is not finished. The floating bridge is in place, but does not support movement of large numbers of troops (see the incident of its failure on June 25).



"Colonel Thomson's entrenchments and attitude were imposing." [Drayton/Memoirs p 309] Clinton tells Parker his actions in the attack will depend on "different circumstances, subject to a variety of changes as occasions may arise, and make them necessary." He can repeats, "The troops under my command will cooperate with you to the utmost for the good of His Majesty's Service." He urges Parker to have his frigates advance as deep into the harbor as possible. [Bearss/NPS p 73, Clinton letter to Parker, June 26, 1776] [Morgan/Naval Docs p 761] General Clinton is cautious and does not appear to have a viable plan for the combined attack. The British army is apparently blocked; yet, the navy still expects them to cross the inlet and attack the vulnerable rear of Fort Sullivan. The navy learns of the army's failure only when the army does not arrive at the fort as planned on June 28. Commodore Parker writes, "… after I had been Engaged some Hours, and perceived that the Troops had not got a Footing on the North End of Sulivan's Island, I was perfectly satisfied that the Landing was impracticable; and that the Attempt wou'd have been the Destruction of many brave Men without the least probability of Success. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 1001]

Thursday, June 27, 1776

The firing Thursday is not as sharp as Wednesday, but lasts longer. Patriot Major Wise writes, "Indeed, on our side, only two rifles were fired, and the 18-pounder about three of four times; after which our artillery was hauled off, and are now placed at about a quarter mile from the point of Sullivan's Island, where the hills begin." The patriots have nobody killed or wounded. They pick up many bullets lodged in the sand. (Gregg/Cheraws p 272)

Major Wise includes a noteworthy occurrence in a letter to his friend, Captain Harrington, Sheriff of Cheraw District and later a militia brigadier general in North Carolina. "Several of our people have, with them, mutually laid down their arms, and walked to the edge of the creek and conversed – a proceeding highly criminal, and now put a stop to. The Highlanders in these conversations always ask after, and sent their compliments to their countrymen. They likewise frequently give us scurrilous language. Their sentries were so nigh us last night, that we could hear them hail quite distinctly, and their drums&c. are almost as familiar to us as our own." (Gregg/Cheraws p 272)

Wise says the regiment "…have never pulled off their clothes by night since we left Haddrell's Point; ̶ that we have been constantly up for several nights past from 12 or 1 o'clock to sunrise, on guard, fatigue (work detail), or alarm all day. But we are still Rangers, and must do everything …" (Gregg/Cheraws pp 272-273)

Wise and the officers miss his slave Bob, whom he sent away on June 22 following a dispute about the money Wise was charging for his services. In a letter carried by Bob, Wise says he "certainly was a slave to the regiment, and the best drummer in it." [Gregg/Cheraws pp 270-273] "Negro Bob (drummer)" was listed in a payroll for Wise's ranger company as early as September 1775. [Quarles/The Negro p 77]

Note – Thousands of people of color served in the British and American military and state organizations during the American Revolution. [Moss/African-American Patriots pp v-xiii] Documentation is limited, especially in the early years of the war. However official records show that a free black man, James Harris, was with Thomson and the 3rd Regiment in this battle. He was granted a pension for his service in 1835. [Graves and Harris/Applications - #W11223]



Clinton and Cornwallis visit the light infantry on Green Island. One of the works is for mortars and the other is for cannons. (Bearss/NPS p 72)

Arrangements for the naval cannonade and bombardment are complete, the final large warship Experiment has crossed the bar, and winds are out of the southeast and "flattering". Between 9:00 and 10:00 am Parker hoists the prearranged signal and the squadron gets underway. The winds suddenly veer northward and the ships return to anchor. They try again in the afternoon and come about a mile closer to the fort, but do not engage. (Wells/Gazette) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 781-782) (Bearss/NPS p 73)

In a letter to Brigadier General Armstrong, Major General Lee writes, "I wish you wou'd in my name thank Colonel Thompson's Regiment for the cheerfulness and alacrity with which they have done very hard duty." (NYHS/Lee Papers p 89)

General Lee orders 100 more reinforcements "to ease Col. Thompson of his heavy duty, for I find, that a part of Col. Horry's regiment (militia) have most magnanimously refused to take this duty on them: We shall live I hope to thank them." (Salley/Orangeburg p 349) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 165)

Lee has had enough of Moultrie, who has been slow to respond to some orders (such as finishing the floating bridge). Lee directs Colonel Francis Nash of the NC Continentals to report to him the next morning to assume command of Fort Sullivan. (Russell/Victory p 203) South Carolina Chief Justice William Henry Drayton writes, "Leaving the President, on the morning of the action, he [Lee] told him [Rutledge] he was determined to do it that day, if he did not, on his going down, find certain things done that he had ordered." (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) The battle begins Friday before the change is made.

Moultrie is confident. With respect to Lee's preoccupation with a floating bridge for speedy evacuation, he writes "all his letters to me shew how anxious he was at not having a bridge for a retreat; for my part, I never was uneasy on not having a retreat because I never imagined that the enemy could force me to that necessity; I always considered myself as able to defend that post against the enemy. I had upwards of 300 riflemen, under Col. Thompson, of his regiment, Col. Clark, with 200 North-Carolina regulars, Col. Horry, with 200 South-Carolina, and the Racoon company of riflemen, 50 militia at the point of the island behind the sand hills and myrtle bushes; I had also a small battery with one 18 pounder, and one brass fieldpiece , 6 pounder, at the same place, which entirely commanded the landing and could begin to fire upon them at 7 or 800 yards before they could attempt to land, this would have disconcerted them very much, besides had they made their landing good, the riflemen would have hung upon their flanks for three miles as they marched along the beach, and not above fifty yards from them. Col. Thompson had orders that if they could not stand the enemy they were to throw themselves into the fort, by which I should have had upwards of 1000 men in a large strong fort, and Gen. Armstrong in my rear with 1500 men, not more than one mile and an half off, with a small arm of the sea between us, that he could have crossed a body of men in boats to my assistance, this was exactly my situation; I therefore felt myself perfectly easy because I never calculated upon Sir Henry Clinton's numbers to be more then 3000 men; as to the men-of-war, we should have taken every little notice of them if the army had attacked us. [Moultrie/Memoirs pp 142-143]

Note about Indian participation. The Catawba tribe lived about 200 miles inland, near present-day Rock Hill, SC. At one time it was the largest of the eastern Souxian tribes, but smallpox, alcohol, wars and other consequences of European settlement had reduced them to about 400 people with perhaps 100



warriors by the time of the American Revolution. With the sole exception of the Yemasee War of 1715-1716 when all Indian tribes united against the Carolina settlers, the Catawbas generally allied with the English. Catawbas were the main Indian allies of the SC patriots during the Revolution. As they declined in the 1700s, smaller tribes such as the Cheraws, Peedees and Waccamaws were absorbed by or affiliated with the Catawbas. Revolutionary patriots in South Carolina often used the term Catawba for any Indian warriors who fought by their side. Before the Revolution, militia Captain John Alston led a company of "Foot Rangers or Rovers" that included Catawbas. Lieutenant John Withers led Catawbas in the raid on runaway slaves on Sullivan's Island December 19-23, 1775. Captain Samuel Boykin (or Boyakin) led a company of Catawbas against runaway slaves in February and March 1776. Alston, Withers and Boykin and a group of approximately 30 "Catawbas" served under Colonel Thomson in the Battle of Sullivan's Island. Some coastal Indians also may have been involved in these engagements. After this battle, Catawba warriors fought in the Cherokee campaign in the summer of 1776 and they remained loyal to the patriots throughout the war. [Brown/Catawba pp 258-265] [Dennis/Native Americans p 200][Swanton/Indians of Southeast pp 104-105][Scaife/History pp 5-14][Schoolcraft/Information pp 65, 293-296]

Opposing Forces in the Battle of Sullivan's Island, June 28, 1776

Americans In total, some 6800 patriot troops are in the Charles Town area on the eve of the battle. 1215 are on Sullivan's Island: 435 under Moultrie in Fort Sullivan, 780 under Thomson at Breach Inlet. At Haddrell's Point, Brigadier General Armstrong has 1568 (500 or more VA Continentals, 600 NC Continentals, 268 from the 5th Regt of SC, 160 from the 6th SC Regt, and 40 artillerymen). In addition, Colonel Christopher Gadsden has 380 on James Island and Brigadier General Robert Howe has 3670 troops in other positions around Charles Town. [Russell/Victory pp 203-204]

Americans at Breach Inlet Thomson's advanced guard of about 780 men at Breach Inlet includes 300 of his 3rd SC Regiment - Rangers; 200 NC regulars under Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Clark; 200 SC troops under Colonel Daniel Horry; a few artillerymen from the 4th Regt ; a small detachment of militia; and the Raccoon or Foot Rover Company which includes Indians from the Catawba and associated tribes. They have an 18-pound cannon and a brass 6-pound cannon, and possibly another 4 or 6-pounder. [Moultrie/Memoirs p 142] [Russell/Victory pp 203-204] [O'Kelley/Nothing pp 133-134]

British The total invasion force exceeds 50 vessels and 5,000 men. Commodore Parker records 10 men-of-war mounting 260 guns under his control to attack the fort. [Parker/Narrative Appendix p 86] The frigate Ranger, which was listed by Parker, is not included in my tally – it is listed below because it operated near Long Island in support of Clinton's attack. More than 40 of the boats in the squadron are troop transports, flat-bottom landing craft, victualers, hospital ships, etc.

British at Breach Inlet General Clinton had about 3,000 men under his command on Long Island. [Campbell/Map] [Foster/Diary pp 60, 62] General Moultrie also estimates 3,000. [Moultrie/Memoirs p 143] Deserters from the British ship Ranger report 2,800-3,300. [Wells/Gazette] The infantry on Long Island includes the 28th, 37th, 54th, 57th, 46th, 33rd, and 15th Regiments of Foot; light companies of the 4th and 44th Regiments; and the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Highland Emigrants (Young Royal Highlanders). Brigadier General John Vaughn commands 700 of the 1st Marines. The 4th Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Artillery has four 6-pounders, two Royal mortars, two Coehorn mortars, and two howitzers. Clinton's naval resources include the schooner Lady William and sloops Ranger and St Lawrence each



mounting eight guns; floating artillery; pilot boats; and 15 armed flat-bottom landing craft. [Bearss/NPS p 89] [Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 27] [O'Kelley/Nothing pp 134-137]

Friday, June 28, 1776

In Philadelphia, a Committee of Congress consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert Livingston bring a draft of the Declaration of Independence to the Continental Congress and it is read for the first time. [Drayton/Memoirs p 314]

A surgeon in Parker's squadron writes, "On the morning of the 28th, the wind proved favourable; it was a clear fine day, but very sultry." Royal Navy ships logs record the weather variously: The log of the Bristol states: "The first part fresh Breezes & Cloudy the middle & latter parts Light Breezes"; Experiment: "Modte & fair the 1st, latter Cloudy"; Active: "AM Light Airs and Rain till 9, then fair at ½ past 10. Solebay: "Little wind & Rain, Mod: breezes & fr."; Syren: "Mode & Clear"; Sphynx: "Modt & cloudy"; Ranger: "First and Latr parts Mode Midl light airs wth Thundr Lighg". [Morgan/Naval Docs pp 797-799, 825-826, 1003] Weather on June 28 is favorable for the attack, but otherwise has little military significance.

In Five Fathom Hole outside Charles Town harbor, at 9:00-9:30 am Sir Peter Parker signals his intent to attack. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 796-799, British ship logs] [Parker/Narrative p 84] Clinton and his lookouts on Long Island do not see the navy's signals. Within an hour or two, General Clinton observes the fleet in the ocean making sail. He orders his artillery and mortars to stand ready to fire. [Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 34]

On this day, low tide occurs in the morning, probably between 10:00 and 11:00am. The water level will rise to high tide more than six hours later, around 5:00 pm [Harris/Tides p 3], flooding the beaches and marsh and covering exposed shoals and sandbars. General Clinton is aware the rising water level eventually will require the guns at the Oyster Bank to move to higher ground. [Campbell/Map 302 Note N] [Bearss pp 88-89] Some period maps and accounts indicate the tidal range (the difference between low and high tide) in the area in 1776 was only 3-4 feet; today the normal tidal range in Charleston is 5.3 feet. [Campbell/Map 302 note P] [Morgan/Naval Docs p 784] Currents in Breach Inlet will be strongest at mid tide early afternoon.

In Five Fathom Hole at 10:30 am, about low tide, Parker gives the signal to weigh. (Parker/Narrative p 84) Lieutenant John Graves of the 8-gun schooner St Lawrence in Spencer's Creek notices the men-of-war beginning to engage the fort and sends a boat with 12 men to assist Clinton in the assault. (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 799-800) Captain Roger Willis is on the sloop Ranger in the North Channel in the ocean off the northern end of Sullivan's Island. He records the firing at the fort. (Russell/Victory pp 211-212) Schooner St Lawrence appears stuck in the creek. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 784] Parker's narrative lists 22 guns on Ranger; Russell and other sources list 8 guns.

Moultrie is with Thomson visiting the Advanced Guard at Breach Inlet. They see the fleet of small boats in the creek beside Long Island moving toward Sullivan's Island, with Redcoats in the boats apparently intent on landing on Sullivan's Island. Lookouts spot men-of-war in the ocean signaling the attack by loosening their topsails, and Moultrie gallops back to the fort as fast as possible. By the time he arrives, the ships of the Royal Navy are already under sail. He writes in his memoirs that they "… begun their



attack most furiously about 10 o'clock, A. M. and continued a brisk fire, till about 8 o'clock, P. M. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 174) (Drayton p 293)

The 13-inch mortar on board the British fleet's bomb ketch fires the first shots at Fort Sullivan. Patriot gunners hold their fire until the men-of-war Active and Bristol come within range and begin setting up to fire. According to logs of British ships, shots are fired between the Royal Navy and Fort Sullivan from about 10:00 am until 8:00 pm. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 27) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 796-799) Colonel Moultrie and his men in the fort soundly defeat the British navy in an intense day-long battle. The fight at the fort is a well-documented episode in American history, which need not be covered here. This Timeline addresses only events relating to the lesser-known battle at Breach Inlet.

Parker writes soon afterward, "The Sphynx, Actaeon, and Syren, were to have been to the westward to prevent fireships or other vessels from annoying the ships engaged, to enfilade the works, and when the rebels were driven from them to cut off their retreat if possible. This last service was not performed owing to the ignorance of the pilots, who run the three frigates aground." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 169) (Parker/Narrative p 84) He does not mention supporting an army attack on the mainland, which Parker and Clinton had discussed (see June 25). In his memoirs, Moultrie observes "…had these three ships effected their purpose, they would have enfiladed us in such a manner, as to have driven us from our guns." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 178) On this day, Fortune favors the Americans.

President Rutledge is on the second floor of the Exchange Building in Charles Town. He hears the drums and bagpipes and watches through a spyglass. Thousands of Charlestonians strain to see from the waterfront and high floors of buildings. General Lee observes from Granville's Bastion. (Russell/Victory p 205) Lee attempts to visit the island when the engagement begins, but is turned back by contrary wind and tide. (Russell/Victory p 230).

The sloop Ranger is moored in Ranger creek and sees and hears firing from the ships and fort. (Morgan/Naval Docs 826). No creek by that name is identified on period maps. It probably is on the north end of Long Island, connecting with Dewees/Spencer's Inlet.

As soon as the fleet begins bombarding the fort (about 11:00 am), General Clinton begins his attempt to cross the inlet and attack the fort from the rear. (Russell/Victory p 211) He writes, "I made every demonstration, every diversion by cannonade. While the sands were uncovered, I ordered small armed vessels to proceed towards the point of Sulivan's Island but they all got aground." [Davies/Documents pp 162-166] Notes in his papers say "As the Tide rose very fast it was reported to the General that the Artillery could stay no longer with safety – The Sloops & Schooners were ordered down which all got aground, reporting that they had sounded & found a Bar across their head – as therefore there was no one single thing that could go down to cover our landing, till such protection could be obtained, it was thought rash to attempt it." [Morgan/Naval Docs p 827] General Clinton's narrative of the day states, "the Boats were drawn up, and the Troops so disposed that in an instant they could attempt a landing on either the Island or the Main as Circumstances during the attack by the Ships should direct." He says the three frigates ran aground and "…the troops remained all the Time on the Sands anxiously looking out for some Signal to let them know what the Squadron was doing." [Morgan/Naval Docs p 801] Parker expects support from the army at Fort Sullivan, not a feint or demonstration. He writes, "… after I had been Engaged some Hours, and perceived that the Troops had not got a Footing on the North End of Sulivan's Island, I was perfectly satisfied that the Landing was impracticable; and that the Attempt wou'd have been



the Destruction of many brave Men without the least probability of Success. [Morgan/Naval Docs p 1001]

Thus, General Clinton's papers state that the failure of his attack was due to at least 20 vessels (six or more frigates and 15 flatboats) running aground as the tide rose. His troops on the Oyster Bank could see what the squadron was doing – four warships attacked the fort for nine hours; three attempted to bypass the fort and ran aground about noon; one of those remained stuck and two worked free and returned to safe anchorage. Clinton does not say what he would have done if Parker's ships had not run aground. He does not mention why his boats ran aground (other accounts indicate enemy fire) or why running aground was significant to the shallow-draft vessels during a rising tide (the tide was rising for about six hours after he launched the attack). He does not mention attacking with foot soldiers or exchanging fire all day and into the night. He does not mention casualties, and he does not mention that the navy expected the army to attack the fort by land on June 28.

The 8-gun schooner Lady William (a converted merchant vessel now armed) and a flotilla of small boats make their way down the creek toward Breach Inlet. The boats are manned by sailors and marines, and the army is formed and ready on the shore of Long Island. (Bearss/NPS p 89)

The 1st brigade (Cornwallis) crosses the creek in flat-bottom boats and marches to the battery that had been erected behind the Oyster Bank on June 22nd. Dr. Foster is in the last boat. The 2nd brigade (Vaughan) marches to the Point (possibly on the southern tip of Green Island) and begins firing 9 inch shells from a Cohorn mortar into the patriot trenches and battery. Foster writes, "…I could plainly see it [the Cohorn] did great Execution among them, while we played upon them from our small Battery of two Howitzers, two Royals, and two six pounders, for some time they fired grape Shot from the two eighteen Pounders and musket balls from swivel guns six at a time but our Breastwork was so high that they hurt us very little..." (Foster/Diary pp 69-70)

Morgan Brown had been with Thomson's regiment of rangers several months. In an account published later, he relates close combat between British infantry (who had muskets) and 3rd Regiment rangers (who had rifles). "We stood prepared at the waters edge, looking at the main body apparently preparing for action, when from behind an oyster bank, a little to our left and about sixty yards distant, three or four hundred of the British rose up and deliberately fired at us. This was a complete surprise, for we had not the least suspicion of such a party being there; but what surprised us equally as much, not a man of us was touched – not a single shot took effect." He continues, "Our rifles were in prime order, well proved and well charged; every man took deliberate aim at his object, and it really appeared that every ball took fatal effect … the proportion, which fell never to rise again, was very great. This fire taught the enemy to lie closer behind the bank of oyster shells, and only show themselves when they rose up to fire. But even with this precaution they were cut off very fast, for ours was a certain aim and deadly fire – we had no thought of drawing a trigger without an object. And although they were reinforced, and their dead and wounded carried off, their numbers diminished very fast, until in the space of an hour they ceased to fire altogether." (Brown/Reminiscences pp 64-65) This engagement may have occurred across the creek on the mainland side of Sullivan's Island, today known as Conch Creek. The oyster bank mentioned by Brown appears to be different from the Oyster Bank used as an artillery position, which is shown on period maps ½ mile north of the patriot Advanced Guard. If Brown's estimate of 60 yards between the opposing forces is accurate, the enemies were beyond the effective range of British muskets and within the effective range of patriot rifles.



Applying for a pension in 1832, Sion Odom of the 3rd Regiment makes the following statement, which apparently refers to the same engagement: "The British General made two or three attempts to drive the Americans from their fortifications. He drew out his men from behind their embankment & marched them in Platoons towards the Americans but they were so mowed down that Clinton had to retire discomfited." (Graves and Harris/Applications - #S21035)

To support the amphibious assault, the British armed vessels are to take positions to rake the Advanced Guard in conjunction with artillery and mortars on the ground, floating batteries, and Cornwallis' troops attacking their flank. The soldiers in the flatboats are to cross the inlet and establish a beachhead with this cover. The boats stay abreast of British troops on shore marching toward the inlet. The column of assault begins with battalions of light infantry and grenadiers, followed by the 28th, 37th, 54th, 57th, 46th, 33rd, and 15th Regiments of Foot. (Bearss/NPS p 89) (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 27) Light companies of the 4th and 44th from Boston also were with Clinton. This is according to William Chambers, said to be master of a sloop present (he is not listed in Parker's Narrative). (Morgan/Naval Docs p 804)

Note – the Royal Navy had developed a special type of flat-bottomed boat for amphibious operations. "They were usually 36 ft by 10 ft, rowed by ten seamen a side, and carried two rows of soldiers facing inward down the centre; there were also smaller 32 ft, 16 oared versions, and, depending on size, flat-boats could carry forty to sixty troops." These boats could use sails to supplement the oars and they could mount small guns. They could be stripped of internal fittings and stacked on the decks of transport vessels. (Gardiner/Navies p 63) After the failed attempt on Sullivan's Island, Cornwallis and Clinton sailed north and deployed flat-boats successfully for major amphibious operations in New Jersey in November 1776 and Rhode Island in December 1776. (Gardiner/Navies pp 61-62)

Dr Foster watches the distant bombardment and cannonade at Fort Sullivan from a little imminence on the small island now known as Clubhouse Point. He sees a patriot cannon dismounted and the troops retiring to their rear trenches to continue firing. He says the British 1st Brigade troops are eager to cross to Sullivan's Island when the fort stops firing, but the general orders them to remain in place. He observes slaves supplying Thomson's 18 pound cannon. [Foster/Diary pp 69-71] On January 22, the Council on Safety had ordered that "colored laborers be employed at all the town's harbor batteries at the rate of two Negroes to each gun". [Quarles/Negro p 102] Dr Foster's details of the action at the fort generally agree with other witnesses' reports. Looking west with a spyglass from where he was stationed, he could have seen Fort Sullivan three miles away, the four cannonading warships less than three and one-half miles away, and the three ships that ran aground four miles away.

As the British vessels moving down the creek approach Green Island, the flotilla of flat-boats transporting the soldiers takes the lead. When they come within range, Thomson directs the 18 pounder to open fire. Every ball seems to rake the decks. The fire is so well-directed that the sailors on the armed schooner and sloop have to clear the decks. The officers have difficulty keeping men at their battle stations. (Johnson/Traditions p 92) The men under Moultrie and Thomson on opposite ends of Sullivan's island are firing with surprising accuracy and effectiveness, causing the British to clear the decks of ships in Breach Inlet as well as the harbor.

Patriot leader William Bull writes, "One Brigade had either embarked in their flat bottom boats or were about it, when they received such a fire from our troops as made them think it would be out of their power to get Thomson's consent to land, without which their Army would have pretty well melted down, by the time they would have got to the Fort." [SCHS/Divers Accounts p21] [Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 39]



The flotilla makes repeated efforts to close with the Advanced Guard, but they disperse under the heavy, deadly fire. Major Barnard Elliott writes the next morning, "The enemy made three attempts to land on the north of Sullivan's during the cannonade, but were each time repulsed without any loss on our side." (Gibbes/Documentary History p 7) When the boats approach within grape shot range (400-600 yards), the two large vessels run aground. When they work free, they turn around and retreat into the creek. Clinton and his officers deem further attempts to cross without naval gun support rash, and the landing craft are withdrawn into the creek. (Russell/Revolution p 92) (Bearss/NPS pp 89-90) (Russell/Victory pp 212-215)

Alexander Forrester, a Charlestonian who joined the British expedition, is aboard the armed schooner Lady William during the assault. He later says in the presence of historian Dr. Johnson that "It was impossible for any set of men to sustain so destructive a fire as the Americans poured in upon them on this occasion." Forrester explains that the fire from the patriots' fortification – not the water depth or shoals – repulsed the flotilla and kept the British from advancing. (Johnson/Traditions p 95) (Bearss pp 89-90, 92)

Will Falconer, a British soldier on Long Island, writes "they would have killed half of us before we could make our landing good." [Wells/Gazette]

While the battle rages at the fort, General Lee dispatches an aid with a letter to Colonel Moultrie, "ordering him if he should expend his ammunition, without beating off the enemy, or driving them on ground; to spike up his guns, and retreat…" Moultrie knows that if he deserts the fort Thomson and his whole command will be cut off and the battle will be lost. He slows the firing to 10 minute intervals per gun to conserve ammunition. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 166) (Drayton p 300) (Russell/Revolution p 93)

Between 3:00 and 5:00 in the afternoon, Colonel Moultrie receives an erroneous report that British troops from Long Island have established a beachhead on Sullivan's Island. He writes, "The guns being so long silent, was owing to the scarcity of powder which we had in the fort, and to a report that was brought me, that the British troops were landed between the advance-guard and the fort; it was upon this information, that I ordered the guns to cease firing, or to fire very slow upon the shipping; that we should reserve our powder for the musketry to defend ourselves against the land forces, there being a great scarcity of powder." (Moultrie/Memoirs p 178) After about 1½ hours, the report is found to be false and Moultrie receives another supply of powder. Firing from the fort is resumed, but at a slower pace in light of the powder shortage. (Drayton p 300) (Bearss/NPS p 81)

Commodore Parker thinks the fort is empty when the cannons are silent and he does not see men at the firing stations. Curiously, he does not send marines ashore from his ships as planned. (Harrison/London Gazette) (Bearss p 71) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 178) In January 1777, Parker explains in a letter to Clinton. "I certainly did intend … to have attempted taking possession of the fort with the seamen and marines, but I could not have planned the doing it with about 300 men without the prospect of speedy support from you; and I saw, soon after the attack began, that from a variety of circumstances, you could not take any effectual step for that purpose." (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 379) When he informed Parker on June 18th

that he could not take the share of the battle anticipated, Clinton offered to send General Vaughan with two battalions (300-400 more men) to attack from the ships. Parker did not accept this offer.

Patriots in the fort and at Breach Inlet are exhausting their powder mid-afternoon. They escape disaster because the British are not aware and do not capitalize.



A dispatch from Lee to Moultrie marked 3 o'clock p.m. says "I have sent for more ammunition, for you; and ordered a large corps of riflemen, to reinforce Col. Thomson." (NYHS/Lee Papers p 92) (Moultrie/Memoirs p 167) About 5:00 pm General Lee pays a 15-minute visit to the fort. (Drayton/Memoirs p 301) One account says that after returning to the mainland (no earlier than 6:00 pm), Lee orders the Virginia Continentals on the mainland to reinforce Colonel Thomson's Advanced Guard. (Bearss/NPS p 85) He probably gave the order earlier – Drayton's notes indicate the troops arrived at 5:00 pm. (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) The time of arrival is not certain – 5:00 pm is the earliest reasonable estimate. After receiving the order, the Virginians must organize, cross the Cove (Sullivan's Island Narrows Creek) in boats, and march at least an hour to reach Breach Inlet. This would take at least two hours, so they probably arrive in the range of 5:00-8:00 pm. Russell/Victory lists the 8th Virginia's strength as 500 (p 204) and says the reinforcement was ordered at 3:00 pm (p 215) and they arrived at 5:00 pm (pp 215-216) with 700 troops, including SC Continentals. There were no SC Continentals at the time; these must have been regulars from the 5th or 6th Regiment.

Whenever they arrive, the presence of 500 or more troops increases the Advanced Guard's security. (Drayton/Memoirs p 296) Contemporary accounts indicate the British launch no more assaults, yet firing continues into the night. (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10) Some troops of the 8th Virginia may have been involved in the continuing combat. The 1832 pension application of James Johnston of the 8th Virginia says "…at the time and on the day the attack was made on Fort Sullivan – he was marched to the lower point of Sullivan's island. he together with the detachment then commanded by Maj’r Helverson threw up small breast works for the purpose of preventing the British from Landing at that point. a small skirmish then ensued between us and we prevented the greater part of the British from Landing some of them However, succeeded but were soon driven back to their boats." (Graves and Harris/Applications - #5640)

At dusk (8 pm), Clinton confers with Cornwallis and the officers of his 1st Brigade. He "heard that the Raft d'eau the only thing that could give us the least feeble protection was gone adrift and anchored under the ennemys fire." [Morgan/Naval Docs p 827] Clinton tells the officers laments the attack but thought it was necessary. He inquires, "Are your men steady enough to make a night assault or should they wait until morning?" The officers do not want to attempt a night assault. He decides to attack again at daybreak June 29. [Bearss/NPS p 91-92] Sunset on the 28th is at 7:05 pm and sunrise on the 29th is at 4:55am. [Tobler/Almanack]

In a letter written July 9, Commodore Parker says "About 9 o'clock, it being very dark, great part of our ammunition expended, the people fatigued, the tide of ebb almost done, no prospect from the eastward, and no possibility of our being of any further service, I ordered the ships to withdraw to their former moorings." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 169) "No prospect from the eastward" probably refers to the lack of support from the army. As they approached the fort, Clinton's troops would have been travelling east-to-west.

William Henry Drayton, Chief Justice of South Carolina, notes "At ten, bare of ammunition; only one cartridge in the 18 pounder, and one out, and only two or three charges for the two field pieces. After being reduced to this state, the enemy continued firing more than an hour." (Gibbes/Documentary History p 10)

Saturday, June 29, 1776



Troops of the British 1st Brigade remain at their stations overnight. Half are up to their knees in a swamp all the time expecting orders to cross the creek any minute. They have been under arms with nothing to eat or drink for 18 hours. At 6:00 am the 1st Brigade gets into the flat-bottom boats to cross the creek. They have "orders to reserve their fire till they could singe their beards, they swore they would not fire till they could bayonet the Yankees as they call their rebel Enemies." The boats are launched, and then the order is countermanded. (Foster/Diary pp 71-73) Knowing "any feeble effort of ours could answer no good purpose," he cancelled the attack when he learned of the Navy's defeat. (Davies/Documents pp 162-166) (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 375) (Bearss/NPS p 91) The British troops return to camp dejected. (Foster/Diary p 73) This aborted effort may account for the third assault reported by some sources.

President Rutledge is concerned about powder shortages in case of another attack. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 823)

Major Barnard Elliott of the 4th SC Artillery inside Fort Sullivan enters in his dairy, "Gen. Lee thinks it his duty in the most public manner to return thanks to Col. Moultrie and his garrison for their brave defence of the fort in the late attack. As likewise Col. Thomson and the corps under him, for their spirited and gallant behaviour in preventing the enemy from making good their landing on the east end of Sullivan's Island." (SCHS/Divers Accounts p 13) In an often-recounted recognition for their performance, Major Elliott's lady presents the colors to the 2nd Regiment on July 1. In August, Major Elliott (1740-1778) reads the Declaration of Independence during the public ceremony. He rises to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel before his death in 1778.

General Lee writes to Edmund Pendleton, President of the Virginia Convention and the Virginia Committee of Safety (effectively governor). "Yesterday, about eleven o' clock, the enemy' s squadron, consisting of one forty-gun ship and six frigates, came to anchor before Fort Sullivan, and began one of the most furious cannonades ever heard or seen. Their project was, apparently, at the same time to land their troops on the east end of the Island. Twice they attempted it, and as often were gallantly repulsed. The ships continued their fire on the fort till eleven o' clock at night. The behaviour of the garrison, both men and officers, with Colonel Moultrie at their head, I confess astonished me. It was brave to the last degree. I had no idea that so much coolness and intrepidity could be displayed by a collection of raw recruits as I was witness to in this garrison. Had we been better supplied with ammunition, it is most probable this squadron would have been utterly destroyed. However, they have no reason to triumph; one of their frigates is now in flames, another lost her bowsprit, the Commodore and a forty-gun ship had their mizzen shot away, and are otherwise much damaged. In short, they may be said, in this their essay on South-Carolina, to have been worsted; but I presume they will make another attempt. Our loss is ten killed and twenty-two wounded; seven of whom have lost their legs or arms. The defences of the fort have received no injury, only one gun dismounted. I shall write, when the affair is finished, a more accurate relation to your Convention, and to the Congress. In the mean time, I think it but justice to publish the merits of Colonel Moultrie and his brave garrison. Colonel Thompson, of the South-Carolina Rangers, acquitted himself most nobly in repulsing the troops who attempted to land at the other end of the Island." (Force/Archives p v6:1129)

Lee adds this note at the end of a short letter to Moultrie: "I desire Colonel Thompson will send over as soon as he can, a Return of all occurrences in his part of the island." (NYHS/Lee Papers p 92) We have not found Thomson's report or any evidence it survived. General Lee's and General Clinton's letters are the only surviving official accounts of the action at Breach Inlet. These letters contain little detail and no casualty reports for the Battle at the Breach.



Sunday June 30, 1776

The British see great numbers of boats in a Sullivan's Island creek. In case of an attack from the patriots, the 54th Regiment is kept under arms all night.

Richard Hutson writes a long letter to his brother, Thomas, giving a detailed account of the battle on both ends of the island. Richard is a young patriot leader who will later serve as Lieutenant Governor and a member of the Continental Congress. He writes "The Land Forces on Long Island in the meantime strained every Nerve to effect a Landing on the Back, but the Eighteen Pounder with Grape shot spread Havock, Devastation, and Death, and always made them retire faster than they advanced. …There was not a single Man killed on our side at the back, and but one wounded. It is imagined that the enemy left a great number there. Colonel Thompson commanded that post." (Morgan/Naval Docs p 843) The Unnamed casualty may have been Private Jeremiah Simmons of Captain Eli Kershaw's ranger company. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 38)

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney writes a long letter to his mother, giving details of the battle on both ends of the island. Pinckney observed the engagement between the ships and Fort Sullivan from nearby Fort Johnson, across the channel from Moultrie's fort. He says, "A brisk and heavy cannonading was kept up at first, both from the ships and the Fort." He mentions that the fort had expended all its ammunition about 3:00 pm. "The shipping still kept up a heavy cannonade; the Fort could not return it." About 5:00 pm, the fort received 200 pounds of powder from Tuft's (Tuft was captain of the ship Defense stationed in the Cove) and 500 pounds from Haddrell's point. "They fired again, but slowly, and with great judgment." He adds, "…the enemy, whose troops are on Long Island, attempted to pass over to that end of Sullivan's Island which was nearest them, but received so warm a reception from Thomson's Rangers, the Virginia riflemen, some of the North Carolina troops, a few of the Militia, and an eighteen pounder that we had there, that they were obliged to retreat, without wounding so much as one of our men." As he is writing, the Acteon is burning and the powder room explodes. (Gibbes/Documentary History pp 7-10) Pinckney apparently is unaware the Virginians arrived at the Breach after the British retired.

The British commanders violated all the current principles of war in the Battle of Sullivan's Island:

1. OFFENSIVE: Seize, retain, and exploit the initiative. General Clinton gave up the initiative by constant delays and tentative actions.

2. OBJECTIVE: Direct every military operation toward a clearly defined, decisive, and attainable objective. Clinton had no clear objective for June 28.

3. UNITY OF COMMAND: For every objective, ensure unity of effort under one responsible commander. Neither Parker nor Clinton took charge. Clinton consulted other army officers and sought consensus, but with the navy he was uncoordinated and indecisive and did not communicate clearly.

4. MANEUVER: Place the enemy in a disadvantageous position through the flexible application of combat power. Clinton had an overwhelming advantage in men and munitions in mid-June. Thomson seized the initiative while Clinton took a week to move six miles into attack position.



5. MASS: Concentrate the effects of combat power at the decisive place and time. Clinton made a feeble attempt at an amphibious crossing on June 28 instead of a massive invasion earlier.

6. SECURITY: Never permit the enemy to acquire an unexpected advantage. When the British arrived, Breach Inlet was defended by only 201 patriots with no artillery. Clinton's delays permitted Thomson to acquire reinforcements and cannons, gain experience, identify avenues of approach, and reposition his defences.

7. SURPRISE: Strike the enemy at a time or place or in a manner for which they are unprepared. Parker and Clinton lost the element of surprise by failing to attack immediately upon arrival. Moultrie and Thomson knew what to expect on June 28.

8. SIMPLICITY: Prepare clear, uncomplicated plans and clear, concise orders to ensure thorough understanding. Clinton vascillated and never developed a viable plan. His final plan was to react to the situation, which was an ineffective approach.

9. ECONOMY OF FORCE: Allocate minimum essential combat power to secondary efforts. After staging on Long Island and delaying the attack, Clinton committed his entire force to the secondary role he described as a demonstration. Parker declined Clinton's offer of additional marines, then failed to land marines when the fort was silenced.

July 1, 1776

Major General Lee writes to General George Washington about the battle for "…the Town which on my arrival was utterly defenceless." He mentions his low confidence in the raw troops, lack of a bridge, low stock of ammunition, plan to order retreat, and his visit to the fort where he witnessed the cool courage of the troops under the hottest fire he ever experienced. He states, "… the manifest intention of the Enemy was to land, at the same time the ships began to fire, their regulars on the East end of the Island – twice They attempted it and twice were repulls'd by a Colonel Thomson of the S-Carolina Rangers in conjunction with a body of N-Carolina regulars…" (Russell/Victory p 234)

July 2, 1776

General Lee sends a letter to John Hancock, the President of Congress. He writes "I beg leave, sir, to recommend in the strongest terms, to the Congress, the commanding officer Colonel Moultrie, and his whole garrison, as brave soldiers and excellent citizens. Nor must I omit at the same time mentioning Colonel Thompson, who, with the South Carolina Rangers and a detachment of North Carolina Regulars, repulsed the enemy in two several [sic] attempts to make a lodgment at the other extremity of the island. …Perhaps shame and rage may prompt their land forces to some attempt before their departure." "…Charleston and its dependencies had certainly been lost, if the enemy had acted with the vigor and expedition we had reason to expect; but a most unaccountable languor and inertness on their part saved us." "I shall now, sir, conclude, with expressing the high satisfaction I have received from the zeal, activity, and publick spirit, of the gentlemen and inhabitants of this city and Province … we have all worked together in concert and harmony for the common good." [NY Historical Society/Lee Papers p 110] The letter is received July 19 [Morgan/Naval Docs p 1159]



July 3 - 12, 1776

Troops on Long Island learn details about the naval battle and the carnage on the ships. They are told Commodore Parker expected them to cross every hour. (Forster/Diary pp 77-78)

July 5, 1776

General Clinton leaves camp and does not return. He sails for Bulls Bay in the Sovereign on July 18th. (Forster/Diary p 81)

Josiah Martin, exiled Royal Governor of North Carolina, writes to Lord Germain from the ship Peggy within the Charleston bar. He explains the force's reasons for leaving North Carolina, supports Clinton's positions, and explains that he will accompany the fleet to New York to rescue his family and speak with the Commander in Chief (General Howe) about North Carolina. He writes, "General Clinton, with whom I had the honour to be at this time, had made every arrangement that time and circumstances and the position in which his army lay admitted, to support and take advantage of the attack; but the frigates intended to make a diversion in his favour being laid aground by the pilots, and never arriving at their appointed station, nothing could be attempted by the army but at the hazard of everything." He expresses the overall southern plan. "Its great object is to get at, to arm, and draw into use the friends of government who inhabit the interior country, and by their means to press the rebels on the back while the regular forces engage their attention on the coast." (Davies/Documents pp 155-156)

July 7, 1776

General Henry Clinton writes to Lord George Germain explaining events of the past two months in detail. He says that the delays and protracted movements of the fleet turned the army's planned coup de main into something too much like a formal siege. "…Lord Cornwallis agreed with me that we could not more effectively cooperate with the intended movements of the fleet than by taking possession of Long Island, which was represented to communicate with Sulivan's Island by a ford passable at low water and with the main by creeks navigable for boats of [shallow] draft." "… but to our unspeakable mortification the channel, which for some time before was reported to have been only 18 inches deep at low water, was now found to be 7 feet, a circumstance we are told is not uncommon on this sandy coast. By this discovery your lordship will perceive that our operations from Long Island were rendered limited and confined, and although my situation gave jealousy to two objects, the main and Sulivan's Island, as I had not boats for above 6 or 700 men I was reduced to one attack without being able to favor that by any diversion on the other." He writes that the patriot defenses "…sustained by 3 or 4000 men, had a formidable appearance and such a one as a small army in boats advancing singly through a narrow channel, uncovered, unprotected, could not attempt but without a manifest sacrifice. My attentions were therefore drawn toward the main to make an attempt on Hedrall's Point by landing within 3 miles of it." He observes that the British warships attacked the fort from too far away to be effective and the three frigates intended to support his attack ran aground. "I made every demonstration, every diversion by cannonade. While the sands were uncovered, I ordered small armed vessels to proceed towards the point of Sulivan's Island but they all got aground." He says he made preparations for an effort on Sullivan's Island the following day, but knowing "any feeble effort of ours could answer no good purpose," he cancelled it when he learned of the Navy's defeat. (Davies/Documents pp 162-166)



On July 7, Captain James Murray of the British 57th Regiment writes to his sister from Long Island. This is the young officer's first combat. Murray will rise to the rank of general, become a Member of Parliament, and serve as Secretary at War. He tells her the "unfortunate attempt upon Charles Town [was] one of the most singular events that has yet conspired to degrade the name of the British nation." Murray says the misinformation that the creek between Long Island and Sullivan's Island was fordable at low water "has been the fatal source of all our misfortunes." He explains the missed opportunity for an unexpected direct attack on Sullivans Island, the failure to capitalize on spring tides to cross the bar immediately, and slow movements by the British the army and navy. More delays ensued as "new creeks were to be sounded, armed vessels, flat-bottomed boats and floating batterys, etc. to be prepared." He writes "the bad consequences of this seemingly trifling delay are inconceivable." The patriots under Thomson "had not failed to take every advantage of our delay. We saw works rising above works and intrenchments growing behind intrenchments, defended by numbers greatly superior to our little army." (The belief they were outnumbered was inaccurate.) Captain Murray's account of the battle at the fort agrees substantially with other accounts. He says "a singular misfortune (the grounding of the three warships), at the beginning of the action, disconcerted all our measures." He does not address the fighting on Long Island June 18-27, and mentions only that "The Light Infantry and Grenadiers were in the boats, the line was under arms" awaiting a signal to attack on the 28th. He says "It appears to me … that we might have abandoned the idea of attacking that part of the Island upon the first discovery of our mistake." He writes of "Broiled salt porc for breakfast, boiled salt porc for dinner, cold salt porc for supper …The only thing which I really found a little disagreeable was lying five nights in the midst of a putrid marsh up to the ankles in filth and water." (Robson/Letters pp 23-30)

An officer aboard the Bristol writes a letter that represents the mood of many in the fleet. The letter is published in the London Chronicle, August 27 to August 29, 1776. It states, "Had the army, which was but four miles from us, and was to join us, come in due time to our assistance, we might have taken Charlestown, as we silenced the fort for an hour and a half." [Morgan/Naval Docs p 966] [Russell/Victory p 234]

July 8, 1776

Lord William Campbell, the exiled Royal Governor of South Carolina, writes to Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for America, from aboard the Bristol in Five Fathom Hole. He gives a summary of the battle and provides insight into British activities with backcountry loyalists and Indians. "By the latest accounts from the back parts of this province I have the strongest assurances of the steadiness of the friends of government in those districts and that the Indians are ready to receive and protect all those oppressed people who are obliged to fly from their habitations." He writes that he is sending "Messrs Macklaurin and Phillips into the back parts of this province through the Creek and Cherokee nations to encourage that spirit which has hitherto reigned there, and to assure them they are not forgotten." (Davies/Documents-Transcripts p 166)

Hostile Cherokee Indians have been attacking settlers in the upper parts of South Carolina since late June. Attacks are occurring in other southern provinces as well. Patriots suspect the British of instigating the Indian attacks in conjunction with the attack on Charles Town. This is confirmed by an Indian message to Major Andrew Williamson. [Drayton/Memoirs p 165] President Rutledge notes the two campaigns' "critical commencement', and that the Cherokees' "barbarous acts of hostility" occurred just as "the enemy lay in full view" of Charles Town. [Dennis/Native Americans p 217] Colonel Thomson's men are soon detached to help suppress the Cherokee uprisings. See July 11.



July 9, 1776

Commodore Sir Peter Parker writes to Philip Stevens with a detailed account of events since May 19. (Davies/Documents-Transcripts pp 167-171)

A surgeon aboard a ship in Parker's fleet writes to a doctor in London, "All our motions were so languid and innervate, that it was the 9th of June before the Bristol and Pigot passed the bar…" "The troops have been encamped on Long-Island since the 15th, and it was intended that General Clinton should pass the neck that separates Long-Island from Sullivan's Island and attack by land while Sir Peter attacked by sea. General Lee had made such a disposition of masked batteries, troops, &c that it is the opinion of all the officers of the Army whom I have heard mention this circumstance, that if our troops had attacked, they must have been cut off; but this assertion does not satisfy the Navy, for they certainly expected great assistance from the Army." "But there was a time when the battery appeared to be silenced for more than an hour; the Navy say, had the troops been ready to land at this time, they could have taken possession." (Force/Archives s4 v6 pp 1209-1210) (Morgan/Naval Docs pp 1002-1003) A relatively high and rising tide would have favored an amphibious assault when the fort was silenced around 3:00 pm. Clinton's excuse for not crossing then was that he had no naval support after the three ships grounded on the Middle Ground shoals. Parker's excuse for not landing his marines as planned when the fort was silenced was equally feeble. Note – by the time the fort fell silent, the army's attempted crossings already had been repelled and the fleet had suffered severe damage.

In his memoirs, Clinton says, "Nothing, therefore, was now left for us to do but to lament that the blood of brave and gallant men had been so fruitlessly spilt, and prepare for re-embarking as soon as possible." (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p 35) While the British on Long Island wait for the transport ships to evacuate them, patriots on Sullivan's Island remain on guard against another attack. The troops begin moving to transports on July 12.

July 11, 1776

In a letter to Rutledge, Thomson writes about "sending Deserters Letters to the Enemy", who have doubled their sentinels. He thanks Rutledge for lending him a spyglass. (Salley/Orangeburg p 440)

Cherokee Indian uprisings are occurring in the piedmont of upper South Carolina in conjunction with the attack on Sullivan's Island. (See July 8.) On July 11, Thomson writes to Rutledge that his officers and men are concerned for their families in the backcountry. A lieutenant resigns his commission when Thomson disapproves his request for leave. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 439-440) This month, Thomson furnishes a detachment of about 100 men for an expedition against the Cherokees under militia Colonel Andrew Williamson. Catawbas are involved, often serving as scouts in the fight against their tradition enemies, the Cherokees. The uprising will be quelled in three months of ruthless action, leaving the Cherokee nation incapable of "annoying" the settlers. [Ramsay/History p 161] [Salley/Orangeburg pp 352-353]

The Cherokee attacks and the brutal patriot response changed the Cherokee nation forever. "Hundreds of men, women and children died during the fighting. Hundreds more perished during the famine which followed. The majority of Cherokee homes and fields were ruined. Much of the nation’s hunting lands were stripped away. Faced with such overwhelming losses, villagers were left with little choice other



than accommodation or relocation, between abandoning resistance or abandoning homelands. 1776 would be the last time that the whole of the Cherokee nation tried to resist the Americans by force." [Dennis/Native Americans pp 227-228]

Moultrie writes, "The Indians being attacked on all sides, sued for peace; which was granted them, upon their giving up all the lands to the eastward of the Oconee Mountains. If the British had set their Indian allies upon us a few months before Sir Henry Clinton and Sir Peter Parker made their descent on South-Carolina, they would have disconcerted us very much, by keeping thousands of our back country people from coming down; because they must have staid at home to protect their familes from the savages. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 185)

July 13, 1776

British soldier William Falconer writes a letter to his brother, Anthony in Scotland. The letter is found on Long Island after the British evacuate, and published August 2nd in the SC and American General Gazette. This is the first publication since the presses were removed to safety in May. Falconer writes, "If the ships could have silenced the battery, the army was to have made an attack on the back of the island; where, they had about one thousand men, entrenched up to their eyes – besides a small battery of four guns, one 18, and three 4-pounders; all loaded with grape-shot. So, that they would have killed half of us, before we could make our landing good." He also writes of the miserable conditions on Long Island, "We have been encamped on this island for this month past, and have lived upon nothing but salt pork and peas; we sleep upon the sea-shore, nothing to shelter us from the rains but our coats, or a miserable paltry blanket – there is nothing that grows upon the island, it being a mere sand-bank, and a few bushes, which harbor millions of musketoes, a greater plague than there can be in hell itself." …"this infernal place. The oldest of our officers do not remember of ever undergoing such hardships as we have done since our arrival here." (Wells/Gazette) (Drayton p 330 has a more readable version of the text published in 1821. Gibbes/Documentary History also has a good version on pp 19-20)

July 15, 1776

Thomson writes to President Rutledge that the enemy remains on Long Island, contrary to a statement in Peter Timothy's Gazette. He says he is "very sorry that the snuff was blown in Mr Timothy's Eyes for he is very much mistaken in saying that all the Troops have left Long Island and gone on board the Transports." At 11 am Thomson observes what appears to be patriot troops from the mainland attempting to reconnoiter the British entrenchments. The British fire on them 10 times with field pieces, doing no damage but causing the patriots to run. The British tents are still standing on the beach. Thomson watches about 150 men, women and children marching east, apparently to embark. Goat (aka Green or Willow) Island is now clear of soldiers, the flat bottom boats are gone, and the naval force has made a move to push off. Thomson expects the land forces to leave in a few days. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 440-441)

July 20, 1776

The 2nd Continental Congress passes the following resolution commending General Lee, Colonel Moultrie, Colonel Thomson and their officers and men. (Drayton p 307)



"Philadelphia, July 20th, 1776

IN CONGRESS

"Resolved, That the thanks of the United States of America be given to Major General Lee, Colonel William Moultrie, Colonel William Thomson, and the officers and soldiers under their commands; who, on the 28th of June last, repulsed, with so much valour, the attack which was made on the State of South Carolina, by the fleet and army, of his Britannic Majesty."

"That Mr. President transmit the foregoing resolution, to Major General Lee, Col. Moultrie, and Col. Thomson.

"By order of the Congress.

JOHN HANCOCK, President"

The wording of the Declaration of Independence was approved July 4th, but most of the signatures were added later. Historians believe many of the 56 men signed on August 2nd. The uplifting news that led to this resolution in mid-July surely provided comfort and assurance to those signing their names to the dangerous document in that troubled time.

The same day, Edward Rutledge writes to Robert R. Livingston in Philadelphia. He says that at the same time as the naval attack the British "…attempted to land a body of about 2,000 men in 35 [sic] Flat Bottom Boats on a distant part of the island …" Rutledge says "…we had about 3000 men [an error] posted there with 2 Field pieces & an 18 poundr under the Command of Col. Thompson of the Rangers who twice repulsed their whole Force with Loss on their Side, but none on his own. (Morgan/Naval Docs p 1160) Edward Rutledge is the brother of SC President John Rutledge. He is the youngest signer of the Declaration of Independence, law partner of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and future Governor of South Carolina. Livingston is a founding father from New York, a member of the Committee of Five who drafted the Declaration of Independence.

July 20-31, 1776

July 20-26, Clinton and most of the troops from Long Island sail for New York. Clinton arrives July 31. [Russell/Victory p 238]

The last ship to leave is the armed transport Glasgow Packet, which grounds crossing the bar at Spence's Inlet and is captured by a patriot row galley mounting an 18-pounder and some smaller guns. Patriot Captain William Pickering, Cornelius and William Dewees, and 21 volunteer seamen man the galley. About 30 British officers and men and 43 Highlanders are taken prisoner. Highlander Captain Campbell and nine crewmen escape in a longboat. The patriots strip and burn the ship, which is the fourth British ship lost in the Battle of Sullivan's Island. [Ramsay/History p 157] [Bearss/NPS p 107] [Foster/Diary p 82] [Morgan/Naval Docs pp 1174-1175]

July 30, 1776

In his orders of the day, Lee states that Thomson's and Sumter's regiments will soon be separated from him and returns "his warmest thanks to the colonels, to the officers and to the men for the zeal, alacrity and spirit which they have displayed on all occasions …" (Elliott/Diary p 233)



August 2-3, 1776

The last of Parker's ships sails away. Parker soon arrives in New York, where local patriots had penned a verse for him: "Now bold as a Turk, I proceed to New York, Where with Clinton and Howe you may find me. I've the wind in my tail and am hoisting my sail, To leave Sullivan's Island behind me." (Russell/Victory p 256) For the first time in two months, Charles Town's coast is clear. (Bearss/NPS p 107) (Foster/Diary p 83)

As they move north, the British allegedly ravage the coastline, taking at least 50 slaves from outlying plantations. The last ship to leave, the Active, lands at Thomas Shubrick's plantation of Bull's Island. A force of "40 White and 20 black men" seizes livestock, provisions and six slaves who were undoubtedly more willing to risk their lot with the British. (Ryan/Jeremiah p 151) As pointed out by Moss and Scoggins, enslaved and free African Americans fled to the British whenever campaigns were launched in the south. (Moss/African American Loyalists p vii)

In Philadelphia on August 2nd, most of the 56 signers append their names to the Declaration of Independence. They are aware that this could be their death warrant should the Revolution fail. They also are aware that patriots had defeated the British Army and navy in battle for the first time on Sullivan's Island.

An express from the Continental Congress arrives in Charles Town August 2nd with accounts that "on the 4th day of July, that body, had declared the United Colonies, Free and Independent States." (Drayton p 314) Citizens are overcome with joy and pain as Charles Town celebrates with bonfires and impromptu parades. (Russell/Victory pp 243-244)

The militia, which had been drawn from the interior, is discharged upon departure of the fleet. Nearly 2000 had served daily in June and July at a cost of about 20 shillings per man per day. (Drayton p 309)

August 7-8, 1776

Per Rutledge's, instructions, Thomson orders a 130-man detachment from the 3rd Regiment to accompany General Lee on an expedition to East Florida. The two separate colonies of East Florida and West Florida remain British possessions throughout the Revolution. Thomson appears to be writing from Sullivan's Island. (Salley/Orangeburg pp 441-442) Other parts of the Third Regiment also will serve as attachments to larger units in South Carolina and Georgia. I cannot find evidence the regiment ever served as a complete unit in one place.

In a letter written on August 7 to John Hancock, President of Congress, General George Washington relays intelligence from two deserters from the Solebay in New York. Referring to the aftermath of the Battle of Sullivan's Island, the deserters stated "That the Admiral turn'd Gen'l Clinton out of his Ship after the Engagement with a great deal of abuse – Great Differences between the principal naval and military Gentlemen." (NYHS/Lee Papers pp 206-207)

On August 8, Hancock encloses Washington's letter in a letter to Lee, directing him to return to Philadelphia to assist in the impending battle. Lee departs for Philadelphia on or after September 9.



Before departing, he wraps up affairs in Georgia and Purrysburg, and expresses his esteem for the conduct of the officers of the South Carolina battalions under his command. (NYHS/Lee Papers pp 258-259)

August 11, 1776

Lee offers Moultrie command of a campaign against St Augustine (East Florida). Moultrie assures Lee that his brother being Royal governor of Florida is not an issue. (Moultrie/Memoirs p 185) The Moultries were accomplished people. John Moultrie was a loyalist who moved from Charles Town to Florida and served as Lieutenant Governor and Acting Governor.

August 13, 1776

Patriot leader William Bull writes to his half-brother in London, "All your friends are now well and in high spirits, having on the 28th of June, not only repelled a formidable Land Force, but having sustained one of the heaviest and most incessant cannonades against a Fort…" He says that at Breach Inlet, "The two camps were not above 400 yards asunder … While the Fort was attacked by the ships, they began a smart fire upon our troops and several of their shells fell in our lines, without killing a single man. One Brigade either had embarked in their flat bottom boats or were about it, when they received such a fire from our troops as made them think it would be out of their power to get Thompson's consent to land, without which their Army would have pretty well melted down, by the time they would have got to the Fort." He adds a P.S. "When Administration [the Royal government in London] gets an account of the action at Sullivan's Island, they will be devilishly at a loss, how to dress it up for the public." (SCHS/Divers pp 20-22) Bull was not an eyewitness, but his account is similar to others. However, his 400 yard distance between camps could be misconstrued – the main enemy encampments actually were about 1½ miles apart. By "camps" he may have been referring to British positions in the marsh and on marsh islands, which were much closer to Thomson's positions. Period maps indicate the closest artillery emplacements were about ½ mile (880 yards) apart. Other sources indicate troops on both sides fought with rifles and muskets from positions nearer than the artillery. At low tide, less than 400 yards of water separated tidal flats and marshes that were occupied by troops on the west end of Breach Inlet. Exposed beaches, marshes, and tidal flats of wet sand and mud would be dangerous territory for infantry on either side facing entrenched forces.

August 14, 1776

Henry Laurens write a long letter to his son, John offering perspectives on his travel to Georgia, the Battle of Sullivan's Island, slavery, the Indian uprising, Tories, etc. (NYHS/Lee Papers pp 217-229)

August 21, 1776

King George III writes to Lord Sandwich expressing his disappointment. "… the attack upon Charles Town has not been crowned with success, …perhaps I should have been as well pleased if it had not been undertaken." (Russell/Victory p 274)

August 24, 1776



Colonel William Thomson writes from Charles Town to President of the Continental Congress, John Hancock expressing appreciation for the commendation dated July 20th and transmitted on the 22nd. He writes … "my Life and Fortune are devoted to the Cause of the thirteen United States of America & to the general propagation of Liberty…" (Salley/Orangeburg pp 442-443)

The London Gazette publishes excerpts of Parker's and Clinton's accounts of the battle. The long Parker account says that on the afternoon of June 28th, "…the Fort was then totally silenced, and evacuated for near one Hour and a half: but the Rebels, finding that our Army could not take possession, about Six o'Clock a considerable Body of People re-entered the Fort and resumed firing … The Lordships will see plainly by this Account, that if the Troops could have cooperated in this attack, His Majesty would have been in Possession of Sulivan's Island." The short, edited Clinton account blames bad intelligence about the depth of the inlet and omits other reasons for the army's failure. (Harrison/London Gazette) (Parker's full account is in Parker/Narrative p 84)

This leads to public ridicule of Clinton. He is furious, feuds with Parker, and devotes extensive effort to making excuses. British Prime Minister Lord North, Secretary of State for America Lord Germain, and King George privately find no fault with his conduct, but the sensitive Clinton is embittered by the government's failure to publicly exonerate him. His friends in the House of Commons attack the government on his behalf. When he returns to England in spring of 1777, Clinton is presented the Order of the Bath to reestablish his prestige. (Boatner/Encyclopedia pp 204-205)

Sir Henry eventually admits his conduct might have been overcautious, "never having had a command [and being] fearful of a blunder [in] the first I attempted". (Willcox/Clinton memoirs p 32 note)

August 27, 1776

The British defeat George Washington's army in the Battle of Long Island, NY. Washington's army escapes at night. Clinton, Parker and their officers and men who had been soundly beaten on Sullivan's Island perform well. The British occupy New York City within weeks.

Soon after the Battle

Citing examples of the catastrophic Sullivan's Island campaign, a commentary in an opposition newspaper in Great Britain writes, "Who does not see that our just and omnipotent Creator approves of this resistance? The man who believes that the Sullivan's Island affair was accidental, is an Atheist." (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 40)

November 30, 1776

The Providence Gazette and Country Journal publishes an ingenious lampoon attributed to "a late London Paper". (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 44)

QUESTION. What is a coup de Main?ANSWER. A very sudden attack, which takes only a month to prepare for, and 10 hours to execute.

Q. If it is necessary for troops to pass a ford, how are we to know the depth of the water?



A. Be inquiring of the enemy, who will inform us truly – allowing for the difference between feet and inches.

Q. When ought a fort be entered?A. Not when it is silenced and evacuated for an hour and a half.

Q. What will be the most authentic detail of the victory at Fort Sullivan?A . A court-martial account.

1778

A British official, assumed to be James Simpson, submits a critical report which is thought to have been received by Lord Germain. Simpson had served in various governmental capacities in the province of South Carolina before the Revolution, including royal attorney general. He was a resident of Charles Town and witnessed the events of June 1776. Simpson criticizes Parker and Clinton for their ignorance and ineptness and suggests an investigation. The report reflects the perspective of a displaced official as it highlights the dominance of rebellious attitudes and suppression of dissention, the weakness of patriot defenses prior to Lee's arrival, and the residents' apprehension in the face of "Upwards of Sixty Sail of Ships". Simpson states that the total patriot force in the Charles Town area "never consisted of five thousand men", many of whom "served by compulsion". They were prepossessed with being beat and made arrangements for retreat at least as far as Dorchester [20 miles inland, where the records had been sent]. Simpson says the patriot force could not be considered formidable against the British army's "three thousand five hundred regular Troops, well officered Armed and disciplined, And a powerful Fleet…" Recounting the action of June 28, he states, "…Had the Conduct of the Commanders, equaled the Courage of their men, we should not have occasion at this day to lament so disgraceful a disaster." The report lists reasons for the defeat that include

1. The elapsed time between arrival and attack, which enabled the rebels to receive expert advice, prepare, and receive reinforcements.

2. Attacking the island instead of the town, when the warships could have passed Ft Sullivan and Ft Johnson with little damage and Clinton's troops could have landed on the unfortified neck above the town.

3. Clinton placing his force on Long Island where they could not be of service, and not moving after he realized the situation, when an attack onto Sullivan's Island was feasible. Consequently, the army could not take advantage of any impression made by the navy and they could not assault the incomplete land side of the fort.

4. Parker placing his ships at 800 yards distance from the fort, when they might have been at 150 yards with the same degree of safety and infinitely more effect. Blaming the pilots is unacceptable, when the captain of the Cherokee and his men, who were well-acquainted with the channel and the island, were but a few hours sail away at Tybee Island (near Savannah), Georgia. (Kepner/British View)

1780

During the Siege of Charleston, the Royal Navy sails past Fort Moultrie on April 8, 1780. 11 of 12 ships attempting the passage succeed and enter the harbor with minor damage. 27 British sailors are killed or



wounded; there are no patriot casualties. With the military value of the fort reduced, some troops are relocated from Fort Moultrie to the mainland. On May 4, about 150 British sailors and marines make an unopposed landing on the northeast end of Sullivan's Island. Reinforced by 200 more men, they close in on Fort Moultrie. The patriot garrison of about 100 militia and 118 Continentals from the 1st Regiment of SC surrenders on May 7. (Borick/Gallant Defense pp 205-206)

Clinton visits Sullivan's Island and orders soundings to prove the navy anchored too far from the fort on June 28, 1776. On May 27, he enters in his journal, "Sounded the anchorage within 50 yards of Sullivan's Island Fort at low water and found 5 fathoms and a quarter!!! What say you now, S[ir] P[eter] Parker!" [Bulger/Sir Henry p 148] This depth equates to about 30 feet, sufficient for all the attacking warships. At their lightest, the two largest ships Bristol and Experiment reportedly drew 18'7" 17'. [Gibbes/Documentary History p 11] According to author Terry Lipscomb, "Sir Henry Clinton's soundings off Sullivan's Island in 1780 confirmed the general consensus that the ships could have anchored within 150 yards of the shore, and perhaps even as close as seventy. They reportedly anchored 400-800 yards away.

The naval officers and pilots may have been more familiar with the harbor than their performance during the battle suggests. Clinton said he had heard pilots assure Parker the ships could approach as near as 70 yards for effective fire downward into the fort from the ship tops [Morgan/Naval Docs p 784] In a June 16, 1776 dispatch to Clinton, Parker mentions "consulting a Pilot who came to Me this Morning from Savannah, and who has been a Pilot Here for many Years" [Morgan/Naval Docs p 572]. British sources variously impute the behavior of the pilots to ignorance, fright, or deception, and even the Annual Register commented on their "strange unskillfulness". According to a claim against the state arising from the British seizure of one Harry, "most valuable Negroe man pilot", Harry had been trained by his master William Stone, who was one of the most able pilots on the Carolina coast. Another slave owner, Jacob Waldron, is reimbursed 800 pounds for a black pilot who was seized by a man-of-war. This shows how knowledgeable, skilled and valuable the pilot was. [Ryan/Jeremiah notes on p 219]

Later

On June 7, 1780, soon after the fall of Charles Town, Balfour writes to Cornwallis from a camp apparently at or near Thomson's home, Belleville, in Orangeburg District. "Colonel Thompson [sic] is the leading man here, and I am informed, although active on the other side, yet he has not been harsh or oppressive, and from a good many reasons I believe he may be made useful in taking the other side, especially as he is fond of money." He mentions that Thomson has been carried to town (and presumably jailed in the provost of the Exchange). Balfour encourages Cornwallis to send Thomson away from the area if he cannot be converted. [Saberton/Cornwallis Papers pp 78-79] He writes again June 9, "I must again mention Colonel Thompson of this place, who has the greatest influence here. I certainly think that he ought by no means to be allowed to remain in this part of the country unless he takes a very strong and active part for us." [Saberton/Cornwallis Papers p 81] Thomson will be incarcerated in the provost twice and later paroled, then serve as an advisor to General Greene.

Thomson's plantation, Belleville, was on the Congaree River in Orangeburg District adjacent to the Motte plantation, Mount Joseph. The British made a practice of seizing the home of the most prominent local rebel as a means of subduing the surrounding local population, and the British corps of Patrick Ferguson first occupied



Belleville as a campground along the south Santee River road to McCord's Ferry as early as June 1780. The plantation was fortified that autumn and occupied by British troops at least until the end of February 1781, probably longer. Colonel Thomson was home on parole when Thomas Sumter failed in an attempt to subdue the fortified plantation on February 22, 1781. On April 7th, Sumter wrote General Nathanael Greene, the commander of the American Continental Army, that the “Post at Co’ Thompson’s is Broke up & the Troops Removed to the Congarees,” indicating that Fort Motte was finished. From this point on, Fort Motte was the British principal depot and outpost on the west side of the Congaree River. [Smith/Obstinate pp15-18]

Fort Moultrie is abandoned and falls into disrepair after a hurricane in October 1783. When President George Washington visits Fort Moultrie on May 5, 1791, there is scarcely a trace of the fort left. (Bearrs/First Two Fort Moultries pp 16-19)

Colonel Moultrie becomes a major general and governor of South Carolina. He publishes his Memoirs of the American Revolution 26 years later in 1802, three years before his death. Volume 1 becomes an oft-used source for historical accounts about the Battle of Sullivan's Island. (Moultrie/Memoirs)

Clinton devotes the last 12 years of his life to compiling his complete memoirs of the American Rebellion. The collection of valuable documents remains in the hands of the family nearly 150 years. When it is published in 1954, his editor calls it an "apologia for a career failed", partially due to an overabundance of caution and self-doubt. Clinton's best summary of reasons for the army's failure at Breach Inlet is found in Morgan/Naval Docs pp 782-784. He never admits that his failure to successfully cross to Sullivan's Island and attack the fort was a major factor contributing to the ultimate British defeat. In 1971, the editor of his memoirs will write "Britain had worse defeats in the course of the war, but no more egregious fiasco". (Willcox/Clinton Memoirs p xxi) (Russell/Victory pp 260-261)

According to British historian Esmond Wright, the British army's failure to take the unfinished fort on Sullivan's Island from the rear was caused by a lack of either boats, guts, or intelligence. Observations in Lipscomb/Lowcountry pp 37-38:

Even if Clinton's original plan to ford the inlet had been feasible, it would not have facilitated a simultaneous land and sea assault. The navy would need to attack on a high tide to get close to the fort and the army would need to attack on a low tide to ford the inlet.

Clinton knew his strategy was in jeopardy when Thomson took advantage of British delays to fortify his side of the Breach.

A diversion toward Mt Pleasant would not have succeeded because the patriots analyzed the pattern of scouting and knew the limited British alternatives. The patriots defended the likely landing area in force, and any British assault would require rowing up creeks in near single file. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Sumter's 6th Regiment of SC was deployed in the area.

The grounding of the frigates on the Middle Ground shoals either thwarted Clinton's plans for a diversion on the mainland or gave him a legitimate excuse to forego the attempt. It is not clear what the diversion would accomplish.



Clinton did not want to engage Thomson's Advanced Guard on the 28th. The relocated and improved defensive line had moved the patriots beyond easy range of British mortars, and the British forward artillery positions could not be maintained during high tide. In addition, the patriots had demonstrated skill during the previous 10 days of combat.

Clinton had enough boats to transport only 600-700 men (less than ¼ of his total force) in each wave of an attempted amphibious crossing. A 30-minute turnaround time was needed to transport each successive wave.

The troops had to cross and land by way of a channel so narrow it forced the boats into single file, exposed all the while to the patriot battery.

The patriot 18 pounder and some small-caliber brass field pieces all were loaded with grape shot.

Sergeant Jasper's daughter has the hilt of the sword presented to him by President Rutledge melted down and cast into a pair of dessert spoons. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 51)

Some 75 years after the battle, shifting sands uncover remains of the Advanced Guard redoubt. It appears to have been constructed of palmetto logs on a brick foundation. (Lipscomb/Lowcountry p 37)

On March 17, 1861 Confederate troops of the Washington Light Infantry moved to “Thompson’s Point” on the east end of Sullivan’s Island and erected fortifications on the same ground Thomson’s men occupied 85 years earlier. They called the post Fort Washington. When the shelling of Fort Sumter started the Civil War on April 12, 1861, 170 men of the WLI were at the site, expecting an attack from Federal boats at any moment. (Schreadley/Value and Virtue pp 122-125)

In 1901, historian Dr. Edward McCrady observes that the battle was the first "absolute victory" [over the British military] and one of the most complete and decisive victories of the Revolution. (McCrady/Revolution pp 160-161)

In 1972, historian Joseph P Cullen credits noted historian Edward Channing with the observation, "Had the South been conquered in the first half of 1776 it is entirely conceivable that rebellion would never have turned into revolution … At Moore's Creek and Sullivan's Island the Carolinians turned aside the one combination of circumstances that might have made British conquest possible." [Cullen/Concise p 52]