War in Old Kingdom Egypt-libre (1)

8/9/2019 War in Old Kingdom Egypt-libre (1)

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/war-in-old-kingdom-egypt-libre-1 1/43

–

Juan Carlos Moreno García

From the very origins of modern Egyptology until quite recently, 3rdmillennium Egypt has been considered one of the peaks of pharaoniccivilisation. Economic prosperity, social order, respect for hierarchy and

paternal government would explain the longevity of the ld !ingdom stateas well as such astonishing achievements as the massive pyramids. Egyptwould thus turn out to be a kind of miracle, an oasis of high culture andelevated values isolated from other countries and influences thanks to its

deserts. Even foreign affairs would have been reduced to a strict minimum,with "ust the occasional expedition led against a troubling #ubian or $edouintribe, or the sporadic delivery of %diplomatic& gifts to a foreign ruler, as thefindings at sites such as Ebla would prove. 'n the same vein, the beginning ofthe (nd millennium, the period of Egyptian history known as the )iddle!ingdom, would have been another age of classicism, when literary creationsreplaced huge architecture as the most refined fruits of a high and peacefulculture. *he absence of a durable empire in #ubia or the +evant, and the lackof the kind of military and heroic ethos so prevalent in #ew !ingdomsources, would only confirm such an image of Egypt, where attack andconquest could only happen as a preventive reaction to foreign menace.*hus, for instance, the #ew !ingdom conquests were the %natural& conse

quence of the traumatic impact of the -yksos arriving in the #ile alley. #evertheless, the discovery of the royal annals of the )iddle !ingdom, inthe late /012s, with their references to expeditions, loot and prisoners,/ or therecent recovery of !hnumhoteps biography at 4ahshur ( has altered theusually accepted picture.

5et war was present in 3rd millennium Egypt too, both inside its frontiersand abroad. *he representation of the king smiting his enemies was a

powerful ideological motif, which goes back to 6redynastic iconography andcontinued during the 3rd millennium, both in the 7inai reliefs and inscriptions and in the royal mortuary complexes surrounding )emphis. 8hat ismore, the discovery of 9probably: 6redynastic inscriptions at ;ebel 7eikh7uleiman, which seem to commemorate an armed clash with some #ubianruler, shows that war and conflict was coeval with the birth of the Egyptian

/ <ltenm=ller > )oussa /00/.( <llen (22?.





8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: 3

some kind of commercial %colonies& in southern 6alestine are attested "ust before and immediately after the unification of the country. $ut recentdiscoveries at -ierakonpolis show that some kind of political authority wasalready in place at this locality in the first half of the th millennium as itdisplayed its emerging power in an elaborated form, including a lifesiKestatue, remarkable %royal& tombs and complex ritual centres.J *hese tombs

precede the first royal burials from <bydos by several centuries and theyraise many questions about the relationship between -ierakonpolis 9the first%royal& local centreL: and <bydos 9from where the first pharaohs came:G theimportance of -ierakonpolis, at least as a venerable ritual centre, wasrecognised by later pharaohs who built quite impressive monuments there9like !hasekhemuy: or enriched the local sanctuary with their statues 9like6epi '':.

ne can speculate that after the initial development of -ierakonpolis,<bydos became a kind of 6redynastic %)emphis of the 7outh&, a new

political centre which arose in a fluvial basin far larger than the one in -ierakonpolis and better placed for controlling the exchange network with the

+evant as well as the northern areas of the #ile valley that were progressively integrated into the kingdom. <fter the consolidation of the unitedmonarchy, the capital was further moved to the north, to the area of)emphis, where the control of the newly incorporated rich region of the4elta could be easier. 'n any case, the recent discoveries at -ierakonpolisshow that some kind of %royal& authority or primitive chiefdom existed about3122 $AE, well before the 6redynastic kings of <bydos. ne can infer thatthe model for the conquest and territorial organisation of the kingdom couldhave first arisen in southernmost Egypt around -ierakonpolis, in the regionlater known, more specifically, as nn &the interior of -ierakonpolis&.

*he regional role played by -ierakonpolis may be better understood inthe light of new archaeological discoveries. First of all, the serekhs of some

6redynastic rulers have been found in the deserts surrounding the city, at8adi )ineh, 8adi Mash and 8adi Cm $alad 9Eastern 4esert:, at ;ebel*"auti and west of <rmant 98estern 4esert:, but also at most distant placessuch as ;ebel 7heikh 7uleiman in #ubia or the !harga asis.H *his confirmsthat some 6redynastic polities were powerful enough to extend their influence far beyond the immediate area of the #ile alley where they werecentred, towards the ed 7ea, the western oases or #ubia, not to mention6alestine. *he vessels from 4akhla found in the tomb of a chief of <bydosdating from #agada '' or the ceramics from the #agada culture excavated inthe 4akhla asis are additional proofs in this respect.1 'n this context, -iera

-arrington (22I @aeschke (22I for another 6redynastic overlifesiKe statue from-ierakonpolis, cf. Muibell > ;reen /02(, /J pl. J1.J Friedman (22?.H 'kram > ossi (22.1 -artung > -artmann (22JI -ope (22H.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa

konpolis appears as a crossroads for travel by land and river, connecting theeastwest desert routes to the southnorth axis of the #ile which led to #ubiaand 6alestine. *he discovery of the bones of a young elephant recalls, in arather unusual way, the importance of contacts with the 7udan.? <s for thestrategic setting of the city, recent analysis of sediments at -ierakonpolisreveals the gradual shift of the #ile across the floodplain, as well as the

presence of a waterway to the west of the city in 6redynastic times that madeearly -ierakonpolis an island. -owever, by the Early 4ynastic this channelhad been almost entirely filled in, probably when heavy rainfall resulted inincreasingly dramatic wadi washout as the desert was deforested and depositsof yellow clays, typical of the desert but uncharacteristic of the #ile alley,started to appear in the 6redynastic and became thicker towards the end ofthe Early 4ynastic.0

7econd, the wide distribution of artefacts such as the Alayton ringsreveals that pastoral populations travelled extensively through the Eastern7ahara and the #ile alley during the th and early 3rd millennia $AEthanks to the more humid conditions then prevalent in this region./2 *he

)egalake Ahad covered a surface of about 3J2,222 kmN during this period,whereas the 8est #ubian 6alaeolake measured about J,J22 kmN. 8adi-owar carried perennial water at least in its high and middle sections, and

permanent settlers are attested in remote regions such as ;ilf el!ebir. necan also mention the fact that the water emblems carved inside a squarishsign discovered at *he8ater)ountainofed"edef, about /22 km 78 ofthe 4akhla oasis, have been also recently detected at ;ala el7heikh in 8adiel-owar, about 122 km south of 4akhlaI they probably do not represent anEgyptian hieroglyph but rather some kind of mark used by native populations.// *his vast area offered better conditions for the presence of cattle

breeders and for the circulation of people and goods./( #ubians were anactive element of this picture as they are attested, not only in the #ile alley,

but also in the 8estern 4esert/3

and in southernmost Egypt, including-ierakonpolis. 'n fact, as ;atto has stressed, Cpper Egypt and +ower #ubia,and therefore their cultural entities, were not antagonistic to one another, butin the 6redynastic period still expressed the same cultural tradition, withstrong regional variations. *his applied particularly in the last part of the thmillennium $AE,/ not forgetting that in later periods -ierakonpolisremained a focus of ritual and burial activities for #ubian populations./J

? Friedman (22.0 $unbury (22?./2 !uper (221.//

!rOpelin > !uper (22H # (221./( @esse et al (221./3 +ange (22a, (22b./ ;atto /00H, (222./J Friedman /00(, (222, (22/I ;iuliani (22H.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: J

)ore unexpectedly, the recent discovery of new rock art with exciting ritualscenes in the area of ;ebel Cweinat suggests that, possibly, some kind of

protoEgyptian religious beliefs could have left some traces there around222 $AE./H +astly the importance of #ubian activities and of their contactswith Egypt are particularly visible at the necropolis of Mustul, the burialcentre of some powerful #ubian chiefs whose tombs display astonishingwealth, including some high quality artefacts of Egyptian origin. *hese rulers

probably controlled +ower #ubia, which would have formed a political unit prior to the beginning of the Egyptian First 4ynasty.

*hird, the gradual worsening of the climatic conditions of the Eastern7ahara, in a context of increasing aridity, could have led to the gradualdisappearance of pastoral activities and human settlement in this region and,as a consequence, the progressive abandonment of many of the land routes.*he #ile then became the most important 9but by no means unique: route forcontacts and exchanges. <lso, the decline of -ierakonpolis and the rise of<bydos as the new emergent political power might be understood as theconsequence of the movement of the centre of political gravity to a locality

better placed for controlling this increasingly crucial axis of communications,as well as the rich agricultural potential of )iddle Egypt and the routes to6alestine, where many Egyptian factories or commercial centres werefounded prior to the beginning of the First 4ynasty./1 $earing in mind theimportance of -ierakonpolis as a ceremonial centre during the <rchaic

period, one can suggest that its rulers simply moved to <bydos. 'n fact, the political initiatives of the last 6redynastic Cpper Egyptian rulers seem tohave been aimed at eliminating any rival in the #ile alley. *he conquest ofthe 4elta and the campaigns against #ubia ended with the destruction of the

protostate centred in Mustul and the emergence of Egypt as a single polity. 'tencompassed the lower section of the #ile alley, and its capital was furthermoved to the north, to )emphis, in order to assert better its control over the

4elta, an extensive area that covered more than J2P of the agricultural landof the country. *he fortress built at Elephantine represents the culmination ofthe aggressive Egyptian attitude towards her southern neighbours. #evertheless, #ubians are attested at Elephantine and other localities south of<rmant during the *hinite period, and this circumstance prevents us fromconsidering the area of <swan as a sealed border between two differentcultural areas.

'n any case, the main axes of the military activity carried out by the pharaohs are evident from the very beginning of the Egyptian state until itsdecay at the end of the 3rd millennium $AE, as they encompassed the8estern 4esert, the #ile alley and the ad"acent +evantine areas. 'ntervention in these areas was possible thanks to the creation of logistic centres

which provided the necessary facilities for the expeditions sent abroad. ne

/H +e Muellec (22J./1 an den $rink > +evy (22(.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBaH

of them was Elephantine, the southernmost Egyptian locality, organised fromthe beginning as a fortified centre controlling access to #ubia. 'ts importanceexplains the complex administrative organisation present from an early date,with governors ruling the city and a multicultural local society formed bysoldiers, interpreters, traders, crown officials and #ubians. +ater sources,from the end of the ld !ingdom, display in colourful accounts the activitiescarried out by the local authorities who were, at the same time, the leaders ofthe caravans sent deep into #ubia, where dangers were not completelyabsent. <s for the 8estern ases, the excavations at $alat and other localities at the oasis of 4akhla, as well as the discovery of the socalled %$allastrail&, are providing increasing evidence concerning the complex organisation of the administrative and logistic base founded by the pharaohs of theld !ingdom, both for gaining access to remote areas of the desert and for

providing alternative routes to #ubia. +astly, the Eastern 4elta seems to have played a similar role as a departure point for expeditions, and some placenames formed with the term should confirm the existence of local crowncentres specialised in storing and delivering supplies to the agents of the

king. 7ome scholars have even suggested the existence of traces of foreignersin the area, apparently of +evantine origin, perhaps settled as mercenaries ortraders like their )iddle !ingdom successors./? *he biography of a militaryleader of the 7ixth 4ynasty called 8eni confirms that this was a concentration Kone for the armies sent into 6alestine, a role well known for later

periods of the Egyptian history, especially the area around *ell el4abDaduring the )iddle and #ew !ingdoms.

8hat were the aims of Egyptian foreign policy in the geopolitical contextof the 3rd millennium and what was the role of warL *hese two questions aredifficult to answer due to the scarcity of the sources at our disposal. Cnfortunately, no diplomatic archives have been preserved 9if they ever existed:and there are no traces of official contacts with other international powers.

7ome evidence of gifts and of the circulation of precious goods has beenfound in +evantine contexts, such as maceheads in 6alestine or variousob"ects at Ebla./0 't seems that there were two main goals of Egyptian policy.n the one hand, control of the trade networks connecting the vast area

between Ahad, 7udan, the ed 7ea and the )editerranean. n the otherhand, control of direct access to valuable minerals from 7inai and southern6alestine, with $yblos playing the role of trade partner and mediator betweenEgypt and other +evantine and #ear Eastern regions. 't is quite symptomaticthat the direct involvement of the crown in the circulation of goods 9at leastof prestige ob"ects such as incense or exotic items from #ubia: led to theorganisation of expeditions with highly symbolic importance for the crown(2 and to provide the necessary logistics in order to ensure their viability. *his

/? $ietak (223, 3?./0 +ovell (22?I 7candone)atthiae (223.(2 El <wady (22H.




does not exclude the existence of private trade, and there is increasingevidence that a provincial elite in the ld !ingdom also imported luxurygoods from the +evant.(/ 8ar pursued the general goals of eliminating any

possible rival, and the expeditions into #ubia or against the 6alestinechiefdoms seem more inspired by this aim than by a highly improbableforeign menace. 'n fact, #ubians were both fought against and incorporatedinto the Egyptian armed and police forces during the ld !ingdom and later.'n this respect, it is quite noteworthy that recent epigraphic discoveries showthat incense was one of the principal motives underlying the Egyptian

presence in remote areas of the Eastern 7ahara. <t the other extreme of thegeopolitical area of interest for Egypt, in the land of 6unt bordering the ed7ea, incense, aromatics and precious minerals formed the bulk of exports toEgypt. 't is also significant that the end of Egyptian expeditions to 6unt andof its monopoly of the incense trade into +evantine areas, around /(22 $AE,was followed by the rise of new policies and trade networks 9the %incenseroad&: in Ethiopia, 7outh <rabia and the southern +evant. 'n any case, themain threat was thought to come from #ubia, as the execration texts show.((

Epigraphic evidence confirms this picture, as war appears to have pursuedthe main goal of controlling trade and strategic routes and areas, and no realforeign dangers can be ascertained. *he presence of outposts at such remote9and vulnerable: localities as $uhen, in #ubia, or $alat, in the oasis of4akhla, would have been unthinkable if any serious menace had threatenedtheir communications with Egypt or their very existence. *his is especiallythe case when considering that these centres were active for centuries andthat the archaeological record proves that they could even go back to the

beginning of the 3rd millennium. ecent discoveries show that Egyptianexpeditions from $alat passed, at least, through remote areas such as ;ebelCweinat, in the far 8est, and reached the land of 5am and other unattestedterritories, bringing incense from there.(3 't is not possible to determine the

enemies and regions fought by the powerful Egyptian armies sent into #ubian territory at the beginning of the Fourth 4ynasty 9about (H22 $AE:, but it is probably not too speculative to think that the scope of theseexpeditions might be related to the control of access to 6unt and its preciousimports. !ing 7neferu, for instance, organised maritime expeditions to the+evant which coincided with the dispatch of armies against +ibya and #ubia,where the fortress of $uhen, about 322 km south of Elephantine, wasfounded during his reign. !ing 7ahure brought precious goods from 7inaiand 6unt and sent armies against #ubia. n the contrary, 6untite expeditionscould attack Egypt itself in the context of broader #ubian incursions, as (ndmillennium inscriptions from Elkab prove,( whereas Egyptian armies

(/ FOrstner)=ller > aue (22?.(( sing /013, /01H.(3 Alayton > 4e *rafford > $orda (22?.( 4avies (223a, (223b.






)ut el!harab, in the 4akhleh oasis(0 and inscriptions and seals found on the%ed"edef )ountain& as well as some seals found at ;iKa prove thatexpeditions were sent deep into the Eastern 7ahara during this periodI32 quarries were exploited in the southwestern deserts as well as in 7inaiI sealswith the name of king !hafra have been found at <yn 7ukhna, the maritimeEgyptian base at the 7ueK ;ulf from where expeditions were sent into 7inaiand the ed 7ea during the ld and )iddle !ingdomsI3/ armies weredispatched into #ubia, a fortress was built hundreds of kilometres south ofEgypt and maritime expeditions were sent to the +evant. *he titles of somecontemporary officials such as #esutnefer at ;iKa indicate the presence offortresses in strategic areas.3( -e was the overseer of fortified towers andcrown centres 9 : in the eighth and tenth provinces of Cpper Egypt. -ewas also the overseer of royal fortresses, fortified enclosures and deserts inthe thirteenth province of +ower Egypt, a province which encompassedduring this period a substantial part of the eastern branch of the #ile as wellas access to 8adi *umilat, the transit Kone between the 4elta and 7inai used

by nomad populations. $earing in mind that desert routes from the eighth

and tenth provinces of Cpper Egypt connected the valley with the westernoasis, it seems that #esutnefer was responsible for at least some strategicapproaches to Egypt as well as the fortresses which controlled them.Aonspicuously, the western 4elta was not included among his activities.

<s suggested above, the pharaohs of the Fourth 4ynasty seem to havelimited themselves to following the basic lines of what had been thetraditional Egyptian policy for centuries. 8ar and conquest had culminated,in about the beginning of the 3rd millennium $AE, in control of the finalstretch of the #ile and with the 9apparent: monopoly of exchanges betweeninner East <frica and the )editerranean by a single power, the pharaonicstate. *he epigraphic sources from the Early 4ynastic period 93/22 # (122$AE: suggest war and conquest to have been a fundamental, intrinsic and

prestigious activity in forming the Egyptian state, at least at a symbolic andideological level. )any monuments dating from #armer, usually consideredto be the first pharaoh, celebrate war and bootyG the scenes of his famous

palette condense the warrior and conqueror ethos of the early kings, as theydepict the destruction of a walled city, the capture of prisoners, the executionof enemies with two rows of beheaded enemies 9a motif also present in othermonuments from -ierakonpolis:,33 and the heroic image of the sovereignsmiting an enemy, all these activities taking place in +ower Egypt. < votivemacehead from his reign shows one row of, apparently, chiefs or some kindof authority appearing before #armer on his throne. *hey are represented by

(0

-ope (22?.32 !uhlmann (22(, (22JI FOrster (22?.3/ 6antalacci (22J, ?J.3( @unker /03?, /1( # /1H, figs. (1, (?, 32I !anawati (22(, 3( # 33, pl. J3.33 4roux (22J # (221.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa/2

numbers that could indicate tribute, booty or simply a census of the 4elta orof a smaller area in this regionG /(2,222 prisoners, 22,222 oxen and/,((,222 goats 9or small cattle:.3 *he motif of the conquest and destructionof the walls of a fortified city was quite popular in early Egyptian art andinscriptions, suggesting a world of conflict and conquest which continuedwell into Egyptian historyG the base of a limestone statue of pharaoh !hasekhemuy 9ca. (122 $AE: represents a line of slain enemies from the 4elta,and on the front of it the number 1,(20 is written. *he incorporation of+ower Egypt into the pharaonic state seems to have been a rather complicated task. 't was not completed until the middle of the 3rd millennium if oneconsiders that the administrative organisation of the 4elta was still anongoing process at the beginning of the Fourth 4ynasty, and that the divisionof this region into provinces continued throughout the ld !ingdom,especially its eastern borders, the most densely settled area. $ut foreign warswere also common during the early centuries of the 3rd millennium, in+ibyan territory 9as indicated in the +ibyan palette:, <sia 9"udging fromiconography:3J and #ubia. *he frequency of titles formed with the element

mr %administrator& or rp %director& and the symbol of a fortified localityis additional evidence of the importance of strongholds in controlling innerand foreign strategic areas, as also happened in other periods of the Egyptianhistory, such as the end of the ld !ingdom 9see infra: or in the 7aite

period.3H 8atchtowers are also mentioned in sources from the *hinite period,31 and they continued in use until the middle of the 3rd millennium.3? Even the most important administrative and production centres of this andthe following periods, known as and 9lit. %the great &:, wereoriginally towers and they were sometimes mentioned together with fortifiedcentres.30 Aircular towers are also known from the archaeological record ofthe #ew !ingdom, when they served as surveying posts of the tracks leadingto the desert.2

-owever, from the Fourth 4ynasty on, military activity seems to have been rather infrequentG only some scattered references in the oyal <nnalsmention the arrival of foreign female workers as tribute during the reign ofCserkaf 9(0 # (?1 $AE:, and a scene of tribute from +ibyan rulers wasdepicted in the funerary temple of 7ahure 9(?1 # (1J $AE:. #evertheless itis worth noting that tribute 9or even conflict with +ibyan dwellers: is notmentioned in the surviving <nnals from his reign, and that the same sceneand protagonists appear again in many other royal monuments of the ld

3 Muibell /022, pl. QQ'$.3J 6etrie /022, pl. Q''.3H

7molarikova (22?.31 6etrie /02/, pl. R/2S.3? )oreno ;arcBa /001.30 !aplony /0H3, pl. ?HR3((S.2 4arnell (22(, /30 # //.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: //

!ingdom. *he symbolic and ideological nature of this socalled %+ibyanfamily& makes it difficult to assert whether the events recorded took really

place during 7ahures reign, if he copied them from another royal monument,whether they may be linked to some kind of conflict, or even whether theysimply represent, in Egyptian ideological and cultural terms, some kind of%diplomatic& contact between rulers. *he huge amounts of tribute listed9/(3,22 bulls and cows, ((3,(22 asses, (3(,/3 goats and (3,H?? rams:seem rather unrealistic for a pastoral population living on the margins of thedesert. <bout a century later, around (22 $AE, a scene representingEgyptian troops seiKing a fortified <siatic town appears in two tombs, one ofthem in the mastaba of 'nti, the provincial ruler of 4eshasha./ -is titles of %overseer of the fortresses of the king& and of provincialruler are reminiscent of the titles of #esutnefer at ;iKa and reveal the rangeof activities carried out by local governors. *hese included control overfortresses and, probably, the command of local contingents into battle, as weshall see.

nly at the end of the ld !ingdom, during the 7ixth 4ynasty, do the

sources again contain some references to military activity. *he most detailedcome from the tomb of 8eni of <bydos, a provincial official involved againin commanding expeditions abroad, and whose famous biography contains athorough account of a great expedition sent into <sia. *he recently discovered fragmentary oyal <nnals of the 7ixth 4ynasty include somereferences to the arrival of %pacified #ubians&, but the context suggests thatthey were some kind of tribute.( <s for the accounts of the expeditionleaders from Elephantine, they carried their missions deep into #ubiancountry using both the river and the desert routes. *he only dangers seem tohave been bandits or occasionally reluctant foreign chiefs, but no organised

power happens to challenge Egyptian interests or bases, either in #ubia, inthe 8estern 4esert or in <sia. 't is quite symptomatic in this respect that the

collapse of the state at the end of the 3rd millennium was not followed byforeign attacks and that #ubians were incorporated into the armies of thecontending local warlords.

$earing in mind all these considerations, it seems that war played a rathermarginal role in Egyptian geopolitics after (H22 $AE. #ot surprisingly, atthe time, foreign invasion was seen in )iddle !ingdom literature as aconsequence of disorder and the collapse of royal authority, that is to say, asan undesirable secondary effect of internal troubles, not as the result of atenacious and ultimately victorious power from abroad. Even this menaceconsisted mainly in the infiltration of nomads and herders into some specificareas of the 4elta. *hese conditions probably explain why it is so difficult tolearn about the military organisation of Egypt in the 3rd millennium, or why

/ !anawati > )cFarlane /003, pl. (1.( $aud > 4obrev /00J, /001.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa/(

%military& terms are in general so ambiguous, as they also had %civil&connotations.

$ % &' ( ! "

*he mobilisation of teams of workers was quite common in 3rd millenniumEgypt, and there is abundant evidence for the organisation of expeditions tothe quarries or the circulation of armies and agents of the crown. *helogistics of providing equipment, food and facilities to huge numbers of

people on the move or temporarily settled in a given area, quite often outsidethe #ile alley proper, were quite substantial for a preindustrial civilisationsuch as 6haraonic Egypt. *he solution consisted in the creation of a networkof warehouses, stockpile centres and agricultural domains of the crownscattered all over the country, which supplied the goods required. $earing inmind the ambiguity of some titles, such as %overseer of the troop9of soldiers or workers:&, we can safely assume that the facilities used byteam workers and expeditions at that time were also at the disposal of the

troops. 'n fact, inscriptions like the biography of 8eni of <bydos show thatthis was the case.

*he most ancient evidence of such a system of crown centres goes back tothe *hird 4ynasty 9(H?H # (H/3 $AE:, the ink inscriptions on the vesselsfrom the funerary complex of 6haraoh 4"oser 3 and the seal stamps fromElephantine being the most important sources for the study of the territorialorganisation of the kingdom at this early date. First of all, these brief textsreveal the existence of a network of royal agricultural centres 9the

being the most frequently attested whereas the are also mentioned:.*hese coexisted with the %house&>%domain& of some individuals, withsome royal domains bearing the name of the god -orus,J and with some

institutions whose name is composed with the element Tperhaps somekind of specialised 9royal: workshops.H *he ink inscriptions from anotherenormous set of vessels, recovered at <bydos and dating from the 7econd4ynasty, confirm this model as they mention institutions named after theelement , like the %the of the gold& or the %thegreat &.1 't seems that the territorial organisation of the kingdom wastwofold. 't comprised agricultural centres of the crown 9 and :,administered by royal officials 9 and :, and the domains ofindividuals. *heir links to the royal administration are poorly understood,since it is impossible to determine whether they were local magnates who

3

+acau > +auer /0J0, /0HJ. 6UtKnick (22J.J Engel (22.H Engel (22?.1 egulski (22.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: /3

exercised personal control over the territorial units called or whether theywere royal agents in charge of the administration of these districts. 7econd,the stamp seals from Elephantine show that this locality acted as a royalfortress and trade centre in the southernmost frontier of the kingdom.? )anyof the stamp seals found, as well as three hieratic inscriptions,0 concern theactivities carried out by different officials and crown agents during the *hird4ynasty, including the transfer of cereal of some kind involving a chief of avillage and an official in charge of ships. ;rain also came from the statewarehouses in the vicinity of <bydos and they served to pay the agents of the

pharaoh in the remote south. *hird, the archaeological remains of severalsmall step pyramids from the same period have been recovered at somelocalities in Cpper and )iddle EgyptTperhaps significantly not in the4eltaTthus asserting the local symbolic presence of the crown.J2 *his earlyevidence confirms the importance of a territorial organisation based more ona network of royal warehouses, production centres, agricultural domains andmooring posts scattered all over the country than on a structure of provincesclearly defined and controlled by local governors. 7uch a system made

possible the circulation of products at both local and regional levels, betweenthe royal centres and the local arrival points, under the supervision of a largeand complex bureaucracy whose members are prominently mentioned in theinscriptions. *he titles of )et"en, from the very beginning of the Fourth4ynasty 9about (H(2 $AE:, show that the administrative organisation of+ower Egypt 9where royal centres like or were gradually replacing the districts : was far from completed even some centuries after the

political unification of the country.J/ 7ome of these institutions are better known from later inscriptions. *hey

served as the centres of royal power and institutional agriculture in the ruralcountryside. *hey were the %great & and the , a kind of royalfarm, warehouse, processing and administrative centre, and defensive buil

dingTin fact, the hieroglyph represents a tower.J( *he differences between the and the were probably only of scale, the first beingthe centre of larger agricultural units than the second. +ater sources showthat the were only founded in certain regions, where land was particularly abundant, whereas the figures prominently in almost all the provinces of Cpper Egypt as well as in the monuments from the capital 9in this caseit is almost certain that the texts concern the of the 4elta:. *he conclusion which can be inferred from the geographical and chronological distri

bution of these institutions is that the are more frequently mentionedthan the in the inkwritten texts and in private inscriptions at this early

?

6UtKnick (22J.0 4reyer /0?1.J2 7eidlmayer /00H, /(( # /(J.J/ 7ethe /033N, / # 1.J( )oreno ;arcBa /00?, /000.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa/

stage of the Egyptian history, a trend confirmed by later documents andwhich continued until the final centuries of the 3rd millennium.

*he royal annals record the founding of thirtyfive rural establishments9 or perhaps : in a single year of 7neferus reign, as well as somecattle centres. <nother year was celebrated because several agricultural

units were created in Cpper and +ower Egypt.

J3

*he extent of this policy isfurther corroborated by the importance of the lists of in his mortuarytemple and by the inscriptions of some of his officials. )et"ens activities,for instance, mainly concerned the 4elta, where he was in charge of manyroyal agricultural centres and as well as of agricultural unitsnamed and .J *he inscriptions and the administrative titles of otherofficials living in the early part of the Fourth 4ynasty, like 6ehernefer,

#et"eraperef, 'si or #esutnefer confirm this picture.JJ *he titles of #esutnefer, mentioned already, suggest that the control of workers and defensive

buildings or watchtowers 9the towers: usually went together in some provinces in Cpper Egypt. *he same concern for the control of manpower incombination with watchtowers in some Cpper Egyptian provinces is

included among the duties of some officials of the Fourth and Fifth4ynasties.JH Finally, the royal annals of the Fifth 4ynasty 9(0–(3J $AE:contain detailed descriptions of the numerous fields allotted to the provincialtemples by the king, sometimes involving a considerable surface area, up toabout 3J2 arouras 9V 0H ha:.J1 *herefore, temples, and thetowers were the most conspicuous elements of the rural landscapeduring the Fourth 4ynasty. *heir frequency in the titles held by highofficials, usually with extensive territorial responsibilities, shows theimportance attached by the crown to the production, storing, control anddelivery of agricultural items, especially in the regions close to the capital,)emphis 9+ower Egypt and some provinces in )iddle Egypt:.J? *heenormous building pro"ects of the pharaohs of the Fourth 4ynasty, forexample, were only possible thanks to the mobilisation of a large number ofworkers and of raw materials, as well as to a complex labour organisationwhose traces can be found at the pyramid workers city at ;iKa.

*he beginning of the 7ixth 4ynasty 9(3J–(/?/ $AE: was a period ofimportant changes in the organisation of the network of crown centres.J0 'tsmain elements in the provinces 9 : were replaced by the . <lthough the appears from an early date in the epigraphic record, itsrole seems rather secondary when compared to other royal agricultural

J3 7ethe /033N, (3H.J 7ethe /033(, / # JI )oreno ;arcBa /00H.JJ

)oreno ;arcBa /000, (33 # (3?I (22/I (221.JH )oreno ;arcBa /001a.J1 7ethe /033(, (3J # (0.J? )oreno ;arcBa /00H, /001a, /00?.J0 )oreno ;arcBa /000, (/ # (HJI (221.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: /J

centres such as the . $ut the situation changed at the end of the Fifth4ynasty, when the title %governor of a & became commonlyattested in most provinces of Cpper Egypt. 'n fact, is virtually the onlyroyal agricultural centre that is mentioned in the monuments of the sevensouthernmost provinces of Egypt. *he extent and increase of the in the

Egyptian rural landscape is further corroborated by the fact that nearly 02Pof the about two hundred known from 3rd millennium sourcesexisted during the 7ixth 4ynasty and the end of the 3rd millennium.H2 *heirgeographical distribution in +ower and Cpper Egypt was quite similar, butthey were conspicuously absent from or rather rare in some Cpper Egyptianlocalities like El-awawish, Elkab and Aoptos. *hese were precisely thecentres where the local temples happened to be the most important institutions and where powerful families monopolised the function of chief of thelocal sanctuary for many generations.

'n fact, temples and were part of a network of economic and productive centres spread all over the country and more or less dependent on thecrown. *heir production was usually at the disposal of the kings officials, as

stated in the letter sent by pharaoh 6epi '' to -erkhuf of <swan, about ((12$AEG %rders have been brought to the governor9s: of the new localities, thecompanion9s: and the overseer9s: of priests to command that supplies befurnished from what is under the charge of each from every belonging toa processing centre and from every temple, without any exemption&.H/ *herole played by the in providing the agents of the king with supplies isalso exemplified by the inscriptions of -atnub, which mention the equipmentdelivered by the local to the teams of workers sent to the quarries, theorganisation of the expeditions by an overseer of , or the close relationship between the and the agricultural domains *his was also

pointed out in the autobiography of -erkhuf "ust quoted 9graffiti / W H:H( and

in a fragmentary inscription from the beginning of the 7ixth 4ynasty.

H3

<fragmentary text from the tomb of 'bi, governor of 4eir el;ebrawi, showsthat fields of considerable siKe 9about J2 ha.: belonged to a which, at thesame time, depended on a processing centre, as in -erkhufs inscription.H <hieratic record from Elephantine, dated about (222 $AE, mentions thedeliveries of cereals, dates and cattle made by a governor of a to severaldignitaries, including one envoy who arrived at Elephantine on a mission forthe king, showing the practical functioning of the system, as in-erkhufs times.HJ Finally, another contemporary early )iddle !ingdomadministrative document lists the various kinds of textile items delivered to

H2 )oreno ;arcBa /000, (J( # (J3.H/

7ethe /033(

, /3/.H( <nthes /0(?.H3 7ethe /033N, ?1.H 7ethe /033N, / # /J.HJ on 6ilgrim /00H, (?J # 322.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa/H

an overseer of the seal during his "ourney to 6er'khekh. -e received themfrom a warehouse, a working centre 9 : and a village or royal centre called %the of 9king: !hety&.HH 7o the appears as a crucial link inthe geographical tax system of the ld !ingdomG they were founded inalmost every province, they acted as agricultural centres provided with fields,

cattle and workers, they were also local warehouses where agricultural products were stored and delivered to the royal agents in mission. *ogetherwith the temples, they formed the domains of the crown and the processinginstallations, a network of royal centres for the collection of taxes and themobilisation of the labour force of the country. *he growing importance ofthe is also evident in the ideological representation of the Egyptianlandscape when, from the beginning of the 7ixth 4ynasty, the replacesthe as one of the most conspicuous elements of the countryside.H1

<rsenals are also known in Egyptian sources from the 3rd millennium. 'nfact, these %houses of weapons& were a specific department within theEgyptian administration, usually under the control of the viKier and theoverseers of works, missions and the treasury. nce again, it can be noticed

that they did not belong to a separate military sphere.H?

Even the navy lacksany specific military organisation, as it was used both for civil purposes andfor war. 'n fact, ship captains could lead not only naval forces but also landexpeditions, and it was not infrequent that the same person was both%general& and %admiral& or the leader of an expedition.H0

*he importance of logistics probably underlies the famous description ofthe preparations for the huge expedition against <siatics and nomadscommanded by 8eni of <bydos, in about (322 $AEG %8hen -is )a"estyrepelled the <amu and the 7anddwellers, -is )a"esty put together an armyof many tens of thousands, from all of Cpper Egypt 9from Elephantine Rin the7outhS to )edenyt Rin theS #orth:, from +ower Egypt with all its cattle

breeding centres, from 7ed"er and !hensed"er, with #ubians of the land of

'rt"et, #ubians of the land of )ed"a, #ubians of the land of 5am, #ubians ofthe land of 8awat and #ubians of the land of !aau, as well as the *"emehu.-is )a"esty sent me at the head of this army having dignitaries, sealbearersof the king of +ower Egypt, sole companions of the ;reat )ansion, chiefsand governors of of Cpper and +ower Egypt, companions and overseersof foreigners, overseers of priests of Cpper and +ower Egypt, and overseersof processing centres at the head of the troops of Cpper and +ower Egypt, aswell as of the and towns that they ruled, and of the #ubians of thoseforeign lands. 't was ' who used to command them, though my rank was9only: that of an overseer of the khentyshe of the palace, because of myrectitude, so that no one did any harm to his fellow, so that no one seiKed the

HH 7impson /0?H, /, pl. /.H1 )oreno ;arcBa /000, //1 # /J2.H? Ahevereau /0?1, 2 # .H0 Ahevereau /0?0.





@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa/?

every one of them every day. 4onkeys were laden with sandalsI when a foot became unshod another 9sandal: was ready&.13

ecent archaeological and epigraphic discoveries made at the oasis of4akhla, in the 8estern 4esert, provide new evidence of the complex logistics involved when preparing expeditions or the "ourneys of some officials.ne example comes from some clay tablets dated about ((22 $AEG %*hisservant declaresG inform the courier who is in the counsel that the potter hasnot yet arrived at the locality of ud"et to prepare the trip of the chief>governor of 4emyu. )ay the ka of the courier order that a potter be sent&1I%the royal noble and messenger ensi to the sealbearer ensiG ' have senthim to Xof the children of the chief>governor. )ake these accounts for theadministrator ensi&.1J Furthermore, recent discoveries reveal the existenceof an ancient desert route running from the oasis of 4akhla to, at least, the

plateau of ;ilb !ebir and @ebel Cweinat, covering more than 22 km. #umerous stations with pottery deposits have been found, some 32 in all,sometimes consisting of several doKen "ars and most of them dating from thelate ld !ingdom and First 'ntermediate 6eriod, at the very end of the 3rd

millennium.1H

*hese deposits mainly served as artificial water reservoirs andstorage depots. *hey seem to have been established at regular intervals ofthree days travel, apparently based on the donkeys ability to go for up threedays without water, enabling caravans of an estimated J2 # /22 donkeys tocross the region between 4akhla and the ;ilf !ebir in about two weeks. 11 *he final destination of the route is still obscure, even though the next stagewas @ebel Cweinat, where a recently discovered hieroglyphic inscription,dating from around (222 $AE, mentions the bringing of incense from theland of 5am.1? From here it was possible to reach more southerly regions inthe territory of modern 7udan or Ahad, such as the land of 5am or theunknown region of *ekhebet also mentioned in this inscription. *he hieroglyphic texts found at the %ed"edef )ountain& prove that expeditions of

about 22 men could use this route.10

'nstead, -erkhuf of Elephantinedeclares in his autobiography that he led a caravan of 322 donkeys to theland of 5am going from the *hinite nome on the oasis road to the land of5am, an alternative route to the %road of Elephantine&, stretching into #ubiaalong the #ile. $ut dangers could also come from the deserts surrounding4akhla oasis. *he archaeological remains found in about a doKen hilltop sitescontrolling access to the oasis from the east and south indicate that their

principal purpose was to control approaching traffic. *he depictions of

13 +ichtheim /0??, J3.1 6antalacci /00?, 32H # 3//.1J

6antalacci /00?, 3// # 3/3.1H FOrster (221a.11 FOrster (221a, /32.1? Alayton > 4e *rafford > $orda (22?.10 !uhlmann (22( and (22JI FOrster (22?.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: /0

soldiers and the seal impressions recovered suggest that these observation posts formed part of the military infrastructure of the region. 'n fact, in oneof them, #ephthys -ill, a stone slab was found depicting a soldier and somearrows.?2

Finally, a different logistic organisation can be ascertained in south 7inaithanks to archaeological and epigraphic finds. *he main goal of the expeditions sent to this area was the exploitation of the local turquoise mines.ecent archaeological digs at the site of <yn 7ukhna, at the ;ulf of 7ueK,have revealed that this )iddle !ingdom maritime base was in fact already inservice during the Fourth and Fifth 4ynasties, as seals with the names ofkings !hafra and #yuserra have been recovered there 9around (JJ2 # ((J$AE:.?/ *his base enabled expeditions to be sent not only to 7inai but also tothe ed 7ea. *he titles of !aaper, an official buried at <busir and who livedabout (02 $AE, cast some light on the organisation of such missions. -istitles included the quite unusual functions of %herdsman of the dappledcattle&, %scribe of the pasture lands of the dappled cattle&, %scribe of thekings army in 8enet, in 7erer, 9in: *epa, in 'da, 9in: the *erraces of the

*urquoise, in the western and eastern foreign lands&, as well as %great one ofthe tens of Cpper Egypt& and various other scribal titles. *he toponyms8enet, 7erer, *epa and 'da are written inside ovals and some of them areknown from other sources to have been fortified centres related to theEastern 4elta. <s for the %*erraces of the *urquoise&, it was the name for theturquoise mining site of 8adi )aghara in 7inai, that was exploited from(HH2 $AE principally for copper ore.?( 7o, !aaper was responsible for several fortified military campsites situated behind the northeastern Egyptian

border and connected to the exploitation of the mines at 8adi )aghara. -istitles of scribe of the kings army at those locations and of %great one of thetens of Cpper Egypt&, a title involving the recruitment and organisation ofmanpower, further corroborate his activities as an expedition leader to

foreign lands. Furthermore, his exceptional titles of %herdsman of thedappled cattle& and %scribe of the pasture lands of the dappled cattle& suggestthat he was also involved with the administration of herds and pastures and,

probably, with supplying foodstuff to the troops under his command. 't might be worth remembering in that respect that providing animals in order to provision armies and teams of workers was frequently mentioned in Egyptianinscriptions of the 3rd millennium.?3 Aonsequently, the scribal activities of!aaper imply that he was in charge of a full chain of logistical responsi

bilities related to equipping, provisioning and commanding foreign expeditions, from the pastures and flocks which provided sustenance both for menand animals, to the troops and the fortified campsites where these were

?2 !aper > 8illems (22(.?/ 6antalacci (22J, ?J.?( $arta (22/, /3 # /0/.?3 <nthes /0(?, /? # /0, pl. 0 # 0aI 7ethe /033N, (J0.





8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: (/

army of (2,222 soldiers and some additional auxiliary troops that fought the-ittite troops at Madesh during the reign of ameses ''. *herefore it seemsthat (2,222 men was the largest single troop that could be handled by thelogistical organisation of the kingdom. f course, other troops or teams ofworkers could also be dealt with by the state at the same time, but at different

places. <n example would be the thousands of workers occupied in buildingactivities or the thousands of quarrymen working in such a demanding environment as the quarries and mines in the desert. 'n any case, these figuresalso recall the rhetorical %many tens of thousands& mentioned in 8enis inscription.

+ittle is known about the recruitment and training of soldiers during theld !ingdom, but the inscriptions of 8eni or those found at !hor el<quibareveal that the contingents were levied on a local basis, with mayors and

provincial authorities often heading the troops raised in their respectivedistricts. 'n fact, it seems that the same system was employed indiscriminately when organising either armies or teams of workers, a situation inaccordance with the absence of a clearly defined military sphere in the

administration. *his differed from the #ew !ingdom, say, when a true armyorganisation was set up by the 6haraohs. *he autobiographical inscription of<menemhet, the provincial governor of $eni -asan in the early )iddle!ingdom, is a good example of this ambiguity. ;iven his position of localsupreme military authority, <menemhet, always at the head of his provincialtroops, "oined three separate expeditions organised by the crown, in one caseto fight the #ubians and on the other two occasions to collect gold. For thelast two missions he quoted the number of soldiers under his command,totalling 22 and H22 conscripts respectively.?1 *he system prevalent duringthe ld !ingdom seems rather similar, with provincial leaders in charge bothof local contingents and of entire %national& armies 9as in the !hor el<quibainscriptions:. 8hen the number of the local troops is indicated, it is quite

close to that in <menemhet inscription. For example, the /,H22 men sent on asingle expedition to the quarries of -atnub, during the reign of 6epy '' in thelate ld !ingdom, came from three different localities which provided,respectively, J22, H22 and J22 men.?? *urning again to the )iddle !ingdomsources, inscription number H of 8adi el-udi states that an expedition tothese amethyst quarries included /,222 recruits from *hebes, /22 warriorsfrom !om mbo and (22 warriors from Elephantine,?0 whereas the greatexpedition sent to 8adi -ammamat during year 3? of king 7enusret 'comprised /1,222 conscripts and (2 %mayors&, suggesting an average of ?J2men per district. *he steward -enu, sent on a mission to the same area inaround (222 $AE, was in command of a troop of 3,222 men who came%from the garrisons of the *heban province, from 'myotru to 7habet&, that is

?1 +ichtheim /0??, /3?.?? <nthes /0(?, pl. //.?0 7adek /0?2, /H # /1, pl. 3.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa((

to say, from provinces # H of Cpper Egypt,02 whilst another expedition tothese quarries included /2,222 men %from the southernmost provinces ofCpperEgypt, south of the garrisons of the *heban province& or, in otherwords, from provinces / # 3 of the 7outh.0/

4rawing up lists of workers to be mobilised was a common administrative practice, and it is apparent in ld !ingdom sources such as the royaldecrees from Aoptos or the ;ebelein papyri.0( *he basic territorial unit fromwhere workers were recruited seems to have been the village or town, sometimes grouped into larger districts known as %house, domain& and placedunder the authority of a dignitary or a local potentate. *he ink inscriptionsfrom 4"esers pyramid, the ;ebelein papyri and the biographical statementsof )et"en,03 all dating from the late Early 4ynastic 6eriod and the early ld!ingdom, show that such territorial units consisted of several localities.7hortly afterwards they disappeared from the administrative record until theend of the ld !ingdom, when again recovered its former geographicalmeaning. 'n all these cases it was quite common for districts to be namedafter individuals, a feature which might hint at the existence of local poten

tatesG one notorious example is %the house>domain of &, being a governor of Edfu in the First 'ntermediate 6eriod whose name wasused to designate the three southernmost provinces of Cpper Egypt. 8iththese considerations in mind, it might be easier to understand why in somecases the geographical provenance of workteams was indicated either by thename of the village from which they came or by the name of the official incharge of a specific region, as if his name had some kind of toponymic value,like the teams from the %domains& or from the fields of various

potentates.0 Even more extraordinary is the case of the officials designatedas %place&, whose names were followed by the determinative for a town,to express the geographical provenance of certain groups of workers.0J Cnderthese conditions, local leaders could easily turn the levying of workers as

provincial troops into forming private armies when the central governmentcollapsed.

*his may explain both the frequency of %generals& in many provinces ofsouthern Egypt at the end of the ld !ingdom and the late 3rd millenniumheroic topos of the local chief leading his fellow citiKens into battle.

'n fact, the crisis of the centralised state at the end of the ld !ingdomsaw the emergence of many local ambitious leaders whose power was based,

partly at least, on their capacity to raise provincial armies. *he last pharaohsof the ld !ingdom were apparently obliged to rely on the support of some

02 +ichtheim /0??, J3.0/

Aouyat > )ontet /0/(, 00.0( 7ethe /033N, (?/ # (?(, (?JI 6osener!rieger (22.03 7ethe /033N, / # J.0 <rnold /002, (HI 7impson /0HJ, pl. /3.0J 7impson /0HJ, pl. /(.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: (3

provincial loyal leaders in order to exert their authority and suppressrebellion. 'n such a troubled context, military qualities became highly praised

both in the artistic and the %literary& record, so allowing for the developmentof a heroic ethos that further stressed the capabilities of local rulers. *heepigraphic sources from this period mention %generals& or chiefs of troops in

provinces like Edfu, )oDalla, ;ebelein, *hebes, 4endera, #aga ed4er,<khmim, -agarsa or 7iut. 7ome of them have left extensive records wherethey display the new qualities of bravery, personal initiative and militarysuccess, <nkhtifi being doubtless the most prominent but not the only one.7o, when rebels arose in the provinces of *hebes and Aoptos, apparently theking and his representatives in the *hinite province were unable to send anarmy but preferred instead to instruct <nkhtifi, the ruler of )oDalla, to fightthe new menace and restore order, relying only on his own means.0H +ater on,the -erakleopolitan kings of northern Egypt sought the support of powerfullocal rulers loyal to their cause, like the governors of 7iut, in their struggleagainst the rising power of their *heban rivals. *o sum up, the absence of aregular army and the fact of relying on local militia raised and commanded

by provincial leaders proved to be risky for the central power. Even the palatine guard, formed by a class of courtiers and dignitaries called khentiu

she, appeared on occasion to have been somewhat untrustworthy, and references to the dismissal of some of their members are known in Egyptiansources from the 7ixth 4ynasty.01

*hree new military features seem to have accompanied the growingimportance of local warlords at the end of the ld !ingdomG a more formalsystem of recruiting and training troops, the building of fortresses and the useof #ubian mercenaries.

*exts from the beginning of the (nd millennium $AE mention a newsystem of military organisation, where fighters were classified depending ontheir degree of training and specialisation, like the young recruits and

the warriors .0? 7uch a system was unknown during the ld !ingdomand, as has been stated above, the ambiguity of the terminology used

probably masks the absence of a true military sphere that is clearly differentiated from an administrative point of view. *his is shown, for instance, bythe terms %general&>&chief of troops 9of workers:&, or %recruit&>&youngworker& 9:. ecent evidence demonstrates that the roots of the militaryorganisation of the )iddle !ingdom are to be sought not in the ld !ingdom but in the troubled period which followed. *hat is the case, for instance,of the first appearance of the term with a military meaning. 't was thecurrent designation of recruits and inexperienced soldiers as opposed to %warriors& from the )iddle !ingdom on,00 and is mentioned in a

0H andier /0J2.01 !anawati (223, / # (.0? Fields (221.00 7tefanovi[ (221.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa(

context of fighting in a First 'ntermediate 6eriod fragmentary inscriptionfrom -agarsa, from )iddle Egypt./22 'n particular, the term also

becomes common in late 3rd millennium inscriptions, whereas anotherexpression with military connotations, %soldier of the townmilitia&, goes back to the same period./2/ 't seems as if the new and deman

ding fighting capabilities, in a context of armed conflicts between warlordsand local rulers, made it necessary to improve the training of provincialforces. $ut the mass of simple combatants continued to be formed by the %conscripts&, as the inscriptions of the )iddle !ingdom proveG theywere commanded by their leaders both in war and on working expeditions.*hey are carefully distinguished from the warriors in the inscription of thegreat expedition sent to the quarries of 8adi -ammamat in year 3? of king7enusret '.

;iven the troubled nature of the times, late ld !ingdom and First'ntermediate 6eriod inscriptions indicate 9mentionL: not only the existence oflocal generals but also of fortresses. <n official from 4endera, the overseerof priests called )ereri, claims that he had built a fortress and that he was

beloved by the #ubians of the desert,/2(

whilst <nkhtifi of )oDalla boasts ofhaving captured the fortresses of <rmantG %*he overseer of the army of<rmant came sayingG \$ehold, oh brave one] 7ail down 9to: the fortresses Rof<rmantL XS. 7o ' sailed down to the districts west of <rmant and ' foundthat *hebes and Aoptos in their entirety had RXS the fortresses of <rmant in9the area of: *hehillof7ekhemsen RXS ' sailed upstream in order to demolish their fortresses with the brave troops of )oDalla&./23 'n the course of hiscampaign against the rebels, <nkhtifi also besieged the fortified town of7egaG %'ts walls were besieged after it had closed its front gate from fear&./2 <nother provincial governor, #eheri of -ermopolis, stressed his protectiverole towards his people by claiming to be %a fighting fortress in the midst ofa district&/2J. Aapturing the fortresses of the enemy allowed the *heban king

<ntef '' to extend the frontiers of his kingdom northwardsG %'t was in thevalley of -eKi that ' drove in the mooringpost. ' took possession of the*hinite province in its entirety, 9after: ' had opened all its 9i.e., of the

province of <phroditopolis: fortresses 9and after: ' had made it 9i.e., the province of <phroditopolis: as a 9protective: door behind&./2H <nother fragmentary inscription from his reign mentions the conquest of a province or aregion and the fortresses and agriculture centres in the area "ust submittedG %'was the mighty one RXS arm with my troops. <s for any army which ' sailed

/22 !anawati /00J, /J./2/ $erlev /01/./2(

Fischer /0H?, /3?, /2./23 andier /0J2, /0? # /00./2 andier /0J2, (2( # (23./2J <nthes /0(?, 3./2H Al^re > andier /0?, /2 # //.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: (J

with RXS ' came from there in peace after ' had accomplished it without anylosses on its part RXS ' have fought with RXS having nourished its governorsand its chiefs of army RXS in the northern agricultural centres 9 : and inRXS fortress&./21 *herefore provincial fortresses became a new element of the

provincial landscape during the late ld !ingdom and First 'ntermediate6eriod, probably intended to complete the longestablished role of 9fortified:agricultural and administrative centres like the as local bases of power.'n fact, the were favoured by both the -erakleopolitan and the *hebankings as economic poles and centres of royal order and authority. ediu!hnum, a steward of the *heban queen #efrukayet, claimed that %she hasresettled Cpper Egypt, the van of men, from Elephantine to the <phrodito

polite province, with women together with governors of and dignitariesfrom the whole land&./2? <s for the -erakleopolitan kingdom, several named after king 9or kings: !hety are attested in later sourcesG one of them,for instance, delivered various kinds of textile items to an overseer of the sealduring his "ourney to 6er'khekh,/20 whereas another was founded in theeastern 4eltaI//2 its name 9 %the at the crossroads of

!hety&:. 'n addition, location in an important strategic area, leading to thesouthwestern +evant, points to the continuity of these royal centres as

pivotal logistic bases for the monarchy. #ot surprisingly literary texts like theTeaching for Merikare state that founding was essential if the 6haraohintended to protect the frontiers of his kingdomG %<rm your borders againstthe 7outhTthey are barbarians who take up the war belt] $uild in the4elta] < mans name will not be little, being what he has done. < wellfounded town cannot be destroyed. $uild a for your image] *he enemyloves grieving the heart, and vile deeds&.///

*he third innovation that appeared at the end of the ld !ingdom is theincreasing use of #ubian mercenaries. #ubians figure occasionally in ld!ingdom sources as auxiliaries of the Egyptian army and even as policeforces. *he inscription in 8enis tomb mentioning the huge expedition hecommanded included several referencesG %#ubians of the land of 'rt"et,

#ubians of the land of )ed"a, #ubians of the land of 5am, #ubians of theland of 8awat and #ubians of the land of !aau& and %the #ubians of thoseforeign lands&.//( <nd the royal decree of 6epy ' from 4ahshur mentions%pacified #ubians& acting as policemen authorised to enrol men or seiKegoods, unless otherwise statedG %)y )a"esty has decreed RXS that it isforbidden that any officiant of these two pyramid towns, who has been orwill be in their register, be taken away by any man or by any pacified #ubian

/21 <rnold /01H, J2 # J/, pl. J(./2?

+ichtheim /0??, 3./20 7impson /0?H, /, pl. /.//2 ;oedicke (22(./// 6arkinson /001, ((.//( 7ethe /033N, /2/ # /2(.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa(H

9"ust: because they were with them before. *hey have no right thereto RXSthat it is forbidden that any pacified #ubian should come along with theintention of carrying out requisitions in these two pyramid towns&.//3 Muitesignificantly, they were not allowed to become priests or to benefit from the

prebends usually bestowed on the personnel of the sanctuariesG %)y )a"estyhas decreed RXS that it is forbidden for any man who is beholden to these

pacified #ubians to enter into the wabpriesthood, monthly priesthood or toeat any rations in the temple which is in these two pyramid towns&.// %6acified #ubians& are also referred to in some passages of the fragmentaryroyal annals of the 7ixth 4ynasty, but the role of #ubians was less submissive than Egyptian sources suggest. Execration texts, for instance, refer to%any #ubian who may rebel in the foreign lands of 'rt"et, 8awat, 7at"u,5am, !aau, 5ankh, )asit 9L:, )ed"a or )eterti, and who may revolt&,//J showing that they were considered a potential menace that needed to betaken seriously.

*he importance of #ubians might be better understood when consideringthat their homeland and activities were in no way limited to the banks of the

#ile. <rchaeological evidence indicates that in northwestern 7udan, where better climatic conditions prevailed around the end of the 3rd millennium$AE, highly mobile groups of pastoralists roamed vast areas of the eastern7ahara. *he specific pottery of these groups has been found, for example, inthe +aqiya region, in 8adi -ariq and as far as 8adi -owar in the south.//H FOrster statements that the transhumance cycles of the nomads not onlyencompassed these areas, but also the Cweinat region and the #ile alleysouth of the third cataract, and that the <bu $allas *rail may have been partof a route that ultimately led to the #ile alley in Cpper #ubia, havereceived full confirmation by the recent discovery of a late 3rd millenniuminscription at @ebel Cweinat which mentions bringing incense from the landsof 5am, in #ubia, and *ekhebet.//1 #ubians crossing the desert are attested

in Egyptian sources of the late 3rd millennium, like the inscription of )ereri,an overseer of priests in 4enderaG %' am one beloved of 4endera in itsentirety, praised of his city, beloved of passersby and the #ubians of thedesert&.//? ther texts confirm the presence of #ubians in the desert, forexample, the contemporary inscription of *"emerery, governor of *hinis9%overseer of the army RXS in repelling foreigners who came down from thesouthern foreign lands&, where the foreigners presumably came via the oasisroute connecting the *hinite province with #ubia://0. <nother example is a

//3 ;oedicke /0H1, JH.// ;oedicke /0H1, JH.//J

sing /01H, /H, /J3.//H !rOpelin > !uper (22H # (221I !uper (221I FOrster (221b, ?.//1 Alayton > 4e *rafford > $orda (22?.//? Fischer /0H?, /3?.//0 Fischer /0H?, //.




magical text mentioning %the #ubian woman who has come from thedesert&./(2 *"emerery assertion proves that #ubians could penetrate deep intoEgypt following not only the #ile but also the desert routes, and their

presence in -ierakonpolis even in the (nd millennium $AE is wellattested./(/ 'n this context, royal military activities against the #ubians, at the

beginning of the )iddle !ingdom, affected both the oases and +ower #ubia,one king )entuhotep being mentioned in the Cweinat inscription "ust quotedwhile another proclaimed that %8awat and the oasis, ' annexed them toCpper Egypt&./(( < *heban overseer of desert hunters and overseer of thewestern deserts from the same period stated that %' reached the western oasis,searched all its routes and brought back the fugitives ' found there, the army

being safe and without losses&./(3 Finally, -enenu, an official serving)entuhotep '', boasted of having taxed for his sovereign %*hinis of the*hinite province and the <phroditopolite province& as well as being %thetreasurer of the RproductsLS of the oasis&,/( as 4"emi had also doneG %' taxedthe people of 8awat for any chief who appeared in this province in bringingtaxes 9also: from the *hinite province, and ' was praised for it&./(J <s can be

seen, the #ubian land of 8awat and the *hinite nome were frequentlymentioned together.*hus, the geopolitical importance of desert routes, the expeditions into

#ubia, the participation of 7udanese contingents in Egyptian armies, and thesettlement of %pacified #ubians& in Egypt during the last centuries of the ld!ingdom reveal longterm contacts which probably paved the way for theuse of #ubian mercenaries by local warlords during the First 'ntermediate6eriod. < colony of such soldiers was established at ;ebelein, near *hebes,and their monuments in the Egyptian style as well as their acquisition ofgoods and properties reveal their integration into Egyptian society, whilststill being depicted as #ubian and retaining their ethnic identity./(H *heresulting mixed population of #ubians and Egyptians is echoed in the stele of

one of these mercenaries called MedesG %' was an excellent citiKen who actedwith his strong arm, foremost of his entire generation. ' acquired oxen andgoats. ' acquired granaries with Cpper Egyptian barley. ' acquired title to aRgreatLS field. ' made a boat of 32 9cubits: and a small boat which ferried himwho had no boat across during the inundationseason. 't was in the house ofmy father 'ti that ' did this, 9but: it was my mother 'beb who acquired it forme. ' surpassed everyone in this entire town in swiftness, its #ubians as well

/(2 !oenig /0?1, /2./(/ Friedman /00(, (222./((

Fischer /0H, //( # //?./(3 +iepe > 6riese /00/, J3./( -ayes /00./(J ;oedicke /0H2./(H Fischer /0H/.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa(?

as its Cpper Egyptians&./(1 'n a monumental rockinscription, another #ubiansoldier described his career in the service of the *heban kings and hismilitary activities in #ubia, the 8estern 4esert and Cpper and +ower EgyptG%7tela which *"ehemau madeG 5ear of smiting 9L: the foreign country. *heyear of my beginning to fight during the reign of #ebhepetre in the army,when it went south to $en. 9)y: son went down with me towards the king.-e 9V the king: traversed the entire land, having decided to slaughter the<amu of 4"aty. 8hen it would approach 9in opposition:, *hebes was inflight. 't was the #ubian who brought about the rally. *hen he 9V the king:overthrew 4"aty, with the result that he raised sail in sailing southwards. *othe south because of the extending the arm against 'rt"et 9L: so that *hebesmight re"oice, without flight amongst the people therein&./(?

*he recent discovery at 7iut of a decorated tomb with military scenesreveals that the use of #ubian mercenaries was in no way limited to thesouthern *heban kingdomI provincial warlords in the service of the northern-erakleopolitan rulers were also enlisting them in their armies./(0 'n fact,archaeological research at 7iut is bringing to light fresh iconography about

the struggle between both kingdoms during the troubled times that followedthe end of the ld !ingdom. *he tomb of 'tiibi, for example, shows anEgyptian warrior raising a stick and striking another Egyptian soldier,/32 whereas the socalled %#orthern soldierstomb& displays four rows of menholding shields and battleaxes./3/ )ilitary scenes are well known from other

provincial necropolises, like )oDalla and Mubbet el-awa./3( -owever, whatmakes 7iut special is that the decoration of some tombs depict #ubianwarriors and Egyptian soldiers in a provincial army. For example, one wallof the chapel in the tomb of 'tiibiiqer shows four registers of spearmen andarchers headed by a troop commander, whilst on another wall warriors aredepicted on two registers. <rmed with bows and battleaxes, they are shownin a variety of attitudes attacking an enemy and #ubian archers are included

among these soldiers. )ore #ubian archers are represented in a deserthunting scene on the chapels southern wall./33 ne might add the two sets ofwooden models representing a troop of #ubian archers and a troop ofEgyptian spearmen found in the tomb of )esethi. <ll these 7iutian scenesand models appear in the tombs of provincial governors, each of them incommand of a local troop of soldiers.

/(1 Fischer /0H/, # JH./(? 4arnell (223./(0 El!hadragy (22H./32

!ahl > El!hadragy > erhoeven (221, 0/./3/ El!hadragy (22H, /J2 # /JJ./3( andier /0J2, /(H # /(0I Fischer /0H/, H3I even a naval engagement in @aro_4eckert /0?, pl. /./33 El!hadragy (22?, ((1 # ((?.




*he stelae from ;ebelein show that #ubian mercenaries were settledamong the Egyptian population and adopted some aspects of their culture.$ut it cannot be ruled out that some ambitious #ubian leaders could betempted to play a more active role, given the troubled conditions in Egyptand, consequently, the opportunities open to military chiefs commandingsubstantial and perhaps strategic contingents of warriors. *he tomb of 'ni of;ebelein, dated to the *heban Eleventh 4ynasty 9around (/(J $AE:,contained a large coffin with the titles of the ownerG %*reasurer of the !ingof +ower Egypt, 7ole Aompanion, governor of the province and overseer of

priests of the temple of 7obek lord of 7umenu&./3 Muite surprisingly, amongthe funerary offerings placed in the tomb there is a complete cowhide, afunerary practice also attested in the almost contemporary !erma burials in

#ubia. ne can assume that #ubian rites continued to be practised for a person who, having reached the higher echelons of provincial administration,had his body buried in a coffin, but his statue arranged according to the ritesof his ancestors./3J

;iven the importance of war and military leadership during the First

'ntermediate 6eriod, new values and attitudes began to develop in the realmof ideology to celebrate the capabilities of local warlords. Epithets andexpressions display a nascent heroic ethos, where the military chief heads hisfellow citiKens into battle on %the day of trouble& and returns safely withoutany losses. ;enerally speaking, such ideological innovations were part of a

broader new culture aiming at reinforcing and legitimising the authority ofthe local leaders, specially after the collapse of the central royal power, whenthe palace values and culture no longer fulfilled their traditional role as asource of prestige and promotion for provincial officials./3H 'n these circumstances, officials boast of their ability to command, their efficiency and theirheroic behaviour. *he inscription of <nkhtifi of )oDalla is the most celebrated example of the new ideology, and its protagonist repeatedly boasts of

being %the champion who has no peer&. $ut many other inscriptions displaythe ethos of the heroic warriorG %' was a hero 9lit. citizen: in the struggle, thevanguard of the army the day of danger, praised by his lord because of my

"udgement. ' reached the western oasis, searched all its routes and brought back the fugitives ' found there, the army being safe and without losses&,/31 %' was the vanguard of men and the rearguard of men, for no one like me has9ever: existed. #or will he exist, none like me having been born 9before:,neither shall he be born&,/3? %' acted as overseer of the army for these9provinces:, as far as Elephantine 9to the 7outh: and <rmant and 'usut 9to the

#orth:. #ever did misfortune befall me. ' acted as overseer of the army in

/3

$rovarski /01H, 3/ # 31, fig. 0 # /2./3J 4onadoni overi /002, (H./3H )oreno ;arcBa /001b, / # ?1I ;nirs /00Hb, ((3 # ((J./31 +iepe > 6riese /00/, J3./3? andier /0J2, /?J.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa32

)oDalla and in every difficult place ' would go out against&,/30 %' was awarrior of the confederacy RXS a possessor of counsel in the councilchamber of the officials on the day of painful words, ready to overthrow therebels on the day of RmiserableS words&./2 'n the more detailed examples,the hero stresses his courage and the merits of his victory, having faced anoverwhelming enemy with only a small select troop, a topos which was to

become quite popular in the royal ideology of the #ew !ingdomG %' preparedmy troop of recruits and ' set out for the fight with my city. 't was ' whoacted as its rearguard in 7hedytsha. #o men were with me but my retinueI9but: people of the 9foreign: lands of )ed"a and 8awat, #ubians and<siatics, and Cpper and +ower Egyptians were united against meI 9yet: 'came back, triumphant RXS my city in its entirety being with me without lossRXS ' made my house as a door for every one who came, being in fear, onthe day of strife&.// <s has been stated in previous pages, armies were raisedon a local basis, with citiKens 9 : as their main component. *hisgave birth to a feeling of camaraderie between fellow fightersG/( %' am acitiKen excellent in warfare, a comrade of fighters&,/3 %*he Cnique

Aompanion, overseer of the army and overseer of interpreters 4"emi saysG 'acted as overseer of the army in this city and ' did what the great desired andthe citiKens praised. <s for any overseer of the army against whom ' wentdown, ' have returned successfully in it because of the goodness of mydirective and the excellence of my plans&,/ %master of determination theday of the battle, praised by his town god&,/J %' am the bravest of the brave,' am the swiftest of the swift&,/H or %' prepared the vanguard of the troops,and ' supplied it with all the strong recruits at the time. ' fought in the midstof the valiant recruits and ' did not go forth empty&./1 Aonsequently, the

protection granted to former soldiers, after returning to their %civil& everydaylife during a period of struggle, is emphasiKed in some textsG %' levied itstroops of young men in order that its products might be plentiful. #ow, its

former troops had become citiKens settled in their houses, and there had beenno battalion of theirs at the time of the fear of the house of the king. ' savedmy city on the day of plundering from the sore fear of the house of the king. 'was assuredly its fortress on the day of its battle, its shelter in 7hedytsha&./?

/30 andier /0J2, ((./2 $rovarski /0?/, /?.// <nthes /0(?, 3H./( ;nirs (22H./3 +ichtheim /0??, 3./

;oedicke /0H2./J Fischer /0H/, ?./H +ichtheim /0??, 3J./1 7ilverman (22?./? <nthes /0(?, J # JJ.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: 3/

+

eferences to actual wars and armed conflicts are very scarce in ld!ingdom sources, in both the texts and the iconography, whilst militaryqualities played an almost insignificant ideological role in order to enhancethe position, charisma and decision of kings or dignitaries. Expeditions wererecorded in the royal annals as well as in some graffiti, but the importance ofwarfare seems rather minor when compared to such prestigious activities as

building temples or granting land to sanctuaries. 'n these circumstances, twoscenes in private tombs, showing Egyptian troops attacking a fortified<siatic walled town, are quite exceptional. 'n the case of 'ntis tomb at4eshasha, Egyptian archers and infantry soldiers holding battleaxes attackthe city, other soldiers attempt to break through the enemys fortified wallusing long pikes and another soldier ad"usts a scaling ladder in preparationfor storming the town. Aaptives, old and young, are roped together and led

by Egyptian soldiers, whereas the remaining enemies inside the walls are panicstricken. *he surviving fragmentary inscriptions mention an army, the

fact of %destroying& and a toponym, #edia, probably referring to a town./0

*he other scene comes from the tomb of !aemheKet at 7aqqara, and represents an assault on a walled city using a wheeled ladder./J2 't is possible that

both events were in fact one and the same and the scenes commemorate anEgyptian campaign in <sia towards the end of the Fifth 4ynasty 9about (3J2$AE:. 8hat is more, !aemheKets titles reveal the nature of the ld!ingdom army, since he was not an officer but an architect and chief ofworks, connected with the province of *hinis. *hese scenes reveal that theabsence of a permanent significant army does not imply a primitive militaryorganisationG troops were raised in huge numbers, the logistics were effectiveenough to supply armies and expeditions and skilled specialists like!aemheKet were mobilised when besieging walled towns. <nother charac

teristic common to both !aemheKet and 'nti is their provincial background,confirming the role of local leaders in pharaonic armies. 'n any case, theseexamples show that expeditions to <sia were anything but exceptional andthat they established the precedents of the welldocumented case of 8eni.*he very fact that these expeditions became quite frequent 98eni himself ledat least five armies against the nomads: point perhaps more to an informal

policy of sending detachments periodically 9as in the <marna period: than toa true will of imperial, permanent, conquest, without excluding the possi

bility of difficulties when dealing with a mobile and elusive enemy. 'n fact,the scenes "ust quoted or 8enis account depict the enemy as sedentary

peoples, settled in fortified towns and involved in agricultural activities.*he inscription of 8eni of <bydos is the most detailed military account

from the ld !ingdom. -e describes in detail both the preparations for an

/0 !anawati > )cFarlane /003, pl. (H # (1./J2 Muibell > -ayter /0(1, frontispiece.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa3(

expedition launched against the <siatic %landdwellers& and its outcome. <sstated in the section on logistics, 8eni reassembled a huge army whosecontingents were supplied by various local authorities, including temples andforeign countries. nce the arrangements were complete and the troops

brought together %' led them from the 'sland of the #orth, the ;ate of'mhotep, the district of the -orus +ordof*ruth 9V king 7neferu:, while 'was in this position&I/J/ in the end the army returned in safety and theoutcome of the campaign is described in rather eulogistic termsG the army%had ravaged the 7anddwellers land RXS flattened the 7anddwellers landRXS sacked its strongholds RXS cut down its figs, its vines RXS thrown fire inall its Rmansions XS had slain its troops by many tenthousands RXS hadcarried off many troops as captives./J( $ut this was only the beginning of aseries of campaigns always led against the same enemyG %-is )a"esty sentme to lead this army five times, to attack the land of the 7anddwellers asoften as they rebelled, with these troops. ' acted so that -is )a"esty praisedme Rfor it beyond anythingS. *old there were marauders among these foreigners at the #oseof;aKelles-ead, ' crossed in ships with these troops. '

made a landing in the back of the height of the mountain range, to the northof the land of the 7anddwellers, while half of this army was on the road. 'came and caught them all and slew every marauder among them&./J3 *hestrategy followed recalls that of the <marna period, when detachments weresent against rebels and more regular armies against coalitions of <siatic

princesI both land and amphibious forces were also employed in laterconflicts, as against the -yksos or the -ittites. Even the characteristics of theenemy population are quite similar and consist mainly of a world of cities,strongholds and sedentary peoples involved in agriculture and cattle

breading. *hus, 8enis account reveals again that a nonpermanent army didnot imply the absence of specialists or even of elaborate strategiesG besiegingoperations, amphibious attacks and encircling manoeuvres suggest an expe

rienced military mind, an impression reinforced by the use of specialisedcorps 9archers, infantry armed with battleaxes, spearmen, etc.: as well as anavy. <nyway, the highly rhetorical content and unilateral views of suchinscriptions must not be forgotten, as they represent a typical product of

palace culture and official ideology. <s in the case of the relations with #ubian peoples, reality was doubtless more complex. *rade relations withthe +evant 9especially with $yblos: are well documented, whereas contactswith <siatic populations were not necessarily warlike. For instance, 'ny, the7ixth 4ynasty chief of expeditions, states that %R' was sent toL XS foreigncountry four times when ' was a seal bearer of the god under the )a"esty ofmy lord 6epy RXS lapis laKuli and lead>tin RXS *he )a"esty of my lord

#eferkare sent me RXS ' brought back one kbntship and RXS jmships RXS

/J/ 7ethe /033N, /2( # /23./J( 7ethe /033N, /23 # /2./J3 7ethe /033N, /2 # /2J.




with silver, <siatic men and <siatic women RXS&./J 8ar, trade anddiplomacy 9as the Egyptian finds at Ebla show: went hand in hand whendealing with foreign countries.

<s for the #ubian front, the situation was quite similar, as war andcollaboration went hand in hand. )ilitary expeditions continued to be sentinto #ubia, with the governors of Elephantine heading the Egyptian armies,like 6epynakht-eqaibG %*he )a"esty of my lord sent me to devastate thelands of 8awat and 'rt"et. ' did what pleases my lord and killed a greatnumber there, 9including: the rulers children and the commanders of the9#ubian: troops. ' brought a great number of them to the 9royal: esidence as

prisoners, ' being at the head of the expedition, a large and strong force, asone who is strong of heart, and my lord was delighted with me as 9he was:with every mission on which he sent me. *he )a"esty of my lord sent me tosubdue those foreign lands, and ' did it in such a way that my lord wasimmensely pleased with me. ' brought to the 9royal: esidence the two rulersof these foreign lands along with gifts of oxen and goats chosen for the

benefit of the 9royal: esidence, as well as the children of 9these: rulers and

the two commanders of the 9#ubian: forces which were with them&./JJ

$utthe military encounters were not always favourable to the Egyptian forces, as6epynakht-eqaib statesG %*he )a"esty of my lord sent me to the land of the<siatics to bring back 9the body: of the 7ole Aompanion, controller of

#ekhen, !aapers son the overseer of foreigners <nkhti. -e had been building a boat there to travel to the land of 6unt when the <siatics and 7anddwellers killed him and the troops of the expedition which accompanied himRXS Csing the section of the expedition which was with me, ' drove themurderers among them away&./JH

Cnlike the ld !ingdom, political unrest, civil war and a lack of centralauthority marked the period that followed. *hese conditions favoured theemergence of local warlords eager to legitimiKe their power by developing

new ideological motifs and values. 8ar and fighting were celebrated asoccasions in which the qualities of the provincial rulers could be betterappreciatedG protection of the fellow citiKens, successful military commandand return to the homeland without losses. <utobiographies became morecomprehensive and occasionally they provide some information about the

battles fought between *hebes and -erakleopolis as well as about the strategies followed.

*he inscription of <nkhtifi of )oDalla is the most detailed, as it revealsthe new realities of war after the collapse of the unified monarchy of the ld!ingdom. elying on his own local means, <nkhtifi fought in a provinciallandscape dotted with fortresses and walled cities, recalling the conditions

prevalent a thousand years before, when the birth of 6haraonic Egypt was

/J )arcolin (22H./JJ 7ethe /033N, /33 # /3./JH 7ethe /033N, /3 # /3J.




marked out by the conquest of rival fortified citiesG %*he overseer of thearmy of <rmant came sayingG \$ehold, oh brave one] 7ail down 9to: thefortresses Rof <rmantL XS. 7o ' sailed down to the districts west of <rmantand ' found that *hebes and Aoptos in their entirety had RXS the fortresses of<rmant in 9the area of: *hehillof7ekhemsen RXS ' sailed upstream inorder to demolish their fortresses with the brave troops of )oDalla&./J1 )oreover, some kind of heroic ethos seems to have developed between enemies, when rival leaders were summoned into combat and their fightingqualities recognised by their opponentsG %*he overseer of the army of<rmant came sayingG \$ehold, oh brave one] 7ail down 9to: the fortresses Rof<rmantL XS&,/J? %\approach me, !hety, you who raised a storm over the

province, mighty ruler] ' made my boundary at 8adi -esy&./J0 <s in thecase of the topos of %one against many& quoted in the preceding section, thechallenge addressed to the enemy is emblematic of the rules of war embedded in ancient #ear Eastern traditions./H2 <nd when the rival who had madethe challenge subsequently refused to fight, preferring to protect himself

behind the walls of his city, the blame fell on himG %-aving sailed down with

my loyal and brave recruits, ' reached the west bank of the *heban province,the vanguard of my fleet being at *he -ill of 7ekhemsen and its rearguard atthe 4omain of *"emi. *hen my loyal conscripts tried to seek for battle at thewest of the *heban nome but nobody ventured to come out for fear of them.7o, ' sailed to the eastern bank of the *heban province, the rearguard of myfleet being at *he *omb of 'mbi and its vanguard at the )eadow of 7ega.8e besieged its 9V 7ega: walls after 9the city of: 7ega had closed its frontalgate from fear. *hen, these brave and loyal conscripts, these 9truly: loyalconscripts, became scouts crossing the western and eastern regions of the*heban province and seeking for battle but nobody ventured to come out forfear of them. ' am a champion who has no peer&,/H/ %' made the province ofEdfu fight in front of the country, something that have never arrived since the

time of a, thanks to the strength of my loyal and brave conscripts&./H(

'n theend, <nkhtifi succeeded in restoring royal authority in the three southernmost provinces of Egypt, but his deeds proved to be ephemeral, as he couldnot avoid the secession of *hebes and the consolidation of a southernkingdom that extended its control from Elephantine in the south to <bydos,in )iddle Egypt.

'n fact, )iddle Egypt became the scenario of fierce combats and changing fortunes between the contenders. *hinis changed hands until it remainedfirmly under *heban control and several private inscriptions record these

/J1 andier /0J2, /0? # /00./J?

andier /0J2, /0?./J0 +ichtheim /0??, /./H2 +iverani /002, //J # /1/./H/ andier /0J2, (2( # (23./H( andier /0J2, (J(.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: 3J

military eventsG %R*heban king <ntef ''S sent `to me after ' had battled withthe -ouse of !hety Ri.e., the -erakleopolitan kingdomS in the west of *hinis,and caused his commission to comeG the great ruler made me fare north to

procure food, consisting of Cpper Egyptian barley, for this whole land, fromElephantine to the <phroditopolite nome, because of my knowing mattersand speaking wellT' am a weighty one among the officials and calm at themoment of blowsTwith this messageG \<pproach me, !hety, you who raiseda storm over the province, mighty ruler] ' made my boundary at 8adi-esy&I/H3 %' went down against <bydos which was under the rebel and 'caused him to retreat to his home9land: from the midst of the city, whereasnobody else 9had: had the power to go forth against him&,/H %year /G erectthis stele the year *hinis rebelled&./HJ Further north, the ruling family of 7iutwas one of the main supporters of the -erakleopolitan kingdom. #ot surprisingly, war ravaged the city itself, which fell under *heban control for awhile until it was conquered again, thanks to a successful counteroffensivelaunched by the northern pharaoh, as the biography of governor !hety ''statesG %*he whole land was with him, the governors of Cpper Egypt and the

magnates of -erakleopolis, and the district of the Mueen of the land came todrive away the robber. *he land trembled, Cpper Egypt was sinking, theywere afraid and their behaviour was full of fear, the towns equippedthemselves 9with weapons: RXS *he land was burnt by its 9V -erakleopolis:flame RXS *he vanguard of the fleet extended to 7hashotep and its rearguardto Chwi, heaven was blowing the north wind, so that papyrus fell on thewater. -erakleopolis was landing. \8elcome, the town cried "ubilantly to itsruler, the son of a ruler. 8omen were mingled with men, grown up andchildren. *he rulers son 9V !hety '': reached his town, and entered hisfathers domain. -e brought the refugees back into their houses RXS *hroughyour counsels alone you put 7iut in orderG everyone spent the night in his9proper: place, there was no fighting, no shooting of arrows, the child was

not beaten in the presence of his mother or the citiKen in the presence of hiswife, there was no plundering of goods in the street and there was no act ofviolence against his house, because your citygod guided you, your fatherwho loves you&./HH *he effects of war explain the popularity of militarymotifs in the decoration of the tombs of the local governors, including therepresentation of #ubian warriors.

/H3 +ichtheim /0??, 2 # /./H ;oedicke /0H2./HJ Al^re > andier /0?, /0./HH $runner /031, (1 # 3JI El!hadragy (22?, ((( # ((H.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa3H

+

<llen, @. 6., (22? G *he historical inscription of !hnumhotep at 4ahshurG6reliminary report. $ulletin of the <merican 7chools of rientalesearch 3J(, (0–30.

<ltenm=ller, -. > )oussa, <. )., /00/ G 4ie 'nschrift <menemhets ''. ausdem 6tah*empel von )emphis. Ein orbericht. 7tudien KuraltUgyptischen !ultur /?, /–?.

<nthes, ., /0(? G 4ie Felseninschriften von -atnub. +eipKig.<rnold, 4., /01H G ;rUber des <lten und )ittleren eiches in El*arif.

)ainK am hein.<rnold, F., /002 G *he 7outh Aemeteries of +isht. *he Aontrol #otes and

*eam )arks. #ew 5ork.$rta, )., (22/ G <busir . *he Aemeteries at <busir 7outh '. 6rague.$aud, ). > 4obrev, ., /00J G 4e nouvelles annales de l<ncien Empire

gyptienG Cne \6ierre de 6alerme pour la 'e dynastie. $ulletin del'nstitut Franais d<rchologie rientale 0J, (3–0(.

$aud, ). > 4obrev, ., /001 G +e verso des annales de la 'e dynastieG 6ierrede 7aqara7ud. $ulletin de l'nstitut Franais d<rchologie rientale 01,3J–(.

$erlev, . 4., /01/ G +es prtendus %citadins& au )oyen Empire. evuedgyptologie (3, (3–?.

$ietak, )., (223 G *wo ancient #ear Eastern temples with bent axis in theEastern #ile 4elta. gypten und +evant /3, /3–3?.

$rovarski, E., /01H G *wo monuments of the First 'ntermediate 6eriod fromthe *heban nome. 'n @. -. @ohnson > E. F. 8ente 9eds.: G 7tudies in -onorof ;eorge . -ughes. Ahicago. 6p. 3/–/.

T /0?/ G <hanakht of $ersheh and the -are #ome in the First 'ntermediate6eriod. 'n 8. !. 7impson > 8. ). 4avis 9eds.:G 7tudies in <ncient Egypt,

the <egean and the 7udan. Essays in -onor of 4ows 4unham on theccasion of -is 02th $irthday. $oston. 6p. /–32.$runner, -., /031 G 4ie *exte aus den ;rUbern der -erakleopolitenKeit von

7iut. +eipKig.$unbury, @. )., (22? G *heres nothing boring about a borehole. #ekhen

#ews (2, ((–(3.Aagle, <. @., (223 G *he 7patial 7tructure of !om el-isnG <n ld !ingdom

*own in the 8estern #ile 4elta, Egypt. xford.Ahevereau, 6.)., /0?1 G Aontribution la prosopographie des cadres

militaires de l<ncien Empire et de la 6remi^re 6riode 'ntermdiaire.evue dgyptologie 3?, /3–?.

T /0?0 G Aontribution la prosopographie des cadres militaires de l<ncien

Empire et de la 6remi^re 6riode 'ntermdiaire. $G *itres nautiques.evue dgyptologie 2, 3–3H.




Alayton, @. > 4e *rafford, <. > $orda, )., (22? G < hieroglyphic inscriptionfound at @ebel Cweinat mentioning 5am and *ekhebet. 7ahara /0, /(0– /3.

Al^re, @. @. > andier, @., /0? G *extes de la 6remi^re 6riode 'ntermdiaireet de la Q'^me dynastie. $russels.

Aonrad, #. @. > +ehner, ). E., (22/ G *he /0??>/0?0 excavation of 6etries%8orkmens barracks& at ;iKa. @ournal of the <merican esearch Aenterin Egypt 3?, (/–H2.

Aouyat, @. > )ontet, 6., /0/( G +es inscriptions hiroglyphiques et hiratiquesdu udi -ammmt. Aairo.

4arnell, @. A., (22( G pening the narrow doors of the desert G 4iscoveries ofthe *heban 4esert oad 7urvey. 'n . Friedman 9ed.:G Egypt and #ubiaG;ifts of the 4esert. +ondon. 6p. /3(–/JJ.

T (223 G *he rock inscriptions of *"ehemau at <bisko. Yeitschrift f=rgyptische 7prache und <ltertumskunde /32, 3/–?.

4avies, 8. ., (223a G !ush in EgyptG < new historical inscription. 7udan W #ubia 1, J(–J.

T (223b G !ouch en gypteG une nouvelle inscription historique El!ab.$ulletin de la 7ocit Franaise dgyptologie /J1, 3?–.4onadoni overi, <. )., /002 G ;ebelein. 'n ;. obins 9ed.:G $eyond the

6yramids. Egyptian egional <rt from the )useo EgiKio, *urin. <tlanta.6p. (3–(0.

4reyer, ;., /0?1 G 4rei archaischhieratische ;efUβaufschriften mit@ahresnamen aus Elephantine. 'n @. sing > ;. 4reyer 9eds:G Form und)ass. $eitrUge Kur +iteratur, 7prache und !unst des alten gypten.Festschrift f=r ;erhard Fecht. 8iesbaden. 6p. 0?–/20, fig. /–(.

4roux, Q., (22J–(221 G Cne reprsentation de prisonniers dcapits en provenance de -irakonpolis. $ulletin de la 7ocit dgyptologie de;en^ve (1, 33–(.

El<wady, *., (22H G !ing 7ahura with the precious trees from 6unt in auniqu scene. 'n ). $rta 9ed.:G *he ld !ingdom <rt and <rchaeology.6rague. 6p. 31–.

El!hadragy, )., (22H G *he northern soldierstomb at <syut. 7tudien KuraltUgyptischen !ultur 3J, /1–/H.

T (22? G *he decoration of the rockcut chapel of !hety '' at <syut. 7tudienKur altUgyptischen !ultur 31, (/0–(/.

Engel, E.)., (22 G *he domain of 7emerkhet. 'n 7. -endrickx > . F.Friedman > !. ). AiaowicK > ). Ahodnicki 9eds:G Egypt at its rigins.7tudies in )emory of $arbara <dams. +euven. 6p. 12J–1/2.

T (22? G 4as in der Ugyptischen Fr=hKeit. 'n E.). Engel> . )=ller > C. -artung 9eds:G Yeichen aus dem 7and. 7treiflichter ausgyptens ;eschichte Ku Ehren von ;=nter 4reyer. 8iesbaden. 6p. /21– /(H.

Fields, #., (221 G 7oldier of the 6haraoh. )iddle !ingdom Egypt (2JJ–/HJ2$A. xford.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa3?

Fischer, -. ;., /0H/ G *he #ubian mercenaries of ;ebelein during the First'ntermediate 6eriod. !ush 0, –?2.

T /0H G 'nscriptions from the Aoptite #ome, 4ynasties 'Q'. ome. T /0H? G 4endera in the *hird )illennium $.A. down to the *heban

4omination of Cpper Egypt. +ocust alley.FOrster, F., (221a G *he <bu $allas *rail. < 6haraonic donkeycaravan route

in the +ibyan 4esert 978Egypt:. 'n . $ubenKer > <. $olten > F. 4arius9eds:G <tlas of Aultural and Environmental Ahange in <rid <frica. 6p./32–/33. Aologne.

T (221b G 8ith donkeys, "ars and water bags into the +ibyan 4esertG the<bu $allas *rail in the late ld !ingdom>First 'ntermediate 6eriod.$ritish )useum 7tudies in <ncient Egypt and 7udan 1, /3H.

T (22? G 6reliminary report on the seal impressions found at site Ahufu2/>2/ in the 4akhla region 9(22( campaign:. ;Ottinger )isKellen (/1,/1–(J.

FOrstner)=ller, '. > aue, 4., (22? G Elephantine and the +evant. 'n E.).Engel > . )=ller > C. -artung 9eds:G Yeichen aus dem 7and. 7treiflichter

aus gyptens ;eschichte Ku Ehren von ;=nter 4reyer. 8iesbaden. 6p./(1–/?.Friedman, . F., /00( G 6ebbles, pots and petroglyphsG Excavations at -!H.

'n . F. Friedman > $. <dams 9eds:G *he Followers of -orus. 7tudies4edicated to )ichael <llen -offman. xford. 6p. 00–/2H

T (222 G 6ots, pebbles and petroglyphs, part ''G /00H excavations at-ierakonpolis +ocality -!H. 'n <. +eahy > @. *ait 9eds:G 7tudies in<ncient Egypt in -onour of -. 7. 7mith. +ondon. 6p. /2/–/2?.

T (22/ G #ubians at -ierakonpolisG excavations in the #ubian cemeteries.7udan W #ubia H, (2–(.

T (22? G *he Aemeteries of -ierakonpolis. <rcho#il /?, ?–(0.;atto, ). A., /00H G Aontacts between the #ubian \<;roups and

6redynastic Egypt. 'n +. !rKyKaniak > !. !roeper > ). !obusiewicK9eds:G 'nterregional Aontacts in the +ater 6rehistory of #ortheastern<frica. 6oKnan. 6p. 33/–33.

T (222 G *he most ancient evidence of the \<;roups Aulture in +ower #ubia. 'n +. !rKyKaniak > !. !roeper > ). !obusiewicK 9eds:G ecentesearch into the 7tone <ge of #ortheastern <frica. 6oKnan. 6p. /2J– //1.

;ilbert, ;. 6., (22 G 8eapons, 8arriors and 8arfare in Early Egypt.xford.

;iuliani, 7., (22H G #ubian evidence in -ierakonpolis. 'n '. Aaneva > <.occati 9eds:G <cta #ubica. 6roceedings of the *enth 'nternationalAonference of #ubian 7tudies. ome. 6p. ((3–((1.

;nirs, <. )., /00Ha G )ilitUr und ;esellschaft. Ein $eitrag Kur7oKialgeschichte des #euen eiches. -eidelberg.




T /00Hb G 4ie Ugyptische <utobiographie. 'n <. +oprieno 9ed.:G <ncientEgyptian +iteratureG -istory and Forms. +eiden#ew 5ork!Oln. 6p./0/–(/.

T (22H G 4as )otiv des $=rgerkriegs in )erikare und #eferti. Yur +iteraturder /?. 4ynastie. 'n ;. )oers > -. $ehlmer > !. 4emuss > !. 8idmaier9eds:G T Festschrift f=r Friedrich @unge, $d. '. ;Ottingen. 6p.(21–(HJ.

;oedicke, -., /0H2 G *he inscription of . @ournal of #ear Eastern 7tudies/0, (??–(0/.

T /0H1 G !Onigliche 4okumente aus dem <lten eich. 8iesbaden. T (22( G *he building inscription from *ell el4abDa of the time of 7esostris

'''. gypten und +evant /(, /?1–/02.-abachi, +., /0?/ G 7ixteen 7tudies on +ower #ubia. Aairo.-arrington, #., (22 G -uman representations in the 6redynastic 6eriodG the

locality -!H statue in context. 'n 7. -endrickx > . F. Friedman > !. ).AiaowicK > ). Ahodnicki 9eds:G Egypt at its rigins. 7tudies in )emoryof $arbara <dams. +euven. 6p. (J–.

-artung, C. > -artmann, ., (22J G Ywei vermutlich aus der 8estw=stestammende ;efUsse im prUdynastischen Friedhof C in <bydos.)itteilungen des 4eutschen archUologischen 'nstituts, <bteilung !airoH/, (//–(/?, pl. 3H.

-awass, Y., /00H G *he workmens community of ;iKa. 'n ). $ietak 9ed.:G-aus und 6alast im <lten gypten. ienna. 6p. 3–J1.

-ayes, 8. A., /00 G Aareer of the ;reat 7teward -enenu under #ebhepetrjD)entuhotpe. @ournal of Egyptian <rchaeology 3J, 3–0.

-ope, A. <. et alii., (22H G eport on the excavations at 'smant el!haraband )ut el!harab in (22H. $ulletin of the <ustralian Aentre ofEgyptology /1, (3–H1, pl. /–/(, fig. /–/H.

-ope, A. <. et alii., (22? G *he excavations at )ut el!harab, 4akhleh asis

in (22?. $ulletin of the <ustralian Aentre for Egyptology /0, //0–/3?.'kram, 7. > ossi, A., (22 G <n Early 4ynastic serekh from the !harga

asis. @ournal of Egyptian <rchaeology 02, (//–(/.@aeschke, -. F., (22 G *he -!H statue fragments. 'n 7. -endrickx > . F.

Friedman > !. ). AiaowicK > ). Ahodnicki 9eds:G Egypt at its rigins.7tudies in )emory of $arbara <dams. +euven. 6p. J–HH.

@aro_4eckert, $., /0? G ;rabung im <sasif /0H3–/012. $and G 4as ;rabdes 4ie 8andmalereien der Q'. 4ynastie. )ainK am hein.

@esse, F. et alii., (221 G Aattle herding in the southern +ibyan 4esert. 'n .$ubenKer > <. $olten > F. 4arius 9eds:G <tlas of Aultural andEnvironmental Ahange in <rid <frica. Aologne. 6p. H–0.

@unker, -., /03? G ;iKa, vol. '''. ienna.!ahl, @. > El!hadragy, ). > erhoeven, C., (221 G *he <syut 6ro"ectG

Fourth season of fieldwork. 7tudien Kur altUgyptischen !ultur 3H, ?/– /23.

!anawati, #., /00J G *he *ombs of El-agarsa, vol. '''. 7ydney.




T (22( G *ombs at ;iKa. olume ''G 7eshathetep>-eti 9; J/J2:, #esutnefer9; 012: and 7eshemnefer '' 9;J2?2:. 8arminster.

T (223 G Aonspiracies in the Egyptian 6alace, Cnis to 6epy '. +ondon#ew5ork.

!anawati, #. > )cFarlane, <., /003 G 4eshasha. *he tombs of 'nti, 7heduand thers. 7ydney.

!aper, . E. > 8illems, -., (22( G 6olicing the desertG ld !ingdom activityaround the 4akhleh oasis. 'n . Friedman 9ed.:G Egypt and #ubiaG ;ifts ofthe 4esert. +ondon. 6p. 10–0.

!aplony, 6., /0H3 G 4ie 'nschriften der Ugyptischen Fr=hKeit. $d. '''.8iesbaden.

!halil, E., (22? G *he lake )areotis research pro"ect. Egyptian <rchaeology33, 0–//.

!oenig, 5., /0?1 G +a #ubie dans les textes magiques. %+inquitantetranget&, evue dgyptologie 3?, /2J–//2.

!rOpelin, 7. > !uper, ., (22H–(221 G )ore corridors to <frica. 'n $. ;ratien9ed.:G )langes offerts Francis ;eus. illeneuve d<scq. 6p. (/0–((0.

!uper, ., (221 G \+ooking behind the scenes T archaeological distribution patterns and their meaning. 'n . $ubenKer > <. $olten > F. 4arius 9eds:G<tlas of Aultural and Environmental Ahange in <rid <frica. Aologne. 6p.(–(J.

!uhlmann, !. 6., (22( G *he %asis $ypath& or the issue of desert trade in6haraonic times. 'n *ides of the 4esertT;eKeiten der 8=ste.Aontributions to the <rchaeology and Enviromental -istory of <frica in-onour of udolph !uper. Aologne. 6p. /(J–/12.

T (22J G 4er %8asserbeg des 4"edefre& 9Ahufu 2/>/:. Ein +agerplatK mitExpeditionsinschriften der . 4ynastie im aum der ase 4achla.)itteilungen des 4eutschen <rchUologischen 'nstituts <bteilung !airoH/, (3–(?0.

+acau, 6. > +auer, @.6h., /0J0 G +a pyramide degrs. ol. 'G 'nscriptionsgraves sur les vases. Aairo. T /0HJ G +a pyramide degrs. ol. G 'nscriptions lencre sur les vases.

Aairo.+ange, )., (22a G #ubier in der 8=steTFundplUtKe des J. Cnd .

@ahrtausends vor Ahr. in der +aqiyaegion 9#87udan:. <rchUologische'nformationen (1>/, /H0–/11.

T (22b G 8adi 7haw ?(>J(G a peridynastic settlement site in the 8estern4esert and its relations to the #ile alley. 'n *. !endall 9ed.:G #ubian7tudies /00?. 6roceedings of the #inth 'nternational Aonference of

#ubian 7tudies. $oston. 6p. 3/J–3(.+ehner, ). E., (22 G *he 6yramid <ge settlement of the 7outhern )ount at

;iKa. @ournal of the <merican esearch Aenter in Egypt 30, (1–1.+e Muellec, @.+., (22J G Cne nouvelle approche des rapports #il7ahara

dapr^s lart rupestre. <rcho#il /J, H1–1.



8ar in ld !ingdom Egypt 9(H?H–(/(J $AE: /

+ichtheim, )., /0?? G <ncient Egyptian <utobiographies chiefly of the)iddle !ingdom. < 7tudy and an <nthology. Freiburg;Ottingen.

+iepe, @. > 6riese, !.-., /00/ G 4as Ugyptische )useum $erlin. )ainK amhein.

+iverani, )., /002 G 6restige and 'nterest. 'nternational elations in the #earEast ca. /H22–//22 $.A. 6adova.

+ZpeK, @., /0H1 G 'nscriptions de l<ncien Empire !hor El<quiba. evuedgyptologie /0, J/–HH.

+ovell, @. +., (22? G -orticulture, status and longrange trade in Ahalcolithic7outhern +evantG Early connections with Egypt. 'n $. )idanteynes > 5.*ristant 9eds:G Egypt at 'ts rigins (. +euven. 6p. 1/–1H(.

)arcolin, )., (22H G 'ny, a muchtravelled official of the 7ixth 4ynastyGunpublished reliefs in @apan. 'n ). $art > F. Aoppens > @. !re"B 9eds:G<busir and 7aqqara in the 5ear (22J. 6rague. 6p. (?(–3/2.

)oreno ;arcBa, @. A., /00H G <dministration territoriale et organisation delespace en Egypte au troisi^me millnaire avant @.A.G et le titre . Yeitschrift f=r gyptische 7prache und <ltertumskunde

/(3, //H–/3?. T /001a G <dministration territoriale et organisation de lespace en gypteau '''e millnaire avant @.A. 9'':G . Yeitschrift f=r Ugyptische7prache und <ltertumskunde /(, //H–/32.

T /001b G tudes sur ladministration, le pouvoir et lidologie en gypte,de l<ncien au )oyen Empire. +i^ge.

T /00? G <dministration territoriale et organisation de lespace en Egypte autroisi^me millnaire avant @.A. 9'''':G et . Yeitschriftf=r gyptische 7prache und <ltertumskunde /(J, 3?–JJ.

T /000 G et le milieu rural gyptien du '''e millnaire. Economie,administration et organisation territoriale. 6aris.

T (22/ G +organisation sociale de lagriculture dans lEgypte pharaonique

pendant l<ncien Empire 9(HJ2–(/J2 avant @.A.:. @ournal of theEconomic and 7ocial -istory of the rient , //–J2.

T (221 G *he state and the organiKation of the rural landscape in 3rdmillennium $A pharaonic Egypt. 'n ). $ollig > . $ubenKer > .ogelsang > -.6. 8otKka 9eds:G <ridity, Ahange and Aonflict in <frica.Aologne. 6p. 3/3–332.

)umford, ;., (22J G $eyond Egypts frontiersG a late ld !ingdom fort insouth 7inai. )inerva /H>3, (–(H.

T (22H G *ell as $udran 97ite 3J:G 4efining Egypts eastern frontier andmining operations in 7outh 7inai during the +ate ld !ingdom 9Early E$'>)$ ':. $ulletin of the <merican 7chools of riental esearch 3(,/3–H1.

sing, @., /013 G chtungstexte aus dem <lten eich. )itteilungen des4eutschen <rchUologischen 'nstituts, <bteilung !airo (0, 01–/33.

T /01H G chtungstexte aus dem <lten eich 9'':. )itteilungen des4eutschen <rchUologischen 'nstituts, <bteilung !airo 3(, /33–/?J.



@uan Aarlos )oreno ;arcBa(

6antalacci, +., /00? G +a documentation epistolaire du palais des gouverneurs $alatD<yn <sil. $ulletin de l'nstitut Franais d<rchologie rientale0?, 323–3/J.

T (22J G *ravaux de l'nstitut franais darchologie orientale en (22– (22J. $ulletin de l'nstitut Franais d<rchologie rientale /2J, 2J– J3.

6arkinson, . $., /001 G *he *ale of 7inuhe and ther <ncient Egyptian6oems /02–/H2 $A. xford.

6artridge, . $., (22( G Fighting 6haraohs. 8eapons and 8arfare in <ncientEgypt. )anchester.

6UtKnick, @.6., (22J G 4ie 7iegelabrollungen und ollsiegel der 7tadtElephantine im 3. @ahrtausend v. Ahr. xford.

6etrie, 8. ). F., /??? G *anis, 6art ''. #ebesheh and 4efenneh. +ondon. T /022 G *he oyal *ombs of the Earliest 4ynasties. 6art '. +ondon. T /02/ G *he oyal *ombs of the Earliest 4ynasties. 6art ''. +ondon.6osener!rieger, 6., (22 G ' 6apiri di ;ebelein T7cavi ;. Farina /03JT.

*urin.

Muibell, @. E., /022 G -ierakonpolis. 6art '. +ondon.Muibell, @. E. > -ayter, <. ;. !., /0(1 G Excavations at 7aqqaraG *eti6yramid, #orth 7ide. Aairo.

Muibell, @. E. > ;reen, F. 8., /02( G -ierakonpolis. 6art ''. +ondon.egulski, '., (22 G 7econd 4ynasty ink inscriptions from 7aqqara paralleled

in the <bydos material from the oyal )useums of <rt and -istory9)<-: in $russels. 'n 7. -endrickx > . F. Friedman > !. ). AiaowicK> ). Ahodnicki 9eds:G Egypt at its rigins. 7tudies in )emory of $arbara<dams. +euven. 6p. 00–012.

7adek <. '., /0?2 G *he <methyst )ining 'nscriptions. 8arminster.7candone)atthiae, ;., (223 G +es rapports entre Ebla et lgypte l<ncien

et au )oyen Empire. 'n Y. -awass 9ed.:G Egyptology at the 4awn of the

*wentyFirst Aentury. ol. (G -istory, eligion. Aairo. 6p. ?1–03.7eidlmayer, 7. @., /00H G *own and state in the early ld !ingdomG < viewfrom Elephantine. 'n @. 7pencer 9ed.:G <spects of Early Egypt. +ondon.6p. /2?–/(1.

7ethe, !., /03( G Crkunden des Ugyptischen <ltertums, '. Crkunden des<lten eiches. +eipKig.

7ilverman, 4. 6., (22? G < reference to warfare at 4endereh, prior to theunification of Egypt in the Eleventh 4ynasty. 'n 7. E. *hompson > 6. der)anuelian 9eds:G Egypt and $eyond. Essays 6resented to +eonard -.+esko. 6rovidence. 6p. 3/0–33/.

7impson, 8. !., /0HJ G 6apyrus eisner ''. <ccounts of the 4ockyard8orkshop at *his in the eign of 7esostris '. $oston.

T /0?H G 6apyrus eisner '. 6ersonnel <ccounts of the Early *welfth4ynasty. $oston.

7molarikova, !., (22? G 7aite Forts in EgyptG 6olitical)ilitary -istory ofthe 7aite 4ynasty. 6rague.




7palinger, <., (22J G 8ar in <ncient Egypt. xford.7tefanovi[, 4., (221 G % in the )iddle !ingdom&, +ingua <egyptia /J,

(/1–((0.an den $rink, E. A. > *h. E. +evy 9eds:, (22( G Egypt and the +evant.

'nterrelations from the th through the Early 3rd )illennium $AE.+eicester.

andier, @. /0J2G )oDalla. +a tombe d<nkhtifi et la tombe de 7bekhotep.Aairo.

on 6ilgrim, A. /00HG Elephantine Q'''. Cntersuchungen in der 7tadt des)ittleren eiches und der Yweiten YwischenKeit. )ainK am hein.

Documents

War in Old Kingdom Egypt-libre (1)