HC PUKenga KOrerO Koanga (Spring), Volume 2, Number 1. 1996

VOICES BEYOND THE PAERobert Jahnke

Te Whanau a Rakairoa, Ngati PorouDepartment of Maori. Studies, Massey University.

Whakarapopoto KoreroKi te ao Maori ko te pae te tuara whakatere, kakatikaupapa. I tipu ake te mahi toi i te tauira o te pae. Kotenei tuhituhi e hautu ana i te whakaaro ko te pae heiwhakapuaki i te pu manawa, oha atu i te mahi toi.Rokohanga atu ka pupu ake te reo tauhu mai tctahipae ki tetahi pae. Ko te hua mai o tenei momo reotauhu te kawenata hei tatari i ta te Maori titiro i anatikanga.

AbstractFor Maori the pae is a zone of demarcation andnegotiation. Maori art evolves out of a negotiation ofthe pae. This paper proposes that the pae is aninevitable spatial domain that must be negotiated torationalise one's position as a Maori artist. Invariably,voices from beyond the pae generate tensions in thetransition from one side of this domain to the other.These voices and the tensions generated will beexamined through a consideration of instances ofMaori cultural representation.

The other worldLike other indigenous people throughout the world,many Maori continue to operate in two worlds. One isthe marae while the other is the world promotedthrough national icons as New Zealand. The world ofcustomary practice continues to impact on Maoripositionality within this other world. The ability tonegotiate between each is often an onerous task asloyalties are tested through the acquiescence ofcustomary rights or the choice of freedoms (real orimagined) promoted in the other world. In manyinstances the boundaries between the two worlds haveblurred as the protocols that define order in one arctransposed into the other. Often the sites of interactionare charged with discourse as ideologies are contested,accepted or rejected. The transposition of protocolsassociated with the pae has increased in intensity overthe last few years as one of a number of strategies forthe empowerment of Maori art. This strategy is notthe prerogative of the arts alone but extends beyondthe sites of art practice to confront other institutions

of cultural dissemination as well.

Pae as transitional zoneThe pae has retained its intrinsic cultural dimensionas margin, boundary and horizon. It is the critical areaof interaction between sky and land, and betweenpeople and people. It is a conceptual zone that locatesthe position of host and visitor. It is the locus of powerthat mediates relationships between people, definesspatial zones of communication and establishes theorder of social interaction. For some1, the pae is abarricade: a site of demarcation between the knownand the unknown; between the familiar and theunfamiliar. Conceived as such, the male role isunderstood to provide a barricade between the insiderand the outsider, to protect women and children fromharm and to guard the mana of iwi, hapii and whanau.The latter conception of the pae is subject toreconfiguration as Maori women contest theimposition of patriarchy perpetuated through colonialdiscourse.

Rendered as paepae, it becomes a threshold that isintensified in its potency by its qualifying descriptor.Thus, the paepae awha locates the border between thelandscape and architecture while the paepae tapudelineates the threshold that marks the outside of thehouse from the inside, the realm of Tumatauenga fromthe realm of Rongomatane. The allocation of Maorideity to external and internal spaces dictates thestandards of discourse permissible in each area. Thequalifying descriptor contextualises the pae anddelimits its dimension as accessible through ritual ornon-ritual mediation. Thus, the qualification of paepaewith tapu intensifies the threshold region as asignificant area in the transition from the exterior ofthe house to the interior. Implicit in the transitionbetween zones is a metaphysical transformation ofstate as one moves from the domain of confrontationand debate to the domain of resolution and placation,as one crosses the boundary from potential hostilityto security. From this perspective, the pae is a borderthat separates the insider from the outsider2, one fromthe other. To cross the pae may require ritualnegotiation between one side and the other. This

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transition may be achieved through a mediator orthrough personal negotiation. For those conversant inTe Reo Maori the transition across the pae may beeasier than those who are non-conversant. Facility inthe Maori language enables one to articulate andcomprehend the intricacies of apparent antitheticaldiscourse that regulate transition across the pae. Theantithetical discourse of the pae is generated by theshifting parameters of social interaction that conditionthe protocol of the various tribal groups within Maorisociety. While protocols varied across tribal boundariesin traditional Maori society one is also confronted withthe reconfiguration of protocols as sub-tribes becometribes or external alliances (religion provides oneexample) are forged to accommodate a reconstitutedorder for social interaction. Examples of thisreconfiguration may be found in the Te Ad Aw apractice of shifting the pae from the outside maraeinto the meeting house and pre-empting the ritual ofthe pae with the practice of whakaruru or hongi. Thelatter practice may be interpreted as a process ofplacation or union between opposing groups thatfollows, rather than precedes, the settling of issues onthe pae in many tribal areas.

Kinship as a frameworkFreedom of expression has its place within the sitesof Maori cultural practice. But the protocol of the paeis usually regulated by the prerogative rights affordedthrough genealogy, seniority or proxy. Genealogylegitimises one's status as pre-eminent within Maorisociety and hence a significant determinant of the rightto speak. Seniority, with its implicit notions of wisdomand respect, endorses the speaking rights of elders,while proxy is gained through the conferment ofspeaking rights from parents in the first instance andolder siblings in the second. It is the pae that holds thekey to genealogical sanction. In affirmation ofgenealogy there is an affirmation of heritage, inaffirmation of heritage there is an affirmation ofidentity as Maori. It is this affirmation of identity thatallows one to cross the pae secure3 in the knowledgethat one is not an outsider regardless of one's facilityin the language. In partaking of the fruits one is unitedwith one's ancestors. But it is only through honingone's taste buds that one can savour the delicacies thatlie beyond the distension of the belly. In the words ofBourdieu:

"'Taste' unites all those who are the product ofsimilar conditions while distinguishing them from all

others. And it distinguishes in an essential way, sincetaste is the basis of all that one has - people and things- and all that one is for others, whereby one classifiesoneself and is classified by others". (1984)4

Taste is very much conditioned by the constraintsof culture. For too long Maori have been sold thenotion of a homogenising vision filtered throughimperialist lenses. Maori taste has often been absentfrom the equation unless the Nationalist discoursenecessitated such inclusion, as an icon of the NewZealander. Maori artists employ a number of strategiesto construct a platform for the de-colonisation of thisNationalist discourse; strategies that are intimatelyconnected to a wider discourse of cultural represent-ation. According to Paul Spoonley:

"The ethnic revival of the 1960s and 1970s hasshown that ethnicity is an extremely malleable productthat continually changes according to circumstancesand requirements...In order to politicise ethnicity, ithas to be made appropriate to contemporaryconditions...[discarding of traditional symbols]...In thisprocess of selection and rejection, then leaders of theethnic group play a critical role. They guide andreinforce change and their ability to alter the ethnicityof the group without alienating members is importantto the success of politicizing a particular ethnicity".(1993:38-9)

Contemporary Maori art is part of a wider culturaldiscourse that seeks autonomy of expression as a rightof citizenship on both sides of the pae. It is conditionedand informed by ethnicity and gender that seeks toexpress the ideals of a group whose representationsare often empowered by kinship. Kinship provides acritical framework that is conditioned by cosmologicaland genealogical narratives as an elementary notionof being. Much of the Pakeha literature of the past hassought to de-construct this genealogical frameworkas (literate) linear history5 or as a (functional) capitalistenterprise6. The current project is aimed at replacingthis logo-centric framework with a more affable modelthat accommodates Maori notions of spirituality andof communal affirmation.

Kinship groups, within Maori society, are morethan economical quotients for transaction. 'Iwi',rendered as ' tribe' has severed the genealogicalimperative that underpins Maori customary concepts.The holistic union between the body as a critical notionof regeneration and nature as personification of beingis often absent from contemporary translations of 'iwi'.Twi', is more than 'people' or 'tribe'. It is the essential

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component of the spine, a fulcrum that articulates thenerve centre of Maori culture. It is the 'bone' thatprotects the marrow of culture. It encompasses'hapu'and 'whanau' as sustenance for the regenerationof Mwi'. It exists as a cultural backbone whose strengthand durability carry the essential ingredients of culture.The concept of nurture within the womb has beentrivialised in the translation of 'hapu' as sub-tribe.'Whanau', in its colonised translation as 'extendedfamily' is accessible as an economically viable unit.Unfortunately, erasure of the inseparability ofgenealogy and birth epitomises the imposition ofPakeha terms of reference. As such these colonialcategories of capture attempt to render themetaphysical as illogical or human potential ascapitalist units of production or servitude.

Ritual as vehicle and site of captureThe tenacious adherence to a Maori culturalframework continues to infuse the creative projectsof a number of artists working in the marae context. Itis also applicable to a number of artists involved inthe translation of non-customary processes andpractices into culturally familiar and accessiblemodels.

Manos Nathan, Ngati Whatua, Nga Puhi, Ipu Pure, 1996.

The creative work of Manos Nathan provides anappropriate example of this new wave of culturalrepresentation. Vessels like the Waka TaurahcreTangata (vessels for the internment of afterbirth) andWaka Pito (umbilical pot) endorse the customarypractice of returning the whenua (afterbirth) to theland. His Ipu Pure are water vessels for ceremonialuse. The function of the vessel is infused with a neworder of existence beyond the transport of produce oras an 'object of desire'. The severed link with the

Lapita potters of the past has been re-activated throughallegorical seizure. Over time the vessel has beenenriched through the latent visual and conceptualvocabulary inherent within customary vesselsincluding papahou (treasure box), hue (gourd), kumete(bowl) and korere (feeding funnel). At a pragmaticlevel Nathan sees the potential of clay as an economicresource that may be harnessed to supplement theincome of his people.

In transforming earthen-ware to cultural vessel, thisartist conceptualises earth as Papatuanuku and vesselas a manifestation of wairua. It is a process oftransformation that finds its cultural significance inritual; a significance that is achieved through themetaphysical and the physical interaction betweenobject and culture. Thus, the vessel is ritually chargedin the return of the afterbirth to the land. Thisendorsement of customary practice acknowledges thevital and the essential union between earth andhumankind. A practice that exemplifies thesympathetic coalescence of the natural cycles of lifeand death, reproduction and decay7. The creation ofcultural vessels invested with significant customarypattern presupposes the continued relevance of ritualwithin Maori culture. In this sense, ritual is both thevehicle and the site of capture of an alien process.Object and process are reconfigured to align with acustomary paradigm of essential(ist) Maori practice.

The essentialist debateIn some quarters, this act of cultural seizure, of re-writing the text, of reconfiguring the object to complywith a Maori world view is met with approbation.Maori artists are warned that such practices aregrounded in ideology and sustained by notions ofessentialism.

"[The] 'essentialist' approaches to ... race-specificart have theoretical pitfalls and political dangers.Theoretically, they disregard the fact that artistic skillis culturally, not biologically acquired...Maori arebuying into the biologistic fa l lacy and therebyreinforcing the very kind of stereotyped thinking ofwhich they are usually victims". (1994:70-1)

The rise in Maori cultural representation cannotbe dismissed as a theoretical recapitulation ofbiological determinism. In rendering this geneticparadigm impotent, Pakeha academics employbiological determinism as a hegemonic tool. It is atool that seeks to render Maori incapable of liberationfrom this imperialist doctrine; a tool that has run its

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course as a tenable instrument of subversion. Tolabel Maori art as essentialist perpetuates the imperi-alist tactic of preserving intellectual distance and in-tellectual superiority. Further, Pakeha academics neu-tralise the 'other' with their discarded weapons of pos-session. In erasing the criteria of heritage (whetherbiological, cultural or experiential) as a legitimateprotest against oppression, Pakeha (non-Maori)academics merely perpetuate the essential whitedoctrine as the sole criteria for cultural enlightenment.As a non-European scholar suggests, what is absentfrom the critique of essentialism is the way thatessentialism informs representations of whiteness. Itis always the non-white... who is guilty of essentialism(Hooks: 1992). What is omitted in the debate overessentialism in New Zealand is the Maori right to selfdetermination of art and art practices. Maori protestsagainst the inappropriate use of Maori customaryimage and motif is translated by Pakeha academicsas: 'Maori think they are better at reproducing Maoriimages because they are born Maori'. A more pertinenttranslation should read: 'Maori would prefer to retaincontrol over their customary images and motifsbecause of the cultural significance associated withthese forms', or 'The Maori use of Maori images isnot only being Maori but of having access to consciousand unconscious elements of cultural heritage andthereby being able to negotiate the pae with credibilityand significance'. I do not wish to enter the debateover cultural property rights which is outside the scopeof this paper but it does present a critical issue forfuture consideration.

Tino rangatiratangaThe current emergence of the voice of reclamationsignals a reaction against integrative policies that havepromoted the notion of a single national voice and asingle notion of cultural excellence. It comes as nosurprise that several Maori artists use art as a vehicleof protest. While it appears that land issues providethe catalyst for many creative projects, the underlyingdiscourse, upon which much of Maori art is grounded,is tino rangatiratanga.

The tenor and construction of representations oftino rangatiratanga are as diverse as the sites of culturalproduction. Often blatant, sometimes subtle, theserepresentations may be configured as word, image orconcept. Whatever its appearance or conceptualisation,it is as an invocation of lands alienated and territorieslost. In attempting to recapture territories lost Maori

women artists, Shona Rapira Davis and RobynKahukiwa, have protested against the right of Pakehawomen to deliver the karanga. In ritualising hercreative process through karakia and banning foodfrom her area of art practice8, Kahukiwa commitsherself to customary practices of art production. Sheendorses the right of Maori to self determination byarticulating the principles of the Treaty of Waitangithrough her art. In her 'white out series' of 1990,Kahukiwa endeavours to rename Maori womenrendered anonymous through colonial lenses. She isjoined by a host of Maori women artists, like DiannePrince, whose energies are dedicated to areconfiguration of customary values and practices thatdemand a consideration of rights of Maori women asprerequisite to Maori self determination.

The capture of siteSince the 1970s, museums and galleries, as sites ofcultural representation, have increasingly beenrendered accessible.9 However, accessibility is notrestricted rights of entry only. Accessibility alsoimpacts on the process of entry.

Korurangi, Auckland City Art Gallery, 1995.

In comparing two recent 'contemporary' Maoriexhibitions Korurangi '"and Toihoukura,11 JonathanMane-Wheoki suggested that Korurangi exemplifiedthe " individual is t ic and idiosyncrat ic" wh i l eToihoukura exuded a "collective identity andenergy"(Mane-Wheoki, 1996:43-7). He also noted acollision between ritual and art practice; dramatic inKorurangi and imperceptible in Toihoukura. What wasabsent from Jona than ' s analysis of these twoexhibitions was the demand (on the part of some Maoricurators) for Maori protocol as a critical element ofthe exhibition process. The ritual seizure of site is of-

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subsumed beneath the current debate over authenticity,essentialism and appropriation. It is in the capture ofsite that Maori cultural representation finds its mostprovocative presence.

Artefact as taongaWherever the taonga of Te Maori were exhibited inthe United States of America so too were the Maoripeople. Te Maori was not merely an exhibition of'artefacts' or 'objects' but, it was also an exhibition ofMaori culture whose taonga constituted an elementaryvoice. Imagine the bewilderment of the Americanpublic as Maori conversed with images, addressedthem by name or wept before them. At the heart of thesuccessful interface between Te Maori and Americawas the ritualised contextualisation of artefact astaonga and taonga as a condition of cultural practice.Thus, the ritual of the pae, that establishes protocolsfor the interface between art and culture, was enactedabroad. Art was rendered accessible through ritual andritual empowered art. It was a process of de-contextualising art as an 'object of desire' or 'objectof gaze', in order to reconfigure the object as aprecondition of culture.

Te Maori provided a blueprint for the Te WakaToi exhibition of contemporary Maori art that touredthe United States during 1992 to 1993. Like Te Maori,the ritualised negotiation of the pae together with aMaori presence at each of the venues was a criticaland necessary condition of curatorial practice. SandyAdsett,12 as a member of the Atinga committee of TeWaka Toi, together with Cliff Whiting,13 as Chairmanof Te Waka Toi, were instrumental in establishing acuratorial agenda for the Te Waka Toi exhibition. Thisexhibition imposed a culturally defined curatorialsequence at each venue. A sequence that wasconfigured on the ritual of the pae. In the Te WakaToi exhibition, the art works functioned, not only asart, but as an imprint of cultural values. On the onehand, this was achieved, through the ritual opening ofthe exhibition at each of the venues, and on the other,through an arrangement of the art works as aconceptual endorsement of the protocols associatedwith the pae. Thus, the art works were aligned to evokethe karanga, the wero, whaikorero, waiata andporoporoaki.14 It was a curatorial process thatendeavoured to transcend the individual status of artas 'object of gaze' or 'object of desire' in order to alignart and artists with a Maori cultural paradigm of socialinteraction between art and artist as products of culture

and the cultural contexts of art production. As a furtherendorsement of this curatorial strategy, the concept ofahi ka11 was engendered through Maori attendance ateach of the exhibitions.

W.M

Patua, Wellington City Art Gallery, 1996.

Patua: Maori arts in action, which opened at theWellington City Gallery, 1 March 1996, provides arecent example of the cultural capture of space. Onentering the gallery one was confronted by a pawaho,that assumed the form of a gateway. This facade waserected to signal the presence of Maori at theWellington City Art Gallery and to demarcate the spaceoutside the gallery as a pae for the ritual interactionbetween tangata whenua and manuhiri . This areabecame the zone of welcome for official visitors anddignitaries, a temporary marae. Beyond the facade oneentered the reception foyer of the gallery to be greetedby a secondary facade.

A stone sculpture, acted as a conceptual mauri,16

providing an anchor for the exhibition. A wall reliefwas positioned, on the wall beyond the stone sculpture,

Patua, Wellington City Art Gallery, 1996.

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as a koruru (gable figure) while art works positionedto the left and right of the stone sculpture alluded tothe amo ( support posts) of a meeting house. In thegallery on the taha maui the works exhibited were co-ordinated through monochromatic hues of browns,creams and blacks to provide a backdrop for culturalinteraction. Wood and fibre surfaces provided an addedelement of integration. The gallery on the taha mataubecame both exhibition and work space for artists in arange of disciplines. The upper galleries wereorganised into zones of pakeke and rangatahi.

Apart from the dictates of function and practicality,works were organised according to customaryconvent ions of architectural s ignif icat ion andcustomary protocols for social interaction. Architect-ural signification was achieved through the allusionto the meeting house facade cited above. Customaryprotocols for social interaction was revealed in theordering of the upper gallery according to theinterrelationship between senior and junior artists.However, the latter arrangement was managed withan element of flexibili ty. Some younger artistsappeared amidst the older artists, the latter amendedorder conditioned by the secondary principle of colourharmony and balance. Additionally, the inversion ofcultural signification of taha maui and taha matau wasconditioned by considerations of size and access withinthe lower gallery spaces. Within the context of tribalmeeting houses the hosts occupy the left side of thehouse while the visitors occupy the other. Thus, thespatial ordering of people within tribal meeting housesprovided a customary framework for the curation ofart works within the gallery context.

The integrated nature of the show may be attributedto Sandy Adsctt whose in f luence pervaded theexhibition as curator and host. Adsett's inimitable

presence could be found in the colour harmonies thatpervaded many of the works and the general atmo-sphere of hospitality that emanated from the CityGallery during the period of the Toihoukura residency.It was a period during which the Wellington City ArtGallery was seized as a site for cultural representation.

In the Toihoukura exhibition at the Dowse Museumand Art Gallery in Lower Hutt , the walls wereblackened to intensify the chromatic key of imagesconstructed, painted and woven. The impressiongenerated was one of intense enlightenment. Lightemerged from darkness as an enunciation of the Maorigenerative process: the epochal emergence of TeAomarama from Te Po. It would have been obviousto even the most unenlightened viewer that customarypattern and form provided the cohesive formula forthis exhibition. A convention that is also evident inthe current Toihoukura exhibition at the ManawatuMuseum and Science Centre. The essential(ist)vocabulary of this vision may be related to the art ofthe whare whakairo that has informed Adsett's art fora number of years and current ly informs therepresentations of the Toihoukura programme.

Toihoukura, Dowse Art Gallery, Lower Hutt, 1995. Courtesyof the Dowse Art Gallery.

Hoani Waititi Marae, Tamaki-makaurau.

Towards a new orderThe right to self determination of the codes of artpractice and the definition of art is a critical consid-eration in the realignment of Maori cultural perception.The visual arts, like other forms of cultural production,are social constructs that are grounded in personal andcommunal negotiations of time and space. While artfor art's sake is often advocated as the sole criteria forartistic evaluation, customary templates that referenceor translate customary forms and practice are profferedas legitimate frameworks for shaping artistic

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ten perception and practice. This does not mean a totaleradication of a western aesthetic framework. Nor doesit mean a single politicising agenda as the sole deter-minant of vision. In shaping a vision for the future theconfiguration of the past often provides a frameworkfor reconfiguring that future. What is critical in theprocess of reconfiguration is the construction of iden-tity as an inseparable condition of the past and the fu-ture. It is a familiarity with the concepts and dimen-sions of Maori knowledge that offer a sense of em-powerment to those who seek an indigenised vocabu-lary to realise their personal or group realities. Maorinegotiation of reality is subject to redefinition andreconfiguration depending on the extent of our extra-cultural interaction. The imposition of one culturalsystem upon another generates an inevitable conflictas opposing ideologies contest the sites of cultural rep-resentation. This conflict is never static or uniform butis subject to redefinition as territories are won, lost orneutralised through contestation, concession or evenwithdrawal. This contestation of site is not groundedin the binary dialectic between 'us' and 'them' or 'he'and 'she' but also between 'us' and 'us'. This apparentcontradiction docs not present an insurmountable ob-stacle but is symptomatic of the constant redefinitionof cul tura l realities; realities that are subject toreconfiguration under the shifting tides of cultural al-legiance and the establishment of an alternative cul-tural order.17 In the past Maori were erased from theart history of New Zealand. Today there is growingdesire amongst the Pakeha art historians to erase Maoriart as an independent notion. These writers wish tocapture Maori art and name it New Zealand art in theinterests of Nationhood. While Maori artists are notnecessarily opposed to the development of a New Zea-land nation or sense of shared nationhood, they do notaccept that it should be at the expense of a strong Maoriidentity - even a Maori nation (Durie:1995B) withinNew Zealand.

1 Timoti Karetu, 1996, Mataora, in print. Timoti Karetu is theMaori Language Commissioner for Tc Taura Whirl inWellington, New Zealand.

2 It is important to remember that the outsider may be Maori.In a recent Court of Appeal ruling (31 June 1996) Maori hasonce more been subjected to redefinition in consideration ofthe d i s t r ibu t ion of Fishery assets associated with the Sealorddeal negotiated between Maori and the Crown. The latestruling dethrones the genealogical imperative that conditionedaccess to the Fisheries assets for those Maori who are able to

establish their genealogical tics to iwi. Thus, endorsing theirlegitimate registration as members of Runanga a Iwi. Instead,an acknowledgement of Maoriness is the sole criteria forconsideration of rights of access to Fisheries assets. This rulingis an acknowledgement of the rights of those Maori who(through no fault of their own) have no knowledge of their iwiconnection or do not wish to exercise a connection. These areurban Maori whose links with their turangawacwac have beensevered through decades of colonisation. Responses to thisdecision have been variable ranging from accusations ofcontinued colonial oppression through to the affirmation of theedifying principle of humanitarianism of the justice system inits consideration of the dispossessed. Perhaps the only validresponse warranted is an acknowledgement of the success ofthe assimilationist policies of the past that have rendered Maorianonymous within their own tribal land.

3 Research on the question of identity by the Te Hoc Nukuroaresearch u n i t at Masscy University shows that secure identityincludes an acknowledgement of genealogy, access to land,whanau (family) participation, access to cultural knowledge,some facility in the Maori language and access to Mainstreamsociety.

4 cited in Walsh, (1992:124)

5 Percy Smith's theory of the 'Great Migration' has beensubject to reassessment over the last decade. His notion of onegreat flotilla of seven canoes landing in Aotearoa (c. 750 AD)has been rendered implausible through his omission ofimportant tribal canoes. He is also criticised for his impositionof temporal and historical frameworks on Maori genealogiesfrom different tribal regions. Sec Simmons, D. R. The GreatNew Zealand Myth. Wellington, A. H. & A. H. Reed, 1976.

6 In keeping with the theory of functionalism, Raymond Firthviews Maori culture as an economical unit that sustains itsexistence through exchange and transaction of commoditiesand services. See Firth, Raymond, Economics of the Maori,[2nd ed.], Wellington, Government Printer, 1972.

7 Nathan's Waka Pito are made of unfircd clay to permitreconstitution as earth.

8 Customary art practice was initiated with karakia and foodwas banned from the areas of art production. Abstinence fromsexual intercourse was also a condition of customary practice.

9 The capture and rendering museum and gallery spacesaccessible is a legacy of the forerunners of 'contemporary'Maori art.

10 Contemporary Maori art exhibition, Auckland City ArtGallery, 1995.

11 Contemporary Maori art exhibition, the Dowse ArtMuseum, 1995.

12 Sandy Adsett is a Ngati Kahungunu artist. It is his beliefthat [a] Maori has an obligation lo the art of his people. Its thepeople's art. It doesn 't belong to you. It must identify Maori toMaori if it is s,oins to remain relevant lo statements about our

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tribal beliefs, values and mana (standing) in today's and Walsh, K. (1992). Representation of the past: museums andtomorrow's world. Quoted from Te Waka Toi: Contemporary heritage in the post-modern world, Routledge: London.Maori art from New Zealand, Te Waka Toi: Council for Maoriand South Pacific Arts, Well ington, 1992.

13 Cl i f f Whi t ing is the past Chairman of Te Waka Toi and iscurrently kaihautu of the Maori collection, Te Papa Tongarewa,Museum of New Zealand, Well ington.

14 The ritual of the pae is a much more complex process thanthat outl ined and is subject to variation from tribe to tribe.However, the process of delivering the respective points ofview of host and visitor includes oratory and song with theproceedings initiated through the welcoming call and thechallenge. The farewell terminates the events after matters tobe discussed have been settled. The partaking of food is aninseparable component of the ri tual process.

15 Ahi Ka is one of a number of customary concepts relating toMaori land tenure. One was required to metaphorically keepthe home fires burning or literally to occupy the land as one ofthe pre-conditions of retaining rights to land ownership.

16 In the traditional Maori meeting house the maun wasburied beneath one of the corner posts of the house to guardagainst malevolent spirits.

17 Dime maintains that "Maori society is not static...It is bothdynamic and interactive. Changing demographic patterns,technological advancement, interaction with other cultures andnation, and reduced control over resources, have beenaccompanied by changing cultural beliefs and practises. Inaddition, throughout the human life-cycle, situations, attitudes,values and aspirations change so that many Maori individualsat different stages in life may demonstrate quite differentcharacteristics from those present at other stages."(1995A:464-5)

ReferencesBourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction, London: Routledge.

Beatson. P. Beatson, D. (1994). Arts in Aotearoa, Sociology Dept,Massey University: Palmcrston North.

Durie, M. H. (1995A). Tc Hoe Nuku Roa Framework A MaoriIdenti ty Measure. In The Journal of the Polynesian Society. 104:4, Wellington.

Durie, M. H. (1995B). Tino Rangatiratanga Maori selfdetermination. In He Pukenga Korero, Koanga(Spring). 1:1,Department of Maori Studies, Massey Universi ty: PalmerstonNorth.

Hooks, B. (1992). Black Looks: race and representation. SouthEnd Press: Boston.

Jahnke, R. (1996). Mataora, in print

Mane-Wheoki, J. (1996). Korurangi/Toihoukura: B rown art inWhite Spaces. In W i l l i a m Dart (ed), Art New Zealand. 78,Autumn. Art Magazine Press: Auckland.