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'vo,76
SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7: A CRITICAL EDITION AND STUDY OF
SACRED PART MUSIC FROM COLONIAL NORTHWESTERN GUATEMALA
THESIS
Presented to the Graduate Council of the
North Texas State University in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
MASTER OF MUSIC
By
Sheila Raney Baird, B. M. E.
Denton, Texas
May, 1981
Baird, Sheila Raney, Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7: A Critical Edition
and Study of Sacred Part Music from Colonial Northwestern Guatemala.
Master of Music (Musicology), May, 1981, 226 pages, 3 tables, 22 photo-
graphic plates, 21 figures, bibliography, 87 titles.
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, dated January 20, 1600, is part of the
San Miguel Acatan Repertory ,which originated in the northwestern high-
lands of Guatemala and is presently owned by the Lilly Library of Indi-
ana University. The manuscript contains thirty-four four-part songs
and dances, two thirds of which are villancicos for Christmas, Easter,
the Eucharist, and the feasts of All Saints and St. Michael. The re-
maining third consists of Latin biblical texts in either fabordon or
contrapuntal settings, three pieces with Nhuatl texts, and an instru-
mental pavana.
The thesis contains a modern edition of Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7
with critical notes and commentary, a comparison of the pieces with
villancicos and fabordones of European origin, and a survey of several
aspects of Mayan culture.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF FIGURES . . . ....................... vi
LIST OF PLATES.. ........................-.--...... vii
LIST OF TABLES.. ........................ viii
LIST OF TRANSCRIPTIONS..............................ix
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . ....-.......-.-...-.-.-.-1
The San Miguel Acatan Repertory
Geography of Highland Guatemala
Religion and Government in the Cuchumatgn Region
II. STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE PIECES IN
SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
The VillancicoFormal StructurePerformance Practice
Fabord6nPerformance Practice
III. COMMENTARY. ....................... 86
Text ProblemsSpanish and Latin
Nahuatl
Remarks on the Pieces
IV. EDITION OF SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7 . . .. . . . . . . . . 141
Editorial ProceduresSanta Eulalia M. Md. 7
CRITICAL NOTES .. .. . ................-.-.-.-.-.--- 206
APPENDICES
A. INSCRIPTIONS: SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7, f. llr, 30v, 43v 211
B. SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 3, f. 9v... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
iv
SOURCES OF FIGURES AND PLATES 219
BIBLIOGRAPHY - . . . .- . .-.-. . . . . . ..'. . . . . . . . . .220
V
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Map of the northwestern highlands of Guatemala - . . . 52
2. "hoi nace la nueba estiella," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 6v (No. 7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. -.. 53
3. "Asi andando: El palto," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 10v (No. 11) . . . .........-.-.........-.- 54
4. "AquesEtan tonceriaJ," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. llr (No. 23-3); Inscription, Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. llr . . . . . . . . - - . . . . . . . . . - - - . - - - 55
5. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 12v (No. 13) . . . ................-.-.-.-- 56
6. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto," Santa Eua7ia M. Md. 7,f. 13r (No. 13) . . . .................-.-. 57
7. "Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri,"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. l4v (No. 15) .-.-........ 58
8. "Aquestan tonceria," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 18r (No. 23-2) . . . .................-.-- 59
9. "Desde el gielo bajo Dios," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 22v (No. 22)..............- - -.-... ... 60
10. "Aquestan tonceria," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 23v (No. 23-1); "favana/fahuana,t"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 23v (No. 24) . . -...- . . . . . 61
11. "Donec ponam/Tecum prinipium/Dominus adextris/De torente," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 25v (No. 26) . . . 62
12. "Maria magdalena," Santa Eula2ia M. Md. 7,f. 35v (No. 31) . . . ................... 63
13. "magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus,"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 41v (No. 36).......... 64
14. "magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus,"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 4 2r (No. 36).-.-. . . .. -. . 65
vi
Figure Page
15. [Villancico with a couplet estribillo............ 69
16. Poetic and musical form of No. 3 .... ........ . 70
17. Poetic and musical form of No. 21 .........-....72
18. [Villancico with a quatrain estribillo and
asymmetrical vueltas].........-.-.-.-.--- . . . . . 73
19. Poetic and musical form of No. 16-1 .... . . ... . 73
20. Musicians playing the teponaztli and the huehuetl . - 78
21. Carved teponaztli......... ..-....... 78
LIST OF PLATES
Plate Page
1. Rock formations on either side of the highway
which goes toward San Juan Ixcoy . . . . . . . . . 30
2. View from Santa Eulalia, looking east . .......... 31
3. View from Santa Eulalia, looking north .......-.-.... 32
4. Ridge of the Cuchumatanes Mountains as seen
from the south .-........-... ,.- .. .
5. Ladino houses front on the road, while Indian
houses are set back in the fields. In the
foreground, men from Santa Eulalia dance the Toro . . . . 34
6. Image of Santa Eulalia being carried to the plaza
amid clouds of incense during the Saturday of Glory
procession . . . . . . . . . . . .- - . . .-.- I-.-.. . 35
7. Saturday of Glory procession returning from the
plaza with a canopy above the image of Santa Eulalia
. . 6
8. Image of Our Lady of the Conception being carried
during the Saturday of Glory procession . . . . . . 37
9. Figure of Judas hanged in front of the Santa Eulalia
church on Good Friday. In the background are the
market buildings . .........-.-............38
vii
Plate Page
10. Prayer in front of the church at Santa Eulalia . . . . . . 39
11. Morning prayer in front of the church at
San Miguel Acatan .-..-....-.-.....-...-.-.-.-.- 4o
12. Principal men of the village in front of the
Santa Eulalia juzgado . . 41
13. Women drawing water from the public fountain in
front of Santa Eulalia's municipal building ....... 42
14. Young Santa Eulalia woman in native dress . . . . . .. . 43
15. Santa Eulalia men in native dress playing the flute
and drum in the Saturday of Glory procession .. ........ 44
16. Plaza and parish church in San Juan Ixcoy ...-..-.-... 45
17. Parish church in San Mateo Ixtatan ..-..--.-.-.-.-.-. 46
18. A different view of the San Mateo Ixtatan
parish church . . ........-.-.-.-....-.-.... 47
19. Santa Eulalia church and juzgado ............... 48
20. Chapel of the Rosario, built by the principal
Indian of Santa Eulalia in the early twentieth
century . . - - .- .- - - .-.-.- - - .-.- .--.-.- - -
21. The calvario, an adobe chapel in Santa Eulalia
used only during Lent and Easter week..... ...........- 0
22. Parish church and market in Jacaltenango . . . . . . . . . 51
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
I. Numbering Systems of the Lilly Library's
Guatemalan Manuscripts . . . . ..............6
II. Common Letter Substitutions Found in
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7...........-.-..-.-.-.-.-. 86
III. Catalog and Concordances for
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 . . . . .-.-.-.-...--..- 135
viii
LIST OF TRANSCRIPTIONS
Number
I.
2.
3.
4-1.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16-i.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
victoria victoria quien a vengido . .
yesuchristo nuestro dios . . . . . .
Esta es gena de amor llena
llegaos al convido
Virgen madre de dios
De la sagrada maria....--.-.-.-.
hoi nace la nueba estiella
Dios es ya nacido.....--.-.-.-.-.
y technepa sacramento dios onclcama
Oy es dia de player . . . . . ....
Asi andando: El palto....-..-....-..
El fiel peso y medida ....--...
Sed miguel fuerza y escuto . . .
principatus .......... . .
Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri
muestre la tierra alegria.......
Dixit Dominus Efragment]- -
jesucristo nuestro dios [fragment]
De la hermosa Rebeca . . . . . . . .
forgado de amor de amores.........
Alegria pecadores ..........
ix
Page
145
....... .......... 147
. . . . . . . . . . 149
- - . - - . - . . - 151
153
. - - - - . - . . - 154
155
156
158
159
16o
162
164
167
168
171
173
- . . . . . . . . - 173
174
. . . . . . . . . . 175
176
2.
1.
5.
~6.
Desde el gielo bajo Dios . ..-.-.-...-.-.-..
Aquestan tonceria .... -.- -a- -
favana/fahuana...-....-.-...................
Si tanta gloria se da . . . .. 0-0-a-0 - . -#
Donec ponam/Tecum pringipium/Dominus a dextris/
Number
2
23-
2
2
2
27--
32-
34
-1. Surrexit dominus alleluya . . . . . . - - .
28. 0 virgen maria .........................
29. Et misericordia/Deposuit potendes/Susgepit ii
gloria patri.....-.................-.-.-.
30. Ne recorderis
31. Maria magdalena...- - - o - -
-L. bay magalhi . . . . - - -. -0 -0 - -, - - - -
33. textiless fragment] . ..- - - - -
-1. tibi soli pecaui.....--.-.-.-.-.-.-.-. -
35. Abrase el reyno del cielo - - - a-0-0 - -
36. magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus . .-
37. miserere mei Deus . .D.*-*-0-4 - -0-0-0-i - -
Page
- - 177
- - 178
- - 179
- - 180
182
-10 r-
- --0- --186
srael/
-- - 0- 0- a- - 194
- - 196
- --0 0- -198
- --0- --199
- - -0 -1 - . . 200
- -.202
203
205
x
De torente- r% -
1
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
The San Miuel Acatn Repertory
The Lilly Library of Indiana University owns a group of late
sixteenth and early seventeenth-century Guatemalan music manuscripts con-
sisting of thirteen bound volumes and two fragments. They were copied
for use in the villages of Santa Eulalia, San Juan Ixcoy, and San Mateo
Ixtatan in the Department of Huehuetenango in northwest Guatemala. All.
are still encased in their original deerskin bindings, and some even have
the hair remaining on the hide.1 The first nine of these manuscripts
were designated by Robert Stevenson as the San Miguel Acatan Repertory
after the name of the village in Huehuetenango where they were assembled
in 1963 by two Maryknoll fathers, Edward F. Moore and Daniel P. Jensen.2
The manuscripts have become known through Stevenson's writings by
the names of the villages from which they were gathered. Since the first
seven originated in Santa Eulalia, they were further identified by the
Fathers with the sigla M. Md. __. Hence the manuscript which is the
basis of this study is referred to as Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 or simply
as M. Md. 7. A complete list of the manuscripts can be found in Table I.
1. Information is from photocopy of Lilly catalog cards.
2. Robert Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in theAmericas (Washington, D.C., 1970), 50.
2
Stevenson inventoried these nine choirbooks in his catalog,
Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas,
3 and according
to him,
The earliest.composers in the manuscripts whose activities
can be traced in Spain . . [are] Johannes Urrede, Alonso
de Avila, Franciscopde Pefialosa, Pedro de Escobar, Juan
Garcia de Basurto, Diego Fernandez, Matheo Fernandez,
Crist6bal de Morales, and Pedro de Pastrana. The earliest
Flemings include . . . lXosquin," . Heinrich Isaac,
Jean Mouton, and Loyset Compere.4
In addition to these polyphonic codices, Maryknoll missioners
gathered from the villages surrounding San Miguel Acatan
numerous printed
liturgical books and plainchant manuscripts for safekeeping.5 Among the
printed materials gathered at San Miguel Acatan are a Venetian Pro-
cessionarium secundum rituem et morem fratrum predicatorum printed by
Antonio Junta in 1545 and purchased in 1561 by the alcalde (chief local
executive) of San Juan Ixcoy; two missals printed in 1545 and
1550 and
purchased soon after the Processionarium; and Pedro de Ocharte's
Psalterium Chorale secundum consuetudinem sancti Domini printed at
Mexico City in 1563.6
3. Thid.,55-62. Due to his combining Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5 and M. Md. 6
in the catalog, Stevenson refers to the nine manuscripts as being "eight
choirbooks" (P. 55, Renaissance and Baroque). The leaves of these two
manuscripts were numbered consecutively, with M. Md. 6 beginning at f.
33r of M. Md. 5 (p. 60, Renaissance and Baroque). However, M. Md. 6 is
mentioned as a separate manuscript with different foliation on p. 51 of
the catalog.
4. Robert Stevenson,, "European Music in 16th-Century Guatemala," The
Musical Quarterly, L/3 (July 1964), 345.
5. Tbid., 346.
6I. bid., 349.*
3
The earliest date in any of the hand-copied plainsong books
in the San Miguel Acata'n collection seems to be the year 1570,which
appears as part of a Spanish inscription in the back of a 200-leaf
mutilated gradual.7 This item is not owned by Lilly Library.
8
According to their flyleaves, Santa Eulalia Codices M. Md. 1
and 2 are the earliest dated of the polyphonic manuscripts. Both
were copied and signed in 1582 by Francisco de Len, who referred to
himself on the title page of M. Md. 1 as "maestro deste pueblo De sancta
olaya" [Santa Eulalial.10 Codices M. Md. 5 and 7 bear the signature of
another local maestro de capilla Toma's Pascual, a native Indian,1 1 who
may have been a pupil of de Leon.12 Pascual was active as maestro in
San Juan Ixcoy between 1595 and 1635.13
Santa Eulalia M. G. 5, dated August 14, 1635, is an antipho-
narium14 which is not inventoried in Stevenson's catalog,15 but Santa
7. Ibid., 349-51.
8. Paul Borg, The European Repertoire of the Guatemalan Music MS. No. 8
in the Lilly Library, Bloomington, Indiana (Bloomington, 1978), 4.
9. Stevenson, "European Music," 351.
10. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 57.
11. Robert Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley and
Los Angeles, 1968), 207.
12. Stevenson, "European Music," 351.
13. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 206.
14. Lilly catalog cards.
15. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, p. 63, n. 8. Although Stevenson
did not inventory Santa Eulalia M. G. 5, he did discuss its inscription.
There has been some confusion concerning Santa Eulalia M. G. 5 (= Lilly
No. 13) due to a difference in foliation by Robert Stevenson, Lilly
4
Eulalia M. Md. 7 is included on PP. 58-59. At folio lr of the manu-
script, Pascual inserted a paragraph in Nhuatl, the trade language of
northern Guatemala during the Conquest century16 (Figure 4). Here he
described the manuscript as "a collection of original coplas and villan-
cicos completed January 20, 1600, for use at San Juan Ixcoy, where he
was maestro de capilla."17
The predominant language of the Lilly manuscripts is Latin,
often corrupt, but at least two-thirds of them contain texts and
inscriptions in Spanish, Nghuatl, or one of a variety of local Indian
languages--in all, at least six. Throughout are to be found songs in
Chuj, Kanjobal and Jaltec, 1 and phrases and inscriptions in Cakchikel,
Quiche and corrupt Nahuatl.1 9
In addition to liturgical music, and sacred music in languages
other than Latin, the San Miguel Acatan Repertory also includes dance
music ,with and without textswhich has secular origins. For example,
M. Md. 7 contains several villancicos which are designed for dancing
at church festivals. Instrumental dances without text can be found in
M. Md. 7 (Figure 10), and in M. Md. 2, as well as in the manuscripts
Library, and Paul Borg. In his thesis (pp. 4-6) Borg wrote thatStevenson's information concerning Santa Eulalia M. G. 5 did notcoincide with the contents of any of the Lilly Library manuscripts,but has later acknowledged (letter dated 24 March, 1980) that thesignature, inscription and date in Lilly No. 3 are the same asthose described by Stevenson as being located in Santa Eulalia M. G. 5.
16. Stevenson, "European Music," 346-47.
17. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 51.
18. Ibid.
19. Lilly catalog cards.
5
San Juan Ixcoy, and San Mateo Ixtatnn. When cataloging these instru-
mental dances, Robert Stevenson proclaimed them "the only purely secular
music thus far discovered in any sixteenth-century Guatemalan manuscripts.
Further secular pieces were identified by Stevenson as French chansons
21
which had been contrafacted for use in the San Mateo Ixtatan manuscript.
A brief discussion of the codices owned by Lilly Library that are
not included in Stevenson's inventory can be found on pp. 4 and 6 of
Paul Borg's thesis.22 Throughout the thesis he gives the codices the
same numbers as does Lilly Library, but precedes them with "Bloomington"
or "Manuscript" rather than "Lilly." (See Table I for coordination of
designations given to the codices by the Maryknoll Fathers, the Lilly
Library, and by Paul Borg.)
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 is a collection of thirty-four four-part
songs and dances. The majority of the pieces in this manuscript are
viliancicos and most of them are thought to have been written by
Tomas Pascual, who dedicated them to the Archangel Michael23 (Figure 4).
The villancicos fill approximately two-thirds of the manuscript. The
remaining third consists of Latin biblical texts in either fabord6n
(Figure 11) or contrapuntal settings (Figure T), three pieces with
Nahuatl texts (Figures 13,14). the instrumental dance piece previously
meintioned, three pages with inscriptions, and several unidentified
fragments of music.
20. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.
21. Ibid., 61.
22. Borg, op. cit. , 4-6.
23. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 58.
6
Table I. Numbering Systems of the
Lilly Library's Guatemalan Manuscripts
Maryknoll Numbers* Lilly Library Numbers** Borg Classification***
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 No. 1 Bloomington Manuscript 1
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 24No. 2 Bloomington Manuscript 2
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5 No. 3 Bloomington Manuscript 3
Santa Eulalia M. Ma.No. 6 Bloomington Manuscript 4
Santa Eulalia M. Md.7 No. 5 Bloomington Manuscript 5
Santa Eulalia M. Md. No. 6 Bloomington Manuscript 6
Santa Eulalia M. Md. No. 9 Bloomington Manuscript 9
San Juan IxcoiNo. 8 Bloomington Manuscript 8
San Mateo Ixtatan No.9 Bloomington Manuscript 9
No. 10 Bloomington Manuscript 10
StEaa G.No. 11 Bloomington Manuscript 11
. . .No. 12 Bloomington Manuscript 12
Santa Eulalia M. G.5 No. 13 Bloomington Manuscript 13
. . (fragment) No. 14 Bloomington Manuscript 14
(fragment) No. 15 Bloomington Manuscript 15
*These were the original numbers assigned to ten of the manuscripts by
FathersJensen and Moore. They were also used by Robert Stevenson in
Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas.
**These numbers were assigned to the manuscripts by Lilly Library. Their
complete catalog title is Latin American Mss. Guatemala, Music Mss. Nos.
1-15.
***These manuscript numbers were assigned by Paul Borg in his thesis,
The
European Repertoire of the Guatematan Music Ms. No. 8 in the Lilly Library,
Bloomington, Indiana.
7
In order to give some idea of Pascual's duties at San Juan Ixcoy,
I refer to a general description given by Thomas Gage, an English Dominican
24
friar who traveled in Guatemala during Pascual's lifetime. Gage observed
that the maestro de capilla in Guatemalan Indian villages was called the
fiscal, and was the priest's officer over the singers, trumpets, and waits.
The fiscal was able to read and write, executed justice, and taught Christian
doctrine to the young youths and maids of the village at the church before
and after services. He directed the musicians at morning and evening Mass
in their use of organs and other musical instruments, attended important
visitors with waits and trumpets, and prepared arches with boughs and
flowers for their arrival. He attended the priest, carried out his errands,
and had more influence in the town than the mayors, jurats, and other
officers of justice. He was exempt from the service of the Spaniards,
from carrying burdens, and from acting as a guide for travelers.25 According
to Robert Stevenson, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Indian villages of
southern Mexico and Guatemala conferred more power and prestige on the
leading local musician than has ever been allowed by the social and
political system at any other time in American history.26 The authority
of the colonial maestro de capilla was inherited throughout the Mayan
area from the pre-conquest holpop, who was the principal musician of the
village and a greatly venerated man.27
24. Thomas Gage, Travels in the New World (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958), xxxi-
xxxii.
25. Ibid., 230-231.
26. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 63.
27'. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 108, n. 248.
8
Geography of Highland Guatemala
The Republic of Guatemala is divided into twenty-two departamentos,
units which are the largest political divisions within the republic and
equivalent to states in other countries. The smallest political unit within
a departamento is the municipio, which is similar to what we think of as a
township.28 Each municipio is made up of a pueblo (village which is the
capital of the municipio) and one or more aldeas (rural hamlet-like
settlements). The governmental capital of both a departamento and a
municipio is known as a cabecera. But, where the cabecera of a municipio
is often named after the municipio, the cabecera of a departamento fre-
quently does not share the name of the departamento. However, in the
Department of Huehuetenango, in which the villages associated with Santa
Eulalia M. Md. 7 are located, the tradition of synonymous naming is
followed.
The Department of Huehuetenango, located on the Mexican border
in northwestern Guatemala, has an area of 2,859 square miles,which is
divided among thirty-one municipios.9 Within this departamento is
found a portion of the main Andean mountain range known as the Cuchuma-
tanes Highlands or Los Altos Cuchumatanes, which are considered to be
the highest and most rugged mountains of all Central America (Plates
1-4). With their main ridge running roughly southeast-northwest, the
mountains usually have altitudes of 4,500 to 8,500 feet above sea level,
28. Oliver La Farge, Santa Eulalia; The Religion of a Cuchumatan Indian
Town (Chicago, 1947), xv.
29. Richard E. Moore, Historical Dictionary of Guatemala (Metuchen, N. J.,
1967), 7, 9, 26, 51, 72, 99.
9
but there are some peaks which rise to almost 12,000 feet. It is rare
to find level spots larger than an acre or two on these ravine-filled
steep mountain sides. There are two seasons in the Cuchumatan area: a
dry summer season lasting from November through April, and a wet winter
season during the remainder of the year. As is characteristic of tropical
highlands climates, the temperature varies more with the altitude than
with the season, plunging to 320F or below in the heights and rising to
90*F in protected valleys. The mean temperature for altitudes of 6,000
to 8,000 feet is 50'F - 65"F.30
As of 1950, 73.3% of the 200,101 inhabitants in the Department
31of Huehuetenango were Indians, with the remainder of the population
consisting of Ladinos. The distinction between Indians and Ladinos is
cultural rather than physical. The name Ladino represents non-Indian
people of Spanish culture, often with a mixture of Spanish and Indian
blood. Ladinos speak Spanish, have Spanish surnames, wear shoes and
clothing in the European style, are usually literate, live in houses
with windows (Plate 5), and have a higher standard of living than do
most Indians. Indians are the pure-blooded descendants of the people
of pre-Columbian Guatemala. They speak Indian languages, wear Indian
costumes, have Indian surnames, and live according to traditional Indian
32customs. Europeans, Negroes, and even Indians who adopt the dress
30. Charles Wagley, Economics of a Guatemalan Village (New York, 1969), 7.
31. Moore, op. cit., 72. Other population statistics given in this paperare also from 1950.
32. Sol Tax, "The Municipios of the Midwestern Highlands of Guatemala,"American Anthropologisb, n.s., XXXIX/3 (July-September 1937), 432.
10
and mannerisms associated with western culture can be loosely classified
as Ladinos. When an Indian takes on characteristics associated with
Spanish cultural traits, he is said to be ladinized.3 3
Distinct variance in religion and political organization exists
among the highland municipios. In addition to having their own patron
saint (Plates 6-8) and costume (Plates 5-15), the people of each muni-
cipio often have their own tradition of origin. The inhabitants of
each municipio share a common tribal name and are "'a people' distinct
from all others, even those speaking a mutually intelligible dialect." 35
Considerable variation on specialization of custom occurs from one
municipio to another, and the Indians are conscious of these differences
along with even minor dialectal differences.36 Therefore, a different
and relatively independent social organization exists in each municipio.37
The natives of the highlands all speak languages of the Kanhobal
group, with the exception of the two Mames municipios of San Martin
Cuchumatan (for which the area is named) and Todos Santos. The Kanhobal
group is "divided into two languages, Kanhobal and Chuj, with Jalteca as
a major dialect of the former." San Juan Ixcoy, Santa Eulalia, and
San Miguel Acatgn Indians all speak the Kanhobal language, while Chuj is
33. Moore, op. cit., 83.
34. Wagley, "Economics," 8.
35. Ibid.
36. Ibid.
37. Tax, "Municipios,." 444.
38. La Farge, op. cit., vi-vii.
11
spoken in San Mateo Ixtatgn. Each municipio has minor variations when
the same basic language is involved. For example, the language of San
Miguel Acatan is basically true Kanhobal with Jaltecan influences.39
Municipios vary in size from thirty to 1,000 square miles..4o
Those in the highlands are smaller in area and larger in population than
those of the lowlands. San Juan Ixcoy, with 5,310 inhabitants,42 is
one of the more densely populated municipios. It is in the east central
part of the departamento, with its cabecera located on the road north from
Huehuetenango (the capital city of the departamento) a distance of twenty-
one miles (Figure 1). Its main products are corn, wheat, beans, potatoes,
and woolen shirts and robes. In 1898 the Indians of San Juan Ixcoy, in
an attempt to prevent further immigration into their municipio,45 massacred
those Ladinos who were already living there. The government retaliated by
exterminating the inhabitants of the village, and it has been only recently,
with the construction of a new highway to the departmental cabecera, that
new life has come to the region. The pueblo has an old church which has
been repaired several times (Plate 16).46
39. Ibid., vii.
40. Moore, op. cit., 99.
41. Tax, "Municipios," 425.
42. Moore, op. cit., 138.
43. Adrian Recinos, Monografia del Departamento de Huehuetenango(Guatemala, 1954), 361.
44. Moore, boc. cit.
45. La Farge, op. cit., xii.
46. Recinos, op. cit., 363-64.
12
Thirty-five miles north of Huehuetenango is San Mateo Ixtatan,
48
one of the most extensive municipios of the departamento (Figure 1).
It lies astride a high ridge near the head of the Ixquiss River Valley
9
in the northern Cuchumatanes at an altitude of 8,540 feet with a population
of 7,835. Salt production, sheep raising, wool, and wheat provide the
main means of livelihood of the inhabitants.50 This Chuj-speaking area
is divided into three municipios, all of which treat San Mateo Ixtatn
as their central village and show ceremonial dependence upon it.The
parish church is very old, and by its architecture and present
condition
appears to be one of the first that was constructed in this area
during
the colonial epoch (Plates 17, 18).52 Early in the present century, the
San Mateo Ixtatan Indians came close to perfecting an uprising similar
to
the 1898 San Juan Ixcoy massacre previously described.
53
Between San Juan Ixcoy and San Mateo Ixtata'n is Santa Eulalia,
which is about twenty-seven miles north of Huehuetenango (Figure 1).
This municipio sits at an altitude of 8,300 feet on a westward-facing
shoulder of the main north-south Cuchumat6 n ridge.
4 As late as 1959,
47. Moore, op. cit., 141.
48. Recinos, op. cit., 372.
49. La Farge, op. cit., viii.
50. Moore, loc. cit.
51. La Farge, loc. cit.
52. Recinos, op. cit., 375.
53. La Farge, op. cit., xii.
54. Ibid.,9 3.
13
the cabecera was not accessible by road.55 The population of the muni-
cipio is 8,273, and crops of corn, wheat, beans, and potatoes are produced
in the area.56 Santa Eulalia was originally much larger than it is at
present, but in 1889 and 1900, two other municipios were shorn from it by
request of the Ladinos,who wished to develop that territory. The Indians
of the two newer municipios are still considered part of the Santa Eulalia
tribe, and they think of Santa Eulalia as their ceremonial and commercial
capital. The parish church was constructed in 1884 (Plates 9, 10, 19).58
Of special interest in this municipio are the many deep caverns
and caves which produce a thundering roar when the wind blows violently.59
In the early twentieth century, a governor of the departamento entered
Santa Eulalia's sacred cave of Yalan Na' and removed from it a collection
of ancient idols which he took to Huehuetenango and dispersed, much to the
horror and dismay of the I ndians.60 Highlands natives believe that the
spirits of their young people leave them and go to this sacred cave twenty-
five days before the Mayan religious new year and return twenty days later.
Adult spirits are believed to visit the cave during the last five days
.61before the new year.
55. Moore, op. cit., 3, 148.
56. ITbid. , 148 .
57. La Farge, op. cit., 3, 4.
58. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, p. 63, n. 6.
59. Recinos, op. cit., 368.
60. La Farge, op. cit., 5.
61. Morris Siegel, "Religion in Western Guatemala: A Product of Accultura-tion," American Anthropologist n. s., XLIII/l (January-March 1941), 73.
San Miguel Acatan is one of the most heavily populated zones of
the Department of Huehuetenango.62 Its cabecera is also on a western
slope of the mountains, twenty-nine miles northwest of the capital city
of the departamento (Figure 1). The elevation here is 6,020 feet above
sea level. The municipio's 10,446 inhabitants subsist by making hats and
ropes, milling flour, and mining lead. They are dispersed over a wide
64area, occupying the pueblo center and
seven surrounding aldeas. On the
eastern side of the pueblo's plaza rises an old church and convent annex,
built by the Fathers of the Mercedarian Order and recently reconstructed
by the Fathers of the Maryknoll society, which administers the parish
(Plate ii).65 Ethnological field work was done in San Miguel Acatan
for ten months during 1938-1939 by Morris Siegel of Columbia University.
He later wrote that conditions there were representative of most Guatemalan
villages at that time, and on this basis I shall relate his description
of San Miguel Acatan's pueblo center and outlying area as an example of
the similar organization of San Juan Ixcoy, San MateoI xtat
6.n, and Santa
Eulalia.
Besides the church, which was previously described, the pueblo
center had a school house, jail, and courthouse (Plate 12) around its
62. Recinos, op. cit.5, 349.
63. Moore, op. cit.5, 141.
64. Morris Siegel, "Resistances to Culture Change in Western Guatemala,"
Sociology and Social Research XXV (September 1940-August 1941), 416.
65. Recinos, op. cit., 350.
66. Siegel, "Resistances," 416.
67. La Farge, op. cit., xv, 3. See also Wagley, "Economics," 8.
15
plaza, with a fountain in the middle for drawing water (Plate 13).
This pueblo center was the focal point of civil administration and
the scene of most economic, social, and religious activities (Plates
9, 10, 13, 16, 22). Most of the houses in the pueblo center belonged
to Ladinos. The majority of the Indians lived near their fields as
did their ancient ancestors.69 The Indian's single-room, rectangular
house was made of adobe bricks with a slanting thatched roof and an
earthen floor (Plates 2, 5-7, 12, 21). Cooking and heating were done
on an open hearth that was placed in the center or to one side of the
room. Furnishings consisted of two or three tiny chairs, and some
plank beds.i7
Religion and Government in the Cuchumatan Region
Great similarity in local government and religion has also been
witnessed in highlands Indian villages, even though small differences
make each municipio an individual society. These similarities can be
seen through a glance at the history of the Cuchumatg'n region.
During the Period of Conquest (1524-1600) the violent clashes
between the Spanish and Mayan Indian cultures led to the decline of the
Indian way of life.71 Immediately after the Conquest, probably by mid-
sixteenth century, the Indians of the Kanhobal-speaking group seem to
68. Siegel, "Resistances," 416.
69. Wagley, Loc. cit.
70. Siegel, "Resistances," 417.
71. Sol Tax, Heritage of Conquest (New York, 1968), 250, 287-88.
16
have been organized into six major villages: San Juan Ixcoy, San Mateo
Ixtat6Jn, Santa Eulalia, San Miguel Acatin, Soloma, and Jacaltenango.
They were divided into two Parishes of the Mercedarian Order, Soloma
and
Jacaltenango (Plate 22). With the exception of Jacaltenango, these six
T2
main villages are associated with pre-Conquest ruins of some importance.
In these "outlying Indian districts European music played a paramount
role in the evangelization of the indigenous population,"
as is evidenced
by the earlier description of the San Miguel Acatan Repertory's
contents.
From the beginning, the indigenes flocked eagerly to learn
everything possible concerning European music--so much that
intricacies in the . . repertory such as the combined 0,
C, and G mensurations in Isaac's 0 preclara Mass clearly
gave them the delights of a puzzle. To say that they them-
selves did not marvel at Mouton and Morales is to deny the
evidence showing that these very books were eagerly shared
with maestros from Soloma to Chiantla. To claim that this
repertory did not join with their native-language coplas
and villancicos to become their most prized personal
possession is to overlook the frequent petitions of co-
fradas [religious cofraternities] until the end of the
colony that choirs be in no way abated, and that even hours
in small parish churches be sung polyphonic ly and with as
full solemnity as the village could muster.
Sufficient literary data survives from such travelers as Thomas Gage
to confirm the Guatemalan Indians' avid interest in European music, even
without the evidence of these codices.7 5
72. La Farge, op. cit., viii, xi.
73, Stevenson, "European Music," 345.
-(4. Ibid., 352.
75. Ibid. , 346. See also Thomas Gage, Travels in the New World, ed. by
J. Eric S. Thompson (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958), 131-33, 160, 162, 172,
230,r231, 243-46 for descriptions of the Indians' music in Guatemala
and Chiapas.
17
During the colonial period, the church was almost entirely
responsible for educational programs. Along with training in arts and
crafts, the clergy gave instruction in the catechism. To the children
of Spaniards and sons of principal Indians of the villages they offered
instruction in reading, writing, and other rudiments of knowledge. Be-
fore the middle of the sixteenth century, monks were teaching Latin in
Guatemala, considering it to be the foundation of all education.76
With the suppression of Indian traits and absorption of Spanish
traits during the Conquest, the Indian culture began its evolution
toward a culture which Oliver La Farge has labeled "Recent Indian,"
In a report concerning his 1932 field work in Santa Eulalia, he writes
that the church became less powerful and the control of the centralized
government became more lax after the initial Conquest years.. The
church lost even more power shortly after the time of Guatemala's
independence from Spain in 1817, when it "became involved in politics
and eventually lost, with subsequent curtailment of its power, its
right to hold property, its authority to make unrestricted appointments,
and its right to manage its own affairs." As soon as the Catholic
Church began to diminish in power, the Indians began to revive their
aboriginal practices.79 The religion that evolved during the succeeding
three centuries was a distinctively new one, with a fusion of Catholic
76. Nathan L. Whetten, Guatemala; The Land and the People (New Haven,1961), 259.
77. La Farge, op. cit., xi, xv.
78. Whetten, op. cit., 305.
79. Tax, Heritage, 250, 288.
18
oand ancient Mayan elements. Here Christianity and paganism became
so thoroughly blended together that one element could not be separated
from the other. The integration was so complete that the natives did
81
not realize that their religion stemmed from two different sources.
They worshiped a sort of pantheon which consisted of God, several
mysterious supernatural beings, and a number of saints. Every religious
festival was celebrated with heavy drinking, mourning for the dead, loud
wailing over past misfortunes, and dancing to the music of marimbas.
82
The Indians had "not the faintest idea of any conflict between the most
purely Mayan religious practice and the most orthodox Catholicism."
83
Each municipio had its own local adaptation of this hybrid religion,
using its own set of legends, myths, prayers, supernaturals, and special
formulae for appeasing the gods.84
Differing from the community religion were the special cults
practiced by family units. Also important to these Indians was divina-
tion, which played a large part in social, economic, medical, and religious
problems and decisions. The natives dreaded sorcery, to which they
attributed all illnesses, misfortunes and untimely deaths, and practiced
Nagualism with the belief that every individual had a spirit-counterpart
that lived in an animal whose fate was inseparably united with that of
80. Siegel, "Religion," 64.
81. Whetten, op. cit., 287.
82. Siegel, "Resistances," 419.
83. La Farge, op. cit., 79.
84. Whetten, Loc. cit.
19
the human.85 There was a vigorous survival of parts of the Mayan
ceremonial calendar with simultaneous use of the Gregorian 365-day
calendar for fixing of the Christian festivals and installation of
1 86civil and religious officers. This syncretism of aboriginal and
imported religious elements has been given the name of "Folk Catholi-
cism." 7
Closely interwoven with "Folk Catholicism" is the local
government structure of the municipios. June Nash, whose field work
in the western highlands was during 1953-1954 and 1956, explains the
system as follows:
. . . Throughout the region is found the ranked hierarchyof civil and religious offices. Aided by their families,all townsmen are expected to hold a series of positionswithin the official hierarchy of their township. As anindividual advances in his career the offices that heholds become progressively more responsible and deservingof respect [Plate 12]. In this manner the communitiesprovide for the upkeep of their churches and other publicfacilities, for the enforcement of law, the care of saints'images, and the performance of rites appropriate to theritual calendar.08
85. Siegel, "Religion," 69-70.
86. La Farge, op. cit., 163, 165.
87. June Nash, "Protestantism in an Indian Village in the Western High-lands of Guatemala," Alpha Kappa DeZtan XXX (Winter 1960), 49-50.
88. Ibid., 49. For detailed explanations of the civil-religious hierarchy,see Wagley, Economics, 11-13; Charles Wagley, The Social and ReligiousLife of a Guatemalan Village (1949), 79-104; Siegel, "Religion," 67;Siegel, "Resistances," 417-18; Tax, "Municipios," 442-44; La Farge,Santa Eulalia, 13, 19, 82-83, 112, 132, 134, 136, 141-42; Manning Nash,Machine Age Maya; The Industrialization of a Guatemalan Community(Chicago, 1967), 125-29.
20
As the hold of the Catholic Church was weakened, so was its
contact with the mountain villages, to the point that the only formal
tie consisted of biannual visits of a priest to the villages to par-
ticipate in the celebration of Corpus Christi and perform baptismal
rites.89 Around 1920 the Diocese of Los Altos, which contains the
Parishes of Soloma and Jacaltenango, was merged with the Diocese of
Guatemala City, and until its restoration in 1931, there was no resident
priest at all in the highlands.90 During this long period of minimal
contact with the church, and especially during the time when there was
no resident priest, most religious functions were conducted by officers
of the hierarchy. The catechism and mass were unimportant, and con-
fession unknown. Marriages were performed according to aboriginal
tradition, rather than that of the church. Burials were directed by
cantores, Indian men who had learned Latin chants by rote from their
predecessors.91 The person in the hierarchy with qualifications
closest to those of a priest was the Maestro Cantor, who had the ability
to write and to lead the cantores in chants for the wakes and burial
processions.9
During this period of separation from the church the different
codices and liturgical books of the San Miguel Acatan Repertory were
guarded in locked cupboards in their respective villages by chimanes
89. Siegel, "Resistances," 419.
90. La Farge, op. cit., xii, 79.
91. Wagley, Economics, 16.
92. La Farge, op. cit., 82.
21
(soothsayers, sorcerers, and healers), who took them out for only the
most important festivals. In his article entitled "European Music in
16th-Century Guatemala," Robert Stevenson tells us that
. . .enough evidence is now at hand to give Guatemala a
proud place beside Mexico and Peru in the annals of
Renaissance music. Ironically, it has been pure-blooded
Indians in Guatemala rather than ladinos and descendants
of conquistadores who most scrupulously respected the
treasure of European Renaissance music ,brought over by
Dominican colleagues of Las Casas. . . . Seen in this
light, the effort of some present-day folklorists to
dichotomize the indigenous Guatemalan heritage and the
European tradition, and to pit them against each other
as irreconcilable opposites, betrays history. . . .
Finally, to contend that the Indians did not continue
honoring this repertory three centuries after the native
maestros de capilla created and copied it is to forget
that we today hail the preservation of this musical
treasure in so remote and unheard-of a hamlet as San
Miguel Acatan because their descendants continued for
generations to secrete the books as talismans of an
unutterably precious past.9 3
The religious wing of the hierarchy was organized into several
cofraternities of laymen called cofradias. Each cofrada was in charge
of caring for and protecting the image of a particular saint and arranging
fiestas in honor of that saint (Plates 6-8).94 The aboriginal pattern of
religion combining secular and religious functions is still common in
Highland Guatemala.95 However, the hold of the religious organization
over the civil administration has been weakened in recent times through
the Ladinos' success in obtaining a ruling from the national government
93. Stevenson, "European Music," 351-52.
94. Whetten, op. cit., TO, 288, 321.
95. Tax, Heritage, 284-85.
22
which placed them in the highest-ranking, policy-controlling civil
offices of the municipios, causing a separation of church and state
96at the municipio level. Also, there has been a recent lack of
participation in the civil-religious hierarchy by a number of Indians,
due to a falling off of contributions from citizens with which to re-
imburse officers for the neglect of their own personal business during
terms of unpaid office.97
After completing his work in Santa Eulalia in 1932, Oliver
La Farge reported that the breakdown of the "Recent Indian" culture
with its heritage of Mayan survivals--the process of de-Indianization--
was still only beginning in most of the Cuchumatan villages. There had
only recently been a significant degree of change in that area, which
98had long stood as a fortress against change. In the late 1940's the
Viking Fund Seminar on Middle American Ethnology put together an index
of acculturation which showed retention of pre-Columbian traits in
twenty Mesoamerican areas. Of the twenty areas rated, northwestern
Guatemala, specifically the Department of Huehuetenango, was rated
second highest in retention of purely Indian elements. Members of the
Seminar, all specialists in the field of middle American ethnology,
agreed that approximately 80% of the Indian trait loss had probably
occurred in the sixteenth century during the period of the Conquest,
and the other 20% in the nineteenth century.99
96. La Farge, op. cit., 13, 134.
97. Ibid.!, 132.
98. Ibid., xii, 1.
99. Tax, Heritage, 263-64.
23
Isolation has been the key deterrent to change in the highlands.
The area is boxed in on all sides by forbidding mountain walls or wild,
uninhabitable lowland jungles (Plates 1-4). During La Farge's stay in
Santa Eulalia "none of the area could be reached by wheeled vehicles,"
and he described the Heights of Cuchumatan as "an isolated region of
high ridges and precipitous valleys, hard to approach, hard to cross in
any direction, and, in the main, high, cool, fertile, and beautiful beyond
the possibility of expression. "100A travel guide published in 1949
confirms La Farge's report:
The massive bulk of the Cuchumatanes Mountains near Huehuetenango[the city] is still isolated from the rest of Guatemala. NumerousIndian villages hang onto the sides of the mountains . . . ascut off from the outside world as they were before the Spaniardsinvaded the new world. . . . As the crow flies some of the com-munities are not far away from the highway. In terms of distancesover narrow footpaths or mule trains serpentining up and downthe high Cuchumatanes they might as well be in Tibet as far asthe average tourist is concerned. Among these secluded villagesare those of . . . San Juan Ixcoy, . . . Santa Eulalia, .San Mateo Ixtat6'n, and San Miguel Acatan.1 0 1
Santa Eulalia and its neighboring municipios were neglected for
perhaps two centuries by central authority and the outside world. This
happy isolation began to shatter in the last half of the nineteenth
century due to an influx of Ladinos and the development of coffee fincas
(plantations) on the Pacific slopes of the mountainswhose labor demands
could be filled only by drawing upon the population reservoirs of the
100. La Farge, op. cit., 1.
10 . Lyman Judson and Ellen Judson, Let's Go to Guatemala (New York, 1949),226-27.
highlands.102 At the time of the Conquest the Spaniards had coerced
native labor through the encomienda system, changing in 1616 to the
mandamiento system which was abolished in 1894.103 The finca system
was also carried out by force at first, but was later changed to an
elaborate system of debts known as habilitaci6n, a form of the inden-
ture system which finally resulted in debt slavery.104 In 1934 the
system of debt peonage was abolished and replaced by a national vagrancy
law which remained in effect until the adoption of a new constitution in
1945, at which time forced labor in Guatemala virtually came to an end.
This "vagrancy law required any person not having a trade or profession
or not cultivating specified amounts of land to seek employment from
others for 100 or 150 days per year, depending on the amount of land
he farmed. . . . If the worker tilled less than these amounts he would
have to seek work on the plantations for specified periods of time
during the year. 105 The likelihood that most Indians would have to
work on plantations was great due to a reduction of the Indians' common
farm lands through early twentieth-century surveys of land and land
titles which had passed much valuable land into the hands of the
106Ladinos. Through plantation labor, which required workers to be
absent from their own farms for months at a time, the Indians lost
102. La Farge, op. cit., xii, 4.
103. Whetten, op. cit., 116-123.
104. La Farge, op. cit., xii.
105. Whetten, op. cit., 121-22.
106. La Farge, op. cit., 4.
25
their economic independence. The cash wages they received caused a
surplus of cash among them, resulting in abandonment of some of the
local crafts which had been a source of additional income since pre-
Conquest times.107 These economic changes, along with excessive
erosion
of their land, have caused many Indians to continue working on planta-
tions and also as migratory workers following the harvests, even though'
108forced labor came to an end in 1945.
Plantation work has caused some important changes among the
highlands Indians. According to La Farge, "Experiences on the coast
and en route taught the natives new tastes and desires; contacts with
more sophistocated people weakened their faith in native ways and all
religion. Through the finca system the Machine age began to invade even
this remote part of the highlands, despite the continuing barriers of
mountains and trails." 109
Guatemala has one of the highest illiteracy rates found in the
Americas. In 1950 the illiteracy rate in the Department of Huehuetenango
began at 70%, soaring to over 90% in the most isolated highland areas
due to a greater concentration of the Indian population in those areas.
1 1 0
There are several factors which have worked through the years to cause
illiteracy to reach these proportions. In the first place, Indian parents
do not want their children to learn "new ways and useless things," or to
107. Ibid., xii, 5.
108. Whetten, op. cit., 123.
109. La Farge, op. cit., xii.
110. Whetten, op. cit., 261-63.
26
become like Ladinos, but rather to maintain the Indian way of life.
Relations between Ladinos and Indians seem peaceful and harmonious,
but there is actually an undercurrent of hostility and resentment on
both sides. Natives express their hostilities toward Ladinos through
passive resistance to Ladino ways. il Parents see little use for the
information taught at school and react against sending children there,
because the values taught are not consistent with those which prevail
at home. 11 Literacy is considered to be of no value because the lack
of roads into mountain communities hinders progress, keeping Indians
who do not travel to plantations out of contact with cosmopolitan society.1 1 3
Second, Indian children who attend school are handicapped by not
knowing Spanish, which their parents discourage them from learning, and
appear backward and stupid to Ladino children,who excel through their
knowledge of Spanish. The teachers are always Spanish-speaking Ladinos
who cannot speak the native tongue. This language barrier has for some
time perpetuated the belief among Ladinos that Indian children are in-
ferior and naturally stupid. Native children have learned to accept this
stigma through what has seemed to be daily proof of Ladino superiority.ll1
Even though the majority of the Guatemalan population has always been
Indian, they have long submitted to Ladino domination and accepted
ill. Siegel, "Resistances," 420, 424-25, 429-30.
112. Whetten, op. cit., 269.
113. Waldemar R. Smith, The Fiesta System and Economic Change (New York,
1977), 57.
114. Siegel, "Resistances," 420, 423-25.
27
subordinate roles in economic and social spheres, making only rare
and feeble attempts to gain equal status with Ladinos.1 15
A third factor contributing to illiteracy among Indians is that
Guatemala simply does not have enough schools to accomodate school-age
children even if they have the desire to attend. The facilities are far
from adequate to serve the needs, even though new educational programs
have been introduced at various times.116
This shortage of schools has been eased somewhat since the end
of Guatemala's 1944 Revolution, at which time Catholic and Protestant
missionaries were allowed into the country. Many Catholic missionaries
began working in mountain parishes which had had no resident priest for
decades. Strong efforts to reach even the most isolated villages have
been made by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries, and both groups
have actively promoted schools, cooperatives, and other social welfare
programs on a national level. Conversion from "Folk Catholicism" to
Orthodox Catholicism or to Protestantism is one of the most important
social movements in contemporary highlands communities, with religious
orthodoxy becoming a major institutional link with Guatemalan society.1 17
There are several motives for conversion to Protestantism among Indians:
1) Heavy drinking is an essential part of ritual in "Folk
Catholicism," but is discouraged in Protestantism. There-
fore, Indians have a chance to break the vicious cycle of
drinking and poverty.
115. Ibid., 414-15.
116. Whetten, op. cit., 264.
117. Smith, op. cit., 52-3, 100.
28
2) Indians who join Protestant sects are relieved of the
financial burden of participating in "Folk Catholic"
brotherhoods (cofradfas).
3) They can take advantage of better educational oppor-
tunities in Protestant schools.
Young members of Protestant sects have been mentally stimulated and
the possibilities of realizing their ambitions increased through their
attending out-of-town boarding schools and conferences and being drawn
into a network of social relations that is national in scope. 118 The
effects of these missionary efforts have been summarized by June Nash,
who reports that
in the highland villages organized religion, particularly
but not exclusively Protestantism, may be the main agent of
culture change at present.. Protestantism, because it leads to
literacy and through intervisiting units, converts from different
towns, is slowly eroding municipio localism. Because converts
withdraw from the age-grade cofradia system, Protestantism is
slowly lessening deference to age and respect for traditional
authority, thus increasing receptivity to innovation. Finding
itself challenged, the Catholic church in turn is introducing
changes in the form of social events, charity for the stricken,
and opposition to the cofrada system.11 9
Since the 1944 Revolution the cofrad'a system has also felt the effects
of the government's attempts to promote democracy and programs of social
and economic reform. The rise of political parties, the enacting of
election laws, and the formation of national organizations extending their
influence into rural areas, have promoted emphasis on individual action by
Indians rather than on group decisions made by cofradfas.1 2
0
118. J. Nash, "Protestantism," 50, 52-3.
119. Tbid., 53.
120. Whetten, op. cit. , 321.
29
The 1949 Viking Seminar predicted that in just a few years
Indian culture would decline sharply due to government projects to
better their way of life. Members of the Seminar credited this
acceleration in acculturation to the idea that relationships between
Ladinos and Indians become more pleasant when the government does
something constructive for the Indian rather than just exploiting
him.121 The truthfulness of their prediction has been made evident
by a statement published by Waldemar Smith in 1977. According to his
findings, "political and social relations have . . . been altered in
important ways, such that no Indian village, however hidden in the
rugged sierras, is the folkish world-unto-itself that all villages
were just a few decades ago."12 2
121. Tax, Heritage, 294, 288-89.
122. Smith, op. cit.., 43.
30
Plate 1. Rock formations on either side of the
highway which goes toward San Juan [xcoy.
,RIM'
4F
34
Plate 5. Ladino houses front on the road, while Indian houses
are set back in the fields. In the foreground, men from
Santa Eulalia dance the Toro,
35
Plate 6. Image of Santa Eulalia being carried to the plaza amid
clouds of incense during the Saturday of Glory procession.
36
Plate 7. Saturday of Glory procession returning from the
plaza with a canopy above the image of Santa Eulalia,
37
Plate 8. Image of Our Lady of the Conception being
carried during the Saturday of Glory procession.
I
Plate 9. Figure of Judas hanged in front of the Santa Eulalia church
on Good Friday, In the background are the market buildings,
38
41
Plate 12, Principal men of the village in
front of the Santa Eulalia juzgado,
--------------- ...........
42
Plate 13, Women drawing water from the public fountain
in front of Santa Eulalia's municipal building,
44
J,01
Plate 15. Santa Eulalia men in native dress playing the
flute and drum in the Saturday of Glory procession,
49
Plate 20, Chapel of the Rosario, built by the principal
Indian of Santa Eulalia in the early twentieth century,
50
4t
Plate 21. The calvario, an adobe chapel in Santa Eulalia
used only during Lent and Easter week,
52
Figure 1. Map of the northwestern highlands of Guatemala.
R
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Chapter II
STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE PIECESIN SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7
The Villancico
A villancico may be considered both a musical and a poetic
form whose parts are often the work of one person. Structurally, "the
villancico belongs to that type of lyric poem which is characterized by
the repetition of an introductory refrain in combination with a stanza
or stanzas according to a recognized pattern."1 The term "villancico"
is derived from the Spanish villano, which in the Middle Ages was the
official word denoting a serf, or individual of humble origin. In its
original sense the diminutive form "villancico" referred to songs com-
posed for and sung by the folk.2
The development of the villancico can be traced from as early
as the Middle Ages, as has been shown by Isabel Pope in her very thorough
article, "Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico. The villancico
appeared as one of the most important forms of secular music in Spain
during the Renaissance, the time of its most perfect flowering both
poetically and musically. While in its strictest sense the term refers
1. Isabel Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico; Notes onIts Development and Its Role in Music and Literature in the FifteenthCentury," Annales Musicologiques II (Paris, 1954), 190-92.
2. Ibid., 191. 3. Ibid., 189-214.
67
to a poetic and musical form intended to be sung with or without in-
strumental accompaniment, the word was also frequently applied in the
sixteenth century to purely instrumental pieces which were variations
on the melody of a well-known villancico.
By the end of the sixteenth century villancicos with sacred
texts sung in Spanish were being performed in the churches by the
faithful, especially at Christmas time and also on the occasion of
other church festivals. Ecclesiastical authorities often frowned upon
their use, and royal decrees prohibited them at various times because
of their secular origin. The custom, however, "continued in many churches
in Spain until the early years of the nineteenth century, and until the
present day in some churches in Latin America. Villancicos were often
interpolated in the Offices and the Mass, and by the eighteenth century
had developed into a type of cantata with an opening chorus, interspersed
arias, and a choral ending.6
Formal Structure
As was mentioned earlier, about two-thirds of the pieces in
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 are considered to be villancicos. Musically and
4 bid. , 189q-5. Ibid. , 189-90 .
6. Juan Orrego-Salas, "Villancico," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cam-bridge, Massachusetts, 1969), 903. See also the translations fromIsabel Pope's "Villancico," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart,14 vols., ed. Fredrich Blume (Kassel, 1949-68), XIII, 1628-31, andfrom Alfonso Mendez Plancarte's Villancicos y Letras Sacras, Vol. IIof Obras Completas de Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz (Mexico City, 1952)xxx-xlv, in Robert Stevenson's Christmas Music, 3-5.
68
poetically they are similar to the secular villancicos found in the
Cancionero Musical de Palacio7 which was the basis of Pope's summary
of the form. Her outline of the formal patterns derived from the Can-
cionero, which was compiled in the late fifteenth through sixteenth
centuries, has provided the basic pattern for the following discussion
of the villancicos in M. Md. 7.8
The spontaneous folk-like air of the villancico is conveyed by
an introductory refrain referred to as the estribillo (= refrain), which
sets the tone and theme for the whole piece. The estribillo is composed
of a couplet, tercet or quatrain, and is so indispensable that it alone
was sometimes called a villancico. The poetic idea presented in the
estribillo is developed in succeeding stanzas called coplas. A copla is
divided into two parts, the first being the mudanza (= change) and the
second the vuelta (= return). The mudanza presents a new melody, and a
rhyme pattern which is independent from that of the estribillo.10 The
vuelta returns to the rhyme of the estribillo. If the estribillo is
not monorhymed, but has two rhymes, the vuelta often returns to the
second rhyme. The last verse or two verses of the vuelta may in some
cases repeat not only the rhyme of the last or last two verses of the
7. Higinio Angles, ed., Cancionero MusicaZ de Palacio, Vols.. V, X ofMonwnentos de la Misica Espanola (Barcelona, 1947, 1951).
8. Pope, "Metrical and Musical Form," 194-95.
9. Tbid., 193, 211. 10. bid., 193, 202.
69
estribillo, but may repeat them in whole or in part as a "true re-
frain."11 The melody of the vuelta repeats that of the estribillo
and is sung to the last verse of the independent rhyme and to the
verse or verses which rhyme with the estribillo or which are repeated
from the estribillo.12 In the following diagram of the simplest type
of villancico, that which has a couplet estribillo (Figure 15), it will
be observed that the repetition of the rhyme and music of the estribillo
are not simultaneous: 1 3
Figure 15.
Copla
Estribillo Mudanza Vuelta
I-E -1 - I ]Text: a a b b b aMusic: A B C C A B
Estribillo Mudanza Vuelta
Copla
This lack of concurrence between its musical and poetic repetitions
constitutes an asymmetrical vuelta and is an essential characteristic
common to all villancico types. By means of returning to the melody
of the estribillo while singing the last verse of the independent rhyme,
the copla is bound together as a unified whole instead of being stiffly
divided into two unrelated sections.l14
11. Ibid., 201-02. 12. Ibid., 202.
13. Ibid., 195-96. 14. Ibid., 197.
70
Although asymmetrical vueltas are typical in villancicos,
cases of perfect symmetry do occur. It is especially rare to find
parallel musical and poetic vueltas among villancicos with the couplet
15estribillo, but such an arrangement is found in No. 3, "Esta es
gena de amor llena" (Figure 16). It is a variant of the simplest
villancico type diagrammed above (Figure 15), having a monorhymed tercet
in the mudanza of each copla, and vueltas which return to the second
rhyme or the actual words of the second verse of the estribillo.
Figure 16. Poetic and musical form of No. 3.
Text Musica Esta es gena de amor llena A7
Estribillo Estribillo
b esta es gena de amor B
aquanto ay en esta gena C
Mudanza a es amor ya amor se ordena C Mudanza
Copla CoplaCa gena de la gloria buena CC
Vuelta b esta es gena de amor BJVuelta
(c) gena de [a~mor quia junsta C
Mudanza c con el amate amato C Mudanza
Copla Coplac de amor con amor ques sato C
Vuelta b y de amor a su sabor BJVuelta
15. Tbid., 197.
71
d que nagio tal gena diene C
Mudanza d aunque a totas las mandiene C MudanzaCopla
Coplaod esta sola nos conviene C]
Vuelta Lb porque oncluye a su sator B] Vuelta
The diminutive No. 5, "Virgen madre de dios," is a variant of this type
in that it consists of only a couplet in the introductory estribillo.
Villancicos with tercet estribillos appear frequently in Santa
Eulalia M. Md. 7. In the Cancionero Musical de Palacio the tercet
estribillo is by far the most usual and can be found in two main types
of villancicos which differ only in the rhyme schemes of their mudanzas.
Both tercet types have asymmetrical vueltas and use a middle truncated
verse in the estribillo called a pie quebrado which allows greater flexi-
bility in musical treatment as well as a more developed poetic form than
the villancico introduced by a couplet estribillo. 16 In M. Md. 7, Nos.
10, 20 and 21 (Figure 17) exactly duplicate the musical and poetic form
of one of these two main types, and Nos. 6, 19 and 22 have only slight
variances in the rhyme schemes within their mudanzas. Nos. 2, 3, 4-1
and 8 show less similarity to the main types of tercet estribillo vil-
lancicos, but can still be considered variants of those forms.
16. Ibid., 197-98.
Figure 17.
Texta
Estribillo b
b
c
d
dMudanza II
c
F c
Vuelta b
I Lb
Poetic and musical form of
Alegria pecadores:
ques nacida
de quien naze nuestra vida
de la Real generacion
de david y de juda
naze otla que nos da
Nuestra eterna redemcion
maria consolacion
escogida
de quien naze nuestra vida
No. 21.
MusicA
B Estribillo
c
DMudanza I
DMudanza II
E
A
B Vuelta
c
Villancicos with (uatrain estribillos were equally as popular as
the tercet type in M. Md. 7, but there is only a small group of the
quatrain type in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio. The majority of
those found in that collection have the typical asymmetrical vuelta, but
a few illustrate complete musical and poetic symmetry.17 One form of the
quatrain type with asymmetrical vueltas is illustrated in Figure 18:
17. Ibid., 199-200.
72
Copla, Copla
73
Figure 18.
Estribillo Mudanza I
Text: a b a b c dMusic: A B
Estribillo Mudanza I
Copla
Mudanza II
c dB
Mudanza II
Copla
Of the villancicos with quatrain estribillos in our manuscript Nos. 1
and 25 have asymmetrical vueltas. However, their vueltas are unusual
in that the rhymes rather than the melodies of their estribillos return
first; this is opposed to the situation seen in the typical asymmetrical
vuelta diagrammed above (Figure 18). The estribillos and mudanzas in
these two villancicos are similar to those in the diagram.
Only one piece in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio duplicates
the form of the quatrain type of villancicos in M. Md. 7 which have
symmetrical vueltas. 18 These are Nos. 12, 13, 16-1 (Figure 19) and 35.
Of these, No. 35 has a shorter vuelta, but all four have a true refrain.
Figure 19.
Texta
bEstribillo
b
a
Poetic and musical form of
muestre la tierra alegria
vistase de gloria el suelo
Oy quel acorde del cielo
celebra su eterno dia
No. 16-1.
MusicA
B
EstribilloC
D
18. Tid., 200.
Vuelta
:d b a bA
Vuelta
c guarda el mundo la memoria EMudanza I Mudanza I
d El ser quel es dio en la tira F
dy alla en el cielo sencierraE
Mudanza IIjMudanza IIc La prezenciaa de su gloria F
Copla Coplaa vistase pues de alegria A
b E memoria desto el suelo BVuelta Vuelta
b Oy quel acorde del cielo C
a celebra su eterno dia D
Nos. 11, 28 and 31 have quatrain estribillos, but are variants of the
two forms discussed above (Figures 18, 19) with highly irregular rhyme
patterns.
There are two villancicos in the manuscript which have not been
included in the couplet, tercet or quatrain estribillo classifications.
The first is No. 27-1, whose estribillo and three coplas could each be
considered to contain either one verse or two, depending upon whether or
not the lines of verse are divided. The second is No. 36, whose corrupt
Nahuatl text obscures the poetic form, thus making classification difficult.
Performance Practice
Villancicos may vary in texture from one to twelve voices, and in
some several of the parts may be played by instruments rather than being
191sung, but the villancicos in Santa Eulalia 1. Md. 7 are all of the four-
part variety. The estribillo of a villancico is conventionally sung by a
chorus, and the mudanzas of the coplas by a soloist or soloists. All or
19. Stevenson, Christmas MUSic, 3.
75
part of the vuelta is sung by the chorus, which reinforces the refrain -
stanza - refrain pattern of the villancico.20 Part-singing of the kind
practiced in Spain was unknown to the natives of Latin America before
the Conquest, but their enthusiasm and aptitude for studying European
music enabled them to sing polyphony reasonably, and in some cases
amazingly well soon after their training began.2 1
In Spain, villancicos accompanied both religious and secular
dances.22 This use was particularly associated with pastoral plays and
autos sacramentales which ended with the singing and dancing of vil-
lancicos .23 By the mid-sixteenth century the enormous popularity of
the religious autos had spread to Latin America, where they were intro-
duced into the colonies by missionaries.24 Even though Christian men and
women no longer "danced promiscuously together," the composition of dance
villancicos for church use gave Indian chapel masters the opportunity to
express themselves "in dance measures as vigorous as any that their an-
cestors may have known."2 5
20. Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico; A Historical Survey (New York,1952), 139.
21. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 119, 154-66.
22. Isabel Pope, "Musical Development and Form of the Spanish Villancico,"Papers of the American Musicological Society (New York, 1946), 13.
23. Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form," 192.
24. Juan Orrego-Salas, "Auto," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,Massachusetts, 1969), 66. See also Stevenson, Christmas Music,4, 5, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 58.
25. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 207.
76
Solving the problem of accompaniment of the villancicos of
M. Md. 7 requires knowledge of performance practice in Spain and the
New World during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This together
with some reports of musical activities in the Mayan area of Central
America at, the time of the manuscript's compilation will allow us to
deduce something of the instrumental practice.
Noncontinuo instruments were important in the villancicos of
Spain and the New World. In some instances these instruments had in-
dependent parts with running lines, and in other cases simply doubled
26the vocal parts. There are several surviving reports of colla parte
accompaniment in the New World which describe non-liturgical occasions
requiring polyphony, such as outdoor processions and fiestas. These
occasions were the most relished by humbler classes and the most stimu-
lating to Indian composers. The processions and fiestas often included
a choir singing villancicos or other popularized polyphony with parts
doubled by a flute choir, trumpets, and chirimias (folk shawms). Addi-
tional accompaniment was provided by large and small bells, teponaztlis
(two-toned slit-drums), and other drums such as the huehueti (upright
three-legged cylindrical drum with a tuneable skin drumhead which produces
two pitches a fifth apart and is played with the hands) (Figure 20).
The teponaztli resembles an elaborately-carved wooden barrel enclosed
26. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 21, 36.
27. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 199-200.
28. Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 137, and Stevenson, Aztec and Inca,41, 158-59, 162-63, 165, 199-200.
77
at both ends and lying on its side. Two tongues created by an 232
shaped incision sound different pitches ranging from a minor third to
a perfect fifth apart. On the bottom side of the hollow, resonant
drum is cut a rectangular opening which increases the volume. The drum
is placed on, a support or on the ground and is played with a pair of
mallets which are tipped with rubber (Figures 20, 21).29
Cathedral capitular acts and instrument inventories also name
noncontinuo instruments available for use with villancicos. Some of
these not mentioned above are the sackbut, cornett, violin, treble and
tenor viols, bassoon, rebeck, marine trumpet, and clarion.30
It was also common practice in Spain and parts of the New World
to use continuo instruments in villancico performance. Instruments in-
cluded in this category are the organ, portable organ, harp, guitar,
31lute, cittern and bandore. When present, the continuo part consisted
of an unfigured, textless line which merely duplicated the lowest vocal
part of the villancico, although in some cases it played a purely instru-
mental fourth part. Figured bass did not become common practice in Mexico
or Spain until the eighteenth century.3 2
29. Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 9-10. Marshall Saville's The Wood-Carver's Art in Ancient Mexico (New York, 1925), contains numerousdrawings and photographs of teponaztlis and huehuetls.
30. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 28, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 148.
31. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 28, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 61,148.
32. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 21-22, 36, and Stevenson, Music inMexico, 143.
79
In Latin America the Indians themselves played all of these
instruments. In part because of the local tax liability which musicians
were not subject to, the churches became overcrowded with singers and
instrumentalists to the point that in 1555 the First Mexican Council was
convened by Archbishop Alonso de Montifar to alleviate the problem. The
resulting edict banished many of the singers and all instruments from the
church except the organ. The banished instruments were to be reserved for
outdoor processions and festival days of patron saints, and could no longer
be used for accompanying the liturgy. This ruling was not severely en-
forced, however, and Indian participation continued to flourish in instru-
33mental church music during the sixteenth century.
Some of the instruments mentioned above were introduced to the
New World by the Spaniards, but others were already present before the
conquerors' arrival. Reports written by Spaniards during the first half
of the sixteenth century tell us that, among other indigenous instruments,
the Mayas played vertical flutes made of reeds, long thin wooden trumpets
with long twisted gourds at their ends, and the tunkul, another name for
the Aztec teponaztli or slit-drum. This is still an indispensable Mayan
instrument. Among the tunkules still used in Guatemala in the twentieth
century is the one seen by Oliver La Farge during his stay in Santa
Eulalia. He wrote that it was kept in the church near the altar rail
and was brought out for important dances. 3 5
33. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 163, 167-70.
34. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 18, 69-71, 108. See also Saville,op. cit., 59-60.
35. La Farge, op. cit., 82, 86, and Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 11, 25.
80
The Indians of Mexico became so skilled in the manufacture of
European instruments that by the end of the sixteenth century it was
no longer necessary to import instruments from Spain. For example,
one of the instruments, the double-reed chirimla, was already in local
manufacture by the mid-sixteenth century. It is possible that the-
Mayas of Guatemala learned to make them also, or at least were able to
obtain chirimias from neighboring Mexico. The chirimia has long re-
mained one of their favorite instruments, and along with drums and
marimbas, it still provides music for dances, processions, burials, and
the fiestas of Lent and Holy Week in Santa Eulalia and San Miguel
38Acata'n. Indians in the highlands of Guatemala may have continued to
build them since they are known to have also constructed their own reed
pipes, six-stop wooden flutes, snare drums,and tunkules in the present
century (Plate 15).
It seems likely that several of the noncontinuo instruments
listed in connection with sixteenth- and seventeenth-century villancico
performances in Spain and Mexico would have been used to accompany the
villancicos in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, either colla parte or in an
improvised style. One might conservatively suggest that the pre-Conquest
Mayan trumpet and flute (or their European equivalents), tunkul,and
other indigenous percussion instruments probably would have been available.
36. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 85, 172. 37. Tbid., 96, 158.
38. La Farge, op. cit., 86-98, and Siegel, "Religion," 72-74.
39. La Farge, op. cit., 36.
81
The chirimla, on the basis of the Indians' reported skill in building
copies of European instruments as well as its present popularity in
highland Guatemala, may have also been used.
Although Pope Paul III's bull of January 15, 1534,allowed for
the employment of an organist who would play every feast day at the
Guatemala Cathedral, it does not seem likely that so sophisticated a
continuo instrument as the organ would have made its way into the iso-
lated highlands by the year 1600. All bass parts in M. Md. 7 are texted
and there are no instrumental instructions written in the music, which
makes any use of continuo instruments even less likely. It would have
been more likely that groups of flutes playing in harmony were used to
replace the sound of a pipe organ, as was done in some areas of Mexico.41
Fabord6n
Four of the pieces in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, Nos. 9, 26 (Figure
11), 34-1 and 37, have fabord6n settings. Fabord6n is the Spanish equiva-
lent of the Italian term falsobordone,which is used to denote simple
homophonic settings in four parts of the psalm tones and other liturgical
recitatives. h2 Both words are derived from the French fauxbourdon, but
their differing musical style is evident even though the definitions of
the terms became blurred during the sixteenth century. From their first
40. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 50.
hl. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 158.
42. Willi Apel, "Fabord6n," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,Massachusetts, 1969), 304. See also "Falsobordone," 305-06.
82
appearance in the fifteenth century, fabordones were written for four
mixed voices (soprano, tenor, alto and bass) instead of three, used
five-three instead of six-three triads, and had all of their parts
written out with none left for the performers to add by rule, although
it did become popular to improvise cadences according to the musical
cliches of the day. In his study entitled The Falsobordone, Murray
Bradshaw discusses several theories of the origin of the fabord6n and
its possible historical connection with fauxbourdon.4
Fabordones originated in Spain, Portugal and Italy, and were
most commonly used for the singing of psalms at Sunday Vespers.45 A
Gregorian psalm tone was placed in the soprano, tenor, or occasionally
the bass voice as a cantus firmus. The whole piece followed the form
of the psalm tone, dividing the psalm verse into two parts, then further
dividing these halves into two smaller sections known as the recitation
and the cadence. These were strophic compositions with the same music
sung to different verses, just as is done in psalmody. A single chord
was repeated as many times as necessary during the recitation section,
and clarity of text was given first priority along with good accentua-
tion. Near the end of the sixteenth century, some composers discarded
43. Murray Bradshaw, The Falsobordone: A Study in Renaissance andBaroque Music (Stuttgart, 1978), 19, 21, 32, 34-35, 43.
44. ibid., 31-33. See also Ernest Trumble, "The Contratenors ofFauxbourdon," Journal of the American Musicological SocietyVIII/l (Spring 1955), 71-72.
45. Bradshaw, op. cit.., 20, 50.
46. Ibid., 21, 23-24.
83
the psalm tone cantus firmus, but retained the essence of the style,
that is, the declamatory repeated chords followed by a cadence.h4
There was a great growth in popularity of the fabord6n between
1580 and 1620. This style of composition found its way not only into
cathedrals and princely establishments, but also into village and parish
h8churches, monasteries,and convents as well. The growing trend toward
singing in parts at the end of the century, the need for simple music
that could be quickly mastered by any church choir, the simplicity of
the genre itself which made it easily adaptable to other mediums, and
the demand for clarity of text by the Council of Trent (1545-1563) are
all reasons that gave impetus to its widespread adoption. The require-
ments of the Council were inherent to fabord6n, which was
the most explicit, and perhaps most perfect musical reflec-tion of ecclesiastical thinking on music: a completely
sacred orientation, clarity of text declamation, and sim-
plicity of musical style.h9
The end of the sixteenth century was the golden age of the fabord6n,
and by 1613 it was reported that "in these kingdoms of Spain the
singing of psalms in figured music is not customary except in falso-
bordone ,50
47. Ibid.,, 58.
48. ibid., 72-73.
49. Ibid., 46-48.
50. Pietro Cerone, El Melopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613); facsimile ed."Bibliotheca Musica Bonolensis," 11/25 (Bologna, 1969), Vol. II,689, cited in Bradshaw, op. cit., 51.
84
The fabordones in M. Md. 7 have many characteristics in common
with those composed in Spain, including the basic features of four-
part texture and root-position triads with the third usually present.
The melodic movement of the upper three voices is primarily by step,
with their ranges not exceeding an octave. The bass usually moves by
leaps of fourths and fifths, although some movement by steps and thirds
does occur in M. Md. 7.51 As in the Spanish settings, those in M. Md. 7
begin with the reciting tone rather than the intonation, generally use
notes of only one or two rhythmic values and have more melodic motion
52toward the cadence. The cantus firmus of each piece is unembellished,
53though the other voices are often decorated at the cadences. An attempt
has been made in these settings to properly accentuate the text, but an
accurate result was not achieved, especially in No. 26.
As was mentioned earlier, the singing of fabordones was asso-
ciated with Sunday Vespers. One of the most commonly set psalms in
this style was the first one of that office, Psalm 109, of which No. 26
is an example. Fabordones were also used in the Offices of Matins, Lauds,
Terce,and Compline, in the Office of the Dead, and as settings for li-
tanies. The remarks for No. 9 in Chapter III discuss its possible use
as a litany. The texts of Nos. 34-1 and 37 both come from Psalm 50,
and are discussed in Chapter III in connection with the Burial Service.
Fabord6n settings of the Miserere psalm were also traditionally used in
the service of Tenebrae.54
51. Bradshaw, op. cit., 27. 52. Ibid., 24-25.
53. Ibid., 54. 54. Ibid., 68-73.
85
Performance Practice
Fabordones were sung a cappella, with either several singers to
a part, or a soloist on each part. An alternatim performance was usually
called for, in which the fabord6n verses were alternated with plainsong
verses.
The manner of singing the recitations is not at all certain,
and Bradshaw offers three known possibilities:
1) equal note values allotted to all syllables with attentiongiven to the natural accentuation of the words.
2) the strict use of two note values within a regular metricalsystem.
3) beginning with the first, lengthening the alternate syllables56and the final vowel of a word or phrase in a graceful manner.
In all cases the cadences are exceptional. The regular use of meter
signatures and notated long and short values in M. Md. 7 points to a
variation of the second of these practices.
55. Ibid., 24-27, 66.
56. Tbid., 24-25, 105, 109-110.
86
Chapter III
COMMENTARY
Text Problems
Spani~sh and Latin
The spelling and usage of Spanish and Latin and the manuscript
style in which they are written in Santa Eulalia M. Md. ? together
produce problems sufficiently complex in scope to merit a separate
study. Since that is not possible in this project, I shall only
briefly discuss each type of problem encountered while dealing with
the texts of M. Md. 7.
The most evident problem, quite likely attributable to phonetic
spellings, is the continual interchange of alphabetic characters. After
dealing with the texts for a while this becomes less of a problem, be-
cause many of the spelling errors are consistent enough to make the
intended spelling obvious. Following is a list of the most common
substitutions, with an example of each:
Table II., Common Letter SubstitutionsFound in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7
b used for v: nueba = nueva r used for 1: angericar = angelicalc used for s: venerig = veneris s used for c: asercando = acercandod used for t: lesdar5 = restart" t used for d: comita = comidaf used for p: favana = pavana x used for c: plaxer = placeri used for r: estiella = estrella x used for E: confrexit = confregit1 used for r: otla = otra z used for c: hazer = hacerm used for n: redemgion = redenci6n z used for I: bazo = baj6
p used for f_: Luciperum = Luciferum
87
Not all of the letter substitutions in M. Md. 7 can be attributed
to phonetic or poor spelling. Certain situations are due to the "Old
Spanish" script style, in which the letter i stood not only for the
vowel i, but also for y and j.1 Initial V was usually written as u2
(uida = vida), and frequently phonetically confused with b3 (bida =
vida) (Figure 2). The differentiation between i and j, and between u
and v took place after the invention of printing, when Antonio de Nebrija
published his 1517 spelling book, Reglas de orthographia. During the
first thirty years of the sixteenth century, under the influence of
humanistic ideas and classical studies, "Spanish was stripped of much
of its ancient costume and began to emerge as the language of the present
day. "5 It was during the latter part of this period of change that Spain
conquered Guatemala (1524), and the conquerors began teaching the tran-
sitional Spanish to the Indians. Thus it seems likely that the condition
of the Spanish language and the script style were in part responsible
for the spelling problems encountered in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.
Omitted letters and syllables are to blame for some of the most
troublesome areas of the texts. When a word begins with the same letter
or syllable that ends the word immediately preceding it, that letter or
syllable is often elided. For example, sien doncella = siendo doncella
1. Jeremiah Denis Matthias Ford, Old Spanish Readings (New York, 1967),239.
2. Tbid., 304.
3. Robert K. Spaulding, How Spanish Grew (Berkeley and Los Angeles,1948), 79-80.
4. Ibid., 76, 137. 5. Ibid., 136.
88
(Figure 2), dios incorrompimiento = dios sincorrompimiento, and sum
altura = suma altura (Figure 9).
Reversed letters also appear in several instances, such as
garn = gran, and palcer = placer. The confusion between b and V com-
bined with a letter reversal results in bre = ver.
In this edition I have, with one exception, left all spellings
of Spanish and Latin texts as they were originally written. In situations
where omitted letters result in the absence of a whole syllable, most of
a syllable or the only vowel in a syllable, I have replaced the missing
letters, enclosed in brackets, in order to allow the text to fit the
music. I have also attempted to show upper and lower case letters as
they are in the manuscript, but it has been difficult to differentiate
between them in many cases, especially the letters D (Figure 12), E
(Figures 6, 7), L (Figure 11), S (Figures 6, 7, 9), and Y (Figures 11, 12).
In addition, it was difficult to differentiate between g and q in
M. Md. 7, because they were often made alike in the sixteenth century
(Figures 5, 6).6
Abbreviations common to the Spanish and Latin of the time are
numerous in the manuscript. In this edition I have spelled out all
abbreviations which are present in the Spanish and Latin texts of the
Original manuscript to allow facility in reading and singing. The most
common method of abbreviation omitted the letters i, n, m, or r, but
any number of letters might have been dropped from a word as long as
the context enabled the reader to guess what word was meant. A straight,
6. See, for example, Samuel A. Tannenbaum, The Handwriting of theRenaissance (New York, 1930), 44, 64.
89
curvedor looped horizontal flourish above all or part of the abbreviated
word indicates a contraction. This flourish written above a vowel shows
the omission of a succeeding m or n (Figures 3-12), as in c tto = con-
tento, and c'dtar = cantar. The syllable que (Figures 4-6, 8, 10) is
represented by T, h, , or q. The omission of larger groups of letters
can be seen in Dus = Dominus, espiv = espiritu (Figure 13), glIa or =
gloria, gr = gracia, and n 2r = nuestra or nostra (Figure 2).
A second type of abbreviation frequently, encountered in M. Md. 7
uses superior letters to denote the omission of one or more letters or
syllables within a word. The titles Se~ior and Se5iora are written -S-
(Figure 3) and 'Sra respectively, while San is simply -S- (Figures 4,
to11) with no superior letter. The abbreviation -S- = sancto(a) or
santo(a) is used a number of times (Figure 13). Proper names abbreviated
with superior letters in this manuscript are Maria and Juan, represented
by m 9 and Ju0 (Figure 4) or Zu0 (from English Jn0 = John).7
Brevigraphs form the third type of abbreviation used in the
manuscript. These are special symbols that are used to take the place
of whole syllables. According to Tannenbaum, they are derived. by modi-
fying an ordinary letter. These symbols occur infrequently in M. Md. 7,
and are as follows:: 0 = et used as the Latin word et; f = por used as
the Spanish word por (Figure 2);2. = rum as used in sancto= sanctorum
(Figure 11); 9 = us as used in splendorib = spiendoribus (Figure 11);
and '&= vir as used in'gen = virgen (Figures 2, 3, 10). The symbol
7 . Tbid.1, 134. 8 . bid.,5 125.
90
Xpo = Christo or Cristo appears only once, and is related to the
chrismon, the Greek monogram of the word Christ.9
Several symbols are used in the manuscript to indicate repe-
tition of the text: 1)" (Figures 5, 6, 10), 2)-Z. (Figures T, 9),
3) j (Figures 13, 14), ) // and 5)*1. Symbols similar to these are
often found in Continental manuscripts, but in M. Md. 7 they often
have variant meanings. Number five, for example, can be considered a
text repeat sign in M. Md. 7 only when it does not correspond with a
rest or congruence sign (.C) in the music; where it does appear with a
rest or the sign it shows congruence between the text and the music
(Figure 2).
The versions of the Spanish and Latin texts given later in this
chapter include footnotes which contain the following information:
1) corrected spellings of words whose identities are obvious
(based on Table II).
2) modern spellings (ex: coragon = modern corazz6n; Spanish
sancto(a) = modern santo(a); ygual = modern igual).
3) suggestions for possible orthography where words are un-
readable or unidentifiable (based on Table II and abbrevia-
tions).10
4) spellings in the different voice parts (represented by S, A,
T and B) which vary from the typewritten version (such as AB:
mercio; S: melecio).
When sources for Latin texts are cited, Liber Usualis is
abbreviated as LU.
9. Ibid., 85-86.
10. Assistance in reading the Spanish texts was given by Profs.
Malena Kuss and Philip Sn'yth. A few emendations were made afterPaul Borg's catalog of the manuscript.
91
Nghuatl
The highland villages of Guatemala have continuously used
mutually unintelligible dialects within the Kanhobal group of the
Mayan language, even into the present century (see p. 4). During
the sixteenth century, the Aztec Nhuatl was used as a means of com-
munication in carrying on trade in the region. In time its use was
also extended to some of the musical texts of the San Miguel Acatgn
repertory to facilitate the exchange of the manuscripts among the
villages.
The language seen in these texts is not the elegant, classical
Nghuatl of the early Aztecs. The corruption of the Nhuatl language
in Guatemala may have occurred in the same manner that it occurred in
New Spain (Mexico),where the Indians imitated the Spaniards' incorrect
pronunciation of the Aztec tongue. Because of this, only a general
sense translation of the texts and Pascual's inscription (f. llr) can
be given without the aid of Nhuatl dictionaries contemporary with
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.
The translations of" this inscription and the three Nghuatl
song texts, and suggestions for their word and syllable divisions were
made by Dr. Dow Robinson of Wycliffe Bible Translators, Inc. His re-
marks concerning each text are contained in the commentaries for those
songs. A few suggestions regarding Pascual's dedication were offered
by Mr. Earl Brockway, also of Wycliffe Bible Translators. I am
responsible for the treatment of the Spanish words in this inscription.
11. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 100.
92
There are several abbreviations in the three songs (Nos. 9,
32-1, and 36) and in Pascual's inscription which are similar in appear-
ance to those seen in the Spanish and Latin texts (Figures 4, 13, 14).
Since the particular abbreviations used (the straight, curved,and looped
flourishes) can represent many different letters and groups of letters,
I have not attempted to interpret them unless the word in question
happens to be written out in one of the voice parts. A few abbreviated
Spanish words are used in the Nahuatl songs and inscription. They are
included in the previous discussion of Spanish and Latin abbreviations,
and interpreted in the same manner as abbreviated words found in the
Spanish and Latin texts.
Remarks on the Texts and Music
1. "Victoria victoria quien a vencido" (f. lv-2r). This villan-
cico for the feast of St. Michael describes Michael in one of the roles
given to him by Christian tradition, that of a special protector against
the attacks of Satan (Luzbel). Michael is traditionally regarded as the
chief of the archangels, and in the Western church has two feasts . The
May 8 feast commemorates his alleged fifth-century appearance at Monte
Gargano in Italy and his victory over Greek pirates at Manfredonia. His
September 29 feast celebrates the anniversary of the sixth-century dedi-
cation of his most ancient church, located on the Salarian Way at Rome.13
(See also remarks for Nos. 12 and 13.)
12. Donald Attwater, A Dictionary of Saints (London, 1958), 189.
13. Frederick Holweck, A Bioqraphical Dictionary of the Saints(Detroit, 1969), T .
93
Robert Stevenson has published a transcription of this piece
in which measures 9-14 have become two nearly identical musical periods
of two short phrases each, through alteration of several rests and note
values .
Este canto
[Estribillo]:
copla:
14.
J A
para fiesta de San miguel a 4 vozes [voces]
Victoria quien a15 vencido
el gran16 miguel que vengio
A luzbel17 el18 atrevido1 9
y vengiendo del triunpho20
con zusto21 titulo dan
a miguel por la victoria
Contucta22 de capitan23
y premio eterna de gloria
24 .25pues fue tan exclaregido
que al profundo deslibo2 6
[Repeat Estribillo]
Stevenson, "European Music," 347.
Arjr
rr v
[h]a
S: atrebido
conducta
most likelydesdijo.
r r r r r
16. ATB: gra 17. Luzbel 18. el
20. triunfo; B: triPho 21. justo
23. capitn 24. or fru 25. esclarecido
derrib6, but possibly desterro, desvi6, deshizo, or
19
15.
19.
22.
26.
I
94
2. "yesuchristo nuestro dios" (f. 2v-3r). The Eucharist is
described as a sacrament in the text of this villancico. A piece has
been torn from the middle of the second stanza of the coplas, making
it difficult to understand the text.
The soprano part has been raised a minor third throughout the
piece because the C clef was incorrectly placed in the manuscript.
[Estribillol: yesuchristo27 nuestro dios28
por nos tar2 9 contento y uita30
31 32 comita33dasenos oy en cmt
[Coplas]:34 35 . 36
1) el ques pan te selapinas
. .3738 .39tiuino37 y angericar ali
40 4l . . 4se ta yal hombre mortic~inlo
car[i]t[ad] mui caritat
[Repeat Estribillo]
2) es tiuino sangramento 4 5
Ly] comita supriL ]nate
46 47'y siento onprem[ ] prata
48 .30con ello ser ota [ ] uita
[Repeat Estribillo]
Jesucristo 28. Dios 29. dar 30. vida
dasenos; T: tasenos 32. Chloy 33. comida
35. quejie]s pan de, or quejie]spante 36. serafinas
divine 38. angelical 39. alli 40. da
yal, or yajra]l 42. mortecino 43. caridad 44. muy
sacramento 46. siendo 47. hombre, or un premio 48. ot[r~a
27.
31.
34.
37.
41.
45.
95
3. "Esta es gena de amor liena" (f. 3v-4r). This villancico
is designated "for the feast of holy sacrament," which it describes as
the "supper full of love."
Measures 1-6 of the soprano voice have been raised a major
third, because the C clef in the manuscript was incorrectly placed for
the estribillo.
Este canto para fiesta de santo saclamento [sacramento]
[Estribillo]:
a 4 vozes [voces]
Esta es gena de amor llena
esta es gena de amor
1) quanto50 ay en esta Qena
es amor ya amor51 se ordena
Qena de la gloria buena
esta es gena de amor
2) gena de mor52 quia junsta53
con el amate amato54
de amor con amor ques sato55
y de amor a su sabor
49. B: mormor in the repeat of this line
50. cuanto 51. y amor
53. quien junta, or que junta
54. ama[nlte y amado, or amaEn~te el amado
55. quedIels saEn~to
52. Calmor
copla:
96
3) que nagio5 6 tal gena diene57
aunque a totas58 las mandiene59
esta sola nos conviene
porque oncluye6o a su sator61
4-1. "llegaos al convido" (f. 4v). Here is yet another
villancico for the Eucharist, this time describing the sacrament as
a "divine" or "holy supper full of mysteries."
[Estribillo]: llegaos al convido
62 63desta sancta cena
de misterios llena
[Coplas]: 1) llegaos a comer
64pues que dios os llama
lleno a de plaxer65
en divina cena
llegaos al convite
desta cta cena
de misterios llena
2) no tengays lecelo
.69 70veni peccadores
gusta71 estos savores72
56. nacio
6a. incluye
64. Dios
67. tengais
71. :usta[d]
57. tiene
61. sabor
65. placer
68. recelo
72. sabores
58. todas 59. mantiene
62. de-Eeista 63. santa
66. Esanlcta =Esan]ta
69. veni[d] 70. pecadores
97
venidos del ciello7 3
74 75 . Tpues alla en e cielloT3
esta gracia plena
de misterios llena
4-2. (f. 13v). At the top is the soprano voice of No. 4-1,
defaced and with incomplete text.
5. "Virgen madre de dios" (f. 5r). Robert Stevenson calls
this piece, which begins "Virgin mother of God," a Christmas villancico.
Since the folio containing the soprano and tenor parts is missing, it is
impossible to know if this song originally included coplas. Without
coplas it could have been sung as a hymn consisting of two stanzas, but
if there had been coplas, the first of these stanzas would have served
as an estribillo, and the second (both verses or only the last one) as
a vuelta at the end of each copla.
Virgen madre de dios7 8
Virgen senora vos7 9
[Virgen madre de Dios]
Cosa soberana
6. "De la sagrada maria" (f. 5v-6r). The Christmas text found
in No. 6 describes Christ as "the Sun who expels the darkness by His
birth," and is one of six villancico texts set to this piece of music
7. cielo P74. al 75. eEl] 76. esta Cestal
77. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 9. 78. Dios
79. possibly senora&a] vos
98
(cf. Nos. 10, 19, 20, 21, 22). The main differences among the six
versions of the music in M. Md. 7 are some rhythmic accomodations for
the text in No. 20, and an independent tenor part in measure 5 of
Nos. 6 and 10; the four other settings duplicate the alto part at this
point.
[Estribillo]: De la sagrada maria80
.81 .82que oi nacio
. 82 .83 .814nagio el sol que dios embio
Copla: el sol en su nacimiento
la tiniebla85 expelio8
.80 87maria que lo pario
que dios in corompimiento8 8
de la que gano89 el contento
.81 . 82que oi nacio
nacio el sol que dios embio
7. "hoi nace la nueba estiella" (f. 6v-Tr). In this Christmas
text we find God described as "the true Sun and the Star that shines
upon us," and Mary as the "mother and virgin [who] has God as her son."
80. Maria 81. [hloy; A: i in repeat of this line
82. nacio; A: naci in repeat of this word 83. Dios
84. envi6 85. la[s] tinieblaEs] 86. expeli6
7. paro 88. DiosaAs ]in corrompimiento
39. gan6
99
The song consists of four stanzas, each consisting of four
verses, and was probably sung in the manner of a strophic hymn. The
poetic form of the text is not immediately clear in the manuscript,
because the first two verses of the third stanza were initially omitted
and later added following the fourth stanza. The practice of writing
two verses per line of text has also obscured the form to some extent,
although each line is divided into two verses by the sign fl which
corresponds with a congruence sign in the music (Figure 2). After the
verses are put in their correct order, the stanzas all follow the rhyme
pattern A B A B.
Robert Stevenson couples this Christmas song with the Christmas
villancico which immediately precedes it in the manuscript (No. 6).90
In this, he may consider the hymn-like No. 7 to be a romance, since it
has several characteristics in common with that form.91 The custom of
appending a villancico (No. 6) to a romance (No. 7) as a deshecha (poetic
conclusion) was common during the Conquest century.9 2 The metrical rela-
tionship of the two pieces follows the general rule for the romance-
villancico combination: a duple- or common-meter romance combined with
a villancico in triple meter;93 however, the different keys of the two
pieces make it less likely that they were used together.
90. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 9. See Table III for Stevenson'sfoliation of these two pieces.
91. Miguel Querol Galvadg, "El romance polifonico en el siglo XVII"Anuario Musical X (1965), 111-20.
92. Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form," 205-06.
93. Querol Galvad6, op. cit., 120. See also Stevenson, ChristmasMusic, 12.
100
1) hoi nace la95 nueba96 estiella9
que por lumbre tiene a dios98
Refrujente99 pura y bella100
101 . 102virxen sancta que sois vos
2) dios98 es el sol berdaderol03
y la estiella97 que nos claca
es del mar norte y luzerol0 5
3) maria10 madre y doncella
por [sul hijo tiene a dios98
f108 .0109
nacio y sien doncella
110 .98querida eposa de dios
111 112.4) co la reyna esclarecida
y luna respalndescientel1 3
Remedio de nuestra bida114
la que nasce115 del oriente
94. hoy
97. estrella
100. B: pu lla
103. verdadero
io6. all6
109. sien[do]
112. reina
115. nace
95. AT: la omitted
98, Dios 99.
101. virgen santa
104. [alclara
107. Marfa
110. e[s]posa
113. resplandeciente
96. nueva
refulgente; S: refujente
102. ATB: bos
105. lucero
108. naci6
111. co[n]
114. vida
101
8. "Dios es ya nagido" (f. Tv-8r). The text of this Christmas
villancico speaks of the "God of Israel" being born among us of a virgin.
[Estribillo]: Dios es ya nagido
entre nosotros aca116
"17.dios es nagido ya
[C]opla: 1) Dios de ysrael18
que jamas119 abra20
Dios es nagido ya
[Repeat Estribillol
2) mas121 lindo estrellas1 2 2
A nagido el'.23
De virgen doncella
[Repeat Estribillo]
3) [mas121 lindo estrellas12 2
A nagido el]l 2 3
Es mas linda y bella
[Repeat Estribillo]
9. "fy technepa sacramento dios" (f. 8v-9r). This text is
"fairly obvious 'trade' Nhuatl of 1 6th-century Middle America; syllable
breaks follow regular phonemic rules for Nhuatl. Some word meanings
116. aca 117. Dios 118. Israel
119. jams 120. abrg. 121. mgs
122. [quel-.estrellas 123. el
102
[are] clear--others [are] confused by orthography or local 'idioms.'1,l24
Due to the corrupted condition of the language, word division throughout
the song is only approximate.
Several features in the text and music may classify this piece
as a litany. The text is a supplication addressed to God at the exposi-
tion of the Blessed Sacrament, and is sung in the simple chordal style
(fabord6n) that is sometimes used when a litany is sung by an entire
church congregation.12 5
The last eleven notes of the tenor part were missing from the
manuscript because of a torn folio. This and the several other missing
notes within the other three parts caused difficulty in the reconstruction.
Only the first stanza was underlaid, and care needs to be taken in setting
the remainder of the stanzas because of their differing lengths. Recon-
struction was made more complex by the following pitch problems (see
critical notes):
Soprano: Notes 1-7, 9 and 10 of section 1 were originally writtenone step too high. Notes 11-13 and all of section 2 re-turn to correct pitch.
Alto: Notes 12-14 of section 1, and notes 1, 2, 4 and 5 ofsection 2 were originally written one step too low, withthe correct pitch returning on the final note of section 2.
Bass: Notes 1-8 of section 1 were originally written one steptoo high. Notes 9-13 of section 1 and notes 1-4 of section2 return to correct pitch,
124. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12, 1980.
125. Willi Apel, "Litany," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,1969), 485-86.
103
With the raising and lowering of pitches in the appropriate
sections and the filling in of missing notes, this piece can be recon-
structed in a manner which suggests that the bass line may have originally
been similar to the formula for Tone I.
Text of No. 9: General sense of text:
1) y technepa sacramento 1) And on that sacrament ofdios oncicama God sing
val tic tlatlaul tic9126 come, we pray to Him
2) ceca y tevel y tech yalchicavo
val tic tlatlaul tic6
3) to naca yo quichipava
val tic tlatlaul tic'E
4) no ch ne miliz melavac
val tic tlatlaul tic?
5) y tlas cali nepaca
val tic tlatlaul ticg
6) hostica y tech ano ne qui
val tic tlatlaul tics
7) y nixquixtiz ne qui
val tlie tlatlaul tic9
2) [ ] and strengthenour hearts
come, we pray to Him
3) cleansed
come, we
4) [
come, we
5) and [E
come, we
our body
pray to Him
] straighten
pray to Him
] home there
pray to Him
6) we want the Host in us
come, we pray to Him
7) and I want to be saved
come, we pray to Him
126. According to Dr. Robinson, tic9 is an honorific.
10. "Qy es dia de placer" (f. 9v-10r). Robert Stevenson
published this piece as a Christmas villancico.127 The text invites
everyone to sing, dance and rejoice on this "day of pleasure'" and see
the "mysteries of great ecstacy" (cf. No. 6).
[Estribillo]: Oy128 es dia29 de plager:130
y de cantar
.131 132 3via todos a bailar1 3 3
[Copla]: Regozaemos34 este dia1 29
por ser: de tan135 palcer136
137 138 139 140Pus en el tenemas: que bre
141 142misterios de garn alegria
comengemos con melodialh3
y de cantar
via1 3 1 todos 3 2 a bailar1 3 3
127. Robert Stevenson, "European Music," 348. See also hi:s ChristmasMusiC, 9.
128. [H]oy 129. dia 130. 5: palmer
131. venid; AT: bia in repetion of this word
13. S: dodo, in repetition of this word
133. AB: baylar 134. Regocijamos 135. tan[toI, or tal
136. placer 137. Pu[e]s 138. el
139. tenemos 140. ver 141. gran
142. alegria 143. melodfa
105
11. "Asi andando: El palto" (f. lOv). The story of Christ's
birth is told by Mary in this Christmas villancico. She tells us that
He was conceived inside her in Nazareth while the world awaited Him in
Bethlehem, and says that she "gave birth without pain [and] with much
ecstasy."
The copla music uses a four-fold repetition of its one phrase
in order to accomodate the four verses of the stanza, but its repeats
are not written into the manuscript (Figure 3).
[Estribillo]: Asi14 4 andando: El paltol45
se me va asercandol1 6
andando asi quedando
virgen pario148
copla: Sin dolor pari149 con mucha alegria150
15115y en agareth al Senor que de los gielos venia1 5 2
153 dial154fue mi vientre concebido este dia
el mundo lesta1 5 5 esparandol56 E157 bethlenl58
[Repeat Estribillo]
12. "El fiel peso y medida" (f. llv-12r). Here is another
text for the celebration of St. Michael's feast. It concerns an
144. Asi 145. parto; T: pardo 146. acercando
147. S: andado 148. pari6 149. par
150. alegria 151. [Nlazareth 152. vena
153. fuejen] 154. dia 155. le[elst6.
156. esperando 157. en 158. Beln, or Bethlehem
106
additional office given to him by Christian tradition, that is, the
calling from earth of meri's souls for judgment. 159 (See also remarks
for Nos. 1 and 13.)
Measure 7 contains one of the few examples of coloration in
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.
Este canto para fiesta de San miguel A 4 vozes [voces]
[Estribillo]: El fiel peso y medida:
i 6o 161 .162
que en el uivir dios nos dio
. 163 164En vos miguel 10 dexo
para medir nuestra vida
[Coplas]: Es peso que solo a diosl61
que avita165 en el alto gielo
Se le humille gielo y suelo:
. 163 .166Y ese miguel teneis vos
pues ese peso y medida:
que vida y muerte causo:
. 163 164En vos miguel lo dexo
para medir nuestra vida
13. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto" (f. 12v-13r). As in Nos.
1 and 12, this text deals with Michael the archangel. It describes
159. Holweck, op. cit., 710. 160. vivir
161. Dios 162. di6 163. Miguel
164. dejo, or dej6 165. [habita
166. tennis 167. caus6, or causa
107
his role as our protector against Satan, calling him the "strength
and shield of the sinner in death, . . . who always breaks the head
of the demon and deceives him." (See also remarks for Nos. 1 and 12.)
Measures 7, 14 and 30 contain examples of coloration.
One of the most clearly marked repeat systems in M. Md. 7 is
found in No. 13. The combination of congruence signs, custos marks,
and the first few words of the text to be repeated, along with the
rests placed after the soprano and alto parts of the estribillo, show
clearly that the last half of the estribillo is to be repeated following
the copla (Figures 5, 6).
este canto para fiesta de San miguel a 4 vozes [voces]
[Estribillo]: Sed migue 168 fuerza69 y escutol70
del pecador en la muerte:
que quien ay17 1 que sea tan172 fuerte
. 173 l74que ante dios este seguro
coplas: Sois miguel16 8 tal fortalegal7 5
y de tan alto valor:
que al demonio enganador:
quebrais siempre la cavega
178y asi de quien sois el muro
168. Miguel .169. SAT: fuerga 170. escudo
171. [h]ay 172. SB: ta 173. est6
11. TB: scuro; A: sequro 175. fortaleza
176. enganador 177. cabeza 178. asi
108
segura lleua1' 9 la fuertel8o
que quien ay que sea tan1 7 2 fuerte
que ante dios estelT3 seguro174
14. "1principatuSY" (f. 13v-14r). This piece appears three times
in the San Miguel Acat6'n repertory. The Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 copy has
the title or text incipit "principatus." The San Juan Ixcoy copy (See
Table III for the location of this and the following citations.) is en-
titled "0 gran principe," while the San Mateo Ixtata'n copy is without
title or text incipit. The harmonization of the former varies somewhat
from the copy in M. Md. 7, while that of the latter is quite different.
Both concordances have a written out repeat of measures 5-10, but M. Md. 7
does not. The San Mateo Ixtatan copy has a flat before e in measure 9 of
the bass voice, which I have added to both the bass and alto voices of
that measure in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.
Neither of the concordance manuscripts is dated, but the San Juan
Ixcoy manuscript is thought to date from about 1585 and to have many
characteristics similar to Francisco de Leon's work in Santa Eulalia
M. Md. 1 (dated 1582).18a This composition could therefore predate
Pascual's known term of activity in the area (1595-1635).182
15. "Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri" (f. 14v-15r). This text
consists of the second half of Psalm 69:2 plus the lesser doxology,
Gloria Patri. I t is the response to the versicle "Deus in adjutorium
179. lleva 180. or suerte 181. Lilly catalog cards.
182. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 206.
109
meum intende," which is the beginning of Psalm 69:2. In the Roman
Catholic service, this versicle and response is sung at the beginning
of each Office (LU, pp. 250-51, 263-64).183
Sections 3 through 5 of the music contain some of the rare
instances of contrapuntal writing in M. Md. 7 (Figure 7).
184 185Domine ad ajuvando me festina:
gloria patri et filio:186
187 ... 188E spiritui sancto:
Sicut erat in pringipio18 9
et nunc et seper:190
Et in secula191 seculorum192
Amen: Alleluya19 3
16-1, 16-4. "muestre la tierra alegria" (f. 16v-17r, 18v).
The estribillo of this villancico is complete only in No. 16-i. Its
copla has been defaced and was recopied later in the manuscript where
it is now designated as No. 16-4. These have been combined in the
transcription in order to complete the piece.
No. 16-1 is designated "for the feast of All Saints," which is
183. Willi Apel, "Versicle," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,1969), 899.
184. S: Domjne 185. aEdijuvandum; T: aiuva
186. Gloria Patri, et Filio 187. e
188. Spiritui Sancto: A: spiritu sancto
189. A: pincipio 190. se~miper 191. s[aJecu
192. slaleculorum 193. Alleluia
ndo
[tl
la
110
solemnly celebrated on November 1. All those martyrs, confessors and
virgins who have been formally beatified and canonized by the Church,
those whose names are entered in the various martyrologies or whose
cultus is of local observance, and all those known to man or only to
God who have contended manfully in this life in whatever circumstances
and states of life and now enjoy the blissful vision of God forever in
Heaven are commemorated on this day.1 94 (Cf. Nos. 16-2, 16-3.)
para fiesda [fiesta] de toto [todos] sancto [santos]A 4 vozes [voces]
195 196 197 . 198[Estribillo]: muestre la tierra alegria
199 suel 2 0 0
vistase de gloria el suelo
201 202 ciel 203
Oy quel acorde del cielo
celebra2o su eterno dia2 0 5
cobla: guarda el mundo la memoria
El ser quel es dio206 en la tira207
y alla2 8 en el cielo sencierra2 0 9
194. Alban Butler, Butler's Lives of the Saints, 4 vols., ed. Herbert
Thuxrston, S. J. and Donald Attwater (New York, 1956), IV, 232.
195. A: mustre 196. B: rra 197. S: tiera
198. alegr1a 199. vistase, or vlsta[n]se; S: vistas
200. : sulo 201. [H]oy, or Y
202, que ,E]l acorde, or que la corte; AB: corte
2 03. A: cilo 204. celebre 205. dia
206. quej61 es dio[s], or que les di6
207. ti[erira 208. alla 209. se-e]ncierra
16-2. (f.
out and textless.
16-3. (f.
. 210.La prezenciaa de su gloria
. 199 .198
vistase pues de alegria
211 .21 2
E memoria desto el suelo
201 4202 . 203Oy 2 quel acorde del cielo
204.25celebra su eterno dia2 0 5
i6r). Alto and bass voices of No. 16-1, scratched
17v). Alto voice of No. 16-1, scratched out and
textiess.
16-4. (f. 18v). See remarks for No. 16-1.
17. (f. 16r). Fragment with the text "Dixit Dominus platess"
18. (f. 17v). Fragment entitled "jesucristo nuestro dios."
19. "De la hermosa Rebeca" (f. 19v-20r). The Old Testament
book of Genesis (Chapters 25, 27, 28 and 32) is the source for this
villancico text which moralizes on Rebekah's choice of Jacob to receive
Isaac's blessing. (Cf. No. 6.)
[Estribillo]: De la hermosa Rebeca
ha escogido
nuestro zacob213 el214 su vestido
Copla: Alegria2l5 pues que bes2l6
pecador lo que Res 21 7
218 .pues lo que eres se hizo
210. presencia
213. Jacob
216. ves
211. E[n]
214. possibly el
217. Le]res
212. de-elste
215. Alegria
218. te
111
112
y te hizo lo que les27
De esau siendo219 quienes
ha escogido
213 21hnuestro zacob el su vestido
20. "forgado de amor de amores" (f. 20v-21r). It is likely
that this piece was meant to be another Christmas villancico. The
text tells how God, "compelled by love," chose Mary, "completely pure
[arid] more beautiful than the lily or rose, and through her made Himself
human." (Cf. No. 6.)
[Estribillo]: forgado220 d.e amor de amores
221 .22dios embia22 2
llena de gracia a maria2
copla: escogio224 la soberrando2 2 5
today limpia toda hermosa
226 . . 227mas que lirio ni que Rosa
y en ella se hizo humano
es dios221 y nuestro hermano
228 . 222el que embia
1-ena de gracia a maria3
21. "Alegria pecadores" (f. 21v-22r). Here is another
villancico text that was probably sung at Christmas. In it, sinners
219. De Esau siendo, or De esa siendo, or Des haciendo
220. forzado 221. Dios 222. enva
223. Maria 224. escogo 225. soberana
226. ms 227. or m[6 ]s 228. 61
113
are urged to be happy because, "from the royal generation of David
and Juda is born Another, who gives us our eternal redemption."
(Cf. No. 6.)
[Estribillo]: Alegria229 pecadores:
ques230 nagida
231-de quien naze nuestra vida
.232Copla: de la Real generation
233 . 23kde david y de juda
naze231 otla235 que nos da
nuestra eterna redemgion23 6
maria 237 consolagion238
escogida
231.de quien naze23 nuestra vida
22. "Desde el gielo bajo Dios" (f. 22v-23r). Another Christmas
villancico, this text tells us that the descent of God from heaven through
the pure Virgin Mary "was for the sake of giving us life always." (Figure
9; cf. No. 6.)
239 .2k0[Estribillo]: Desde el gielo bajo Dios
su veniDa241
242.fue por danos siempre vida
229. Alegr a 230. que-els 231. nace
232. generacion 233. David 234. Juda'
235. otra 236. redenci6n 237. Maria
238. consolacion 239. A: cilo 240. baj6; A: bazo
: :. [: vinida 242. da~r]nos
114
copla: bazo d e la sumaltura
por hazerse245 ygual246 a nos
el eterno y sacro dios247
hizose248 hombre en su natura
2)49en maria virgen pura
su venida
fue por danos242 siempre vida
23-1. "Aquestan tonceria" (f. 23v-24r). This song is marked
"for the feast of Christmas." The text is quite corrupt. It has been
reconstructed on the basis of No. 23-2 which, though also corrupt, has
the abbreviations written out (Figures 8, 10). It says that the "mother,
being [a] virgin, gave birth to more than she has looked on or heard."
Robert Stevenson's opinion that this villancico was clearly
designed for dancing because of its reiterated rhythm J J, * J20
is questionable.2 Its thirteen measure length and phrasing of 3 plus
2 plus 3 plus V- measures does not seem to lend it to that purpose.
There are no coplas given for it in the manuscript.
Este canto para fiesta te [de] navitat [navidad]
251Aquestan tonceria
252 . 253.mate siento virgen
.25)4 255 256 257pario mas que a mira que oyo
243. baj6 244. suma-ja]ltura 245. hacerse
246. igual 247. Dios 248. hizose 249. Maria
250. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.
251. AquE[l-estanEdo] doncella 252. madre 253. siendo
254. pari6 255. mats; B: ma 256. [hla miraLdo] 257. oy6
115
23-2. (f. 18r). At the top is the text for No. 23-1. The
bottom half contains dates and scribbles.
23-3. (f. lir). At the top are text and music incipits for
the alto voice of No. 23-1.
24. (f. 23v-24r). This instrumental pavana in duple meter
is titled both "favana" and "fahuana" in the manuscript (Figure 10),
and its three strains, each repeated, do indeed fit the form of that
dignified dance. It is the only complete piece in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7
that is without text or text incipit.
25. "Si tanta gloria se da" (f. 24v-25r). The feast of All
Saints may have been the occasion for singing this text which exclaims,
"If such glory is given to the bodies on the earth, what glory remains
for the souls in heaven."
Robert Stevenson says this villancico in quick triple meter
serves as a Nachtanz to the slower duple-meter pavana that immediately
precedes it, and "conjures up the still prevalent scene of Chuj- and
Mam-speaking I ndians stamping out their costume dances in Guatemalan
church festivities, to the clatter of drums and other percussion."258
He has published a transcription of it which does not include the bass
voice in measures 22-45.259
[Estribillo]: Si tanta26o gloria se da:
A los261 cuerpos en el suelo:
258. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.
259. Stevenson, "European Music," 350.
260. TB: tanda 261. S: loos
que gloria se lestara:262
A las almas en el gielo
coplas: Si por las pobres casillas:
dondel263 os sandos264 moraron:
los Angeles abajaron:
de los soberanos265 sillas:
Higiendo266 mil maravillas:
Cum gloria de Hommano267 buelo268
[Repeat Estribillo]
26. "Donec ponam/Tecum pringipium/Dominus a dextris/De torente"
(f. 25v-27r). The text for this Tone VIII fabord~n setting comes from
Psalm 109, verses 1, 3, 5 and 7 (LU, p. 133, verses 2, 4, 6 and 8).
The three incorrect spellings of "bibet" in the alto, tenor and bass
voices of this psalm show not only the confusion between initial b and V
at this time, but also the common use of initial u for v.
If Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 dates from about 1585 as has been
suggested,269 then the concordance in that manuscript for No. 26 would
predate the period of Tomas Pascual's known activity as maestro de
capilla (1595-1635).270 This would, of course, make the possibility
of his being the composer of this psalm setting unlikely. Pascual may
262. restart; B: Lesdara 263. A: Dondes
264. santos; B: sanctos 265. las soberanas 266. Haciendo
267. de Humano; or deo mano; A: de ommano 268. vuelo
269. Lilly cat. alog cards.
20. Otevensorn, Aztec and Inca, 206.
116
117
have been responsible for the occasional differences in pitch and
duration, and the numerous faintly visible added notes in the M. Md. 7
copy which can be seen when comparing it with the copy in M. Md. 3.
Several of these added notes appear in Figure 11 in the "ex utero"
section of both the soprano and tenor parts.
Donec ponam inimicos tuos:
Scaberum271 pedum272 tuorun
Tecum pringipium in die virtutis tue :273
n274 . 275 276in splentoribus sanctorum:
277Ex utero ante lugiferum genui te
Dominus a dextris tuis:
278 .d279 280 281Confrexit in die ere sue reges
282 ? 83 28)4De torente in via bibet:
285 .286Propterea exaldauit caput
27-1. "Surrexit dominus alleluya" (f. 2Tv-28r). This villancico
was no doubt used for Easter or within the octave. There is also a
271.
274.
277.
280.
282.
284.
285.
scabellum 272. ST: pedu 273. tutale
SAT: y 275. splendoribus 276. T: sanctuorum
S: luciperum 278. Confregit 279. AB: di
irlale 281. su~ae; A: suae omitted
tor r ]ente 283. SAB: uia
A: bibit; T: vibit; B: uibit
A: Probterea 286. exaltavitp
118
possibility of its having been incorporated into the traditional Quem
quaeritis Easter drama (see remarks for No. 31). Two complete copies
of the text and music appear in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 (cf. No. 27-2).
The text of the first stanza of the coplas is based on Mark 16:6-7,
in which the angel at Christ's empty tomb announced to Mary Magdalene,
Mary the mother of James, and Salome that the Lord had risen and gone
to Galilee, just as he had promised.
The text of the second stanza is based on Luke 24:34. Cleopas
and another follower of Jesus returned to Jerusalem after having met
Him on the road to Emmaus. The two then found the disciples and other
followers who were saying that the Lord had risen indeed and had appeared
to Simon. The subject of this text suggests use in the simpler type of
287Peregrinus dramas which deal with the incidents on the road to Enmaus.
The third stanza text is a portion of the alleluia verse follow-
ing the gradual for the Easter Tuesday Mass (LU, p. 790), and states
that the Lord has risen from the grave.
cuilancicos [villancicos] de pascua Resureccion [Resurreccidn]
No. 27-1 No. 27-2
[Estribillo]: [Estribillo]:
288 . 289 .295 . 289Surrexit dominus Surexit dominus
I1 290 290
-leluya alleluya
287. William L. Smoldon, "Liturgical Music-Drama," Grove's Dictionary
of Music and Musicians, 5th ed., 10 vols., ed. Eric Blom (London,
1954-61), V, 327-28.
288. JB: LSrexit 289. Dominus 290. alleluia
coplas:
2911) Sicut dixi vobis
alleluya290
[Repeat Estribillo]
292 2932) et paluit simonis
allaluya290
[Repeat Estribillo]
coplas:
. . .291.1) Sicut dixi vobis
alleluya290
[Repeat Estribillo]
292 . 02932) et paluit simonis
alleluya290
[Repeat Estribillol
289 296 289 2973) Surrexit dominus de 3) Surxit dominus te
294 290 294 290sepulchro alleluya sepulgra alleluya
[Repeat Estribiilo] [Repeat Estribillo]
27-2. (f . 34v-35r). See remarks for No. 27-1L
28. "0 virgen maria" (f. 29v-30r). Christmas is again the
theme in this villancico. The text first addresses Mary saying, "Oh,
Virgin Mary who gave birth to God, there is not another like you in the
world," and then describes Christ as "the gentle Lamb who is the son of
God [and the] light of my life."
The music for the soprano and tenor parts in No. 28 is identical
to the music for those two parts in No. 31 (the alto and bass parts are
missing from No. 31). In the transcriptions the soprano line was raised
a minor third because of the incorrectly placed C clef in the manuscript,
and the flat in the tenor key signature was moved to b from the original
291. dixilt]
294. sepulcro
292. paruit
295. SurErlexit
293. Simonis
296. Sur[re]xit 297. de
119
120
d'. Although No. 31 includes coplas, there are none for No. 28. The
adaptation of the coplas of No. 31 to this piece would require a sub-
stitution for their Easter text.
The final note of the bass part is the only use of a ledger
line in the manuscript. Beneath it is written "vasco" (= basso).
1) 0 virgen maria9
299 . 300que paristes a dios:
no ay301 en el mundo
odra302 como vos
2) el cortelor303 manso
304 . 300que es hijo de dios:
lumbre de mi vida3 05
306dulce coragon
3) [el cortelor303 manso
30)4 . 300que es hijo- de dios: ]
el es mi visita 38
con mucha razon309
29. "Et misericordia/Deposuit potendes/Susgepit israel/gloria
patri" (f. 31r-33r). This Tone VI setting of the even-numbered verses
298. Mar' 299. pariste 300. Dios
301. Eh]ay 302. otra 303. cordero
304. STB: hiio 305. A: vi 306. coraz 6 n
307. el 308. S: vesta; AB: vesida
309. raz 6 n; ATB: ragon
121
of the Magnificat (Luke 1:46-55; LU, p. 207) was probably performed
in the traditional style which juxtaposed them with the plainsong odd-
numbered verses. The Tone VI formula can be seen in its entirety in
the tenor voice of the doxology, and in part in the tenor and bass
voices of "Suscepit israel."
The Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 setting of the Magnificat includes
verses 50, 52 and 54, but its concordance in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5
also includes verses 46 and 48.310 Our version was undoubtedly con-
sidered complete by its compiler since it, like the M. Md. 5 setting
ends with the doxology. The only verses in both versions that exist
in four parts are the "Suscepit israel" and "gloria patri" of M. Md. 7.
In all other verses only two of the four voices remain (soprano and
tenor, or alto and bass) depending upon which folio is missing.311
No. 29 is one of the few examples of contrapuntal writing in
M. Md. 7; as with similar pieces in this compilation, it was apparently
borrowed from one of the earlier manuscripts, in this case M. Md. 5
which contains the date 1 589 .312 Hence Pascual, who is thought to be
the composer of the villancicos in our manuscript, was probably not the
composer of this piece.
310. A transcription of verses 46 and 48 from M. Md. 5 may be found in
the Appendix.
311. The transcription of No. 29 in this edition was completed with
the aid of a version prepared by Paul Borg.
312. Lilly catalog cards.
122
[Magnificat] Anima mea dominum313
Quia respexit humilitatem angille314 sue315
Ecge enim Ex hoc beatam me dicent omnes generationes316
317Et misericordia ejus a progienie in progenies
318timentibus eum
Deposuit potendes31 9 de3 20 sede
et exaldauit3 21 humilles3 2 2
. 323 3214 325Susgepit israel puerum suum
.326 327recordatus misericordie sue
gloria patri et filio
et spiritui sancto32 8
30. "Ne recorderis" (f. 33v-34r). This text is the third
response of the second nocturn within the Office for the Dead which is
sung during Matins. The plainsong texts and music in the transcription
have been adapted from the Liber Usualis and the Roman Gradual, but the
313. Dominum 314. ancill ale 315. suCale
316. S: generagiones; T: generaciones in first statement of this word
317. progenie 318. A: timendibus in first statement of this line
319. potentes; A: podendes 320. B: te 321. exaltavit
322. humiles 323.1 srael 324. A: puerrum
325. A: suum ommitted 326. misericordiCale; ST: miserricordie
327. su~ale 328. Gloria Patri et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto
123
polyphonic sections are as found in the manuscript and appear to be
harmonizations based on the sixth tone (LU, p. 1792. and GR, p. 94).
Paul Borg has found two published transcriptions and eight
manuscript concordances of the polyphonic setting of this Ne recorderis
response (see Table III for concordances).329 Most of these concordances
credit Crist6bal de Morales as the composer of the setting, but the two
Tarazona manuscript sources cite it as the work of Francisco de la Torre.
The Morales setting, as published by Pedrell,330 specifies an
alternatim performance for the response, in which the polyphony is sung
by four cantors and the plainsong by a chorus. The text, but not the
music, of the plainsong is included in that edition.
The Pedrell edition repeats the "Dum veneris" section immediately
before "Kyrie eleison," and repeats the 'k yrie" section following "Christe
eleison." "Dum veneris" is also repeated in the Liber Usualis, but is
followed by "Requiem aeternam" rather than by 'Vyrie," "Christe," 'Iyrie."
The M. Md. 7 copy does not indicate repetition of any of the sections.
Although much similarity exists between the Pedrell edition and
the copy in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, several differences are immediately
noticeable when comparing these two versions of the setting. The most
329. Paul W. Borg, "The Polyphonic Music in the Guatemalan Music Manu-
scripts of the Lilly Library." Dissertation in progressIndiana
University. Four of these manuscript concordances are discussed
in Robert Stevenson's Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), 13, 107-08, 127 n. 270.
330. Crist6bal de Morales, Officium defunctorum in Vol. I of Hispaniae
Schola Musica Sacra, 8 vols., ed. Felipe Pedrell (Barcelona, 1894),
reprinted in 4 vols. (New York, 1971), 1-19.
124
extensive pitch differences occur in the first few measures of the
"Ne recorderis" section in all four voices. Most rhythmic differences
involve the unequal division of a larger note value, in either of the
versions, into two smaller note values in the other version to create a
repeated note or a passing tone (a becomes J# J). The only textual
differences are the text repeats within most polyphonic sections of the
M, Md. 7 version, none of which occur in the Pedrell edition. Another
difference is the tying of repeated notes in Pedrell's edition, while
there is no indication of this in M. Md. 7. Perhaps the repetition of a
pitch without a change of syllable in M. Md. 7 indicates the reemphasis
of that pitch rather than merely a long duration which could have been
shown just as easily through use of a larger note value.
Ne recorderis3 31
[peccata mea, Domine,]
.332D veneris
[judicare saeculum per ignem.]
Dirige
[Domine Deus meus,
in conspectu tuo viam meam.]
Kyrie eleyson 3 3 3
[Christe eleison.]
331. T: Recorderig
332. S: Dun verig, dun veneris in repeats of these words; B: Dum neris
in repeat of these words
333. eleison; S: Kirie leyson; AB: Kyrie leyson
125
31. "Maria magdalena" (f. 35v). Although there are numerous
unsolved problems remaining in this text, it is evident that it contains
the story of the three Marys at the tomb of Christ on Easter morning.
The estribillo concerns Mary Magdalene ("Maria magdalena"), while the
first and second stanzas of the copla mention Mary the mother of Jesus
("la matre te Dios") and the other Mary ("et altera maria"). This
villancico, along with No. 27-1 ("Surrexit Dominus") may have been used
in an Easter drama stemming from the tenth-century trope Quem quaeritis
which was customarily prefixed to the Introit of the Mass for Easter.
Through the centuries this trope was extended into a number of dramas
with added scenes, additional music, and new text. The trope originally
covered the resurrection story from the arrival of the three Marys at
Christ's tomb, through their encounter with the angel and their declara-
tion that the resurrection had occurred. The elements of the story
can be seen in the text of No. 31 as follows.
In the estribillo, "cruz" could refer not only to the actual cross
on which Christ was crucified, but also to the cross which was wrapped in
grave cloths and placed in an artificial tomb to symbolize Christ's death
and resurrection in ancient Easter ceremonies. In the Quem quaeritis
trope, the angel shows the three Marys that the cross is no longer in
Lhe tomb.35
334, Gustave Reese, Music in the Middle Ages (New York, 1940), 194-95.
See also the discussion of the development of the Easter drama in
Smoldon, op. cit.,, 318-27.
335. Smoldon, op. cit., 321.
126
One of the suggested readings for the letters "az," which
begin line two of the estribillo, is [h3az (= right side, or outside
of cloth). This word, when combined with "cama" (= piece of cloth
which is part of a cloak) at the end of the same line of text, may
refer to the grave cloths which the Marys hold up before the eyes of
the clergy as proof of Christ's resurrection.36
In the first stanza of the coplas, "amanece" (= dawn) gives
the time of the Marys' arrival at the tomb.
The third line of the second stanza, all of which was written
in a different hand (Figure 12), refers to Christ's tomb ("at monumento"
= ad monumentun, or a monumento = at the tomb). These words are in-
cluded in numerous versions of the Easter play, and introduce a section
sung by the three Marys in which they relate how they came mournfully to
the tomb and found that the Lord had risen.3 3 7
The final line of the second stanza is "isus quen geris ti"
(= Jests quEilen qEuiieres tl, or Jesum quem qualeritis = Jesus whom
you seek). These words originate in Matthew 28:5 and Mark 16:6, in the
dialogue between the angel and the women at the tomb, and are the opening
words for the Quem quaeritis trope.
The "Surrexit Dominus" villancico (No. 27-1) also contains
elements of the Easter drama. The estribillo corresponds to the part
336. bid.
337. Ibid., 322. An eleventh-century version of Quem quaeritis is
printed in Arnold Schering's Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen(Wiesbaden, 1959), 5.
127
of the dialogue in which the three Marys say to the choir, "Alleluia!
resurrexit Dominus! ," immediately after receiving the news from the
angel. The third stanza of the coplas contains the text that is sung
by the Marys after displaying the grave cloths. The first stanza
is part of the angel's announcement of Christ's resurrection. The text
of No. 27-1 and its other possible uses are discussed in the remarks for
that villancico.
Since the story of the three Marys was a favorite dramatic
subject in Spain,3 3 9 the tradition of the Easter drama was probably
carried on in the Spanish colonies of the New World, making the use
of these two villancicos in such a drama a distinct possibility.
The music for the soprano and tenor parts in No. 31 is identical
to the music for those two parts in No. 28, including the clef and key
signature errors discussed in the remarks for No. 28. The alto and bass
parts are missing from No. 31, but have been replaced by their correspond-
ing parts from No. 28. No. 31 has a soprano copla which is not present
in No. 28. This copla has a portion which appears to have been scratched
out in the manuscript (Figure 12). The transcription omits this portion
because its use results in a style which is much more melismatic than
tht of the other villancicos in Santa Eulatia M. Md. 7.
338. Reese, op. cit., 194.
339. Ibid., 195.
128
[Estribillol: Maria magdalena 34o
quen bi 3jDelya342 cruz
azel Deiya cama
.344 345 346qui nino Jesus
coplas: 1) ya canta ya canta
el calloasc amanece:
asta qui sopblece 8
3149 350.la matre te Dios
[Repeat Estribillo]
2) et altera maria3 5 '
352 .353 3514ibat ti lucolo
at355 monumento
isus 35 quen quieris ti
[Repeat Estribillo3
340. Marfa Magdalena 341. quejlen vi, queje]nv , or qu[ien vi
342. della = deje]la 343. [hlaz 61, [hiacer, or [h]aceJI6]l
344. camalalquii 345. nin'o; S: niyo 346. Jesu's
347. or casloasc; possibly carrasca, or carraca
348. [h]astaja]qu sopblece, [hasta quiso pblece, or [hZasta quiso,.
_)o]frece
349. madre 350. de 351. Maria
352. possibly ipan, iban, or ibas
353. t1, or t' 354. possibly luctuoso, or luctum
355. a, or ad 356. Jesus
357. quEiJen quieres ti, quilen quieres t, or quem quaeritis
129
32-1. "bay magalhi" (f. 36v-37r). Since the entire tenor part
and all but a fragment of the soprano part of this song have been torn
from the manuscript, it is likely that there are several portions of
their texts missing in measures 1-5 where the alto and bass parts have
rests. About one half of the text is also missing from measures 10-14
of the bass part. The word order in measures 12 and 13 of the alto part
is also conjectural due to both this lack of text in the corresponding
bass area and the complete absence of text in the concordance (No. 32-2).
The syllabification of this text is normal for Nchuati, but the
word meanings are tricky. More comparative materials are needed in order
358to make a complete translation.
Text of No. 32-1: Partial translation:
C I [
bay magalhi
C
tzet yechel magalhi
nima xpuuh magalhi
yban ypat hata magalhi
zachol dios
hagan cazcahol dios
mag yu neneh
ztoh quinal
go poh *S ta ma 359
I
F ] my house
[F I
I Imy house
soon/quickly F I my house
and on/in F I my house
F IGod
F IGod
that He us
draw near
.E IHoly Mary
358. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May
359. Santa Maria
12, 1980.
130
32-2. (f. 40r). Alto and bass voices of No. 32-1, textless.
33. (f. 37v). Textiess fragment.
34-1. "tibi solid pecaui" (f. 38v-39r). The text for this
fabord6n setting is Psalm 50:6 (see remarks for No. 37). The spellings
in the different copies of this text within Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 (cf.
Nos. 34-2 and 34-3, which are the only other two of the five versions of
this piece that have texts) are a good example of the interchangeability
between u and V and between i and j in Latin at the time this manuscript
was copied.
No. 34-1 No. 34-2
tibi soli pecaui36o tibi soli pecaui36o
361 367 361et malum coram te fecit et malum coran te fecit'
362 .363 36)4 368 . 369ut justifigeris jn vt3 iustificeris in
sermonibus tuis sermonibus tuis
365 .. 366 370c . . 371et uineas cum juticaris et vincas cm luticaris
No. 34-3
tibi soli pecaui 36o
367 . 361et malum coran te fecit
368 .. 0369vt Iustificeris [in
sermonibus tuis
et vincas] cum juticaris
No. 34-4
textless
No, 34-5
textless
peccavi
T: justifigerris
judicar'is; A: juticalis
justificerils
361. feci
364. in
367. coram
370. A: uIncas
362. SAB: vt
365. vincas
368. ut
371. judicaris
360.
363.
366.
369.
131
34-2. (f. 39v). Soprano and alto voices of No. 34-1 with text.
34-3. (f. 42v-43r). Tenor and. bass voices of No. 34-1 with text.
34-4. (f. 37v). Soprano voice of No. 34-1, defaced and textless.
34-5. (f. 38r). Soprano voice of No. 34-1, textless.
35. "Abrase el reyno del cielo" (f. 40v-41r). The Immaculate
Conception is the subject of this villancico text which describes the
crowning victory of "mercy here on the earth" through the espousal of
"the King of heaven Eand] the Queen of glory." The description in the
copla of the angels carrying Mary in victory and triumph to be presented
to her Son "today" may indicate that this text was sung at Christmas.
The music of No. 35 appears three other places in the San Miguel
Acatasn repertory (see Table III for concordances). The text of the con-
cordance in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 is written in one of the native Indian
languages, and a large portion of it is given in Stevenson's catalog of
that manuscript.3 7 2 Those in Santa Eula ia M. Md. 1 and 5 both contain
a text commemorating the feast of the virgin martyr Saint Eulalia of
Merida (born c. 292 A.D., died 304 A.D.), which is celebrated December
10.373
Pascual may have borrowed this music from Francisco de Len,
because M. Md. 1, dated 1582, contains a signed statement from de Len
saying that he "made this book of songs." M. Md. 3 and 5 are also
372. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 62.
373. Butler, op. cit., 530, and Berchmans Bittle, A Saint a Day According
to the Liturgical Calendar of the Church (Milwaukee, 1958), 323.
132
thought to predate M. Md. 7 (1600), possibly dating from 1585 and
1589 respectively.374
375 376 377 378.[Estribillo]: Abrase el reyno del cielo
379.a la reyna de la gloria
380 381pues mercio aca en el suelo
tal corona de victoria
copla: oy382 los angeles38 la lleva38 4
zunto385l 386caer con el alma
lleua victoria de palma
y a su hizo la presentan
380 381pues mercio aca en el suelo
tal corona de victoria
36. "magalhi vinac Dios" (f. 41v-42r). According to Dow
Robinson this text is the most understandable of the three Nchuatl
texts in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, and is about the redemptive life of
Christ according to the final chapters of Matthew, Mark and Luke. It
is apparently a worship or praise song used along with the mass.389
'74. Lilly catalog cards.
376. AB: el omitted 377. 1
378. B: tel 379.
380. mer[e]eci; AB: mercio; S: melecio
382. [h]oy 383. ngeles
385. junto 386. al 387. lleva[nJ
389. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12, 1980.
375. Abra[nlse
reino; AB: reyna
reina; A: rena
381. ac4
384. lleva~n]
388. hijo
133
The musical form of this piece is confusing because of the
ambiguity of the custos marks following the soprano, alto and bass
parts. No rests are included for the alto, tenor and bass parts during
the soprano copla, and no text incipits are given to show what part of
the estribillo is to be repeated. Congruence signs (Q) usually precede
the custos marks in instructions for repetition in M. Md. 7, but in this
case the two are reversed, with the custos marks appearing first (Figures
13, 14). Due to this reversal, it appears that the repeat begins with
the first occurrence of the pitches corresponding with the custos marks
which immediately precedes a congruence sign in the music. This suggestion
results in a complete da capo of the estribillo following the soprano copla.
Text of No. 36: General sense of text:
[EstribilloJ: [Estribillol:
magalhi vinac dios a tu belen God made His house in Bethlehem
hiyuus
yus macoz cole locyuhul zcab coming from far away His innerself/heart pierced
oxla hutex [along] His rough/difficultroad/trail
valnima valnima come quickly, come quickly,
valnima valnima come quickly, come quickly
[Coplal: [Coplal:
ma gii cobac chil that He bought [with] red [blood]
max vas hivinac that coming to be shamed/made
guilty
coc bues chicani vagil nos nac well, really He was dried out/killed in His flesh
.134
despu -Sto 390 ca nisoe haq the Holy Spirit, on our behalf,
zcani will appear from nowhere
kamac yzmul vas kamac yzmul sing His glory, come, sing Hisglory
ma ii cobac chil that He bought [with] red[blood]
max vaz hiuinac that coming He was shamed/madeguilty
[Repeat Estribillo]
37. "miserere mei Deus" (f. 42v-43r). Psalm 50 is included
in the Burial Service of the Roman Catholic Church (LU, pp. 1763-64).
The first half of verse three, "Miserere mei Deus," is intoned by the
cantors, after which two alternating choirs continue with "secuntum
magnam misericordiam tuam" and sing Psalm 50 in its entirety as the
corpse is borne from the house to the church. Following the psalm, the
versicle "Requiem aeternam dona ei Domine" is said.
Since Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 includes fabord6n settings of both
verses 3 and 6 of Psalm 50 (verses 1 and 5 in the Liber Usualis, with
different division of verses), an alternatim setting using polyphony and
plainsong may have been intended for the whole psalm (see remarks for
No. 34-1).
miserere mei Deus
Secuntum391 magnam misericortiam392 tuan393
390. deLe spirit santo, or de spiritu sancto
391. secundum 392. misericordiam 393. tuam
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Chapter IV
EDITION OF SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7
Editorial Procedures
The four voice parts in the pieces have been designated as
soprano, alto, tenor and bass in order to make use of the abbreviations
S, A, T and B in the critical notes and concordance table. The highest
voice is actually labeled tiple in the manuscript, but an abbreviation
of this would result in confusion with the tenor. The spellings of part
designations vary in the manuscript:
Soprano: tiple, tibleAlto: altus, altoTenor: tenor, denorBass: cvasus, baxo, vaxo, vasc
The missing material in pieces that are lacking a portion or
all of a voice part has been replaced. In only one piece, No. 31-1,
has this procedure been excepted; here the soprano and tenor parts
evidently contained some duetting section with additional text.
Accidentals have not been added to the voice parts except in
some obvious cases where they were needed to correct an octave. These
have been cited in the critical notes.
The congruence signs and ffrom the manuscript are shown as
in this edition and fulfill one of the following purposes according
to the context of their use:
142
1) to show congruence among voice parts (Figures 3, 5, 6).
2) to show congruence between the music and text when the
sign appears in both (Figure 13).
3) to show congruence between the music and text when used
in conjunction with the signs i , , or..in the text
(Figure 2).
4) to mark a dal segno repeat when directions for such are
given following a copla (Figures 5, 6), usually in com-
bination with number one.
5) to signify a sectional repeat (Figure 10).
6) to mark the beginning of a new stanza.
The signs U and : in the text can also show congruence between the
text and music when either is combined with a rest in the music (Figure
3). Occasionally, a * in the text corresponds with no rest or sign in
the music, but simply divides one word from another (Figure 12). If
either of the signs U or I/ is used alone in the text with no corres-
ponding mark in the music, only a text repeat is intended.
G clefs have been substituted for the C clefs in the alto, tenor
and soprano parts except where they were already present. In No. 1, a
G clef was substituted for the original alto clef in the bass part. In
most cases there has been no change of pitch with the substitution of
clefs. Exceptions are recorded in the critical notes.
Rests have been added to the alto, tenor and bass parts of the
coplas in villancicos whose coplas are sung by a soprano soloist. Ex-
ceptions to this procedure are as follows:
1) the coplas of Nos. 12 and 13 are sung by tenor and bass
soloists; rests for the soprano and alto parts were pre-
sent for those measures in No. 13, and partially present
in No. 12.
143
2) the copla of No. 16-1 is sung by a tenor soloist; rests
have been added in the soprano, alto and bass parts for
those measures .
3) the copla of No. 25 is sung by alto and bass soloists;
rests have been added in the soprano and tenor parts
for those measures.
Rests have also been added to the first three measures of the bass
parts in Nos. 6, 19 and 20, and to measures 46-73 of the same voice
in No. 29.
145
1
4
wn - do del ttun~-Po
I
- o - r a ic- o iw aen a ven-cz- d el gran 7nt-gu
V)ic-to - ria vic-i - im quien a ven-g91- do el gma mi-
V ic- to - ria vic-o- rtaquien a ven-p - doe gra ,m--gvez
V-o- rnivt -o-ra uma e-fe e - -CIO - -eloY ramig
J
W- , I u -b eA 1 e4i o e
-quo venm-9to ot hi-bel el a -- re- v - do Ve-
ei I j Ipi
9 endo d trin-14
I qw
8
lo clan a mi-gueLorlaC vie- o-ria . CO7- iuc- fa, ce
I '1e-m-er'-naAc. 510-- ' w ues fuefan ev-
FD.C. al Fim
cia - re- f i - do 47e zdprofun -do des- U- bo
146
1,0'I
8
9v I V r
13CL IE~ZQL
8
8
'I
16Iw
r8
A
I I N L
I . eoo*"t*l-N
-7-Ir
r F I I I I I
147
2
li 1 1 1 . .- -- - -- - - I-1IIl
MP
e- s- 4 iS7 - w Uis- Iro cl- 05s por nos
e - s- wis - o nues - fra ciz- os por -nosA II* I
su- s- chris - -1o Taws - tro cli - 05 yor ws
F f m I IOp' I6jrj
e- sw- Arts - Io nues- -fro 052 en p l-s
SWrco-n ciwz- i c ise-- tos dz- 05 co 0 tn - 0
J 111 1P - E Finel
far con-n-?oy i- -ca, se--nos oy en co - ins- k
IA
xz con-*n-oa u . - a ela-Se--nos o en co - tin - a
el es pan se - -pw- nas i- -i - noqf an- q
--- -- - I 1 i .m
Ii
F II
1
6
148
A
z- C" ase ay or-re mr-.
19
c g 0 ca,- --- (Anu ca - - tat
24
A"
ax tihdno sangranento[yJ omla- suipr[]nate
ysento onrre m(]pvatacon-azo ser ota [ ] ida- EAC, a Fine
149
EAes IA deIr&I I e- es e- 7
s-t es a'4.d. - einor ie - na- eas-T-e -? --
For a. E-itd as - +x e cemov It - e05- iaw es 9e- a-
digs ed M--mW
fa-e - de .,_ mor1 .& iui , e.s - Ia.... es. .ca . -I ?L.a.- -
3 -norE es9e e a -e
II
____ rs-, e& e -tO & __ a- 77Wr
05-a--Sc'e--- C.e ___a-macn
-tzple-copla.,
2 Ip
S- aen es- Ia qe-- lNa05 a- - c se or- de- na-
S
3
I
+
ci/ i
j 0
7
[:R S alI F'nejoI I I
150
cna de aj3mor duiaLsto
co n el amate amatole7 Vanr con amor qu2s akw'
de amor a sW a saor
quo na# io za na- dieneaunque a. iota las manueeesia&sola, nos conwiene
[&] porque oncluye a-s sakor
4-1 '5'
I
Ie- g -O1 al C1---Vi- do - a- sa,- a ce- na
~F- gL-O$ a con-z4- do de34a sazc-a ce- ,
S -- -O$ al con -vi- do des-asanc-+a, c e-- ,na
Id AM I _ _ _ _ _ _ _
- -os al- cn -t4L 5 L oa-+& C4, - 7UL-
Ile, - g't, - O OzCox- -0 1 ds-a, sa-& e,- 7w,
A-W* I t
e -nis--t--rios le - d i s- -io- Ce -
- de- - m--io-lip-,r- d &- -iCioS Ue, -
de r mis- - io l ed - 1e, de inis--ie -rios 7U2,
Cie- 5 i i-o - aQ co- Iner ue sqdaos og ina-
-mill"- _ _ _ _ _ _ _
::'10
A
-,w a. de- j - 7we4, en di -vita Ce- na-
04 1
Ue -gaos al con zd - e dZs- a, [sanjca ce - 7a-
I 4% IIII
no tenjays lecelovend reccadoves
gu$ka, esios savoresvenidos de Cibilofues auaen- e[l] celloesla. gracua, %14no,
[S1dI & nsierios Uena.,[de miserios Ueiia]
152
14
I I
153
-5
VziMen na- Are l dio, 'ir-gense-no - 1 vos 'V ir-ese-no -m vas
?irjtina-dre k- ci s] Cao-scL so-ke-ra. - n.Co-sa. so-Ze - -a
SVnIrqenSe-fno -ra vos 1Vir-gen se-n - -.vosLVi-j en- ma-cdle, colis -aso-So - a- - (na.CO so-be -rCt -
I r%_f
LVS madre 1 ir se-n -t Yo. Yo 45ens ra*4VOS
SI-rl-gen vna o-eaC so-bew- ra -- na.oo Tro aso-be-ra..- ina
r- n- jo e a,s-be e- ~ a- VO 0- S 50$e.- -,r Vona
6
YDe s$a- - dra- ina-r -a, e ot wa, - ao ide l-ue ga. -7 7 Co -l con-n, qe c; na-
Pa 0, a - ra- - d& ma,- r z-- 4. Ove, OX M- gio
A de Cea- 'a.c ceno o I yna- io
I v tZo--O el sol
U fineJ
,a-ao el so- cio 4 s ue dos____em- o
iza -e ci sol -a - e2- sol 4qU0 dios ent- hio
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ /000L-
8 114-co el soZ f alo-o ei sot ps dios.. ei- Id"
f1ls-czo e sol n-- clo e sol ase cli ios em - Io
k 1
Co [ .C, a1,pn~e~
s oi en9 sw 1aS-co-mie2o jj iao-n ia, - cla- e-pe- Lo_ ACI-__l- 0__ lopa, -- io Sol CO-Om-pZ-nienb-1O
8
8
-
i k I |Im |Ig| || ||||Ig| g|||g|gg|||g o
7 155
-ol iut-cl 1u-a s4 e 1o lWn-bZe *le - n A.-e-fu--jen-k yw -rao b -11- (--xeLsanc-+a.... ne s e
A -ce la] ) ue--xes-ie-1or la-bre-.Aie -nea. di- sre--fu-jen-u- be-r-ensac4-..s1
n8 ni,,te -bsaer Ue pOV lwn-bve....1e -ne ap di-03fW-enk y--ra y 1'e-lca i-xsa-a,...ue sois;
Slu-- ce-U[ ?a] nue--aes -ie--la que or l w-1-e.Ae - A. di--fu;n-e p-(raaj be] -ha- ___n A.....ge sois bos
dios es ei soi ?,erd322Z'ojjPla euet4*lW que iws chca,
esddna-n owwtey Iuzevoii
qgue sw Zwz -toina. de- alla-
,nazia~ tadre y dcrncello-lOZR (u Lijo -iene a Wasizasi y si0nnjo] dozncellaij
.uezida- eseosa de Waos
Co ha- rena- e$-la-&0aiI
y Ua, es sl ;aeie
emedio de- aue sa- idaes l unosc& del ore nte
156
A I asesi- 1 dae-- s Ko*os -- -cil-1
I I I i -i, I lmd0 1 1 -I -_ s d11-a%
g ILd
u zo es a-.& na- es jL r, os o-a.s;cLcc CMf I 1u t- '
-es iw- ct, - do -es iwz- 9 C-do Ifa-
.eja. -mans a bra oss i -
S
'03n
8
A-
8
mas undo estreas..AnaiLdo el
)e virgen doncef-
,naws lindo estralasFs na5 ido ei]
Es inas iinc* y beulct
[P pC. al Fne]
E p. C. al Fine]
157
1589I I I I i ,
- e - pa sa- cra- -nwn--& dios on - cr-
bjtecka - iie- pa sa- cra - mnen-io di0s on- -&
c- iie- pa~ sa- cra- men-io dis on-c
tecA- ne- na zao- cra-Inn- o dias on- c-
v Ar rmvAr rftteae- -m ci-- rro-umeit-io dio- on- cl-
va- l +ic 'fa. la~u i- c
8 ntla- faul HS- 61
-daual
teco, y tevel y -te gal chicawo u[v al -tic Ilaul -1Ica]
1 naca. yo quic3Qpa-va [ 'val i ilalaul -i02
?to CA v iwnlizizia-vac it [vat fiijc -1ahuA't &]
y las cai neyiaca d [va -ic +laau ica j
yw~i~ ni Uckxan n q ui (va al li+ laul 1&5]
1 1 I
vel ti [flaJ-
I
co- na li-
'59
I.
10
Oy es d de pal-cerCo- inen-c - mos con ma-Zo -d ic
0 es ct- e, y7a- er.wwxne-ce - inms Can vm,-o-cic a
A
Ak -e--U=
a, o-dos
1--a. -to-doe
v I-a, co cl
A- CIO - e i -l o r e U-
J.1 do - -- - M ll i l I
8r
8
16o
1.
1t
11
(4- dos- Ft 1'av-io se~ ,n a~~
~~ si azt-Z$n do: Zt--do sngin-a--
A an-dan -do: EZ__r-o se Ine, voa a-
sezt-cai-do at-dZ- do cr - si suie-daa-d Vt- 5 enz ea -ri - o
Sex-caL-do att-dan-vdo m ze-darn-do vi'- Jenta~ - vi-
asL- da do: F
I-ri co, L-c u
_ _ _ _ _I
i - FJ ~8xB
14
2c
26
32
161
P- [)a, 9 a4 d Sernorjute.d els - os Ve- n a-
_4 e -le~ ow--- ~ o est
At m _i
8
I -m- v m w -A
f r e, ie -con-cce4 -CI i dCL
35
inII ---d- - -
k8
-WAWAIII
162
F2Z feL pe-o me- di- da- queeneZ ui- vir
fpe-o n--d- ; qe en e ui-vk
S e-di- da queene Ut-vir
L fe pes me-di- da queen eui-vir&]p
s nos a o 0En qu n peeel UZIe o t ek% It'd iI
rr
s o 1 o)0n5o ml- qud en Vo$ m-9ue 1 to de-
snos 05 d oEn~ 1)0 mi-gueL eni smiyeI lo de'-
Cios nos dio[Yn VOS mi- 9 uel en vos mi-guel lo de-
3t
NW mdo-ir Aueis-l da
S -- e-dr .ue-- -o
*0 -end - U - - E re-so que o- oea
12
4-
luty a w -dir nues-ta ~s -s que so- Zo a.vt - d~a]
SeaSec-t 7 tu
Aed ii - ge - gUC V - -'0"yyee- Cu- A
-z '"- 1
C8e -t 9 qu el - r - qky e - cu e- c.-10
uer- -s - ces- -
- M- .m-
fuer - es-- cw e*
e p - d e S muffe-ca, e c--- t
my e - e - cazr- q es -e cuu - +0
deipe- ca -d
13 164
7
dor en -mzxr - 4e
165
r
10
13
16
que quman-ay que se-n- aa, fuer - an-*
rI- A
A enay que se a fucr-& quce, sea +an fuer-& e an -
u umquen ay cle se-o, -tan f er - fe ue
neqi y que se - a Ufuer-lz e se - a ta "-zte
8 iOS s s- gu -ro
7n--_T - I e- k-
li 'e's -'SrrTO
8 Sans l e los es -l eSe,--i oo
am - l-e 4e cu- - sry e aoa1 t v
-L I I -
,5o is w ,n- u yde tan al- to va-
166
2
29
mu-- ~se-yw,- ra. t-t4 22 u
8Tor: 1elde-ino47 2 io Cen- do r szue-oinsm4- -0d - e t_ _ _
C-- vem W p,- s d qrd-nso b e
caW - Co - s- ua o la i fuere
inu la fuer -
15 168
o- mj - tie a - - j-va-h- do ns-
~ )- mi tad a.- jw-van- Ao- mne e
8 o- mi -nm ad a.- iu--van- do me ez-;v" rr
2)0- mi- ne a a-- ju-van- do me f ez-
TL
-no- g - ri- ap-- fri
-na: g2o- Hi- a.p - fi
Sna- glo- ci- a. par- ~ ri
I I f z
4 - na: dglo- ri- a d a- h ei
0 1 A"%
060 - lu - n : a -a,-- E s ancCI sac-
S s0iri-a. sanc
ef - -:0
ei fi- i- 0
169
spi v-+u- i sa iw-
8 ri'- i ~sanc- ira: e~ ~sg- v- i saznc-
F ~syp-ri- t'ui sanc- toesii +wi sanc-Am 11
$i- 5ut e- at i i Ia-
_____ iu-uzce ca i $er- per:st
8-j 0 et nunc et se ~ - er:
r -1
0 tuc eisex-petu
Ti-nunc
m
Fer:0
170
A- 5
An La- u as - 2
e- cSa- &- so-S-- c -
8 hi;-i-a cu- to0-
in. se - ew&- lse- Cu- -
zt n se - cu- a
qJ A6
10 Z- rum L men -.A LL0w-
10- -- um
aP
LA Am
I I
I5alu-
16-7
ij : ill ir is JaI
do I I do
imi e ezl~errLal4e -ri-a a
IL W I
I F nI r-I II L
S] de g j ra 9eo-u-e lo esua--c10 eod 9 c -
I I J.
t U
rcot, Udelo-re l s-eo-loy '49y- ov-qsel ca,- l
6
cor-+x dlce- cle- -10lo Oy iluel a - co r-* del
172
cov-de- del cie - lo c brasue no d
Cor-b e a cl, - 10 -Cu a -iz-o
SoycgS a-vcor-sa eier- no d
0 o ce - 7 e-bra_ swj -ter-no di - a
-JWIA
FIF 1I1
ad__-_ c-llmun -e- I"--ia serysa- a el Csie-- lo sen - cLe - ra- .1-'Ee-
(t
Idr
ANYer.eaz u 4 a
23
28
zen-ca de-sw 510- 2r4 is i.-pues cp-1U -
I Jim
173
- W -r -
In
17
;D x Po --mlm- nus
18
.A eswerisiv nuestro dios
jiiw 11 IIIl I I'l I IM
I r T F w
1714
5
19
Da hor - ,nP - sa -- ca- ha e-co-g do- e - saltskn - do wue-fes
DOa.,A- nw- Te-he-cae - saw sWn -do -fts s--o - do
v
7tues-ro za col
nues-fro za - co 7 iues-ro za-- co el si ves --1i - do
8 7LU5-ito z4a-Co4- ro ZaC - co el Su Ve..... -
nUe -Evo z-CO Inuss -ro vv--co ed zi ye- - -10
a 40 pie~~1e ecA-lr l u~(eIzl -zo t uC-I-e
8 W -EO Z O ts-ro z,-cb o u vsd
I'& 410%
17-5
20
I
S
for - a -do den -nor dej-mo-re cios emn- aes-dios y nues-4iqer-ma-no el gutemdi- a
de a - wr ,no res dios em1i3A es-A' s ues-iro mwno el 1 ue mz -
I w
fle&-,ut de 5ra-cc3
-Ak e- -a
&I4--ade-g-a- g-
r -u ea-cua 11 l-to & ra- a ma- r-
EPM
L L
8 lr, -iuin de gr-ca Z 1, -n de ra - cia - a ,na.- - a
co la C, c alF ne
as li- id nue~ Ro - 3' en e -Na se htI-ZOW,-lfl-n&
k-
OgPILI
8rC.7a- ra
0 III
3
21
I I m
a. VC aicn-na.-ze a-c -
II II l_ -
aw II II IlI r
A- c a.-n n-Zgrz - , -resyws Efin ;J
~~ vi a-0 d- op ein zes___ -s- ca v
Je- wzer~ za-ze
r r VAM
I I I L
~e~ ejunI- ze ke ,? -v a-ze
Coy7a-
nU4O4-;prnt
[5C. ine 3
8
cze CD alOF & -- do -F
a a- - zo - - da, nue dvau-er - -d-
w - -e 0 qzw - 7 ws 1 , Rem1 lII llg II I I
8
I a a
)--tL k i I i I , I - L-
1es-cka 90i- io h-- Jo dL s m- -ena ma -n- a~ znr - 9enpu--z' su~ ve-nm-da,
Des-de g- lo 6- zoios s uv - i-- daenL IU-tz- a vW-geln pu-Za su v>e- - nt - dc
ILI
0$r -
g, futo c24X-tW5 it, J
9 ~fue2 pOr da-lws
Cfine]
fi o -iu's f-ue pov -n5 sk-re vi -
-- cd pak-o--eu parn-no'swpre
f ne por c a-7wos fu or da- -nos sigm-re
- I | k| h |I I I. I II .t "F I
"Me um-do - - - -11 -us
E D C. al Fine4
22 '77
~1
.5
8
I
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CRITICAL NOTES
The notes below show the manuscript readings for passages which
have been altered in the transcriptions. The abbreviated form employed
gives the measure number, the voice (S A T B), the note or portion of the
measure or section, and the original version. For example, 4 S 5:
indicates that in the fourth measure or section of the manuscript the
fifth note of the soprano line was a quarter note.
1. 8 SATB:
2. S: /4 B 2: B / 10 B 2: c / 11 S 2: f' / 11 B 2: G / 12 S 1: e' /
13 S: / 28 S:
3. 1-6S: / 6 S 3: 0 /6TB 4:.o
4-1. 4 T 1: c'/21 S 2: 0
4-2. 9S: extra 01g' / 12 S 4: / 16 S 1: a' / 16 S 2-4:
5. A: 0 omitted/ 2 AB: / 4 AB: / 6 AB:
6. 5 B 3: f / 8 s 4:
7. 1 B 4-2 B 1: 01/ 2 A 1-2: / 2 T: extra C' / 4 S 5: 0 /4 T 4: g / 1 A 2-3: f' tf
8. 3S 4: d' omitted/ 10 S: / SATB: key signature omitted
9. SATB: C omitted / B: key signature omitted / 1 S 1: g' /
1S 2-7,9: all b' /l1S10: a' / 1 A 9-10: J / 1 A 12: b-flat!
1 A 13-14: / 1 A 14:/'N omitted / 1 B 1-7: all g / 1 B 8: e /
2 S 6: N omitted / 2 A 1: c' / 2 A 2: d' / 2 A 4: e' / 2 A 5: d'
207
10. 7 S 4: omitted / 10 S 1st beat:
11. 1 ST: / 16, 22, 28, 34 s:
12. 14 S 3: /5 T 3: / 7 7S:> + + * + /
7 A: ; / 7 TB: ow * + /1 8 B: /Tomitted/
13. 1-3S: / 1 A: -~ /1 T 3: /1 B:-- /2 A1: / 2 B 3:
3 T 5: /14 SA1: /14 A 2: /14 B 5: /7-8 SAT:
-xI I1 0/ 7-8 B: a.:! j 1 /9 A: "-
9 TB: rests omitted / 9-10 5: II= / 10 T: / 10 B: rests
omitted / lIS 4: / 11 A 4-8: / 12-14 S:
* # # 1.1 /p12-14 A: o##+o 1 . win /
12 T 5, 13-14 T: # * + . / 13 T 3: a / 13 B 2: c /
14 B: * # / 14 B 1: d_/ 15-31 S:
15-31A: / 15T: 15B: / B. ,rests
omitted /16 TB: 3/17 TB 4: /22 B 2-23 B: . / 25 B 3:
26 B 1: /27 T 1: / 27 B 1: / 29 T 1: / 30-31 T:
. ; .# #KI <-o / 30-31 B: <!> -K> 4/ 31 T: ^#omitted
14. 2 T 4: b-flat / 4 A 1: e' / 8 T 1: c' / 9 AB 1: flat omitted
15. 1A: C / 1 B 7:i / 1 S 13: ^0 omitted / 3 B beginning: ..
3 T 11-13: / 3 T 15: '* omitted / 4 B 9: d / 4 A 12-13: d' e' /
5 A 1-5: f' e' d' d' c' / 5 A 7-12: a g a b-flat c' d' /
5 T 7-9: d e f / 6S 3: / 6 AB 5: / 6 A 6:0 /6 B 6:
6 ST 7: /3 AT 9: c'
16-1. 4 S:, /7 A: /T T: / 7 B 1: d / 8 S:-~ / 9 A: ~E/
9-10 B: LE2/ 11 T: / 12 S' ~
16-2. 22 A 2: omitted
16-3. 22 A 2: omitted
208
19. B: 3 / 7 S 3:/' omitted ? / TA 4: /11S 4:
20. SATB: 3 / 4 TB: 7/5 SAT: 7
5 B: 7/ 6s: / 6 ATB:
21. S: 3 / B: meter signature omitted / 2 A: 5 T 1: * /
8 S: / 11 S 3:
22. 2 SA:j7
3-1. SATB: omitted / 2 T 3-4: c' c' / 4 A 2: f' / 4 A 4: e' /
7 A 1-2: f' f' / 7 A 3-4: e' e' / 10 A 3-4: f' f' / 11 A 1-2: e' e' /
12-13 A: oe / 13 SB: R
3-3. 2 A 2:
A: key signature omitted / 1 A 1-2: d' d' /
2 A 5: flat omitted / 2 T 2: f / 2 T 3: g /
1
3
B:J j/
AB 1: flat omitted /
5 A 5: d' / 5 T 3: a / 5 B 3: e / 6 A 1: e' / 6 B 1: J /
6 B 2-3: / 10 S 5: M / 10 A 2: 9 / 10 T 3: q / 10 B 5: R
25. SAB: key signature omitted / T: C / 4-5 S: 1 / 4-5 A: F /
4-5 T: F / 4-5 B: /CM 7S 1: flat omitted!? B 1: /
9 SAT: /10 SATB: / 14 S: / 14-16 T: ./ 15 S:
19 ATB: / 20 ATB: / 33 B 2:
26: B: C omitted / 1 A: extra f' / 2 S 3: g' / 2 A 8:0 /
2 B 8: / 3 T 13: b / 3 B 13: g / 4 S 8: omitted /
4 A 6-9: / 5 B 6-7: f f / ST 11: 0 / 5 T 13: 0 /5 A 14: oi / 5 T 14:1oi / 5 B 14: / 5 519: / 6 A 7:
T: extra c' / 6S8:
A 11: 1 / 17: 01 /A 5-7: / 8 T 9: "o
A 9:* / 9 B 9: 01/ 9
/7 B 6: f /7 A 7: /TB
7 A 12: / 7 B 12:
omitted / 9 B 5: f / 9 A 6:
B 10: / 9 A 11: 0 / 9
2
24.
6
7
8
9
/
/
S16: 0
2
-1. 3 S 1: g' /
-2. 3 S 1: g' /
28. s: /
8 AT 3:
29. 8 T 3: /
23 T 1: .
4 T 1-2: g g / 8 S 4:
4 T 1-2:g g / 7 S 1: / 7 S 3-4: e" e" / 8 S 4:
T: SAT: C omitted / 4 S 1-2: b-flat' b-fat' /
/ 8 B 3: omitted
11 S: .L omitted / 13 S 1: / 15 S 3: l / 15 T 2: El /
/25S 2 : a' omitted / 37 S 4: / 43 S 1: -/
45 S: q / 45 S: " omitted / 73 A: l / 77 B 1-2:0 /
1-2:
2nd half:
9 / 97 S
4-107T 1
/ 108
:"o~ / 1
3-120 A 2
9 / 123
2: /1
2:
3-5:
/ 79 A 1-2: / 79 B 2: / 79 B 3-80 B 1:EI /
extra / 87 A 1-3, 88 1: e" d" e" f" / 90 A: 9 /
4: / 98 S 3: / 101 T: 101 B:
/ 107 A lst half: extra / 108 S 2nd half:
T 1st half: extra / 108 B 3: f omitted /
13 A: 3 J / 118 S: 3 Je/ 118 A 2: c' /
S / 119 T: / 120 S: 9 / 120 T: 0 o 9 /
A 1--2: / 123-124 B:LT / 125 A 2:
26 A 3: / 126 B 1-2: [I / 127 T:
29 A 2: / 130 A 2: . / 131 S 1:
/ 132 B 2-133 B 1-2: % I* / 133 S lst half:
extra /136 B: / 137T:H /137 B 3-138 B:-l /
138 S: ' omitted / 139 T: 9 / 139 B: 9
30. S: key signature omitted / 1 T:j j / 1 B: a j 0 0 /
1 A 4: o / 2 B 2-3: / 2 S 4: o / 3 A 1-2: 0 0 / 3 A 9: 0 /
5 A 3: o / 6 B 2: flat omitted / 6 T 3: flat omitted /
6 A 5-6: o 0 / 7 T 4: - omitted / 7 S 6: omitted /
9 A 1-2: o o / 9 AB 6: o / 9 T 6: flat omitted / 10 TB 1: flat
omitted / 10 SA 4-5: 0 0 / 11 SA 6: o / 13 A 2: 0 / 13 S 4: /
27
27
209
78 A
83 A
90 B:
106 T
extra
109 A
118 A
120 B
125 A
128 A
131 S
210
13 AB 6: o / 13 T 6: flat omitted / 13 T 7: 0 / 14 TB 1: flat
omitted / 15 A: section ends with extra o f' / 15 T 4: o /
15 B 5: "7 omitted / 15 S 6: 0
31. S: / T:I / ST: omitted / 4 S 1-2: b-flat' b-flat'
32-1. 6 AB 3: / 12 A 5: flat omitted / 12 A 7: / 14 AB 1:
14 A 1-4, 15 A 1: f' f' e' e' e'
32-2. 6 AB 3: / 8 A 3: / 12 A 5: flat omitted / 12 A 7:
14 AB 1:
34-1. B: C omitted / 3 S 4: * / 3 B 6-7: / 3 A 7: g' /
4 A 5-9: / 5 T 1-21: all e' / 5 B 20: e / 5 T 21:
'0 omitted
34-2. 3 A 7: g' / 4 A 5-10: 0
34-3. B C omitted! 3 B 6-7: /5 B 20: e
34-4. 1 S 7: omitted
34-5. 1 S 7: omitted
35. S: 03 /6 B 1: / 13 A lst beat: extra 7
36. SA:A omitted / 6 A 1-2: f' e' /6 A 5: / 7 S 4:
18 S 3:
37. 1 A1:
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INSCRIPT ION (f, 143v)
nican moma [or nona] canu oficio SeJor maestro de cabira .8'
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216
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219
SOURCES OF FIGURES AND PLATES
Figure 1. Wauchope, Robert, ed. Handbook of Middle American
Indians, 16. vols. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1965-76, VII, 47;
Figure 20. Codex Philipp J. Becker I (Le Manuscrit du Cacique), from the
upper strip of panels 8-9; Figure 21. Saville, Marshall H. The Wood-
Carver's Art in Ancient Mexico. NY: Museum of the American Indian, Heye
Foundation, 1925, 44.
Plate 1. Recinos, Adrin. Monografra del Departamento de Hue-
huetenango, 2nd edition. Guatemala: Editorial del Ministerio de Educa-
ci6n Publica, 1954, 368; Plate 2. LaFarge, Oliver. Santa Eulalia; The
Religion of a Cuchumata'n Indian Town. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1947, 2; Plate 3. Ibid.; Plate 4. Recinos, op. cit., 17; Plate 5.
La Farge, op. cit., 34; Plate 6. Ibid., 88; Plate 7. Ibid., 99; Plate 8.
Tid. ; Plate 9. Ibid., 98; Plate 10. Ibid., 111; Plate 11. Ibid., 9;
Plate 12. Ibid., 89; Plate 13. Recinos, op. cit., 369; Plate 14. La
Farge, op. 'cit., 8; Plate 15. Ibid., 98; Plate 16. Recinos, op. cit.,
368; Plate 17. Ibid., 384; Plate 18. Recinos, Adrian. Monograjia del
Departamento de Huehuetenango, Re pub lica de Guatemala. Guatemala, A. C.,
1913, 212; Plate 19. Ibid., 208; Plate 20. La Farge, op. cit., 111;
Plate 21. Ibid., 35; Plate 22. Recinos (1954), op. cit., 337.
220
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