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Psiholoske implikacije razlicite upotrebe prostora u sferi marketinga i reklama uopste.
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Visual Anthropology,
18:19-45,2005 2 ' ^ D f l ^
Copyright ;( Tayinr&: Francis, Inc. | J KOUtleOg
ISSN:
0894-9468 print/1545-59211 on line ft\ Taylor.Francis Croup
DOI:L(l,1l)80/l>894946l)59()90(K)34
Visualizing Emptiness
Dimitri Morteltvans
How can one create more by show ing less? That is the central question in this article.
Through a visual approach, we will look at emptiness as a generator of standing,
exclusiveness, luxury sign value. One of the guiding cultural mechanisms of creating
exclusiveness is the use of
horrorvacui,
the fear of the empty. Using bt)th psychological
tiieory and civilization theory, the article connects the concept of emptiness andhorror
vacui
to the creation of exclusiveness, of luxury. This theoretical argu me ntation is then
confronted with a visual research on the use of emp tiness in show win dow s. It shows
that luxury boutiques or shops selling predominantly luxury p roducts use emptiness
in their shop w indows in order to create a luxurious and exclusive atmo sphere.
INTRODUCTION
How can one create more by showing less? That is the central question in this
article. Through a visual approach, we will look at emptiness as a generator of
standing, exclusiveness, luxury sign value. Central in the answer to this question
is the principle ofhorrorvacui, the fear of the empty.
First, we will discuss the concept of horror vacuion a theoretical basis. W here
does the principle come from and why is it connected to luxury and exclusiveness?
Next, we will present the results of research that tries to find the use of the
principle in shop windows. This research included a combined quantitative and
qualitative study on clothing shops in Antwerp and Brussels. With this research,
we will try to classify shops on a scale of prestige while trying to link this scale to
visual research data.
EMPTINESS AS A FORM OF DISTINCTION
Background from Philosophy and Arts
The link between the luxury signified and the use of em ptiness is not evident. We
need to dig deeper into the possible explanation that couples emptiness to luxury.
The origin of the link can be found in both psychology and sociology. The basic
principle behind the connection of emptiness and luxury is called
horrorvacui,
th e
fear of emptiness [Gombrich 1970: 80].
MoRTELMANs
IS
(7sociologist at Antwerp University, B elgium. He wrote his Ph.D. on the
visualization of luxury based on a sociosemiotic analysis of print adv ertisements. His e urrent
research focuses on
gift-
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20 D. Mortelmans
The concept of horror vacui is derived from art theory. It is the urge to fill al
empty space with all kinds of details. However, the term itself is much older than
mo dern art theory. Originally, the fear of the void wa s described by Aristotle wh o
categorically denied the possibility of a vacuum. He argued that a vacuum could
not exist because nature always tries to resist its creation. Nature has an inherent
horror
vacui.
The principle of filling up the void comes from his cosmology. Tli
Aristotelian cosmos is enclosed, finite, and full. The assumption of fullness leads to
the claim that all empty spaces refill automatically IBerryman 1997; Anonymous
1991]. Philosophy has followed this line of argument for ages. Nevertheless, the
principle was heavily debated.' The debate was silenced after the experiment of
the Magdeburg hemispheres (1654). This experiment proved that a vacuum could
be created in two hemispheres.
In the twentieth century, the void was picked up again by artists and art critics
in writing on the emerging of abstract art movements. Wassily Kandinsky, for
example, has written on em ptiness and its aesthetic power IKandinsky 1955;
19821.
Oth ers have theorized the aesthetics of abstract and m inimal art IDomecq 19951 or
criticized its self-claimed transcendentalism [Hauschildt 1994; Hughes 1997;
Kuspit 1998].
Horror Vacui as a Social and Psychological Phenomenon
The principle ofhorror vacui touches more domains than art theory or philosophy
In psychology, the principle is related to the hum an instinct to decorate. One of the
differences between man and animal is our capacity to decorate things: "When we
see primitives decorate themselves, it occurs to us that they do it mainly to
resemble animals, whether they use feathers, colorful paints, or masks. But, no
matter how their behavior may resemble that of animals, the distinction is vast
and crucial because it involves the meaning of the word 'ornamentation'; viz., an
intentional em phasis is given to an object, wh ether it be a man or an inert thing , by
enriching addition" [Prinzhorn 1995: 20].
One feels an inner urge to cultivate one's surroundings. Some say this urge is
more prominent in primitive groups or in periods of great decadence. Even in our
time, where instinct to decorate is largely suppressed, we find some traces of the
instinct in the habit of writing on walls in public toilets or scribbling on writing
pads [Read 1964: 22-23]. Psychology gives the principle of horror vacnia rather
artistic color. This meaning of the term has survived in art theory: the urge
to complete a certain decoration with increasing detail. However, it does not
give a satisfying explanation of the link between this horror vacniprinciple and
the luxury signified in our sample. Therefore, we need a more sociological
explanation.
To connect emptiness to luxury, we need to relate liorror vacui to a social phe
nomenon. In order to do so, we will use the civilization theory of Norbert Elias
119821. According to this theory, the increasing differentiation of societal functions
leads to the formation of more stable political organs acquiring the monopoly of
force." Connected to this process of state formation is a psychological evolution
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Visualizing Emptiness 21
Through the interdependence
of
larger groups
ot
people and the exclusion
of
physical vio-
lence from them, a social apparatus
is
established in which the constraints between people
are lastingly transformed into self-constraints. These self-constraints,afunctionoftheper-
ceptual hindsight
and
foresight instilled
in the
individual from childhood
in
accordance
withhisintegrationin extensive chainsofaction, have partlytheformofconsciousself-
control
and
partly that
of
automatic habit. [Elias
1982:
242-2431
Elias describes several domaii\s in which the civilizational process changes
human behavior,allbeing some restraintson thehuman instinctsor lusts: eating
(with knife
and
fork), sleeping
(not
naked), spitting , personal hygiene [Elias 1978].
One
of the
most striking results from
his
study
was the
stratified division
of self-
control.
New
forms
of
self-control originate first
in
higher classes
and
descend
slowly into the lower
classes.
Self-constraints are instrunients with which the higher
class confirms
its
superiority [Elias 1982]. Although quantity remains
a
sign
of
pow er and w ealth, austerity penetratedonseveral domain sasa signofdistinction.
Letting oneselfgo isno longer tolerated. Slowly this evolution permeates society. We
all use a knifeandfork when we eat, we all wash overselvesandwe are all dressed
in public. Nevertheless,
the
principle
of
constraining one's hum an instincts remains
a distinctive sign. Tlie power
to
control oneself remains
a
sign
of
excellence.^
According
to
psychological theory,horror vacniis also a hum an instinct.
We
show
an instinctive reaction towards voicis
by
decorating them,
by
filling
up
the gaps.
If
we follow Elias' theory,itmustbeso that the natural urgetofillinempty spacesis
controlled by thecivilizing process.If thisistrue,thehigher classes will develop
some sortofamorvacui.The "empty" becomes a signofcultivationandgood taste.
The amor vacuiin higher classes shows that Elias' civilization theory goes further
than taking noteof etiquette. Restraining oneself both physically and mentally
makes
the
principle
ofamor vacui
into
a
mark
of
distinction. Tliose
who
have
the
power
to
overcome their
ownhorror vacui
instinct
can
distinguish themselves.
In earlier research, we have found the use of emptiness to be an important
element
in the
construction
of a
luxury sign value
in
advertisements [e.g.,
Mortelmans 1998a; 1998b].
In
advertisements,
the
principle
ofhorror vacniis
used
by presentation
of
empty space. Eigure
1
gives
an
example.
The
Parker fountain-
pen
is
promoted with
an
absolute minimum
of
elements.
No
models
are
used,
no
special backgroundsorspectacular catchw ords. Onlyablack rectangleon awhite
background. Except
for
the fountain
pen itself, the
pag e is nearly em pty. The result
isnotonlyan enlarged focuson theproductbut an additional distinctive atmo-
sphere thatis created around thefountainpen.
The Void inShop Windows
The research presented
in
this article deals with
the
use
of
em ptiness
in
shops
and
more particularly in shop win dow s. There are two m ain reasons why we decided
to
study
the
shop w indow s. Eirst, we started from
our
research results
in
advertising.
If emptinessisusedtocreatealuxury sign valueinadvertisements,itcouldbe an
isolated phenomenon.
As we
argued earlier,
the
theory
of
both Norbert Elias
and
Pierre Bourdieu indicates that the principleofhorror vacuiismore widespread than
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22 D. Mortelmans
hunk atin lui
, 't7;(A
wi n
ii if
ii lucriiici.' wrMiiii
Parker klasse
Figure
7
Tlie use of
horror vitciii
in advertisements. The caption of this advertisement reads:
Parker Top-class .
rooted m ore deeply in our culture. Therefore, w e wanted to look at wa ys in which
luxury companies use emptiness in places other than advertisement campaigns.
Several possible subjects of research are evident. First, we could repeat the socio-
semiotic content analysis we did on ad vertisem ents, on a sample of luxury catalogs
and brochures. If emptiness is a visual technique in print advertisements, it could
be hypothesized that the same results will apply to the catalog from a luxury
company. Although this first line of research was interesting, we decided to focus
on a second alternative. If emptiness is a sign of luxury, it does not only appear in
similar sources of information, hke catalog. It could also be applied on the different
selling points of luxury products. According to Jean-Louis Dumas-Hermes, man-
ager of Hermes, the luxury boutique needs to be part of the package of a luxury
item: "The smell itself of the shop one enters is already a package of the pro du ct"
[Dumas-Hermes
1991:
311.
Just as an advertisem ent oracatalog can com mu nicatea
sign of distinction, the design of a shop is an integral part of the construction of a
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Visualizing Em ptiness 23
the beige, the adde d gold for Chanel; the natural woo d for Louis Vuitton; the 'grey
Dior' and the Louis XTV style for the brand-ins titut ion" ICharrueau 1991: 138,
au tho r's trans lationl. If emptiness is indeed used to construct a luxury sign value, it
should be visible both in the interior design ofaboutique and in the shop w indow.
The interior design of shops is important to create an atmosphere in which the
consumer is invited to buy. The shop windo w is the exterior face of the bou tique. It
is the connection between the private sphere inside the boutique and the public
sphere outside: the shop window links both worlds. It needs to persuade the
consumer to enter the private world of luxury. Therefore, it is hypothesized that
shop windows are an important generator of luxury sign value. Of course, the
dressing of a window is not the only element in the creation of the standing of a
specific shop. It might even be of lesser importance than the neighborhood or the
brand names that are solidly in the shop. Nevertheless, shop windows are an
exterior-directed form of communication that cannot be neglected.
The second reason for studying shop windows and their relation to the use of
emptiness is a derived one. Both in sociology and in cultural studies, there is a
growing literature on consumer culttire and shopping behavior [e.g.. Brown and
Turley 1997; Featherstone 1991]. Although the research interests are diverse, there
is a substantial interest in "spheres of consumption in general" [Hetherington 1992]
and in the shopping mall in particular [e.g.. Miller
c t ni
1998]. The m all is seen as
one of the central spaces of consum ption [Hetherington 1992] of our late mod ern
consumer society: "the shopping mall is symbolic of the global dissemination of
late capitalist economies, [,..] the mall end ow s consumerism with almo st reli-
gious-like qualities" [Miles 1998: 59]. Although the shopping mall receives much
attention in both the theoretical and the empirical dom ains, little attention goes to
design aspects of the different shops within these malls. Mark Gottdiener, for
example, discusses the design of the mall as a well-structured whole. The central
point in his analysis concerns the functionality of the mall:
The purpose ofamall is to sell consumer
goods.
The function of mall design, therefore is to
disguise the instrumental exchange relation between producer and consumer, which is
always more to the former's benefit in capitalist society, and to present cognitively an inte-
grated facade which facilitates consumption acts by the stimulation of consumer fantasies.
Thus,
the mall, taken asawhole, isasign initself,since it connotates something other than
its principal instrumental function. [Gottdiener
1995:
86]
His analysis then concentrates on the different constructions in the mall that
serve this essential functionality. Shop windows and the different techniques of
window dressing are only marginally mentioned. Although this article will con-
centrate on shopping streets rather than malls, we think that shop windows
deserve more attention than they have received until now. If malls are presented
as well-constructed environments to promote shopping, the sanie analysis applies
to window dressing. More importantly, shop windows are thresholds of con-
sumption. They are the capitalist sirens, seducing potential consumers to enter
the inner sanctum. Even though we concentrate here on the principle of horror
vacui,
our analysis will, at the same time, give a more detailed insight into the
construction of the seductiveness of shop windows.
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24 D. Mortelmans
METHODOLOGY
As outlined before, our study aims to look at the connection between the use of the
void and the prestige of a certain shop. To do so, we have used a combination of
quantitative and qualitative research methods.''
Quantitative Research Method
On the one hand, we want to classify all shops on a scale of prestige. In order to
relate window dressing styles to the luxurious character of the shop, we need
some criterion to classify the shops as luxurious. Concerning luxury, consumer
price is an often used but highly debated criterion. When defining luxury, there is
some consensus that expensiveness is an important factor. However, the question
is whether or not the price is an inherent quality of a luxury product. In a French
study on industrial and financial strategies in the luxury industry, the authors
state that "luxury is no longer a product that costs six times more than a com-
parable product" [transl. from Corsani and Giuseppe 1992: 13]. A mere mass-
consum ption object with a high price is not considered luxury. Several definitions
of luxury have been developed, many of which excluded the expensive
characteristics. Properties that are considered more crucial include scarcity, addi-
tional value or high quality stan dard s IMortelmans 1997]. All these characteristics
might give an accurate description of the exclusiveness of a product, but,
empirically, they are hard to test. If we take quality as an example this becomes
more apparent. Our research is Umited to clothing shops (see further). Conse-
quently, we need to assess the quality of the clothes presented in the shop win-
dows.
It is obvious that this is a nonsensical o ption: this is why we once more end
up with the easiest indicator, of luxury pricing. Although prices are imperfect
indicators of the luxurious character of consumer goods, they are not completely
unrelated to the phenomenon. If we ]ook at the different characteristics that are
presented as luxury essentials, we can see that they all lead to a higher price. If a
luxury product has a higher quality, it is produced with superior raw materials.
These commod ities are mo re expensive or need more sophisticated treatm ent (e.g.,
silk versus cotton). The increase in manufacturing costs leads to a higher consu mer
price. The same goes for other characteristics like exclusive distribution channels
or special designs. Although price setting is much more complicated than sum-
ming up production costs ILebas
etal.
1990: 48], we can state that luxury prod ucts
usually are m ore expensive than other, comparable pro ducts. We decided to base
the classification of the sho ps in our sam ple on th e prices of the different articles
that were presented in the shop window.
We used a predefined coding scheme for obtaining our quantitative data. First,
we determined which part of the shop windo w was inventoried. We did not
inventory all shop windows completely. One of the significant elements in our
research was the comparison of the total number of clothing items presented in a
shop window to the type of shop. If a luxury shop uses emptiness as a technique,
it could be hypothesized that only a few objects wou ld be show n. If this is the case,
we need to compare the number of items shown in all shop windows, assuming
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Visualizing Em ptiness 25
rule. We estimated that the average sho p window^ takes up a length of five to ten
meters, i.e., one or two big windows. However, several big chains store take up
much more than that. In those cases, we limited the inventory to two or three
wind ow s. The decision about the number of wind ow s w as left to the encoder but
the total space inventoried could not surpass ten meters.""
Second, all objects in the shop window were inventoried. A distinction v^'as
made between decorative elements in the window and the actual products.
Decorative elements were merely listed. They do not play an important role in the
quantitative analysis. The listed elements are only supportive elements for the
qualitative analysis (see further). Three characteristics of the actual products were
written down: price, type of clothing and place in the shop window. The price was
measured in Belgian Francs, even if some shops already presented the price in
Euros" next to the Belgian Francs. All clothes were categorized into 30 raw cate-
gories. The encoders categorized the clothes in the shop windows in one of these
categories. They were instructed to use the 30 predefined codes but when they
obser\'ed clothes that did not perfectly fit the coding scheme they could deviate
from it. All deviations could be recoded afterwards to the original code book. The
last quantitative information that was retrieved from the shop window was the
place of the clothes in the window. Three different places were distinguished.
Clothes could be worn by windo w dum mies. He on the ground or hang on
coathooks. This information enabled a more detailed analysis of the number of
clothes in different parts of a shop window.
Qualitative Research Method
The quantitative information we collected was primarily aimed at classifying the
different shops using their consum er prices on a prestige scale. Other quantitativ e
indicators, like the number of clothes in a shop window, could give an indication
of the use of eniptiness in shops, but tltis is a rather raw indicator. It does not tell
anything about the general style of the shop window in which the emptiness
migh t be used. In order to get a mo re vahd impression of the use of emptiness, we
simultaneously gathered qualitative, visual data. Each shop that was inventoried
quantitatively was also photographed. In this way, we could analyze the exterior
image a shop is presenting, in more detail.
The analysis of the visual data was done with a grounded theory approach
[Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1994, 1998]. Suchar described a
detailed data collection method for visual sociologists based on the principles of
grounded theory ISuchar 1997]. Since our quantitative data collecting method was
bound to shops, we did not completely follow his collecting principles. As we
have said, we took only one photograph of each shop. Next, we used the software
program Atlas-ti to code and analyze the data. Atlas-ti is written for both textual
and visual data analysis based on grounded theory IMuhr 1991]. During the
categorization process, we ran through the photographs while coding al] elements
in the shop win dow s that appea red as possible aspects of importance. This process
of open coding"^ was finished by regrou ping the codes*^ [S trauss and Corbin 1990].
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Then codes were brought together in a coherent codebook, and we coded the
26 D. Mortelmans
whole sample again with these codes. The subsequent analysis tried to identify
groups of shop windows, using the codes as a guideline.
Sample
Since comparability was a central research requisite, a restricted sample was
necessary. We wanted only one product category in our sample, If we want to
compare luxury shop wind ows with nonluxury wind ow s, we need to com pare the
same category; otherwise, the kind of merchandise might influence the dressing of
the shop w indow. Dressing a windo w of a toy store can be don e quite differently
from dressing the window of a shoe shop. We decided to reduce the scope of the
research to clothes shops. The main reason for choosing clothes as our research
focus was the wide availability of clothes shops both in the lower and the higher
market segment. They range from exclusive boutiques to bulk sales. Another
reason for choosing clothes is the way of selling. If we had chosen watches as our
focus,
we would have had enormous problems to find shop windows displaying
watches. The bulk sale watches are found mostly in supermarkets while luxurious
watches are sold at a jeweler's. In either case, comparing shop windows for these
products would be impossible.
We tried to include the widest possible range of clothes shops in our sample;
therefore the sample was drawn in different shopping streets. We preferred
researching shopping streets instead of malls for legal reasons. In Belgium, one is
allowed to take photographs on the street. Inside shops and buildings however,
the owner needs to give permission. It is unclear whether or not shopping malls
are considered a public space. In order to avoid some prohibitions to photo-
graphing, shopping streets were selected as our research area. We selected five
different shop ping streets. The first three are known as exclusive shopp ing streets:
Waterloo Avenue and Louisa Avenue in Brussels and Schuttershofstraat in
Antw erp. This resulted in 64 shops (50 in Brussels and 14 in A ntwerp). The fourth
shopping street (the Meir) is also located in Antwerp and is the main shopping
street of tha t city. It is a typical m iddle-class street with big chain s tores and few or
no small boutiques. A total of 36 shops was inventoried in this street. The last
street (Abdijstraat) in the sample is located in one of A ntw erp's poorer districts. It
is a dilapidated street with several so-called one-dollar-shops and a lot of empty
shop-prem ises. If chain stores are present, they specialize in cheap m ass bulk sales.
We analyzed 25 shops in this street. In total, our sample consists of 125 shops in
five different shopping streets in Antwerp and Brussels. Their shop windows
contained a total of 2845 clothing items.'^
RESULTS
We divided our results into two different sections. First, we will give the results of
our quantitative analysis. This analysis will present the classification of all the
shops on a continuum of prestige. Second, we will do a qualitative visual analysis
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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Visualizing Emp tiness 27
hand, we tried to construct a typology of shop windows. On the other hand, we
tried to link the use of emptiness in these shop windows to the exclusiveness of
the shop.
Classifying Shops
As indicated before, the consumer prices of the articles presented in the shop
windows are used as indicators for luxury. This simple starting point generates
several derived problems. First, some sho ps do not use any price tags in their sho p
win dow s. These shops are presenting their clothes witho ut an y reference to prices.
S trictly speaking , we should not include these shops in our classification. Since we
will elaborate this classification, on the basis of prices, we have no data to use in
placing these shops. Of course, the omission of prices is a sign of exclusiveness in
itself.
The technique has a deterrent function. A shop window with no price tags
communicates an implicit invitation to enter the shop without any monetary
limits. It is an invitation to judge the presented clothes for their aesthetic value. If
one likes the clothes, one can enter and buy them without knowing the prices
beforehand. Of course, such a strategy is useful only if the prices of the presented
articles are high. Without referring to the principle ofhorror vacui, we see a new
example of the power of self-constraint. A shop gains in prestige because those
who enter there have the power^ to suppress their curiosity about the price of a
commodity. For this reason, we decided to place all the shops that have no price
tags in their shop windows at the right-hand side of our continuum (i.e., the most
exclusive shop s). In total, 17 shops (13.6%) were in this gro up IFigure 2], Am ong
these shops, there are Belgian hautecouture boutiques like Lieve Van Gorp or
brands hke Chanel or Boss. Even though the connection between the absence of
price tags and the exclusiveness of a certain shop is a theoretical one, it seems to
give reliable results in our research.^^
The second problem we encountered by taking prices as indicators of exclu-
siveness was the nonncomparability within shop windows. A naive method of
classifying shops could take the mean of all consumer prices in a certain shop
window. This method neglects the inherent qualities of the clothes within the
shop w indow s. A three-piece suit is more expensive than a shirt, no m atter w here
you buy it. However, if a certain shop window has several shirts and only one
suit, it could have a lower m ean than a shop with several suits; even if this second
shop sells its suits cheap. Therefore, we standardized the prices for each product
category by calculating z-scores. With a mean of zero, positive z-score prices
indicate n:\ore expensive pieces of a certain clothing category. Negative z-scores
are given to the cheaper clothes. In such m anner, each price is stand ardize d
within
a certain clothing category. In order to classify all shops on the basis of their
prices, we averaged the z-scores of all the products in the shop window. This
results in the intended purpose. If a shop is expensive compared to others, its
shop window may be supposed to contain clothes that have higher prices for each
of the product categories. If that is the case, the average of the z-scores will be
high. On the contrary, if a shop has a low average of standardized consumer
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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prices, it means that the standardized clothing prices were low compared to
28 D. Mortelmans
other shops. Figure 2 gives an overview of the mean z-scores of all the shops in
our sample.
The figure show s a grad ual increase in consu mer prices from fhe left-hand side
of the curv e. This indicates a rather marginal difference between these
shops. '
On
the other hand , the right-han d side show s an exponential-like sh ape. Prices on tliis
side increase rapid]y. Several luxury houses are located in this segment: Giorgio
Arm ani, Francis Ferent, and Gianni Versace, for examp ]e. Figure 2 shows that we
have created a continuous prestige-scale, based on the consumer prices of the
clothes presented in the shop windows. We wil] come back to this sca]e later.
Classification of Shop Windows
The central research hypothesis of this article was to look at whether or not shops
use emptiness in their shop windows to create an image of exclusiveness. The use
of emptiness, however, is not an isolated sign, A showroom is a composite whole
of both the shop window and the general shop design. The visual research
material allowed us to classify shops according to their shop windows and the
design techniques used in them.
The qualitative analysis of the visual data revealed five main types of shops
and shop windows. As we were analyzing our data, it became clear that shop
r rwan zscoros
Figure 2 Mea n z-scores of all clothingcategoriesforeachsh op. The x-axis contains all 107 shops i
our sample Ihat showed price tags in their shop window. In the graph, they were arranged in the
order of their mean z-score. On the x-axis oniy a few shop n ames appear due to the limited space
available in the graph. Since these names give an indication of the classification of the shops, we
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Visualizing Emp tiness 29
windows are tightly connected to the type of clothes shop. Table 1 gives an
overview of the five main types of shop window we found in our sample.
The first category consists of bulk sales shops. Clothes are sold in large quan-
tities,
at knock-down prices. Next, we have a group of middle-class clothing
shops.
In our sample, this group consisted mainly of large chains store with a
very typical way of window dressing. If we go to higher middle-class shops and
top-class luxury shops, we enter the world of smaller boutiques. The variation in
window dressing is much greater here. Consequently, we distinguished between
three different types.
ulk Sales
The first type of shops is termed "bulk sa les." The key characteristics of this typ e
are abundance and price-oriented design. Everything is oriented towards the
communication of cheapness. Because several shops are competing in the same
shop ping street, the passer-by needs to be convinced that this is the cheapest sho p
of all. The most often seen technique to achieve this is the hand-written price tag.
All clothes have large price tags that are readable from the streets. Figure 3 is a
large bulk sales shop w here price tags are predominant in the shop w indow. All
price tags were made in a fluorescent yellow color.
A second characteristic tha t rea ppea rs in the bulk sales is the crowded ness of the
shop s; as if bulk sale sho ps fight thehorror vacuiby all mean s. Emptiness is banned
to the extreme by filling the shop window completely, with dummies and clothes
IFigure31.There is no room for a special design. Additionally, the threshold of the
shop window is bridged by breaking down the classic borders of the shop design.
The shop interior is brought to the outside. The window itself loses its commu-
nicationat function. The consumer is invited to touch and feel the goods. In this
respect, the bulk sales shops resemble a (Third World) marketplace, where
everything is brou ght close to the consumer; vegetables can be tasted, the smell of
fresh bread is everywhere. The consumer walks and consuines in a private sphere
as soon as he enters the market. Westem shopping patterns have unlinked this
privateness with shops and shop windows. Although we will see further that
some shop windows try to hnk both spheres again, there exists a separation
between the public and the private sph ere. The shops in Figures 4 and5break this
separation by putting their clothes back on the streets as in marketplaces.
With the entrance of the merchandise right onto the street, the impression of
abimdance becomes even more apparent. The impression one tries to giveisnot only
a picture of cheap goods but also of a multitude of goods. In Figure 4, more than a
hundered jeans are piled up. The Boxer shop in Figure 5 surpasses this number
several times. Thehorror vacui is suppressed maximally: all emptiness is banned.
Chjin tores
The second group of shops with a similar design of shop windows are chain
stores. By chain stores we mean clothing shops belonging to a larger chain of
stores. The sam e clothes are distributed widely in similar shop s. It is difficult to
determine whether or not a certain shop belongs to a larger group of shops and
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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32 D. Mortelmans
Figure 4 Bulk sales shop (Antwerp, Abdijstraat).
wh en this grou p is large enough to be called a real chain. Since this discussion is a
rather restricted one, it is not quite to the point here. What we call a chain store in
our typology does not necessarily correspond to the technical definition of chain
stores. Chain stores in this typology are defined as shops giving an impression of
mass production, based on a rather uniform pattem of window design.
The impression of working on a large scale is totally different from bulk sales
shops.
The impression of cheapness and abundance is suppressed. Large chain
shops do not overcrowd their shop windows. On the other hand, they also avoid
the use of too much emptiness (see further). The impression of middle-class pri-
cing is created in the shop designitself.The brand name is predominantly present
in front of the shop. Contrary to bulk sales shops where sometimes shops don't
even have a name [Figure 4], the brand name is prominent here. Further, these
shops are big. The biggest chain stores have two or three floors connected with
escalators. On the outside, large windows enhance the department store-like
feeling of the shop (Figure 6).
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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:5
u
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5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
16/28
34 D. Mortelmans
All shop windowsofchain stores are very alike,notonly within chainsbutalso
between different chains.At acertain momentin our data collection,we saw the
dressing
of a
shop window
of a
particular chain store (Etam
in
Antwerp).
The
store personnel
had
emptied
the
window
and
were working
on a new
design,
based on a predesigned scheme.One of theemployeeshad a briefing onpaper,
andshe wasinstructinghercolleagueson how thewindow needed to bedressed.
By accident,wecame acrossthe same company inBrusselsa few days laterand
the shop windowwasdesigned almost identically.
The main reason, however, we have included the chain store as a separate
categoryof window dressing stylesisthatour data showed a large subgroupof
stores with a similar design. The emphasis on the brand name and the large
windows were onlytwocharacteristicsofthese shop s. Whenwelookat theshop
window itself, it is striking that several aspects recur.One of the recurringele-
ments
is the use of
large posters.
As we
have said, large chain stores
do not
overload their shop windows. Tliere
are
several dummies (three
or
more
for
each
window)in thewindow, showingthe newest collection. Often, additional shelves
are used topresent clothes.Allthis looks well-balancedbut itdoesnot givethe
impressionofemptiness.Themain reasonforthatis the use oflarge pho tographs
of modelsin thestores.Thephotographs givethe impression that theyare cut out
ofa fashion catalog [Figure7],Theshop w indowof thechain storeisdesignedas
an enlarged, real-life advertisement for itself. Therefore, store chainsas a group
givea similar, mass media-like message through their shop windows.
Next
to the
large posters,
the use of
seasonal themes
in the
shop window
enhancesthecommercial picturewehave sketched. Sinceourdata were collected
in June,themain recurring themewassummerandvacation.Themetap hors used
most frequently toexpress theideaof summerand vacation were palmsorsail-
boards.To underline the themes, the posters often featured beach scenes with
models walking along the beach. Also, separate catchwords referred to the
upcoming holiday season. Althoughall shops were selling their summer collec-
tions, only chain stores regularly referred to this. As was stated before, bulk
purchase shops merely concentrate on prices and large sales. But smallerbou-
tiquesorexclusive luxury boutiques alsodid notp redominantlyuse theseasonal
theme
(see
further).
outiques
As soonas thesizeof the shop decreases,a clothing shopcan bedescribed as a
boutique. Boutiques are ground-floor shops with a limited collection of clothes
usually restricted to one sex. Large chain stores sell clothes for bothmen and
women (often also for children); boutiques are smaller and more specialized.
Almost halfof oursample(58 of125 shops, 46%)can bedescribed as aboutique.
Asa consec]uence, thereis a much larger diversity in this group.
A first group
we
will
not
further discuss
in
detail, consists
of
boutiques with
a
pattern equivalent to thoseof chain stores. They belong to a smaller chain or a
more specialized chain within
the
fashion ma rket. These shops
are
indeed smaller
and have a few characteristics of the boutiques we will discuss further. Their
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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dom inant image howeveris one ofa b rand-orientedand
Visualizing Em ptiness 35
Figure 7 Springfield (Antwerp , Meir).
This results in the use of large posters or sailboards, only on a smaller surface.
Althoug h these shops a re both technically and economically boutiq ues, we classify
them in the chain store category. Besides this group, we can discern three groups
of boutiques: first, boutiques using modern and artful design m their shop win-
dow; second, boutiques where the interior of the shop itself becomes part of the
shop window, and third, boutiques in which emptiness prevails.
Firsl Type: Art andModernDesign.S ome boutiques try to distinguish themselves
with art and design. Although such decor might exist elsewhere, we did not find
any modern painting or sculptures in our sample. The most prominent type of
design used includes abstract objects and forms. Hardly any figurative objects
are used in this type. The impression of the shop window is one of soberness
and distinction. Theamor vacuienters the shop w indo w but it does not prevail
as we will see in the last type. Dummies and other window elements still have
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36 D. Mortelmans
Figure 8 Olivier Strelli (Antwerp, Keyserlci).
In Figure 8 the dummies form a composition in themselves. Here, the shop
designer w ent further than merely dressing some dum mie s. He created an isolated
composition with an artistically-minded undertone. In this shop window, we also
see one of the rare exceptions in the use of person-like dummies. The women in
the composition have a head and a face. In boutiques, dummies are usually
decapitated. Only torso and legs are used, without a head. The personalized
dummy is used more frequently in bulk purchase shops.
One of the particular elements of the boutique as such is the entrance-way.
Chain stores all have large glass entrance doors. Boutiques are mo re likely to have
a regular door with a doorhandle and a doorpost. In addition, about half of the
boutiques do not leave their doors open: there is a deliberately created border
between the shop and the outside world. An interested consumer can't just walk
in and out; entering a boutique requires an explicit action of the consumer.
Moreover, it is not just the act of grabbing the doorhandle and pushing the door.
The door closes again behind the consunier, giving the impression that he is more
than a
flaneur
(Bauman) who passes by.
Second Type: Blurring the Threshold between Public and Private Spheres.
The sec-
ond type of boutiq ue is the first one w here em ptiness is used as a technique on its
own. It is characterized by the transparency of the shop window. The window
itself is rather empty; the number of clothing items is limited, as is the number
of dummies. The main characteristic of the second type is transparency. It is a type
that has been described earlier by the French semiotician Ana Claudia Alves de
Oliveira
[19961.
The shop window does not have a background. There are some
objects in the shop window but the shop itself is visible in the background. The
shop window ceases to exist: it becomes integrated with the shopitself.The shop
window is a bridge between the public sphere outside and the private sphere of
the shop vanishes. Both spheres make direct contact. The outsider can look and
judge the activities inside the shop.
Most shops without a clearly distinct shop window do not reduce only the shop
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Visualizing Emptiness 37
wh at we calledamorvacui:large rooms w ith only a
few
racks. The shop win dow of
Natan [Figure9] isreduced to a small platform withtwodummies. Further,the
window gives
a
vision
of the
interior design. Inside
the
shop there
are
only
a few
racks
on the
right side
of the
shop
and a
cash desk
in the
middle
of the
room.
Further,
the
shop
is
nearly empty. There
is no
decoration
on the
walls
and the
height
of the
shop combined with
a
large unused surface inside
the
shop gives
an
impression
of
emptiness.
The sign
of
amor vacui
in
this type
is not
created
in the
shop window
itself.
Because
of the
transparency
of the
shop w indow,
the
empty space inside
the
shop
is broughtto thefore.In the last typeofboutique,theemptinessiscreatedin the
shop windowitself.
ThirdType:.^lnor vacuiasa Signof D istinction.
The
last type
of
boutique
has a lot
in common with both types described earlier. This type doe s
not use
glass do ors
or
humanized dummies.
It
does
not
have large window s
but
rather tall
and
straight
ones.The
crucial difference however
is the use of
emptiness
in the
shop window
itself. The
interior world
of the
shop
and the
exterior world
are
separated
by the
shop window. There
is no or
hardly
any
direct connection between both sides.
Unlike
the
previous type,
the
shop window
is
used
as a
separation.
The
interior
of
the
shop
is not
visible from
the
street.
As with
the
interior design
of the
Natan shop, backgrounds
in
this type
are
monotonally colored. The most do min ant coloriswhite,butsome shopsuseother
light-colored shade s.
The
prototype
of the
last type
of
shop w indow
can be
found
in Figure
10. The
shop window
of
Gianni Versace suppresses
all
superfluous
material. Each window contains only
one
dummy
and a
white background.
The
impression
of
em ptiness
is
enhanced
by the
tall w indow s. The background behind
the dummies
is
limited
to the
height
of
the dummies.
In
this way,
the
profundity
of
the shop
is
added
to the
upp er side
of the
window,
as
becomes visible
at the
right
side
of the
photograph.
All
redunda nt elements
are
left
out and
what remains
is a
well-balanced equilibrium between showing a collection and leaving the shop
window completely empty.
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CQ
b
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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Visualizing Emp tiness 39
Shop Window Design and Prestige. In this last section, we want to combine the
quantitative and the quaUtative analysis. The qualitative typology we constructed
by analyzing our visual data does not tell us anything about the prestige of a cer-
tain shop. It is quite possible that shop design has little or nothhig to do with the
prestige of
a
shop. Therefore w e need to link the quantitative typology to the pres-
tige scale we constructed earlier w ith consum er prices. In an intuitive way, we can
expect a correlation between the use of emptiness and the prestige of a shop. The
Pearson's correlation of the prestige scale and the total number of objects in the
shop window is .25 (Probability /-teat =
0.009).
Although the number of objects
tells nothing about the design of a shop, thereis anegative correlation with prestige.
A more accurate way of looking at the design of a shop and its place on the
prestige scale is given in Figure 11. Here we have transposed the qualitative
typology in scores where bulk sales stores have the lowest score and the third type
of bou tique has the highest score.'^ Important to notice is that w e added
all
shops to
the graph this time. As was explained before, a necessary condition for the con-
struction of the prestige scale was the presence of price tags. In F igure11,we added
the shops that d id no t show any price tags at the right side of the graph. They w ere
added to the graph in no particular order. It is important to include these shops,
since it was hypothesized that the omission of prices was in itself a sign of luxury.
If we look at Figure 11, there are several conclusions to make. First, bulk sales
shops are located in the lower pa rts of the scale. Their tradem ark is low p rices, and
therefore they score very low on the prestige scale. Since we did not include any
second-hand shop s in the sam ple, it is difficult to judge w hether or not these shops
are the absolute low er limit of clothes shops. Nex t to the bulk sales shop s we see a
large group of chain stores clustering together. This is the part where the z-scores
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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40 D. Mortelmans
are rising very slowly, indicating that the prices of large chain stores are very
similar. They operate in the same market segment, and therefore they use similar
pricing categories. This category is not only coherent in its prices, it is equally
coherent in its window dressing. Most shops here showed the previously descri-
bed design of large posters and seasonal themes. Even if each brand uses its own
accents, the main structure is very much the same.
This uniformity no longer applies once we enter the world of the boutiqu e. Since
the use of emptiness as a sign of luxury was th e starting, point in ou r research, we
expected to see a reflection of the u se of em ptiness on the prestige scale. If we take
the last three categories from our typology, there is indeed a correlation with the
prestige scale. W indow dressing techniques w e identified asBoutique 1, 2 or 5are
occurring at the h igher end of the prestige scale. Also shops that are not using price
tags are all using these types of window dressing. However, we cannot clearly
distinguish any of the three types of wind ow dressing along th e prestige scale. Only
the third type with an absolute stress on emptiness seems to occur more regularly at
the higher end of the scale. A possible explanation for this result is the existence of
different signifiers of prestige in window dressing. Here art, design, transparent
windo ws and em ptiness can be used to construct prestigious sho p w indow s.
In conclusion, we want to draw attention to two outliers from Figure 11.S ince
sho ps are free to dress their w indow as they like, they can easily adop t styles from
others. At the left side of the prestige scale there is one sh op using the transparency
technique in its shop window. The shop window (from Mexx) is shown in Figure
12.It was
a
surprise that it appe ared so low in the prestige scale. W hen study ing the
quan titative data more closely, it appeared that they did not use price tags on their
models. The reason they appeared so low was that three t-shirts had prices on
them . Therefore, they appeared in the prestige scale at a rather low level. A second
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Visualizing Emp tiness 41
Figure 13 Boss (Antwerp, M eir).
outlier is situated at the right side of the scale where a sho p w ithou t price tags uses
chain store techniques in its shop windo w. The shop wa s identified as a Boss store,
which was an even bigger su rprise. If we look at Figure13,we can see that Boss is
indeed using chain store techniques in its shop window. They do not present price
tags,
but they do use large posters and several dummies and shelves in their store
windo w. Possibly, Boss tried to adap t its store to the general view of the shopp ing
street (Meir in Antw erp). N evertheless, it is one of the most striking examp les of a
shop in the higher range of the prestige scale using a deviant design.
CONCLUSION
Shop windows are part of the packaging of a consumer gooci. They need to
convey the image a brand wants to create for itself. But there is more to shop
windows than a mere commercial function. If we look at the shop windows we
have researched and their connection to the urban network they come from, there
is a connection. Shops group together in neighborhoods or in certain streets
because they belong to the same category. This results in a highly similar
appe arance of shops along the shopp ing street. Waterloo Avenue in Brussels, with
all its boutiques, has a more or less coherent look, which contrasts highly with the
Abdijstraat in Antwerp. In this sense, we could also say that the shop window is
the package of a neighborhood. The type of shop and the layout of shop wind ow s
give much information to visual sociologists about the condition of the
neighborhood.
In our research, we concentrated on
horror vacui
as one of the discrim inating
factors to classify shop windows. The typology we constructed shows that shops
and shop windows can be classified in more or less homogeneous groups. Some
groups are clearly related to the use of or the fight against the principle of
horror
vacui.
The self-constraint of on e's inheren t fear of the void seem s to create
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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42 D. Mortelmans
broader perspective. As Stuart Hall argued, the meaning of visual culture in
general or images in particular is never fixed [Hall 19971.Images and artifacts are
not only polysemous, their meaning is often ephemeral [Attfield 2000]. Bour-
dieu's theory clearly showed that this polysemy is class-bound. Moreover, dif-
ferent classes not only have different tastes but also different histories of
perception. Classes have specific ways of perceiving their surroundings [Lowe
1982]. This observation points to one of the weaknesses in the above presented
analysis. The visual analysis showed some evidence of the role of horror vacui in
distinction processes. However, the analysis that was performed used an etic
perspective [S ilverman 1994]. The styles of w indo w d ressing were constructed
with a visual analysis from the researchers' perspective. No confrontation of
these data has been made with the actual viewers of these shop windows, nor
with the shop window designers themselves. Such an approach departs from an
emic approach. In this way, the visual material of the sho p w indo ws can be used
to check whether the fear of the void indeed leads to perceptions of distinc-
tiveness as Elias' theory indicated. It can also reveal more detailed information
about the rationale behind the process. Is horror vacui indeed an acceptable
explanation of the connection between emptiness and exclusivity, or might there
be other processes at work?
The present results should therefore be seen assensitizing concepts[B[umer 1969].
The use of emptiness, art and modern design or transparency in the creation of
distinction can serve future research in exploring the relation between visual
material (like advertisements) or graphic design (as in shop windows) and stra-
tification processes.
N O T ES
1.
Besides the philosophical debates on the principle ofhorrorI'aciii,several physicists (e.g.,
Pascal) tried to prove experimentally the existence of a void.
2.
Elias treats the state formation in the transition from medieval feudalism to the nation
states in the Renaissance.
3.
In hisD istinction,Bourdieu
11994]
gives several exam ples of differences in aesthetic taste
as well as how differences in uses and habits differ on several courts. He illustrates the
working of the
amor vacui
principle in several domains.
4.
The data collection w as don e in June 1999 by the auth or an d a colleague on the Faculty
of Social and Political Sciences at A ntwe rp University. The author wants to thank Sofie
Damen for her help in the data collection of the research. Both the coding and the
analysis were done by the authorhimself.
5.
If a limiting decision needed to be made, the encoder always took the leftside of the
entrance door. This additional rule was imposed to prevent a content-based decision
(e.g., taking only empty windows). The left-criterion followed the reasoning that large
stores have their entrance in fhe middle of the shop, hi this fashion, the shop design
itself usually suggested which part of the shop window needed to be inventoried.
6. One Euro equals 40.3399 Belgian Francs (1.32 U.S. in 2004).
7. In order to reduce bias, it is recommended [Suchar19971to use phrases from text as codes
{illI'ivo
coding).
S ince we w orked with visual material it was not pctssible to code this way.
8. Atlas-ti provides a separate tool for organizing the open coding: the Network Editor.
5/20/2018 Vizualizacija praznine
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Thistoo allows the researcher to link and unlink different codes in a graphic network.
Visualizing Em ptiness 43
9. All clothes in the shop window were inventoried, independently of the presence of a
price-tag. If three trousers w ere piled with only one price-tag, for example, the encod ers
were instructed to write down tliree separate trousers with this price. If no price-tags
were shown, they were instructed to inventory the clothes in the shop window.
K). In this case, power refers strongly to monetary power, to the capacity to buy.
11.
Of course, the reliability of this connection lies in the fact that we suppose that shops
from Boss or Chanel are exclusive ones.
12. Only at the very beginning of the curve is there a little leap. The first tw o sho ps (called
Jeffry and Boxer) at the very beg inning of the curve hav e extremely low clotliing prices.
Both shop s are located in the shop ping street Abdijstraat, which is in a po orer district of
Antwerp.
13. The main pu rpose of giving scores was to create an easily readable g raph . Therefore, the
scores for bulk sales shops and large chain stores were low
(1
and 1.5) while th e scores
for the three types of boutiques were high (4, 4.5, and 5). Tlie dotted line in the m iddle
of the graph was also added manually for readabihty.
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