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Exclusion to Promote Inclusion: Understanding the Impact of Olympics Bans through Apartheid South
Africa
Sarah Rosston3/13/14
Introduction
In a blog post for the Huffington Post, founder of OutSports.com, the premier
website for LGBT sports, Cyd Ziegler proposed that in response to Russia’s
discriminatory anti-gay laws, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) should “ban
Russia from competing in their own games.” The games in Sochi went on despite the
laws and the Russian Delegation was not banned from competing in the 2014 Winter
Olympics in Sochi, but the proposal, even if implausible, raises questions about the
efficacy and impact of banning a country from Olympic competition. What kind of role
can a ban play in influencing policy and when is it a reasonable tool to use for advancing
human rights? As discrimination continues around the world whether in the form of anti-
gay laws, gender-based discrimination, or policies targeting other groups, the Olympics,
with its visibility and influence around the world seems to be a logical means for
advancing equality. Moreover, the Olympics clearly have a purpose that goes beyond
athletic competition and is relevant to the promotion of human rights; The Olympic
Charter states that “any form of discrimination with regard to a country or a person on
grounds of race, religion, politics, gender or otherwise is incompatible with belonging to
the Olympic Movement” (International Olympic Committee)
The anti-discrimination statement in the Olympic Charter has been used in the
past as justification for banning three countries from the Olympics, so Cyd Zeigler’s
proposal is not without precedent. South Africa’s Apartheid-era ban from the Olympics is
the most significant, longest lasting, and most readily analyzed of the three bans so
investigating its effect within South Africa and on policy towards South Africa around
the world is valuable for understanding the potential impact of banning another nation
from Olympic competition in response to discrimination (Rosner and Low).1 There are
many criteria to consider when deciding whether an the IOCs ban on South Africa, which
lasted from 1964 to 1992, was ultimately the right decision, including whether the ban
was necessary to preserve the Olympic Charter’s legitimacy or whether competing
against Apartheid teams would have been morally impermissible, but this paper focuses
on the ban’s role in influencing Apartheid law and foreign policy towards South Africa.
1 Afghanistan and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) were also banned from the Olympics, but a confluence of other factors makes the impact of the ban difficult to judge in those cases
1
The paper examines whether the ban was a legitimate tool for creating change either by
directly affecting Apartheid policies or by making Apartheid more visible outside of
South Africa or if instead it simply gave other countries an easy way out of using higher-
cost and higher-risk sanctions to fight Apartheid. Through an examination of South
Africa’s twenty-eight year exclusion from the Olympic Games played and the role in
ending Apartheid, I will both evaluate what happened in South Africa and speculate on
what my findings mean about the role of an Olympic ban as a political tool in the future.
Perspectives on the Ban: Catalyst, Sideshow, or Impetus for Change?
The idea for banning South Africa from the Olympics did not start with the IOC;
it was a begrudging response to outside pressures and thus in many ways started without
clear goals or measures of success (Booth). Avery Brundage, president of the IOC when
the ban started, was widely considered racist and was opposed to the ban because he
believed sports should exist separately from politics, saying that the IOC “must not
become involved in political issues, nor permit the Olympic Games to be used as a tool or
as a weapon for extraneous causes. (Booth 87)” His decisions as IOC president on issues
of race and religion, however, bring in to question how apolitical his decisions really
were. In South Africa’s case, he ignored the discriminatory Apartheid policies that began
when the National Party was elected in 1948. Those policies were not only visible inside
the country but in Olympic competition as well; in 1956 and 1960, the South African
teams were entirely white even white made up less than 20% of the country’s population.
Until 1962, however, Avery Brundage and the IOC ignored Apartheid despite realizing it
put South Africa in violation of the Olympic Charter (Booth). In 1962, however, the
Sharpeville Massacre occurred. 69 peaceful black protesters were killed by white South
African police and as a result pressure mounted for the IOC to stop turning a blind eye to
Apartheid (Nixon). At the same African countries were beginning to gain political
influence as they emerged from European colonialism and began lobbying the IOC to ban
South Africa (Nixon). The IOC’s role unhappily enforcing the ban rather than leading in
the decision explains University of Otago Professor Douglas Booth’s criticism that the
ban was not particularly effective in countering Apartheid because its goals were
nebulous and changing. When the ban started in 1964 the IOC’s only condition for South
Africa’s return to the Olympic games was that they field an integrated team, but by 1968
2
the South African government had agreed to send a mixed-race team on the conditions
that Olympic trials and all other athletic competition in South Africa would remain
segregated. The IOC initially agreed to the plan, but facing a massive boycott by 32
nations, backpedaled on its decision, going toward the philosophy that would define the
ban for the rest of its existence: that there could be “no normal sport in a abnormal
society.” The phrase, which became a rallying cry for the ban, meant that sport could not
possibly be completely free from the discrimination that was so entrenched in South
African law and thus South Africa would not be allowed to compete again until the legal
basis for Apartheid was removed (Kidd). Although the lack of clear goals at the outset of
the ban makes measuring the success of the ban against own goals impossible, it is still
possible to investigate how much the ban did to create political change in South Africa.
Perspectives on the efficacy of sport as a means for influencing politics are
decidedly mixed. While some scholars argue that sport plays a central role in influencing
policy, other argue that it is merely symbolic, while still others say that sport alone does
not effectuate change, but it can act as a starting point for other diplomatic measures like
economic sanctions. Scarlett Cornelissen, a South African professor called the beginning
and end of the ban “watershed moments,” arguing that the IOC’s implementation of the
ban “precipitated a series of diplomatic actions by other organisations” and that end of
the ban led to South Africa’s “full diplomatic reincorporation.” She explains that the
connections formed by anti-Apartheid activists and governments as a result of IOC’s ban
in the anti-Apartheid movement paved the way for other actions and sanctions that fought
Apartheid. She also argues that the sports boycott was possibly the most potent form of
protest against Apartheid because sports had been such a central part Afrikaner’s sense of
national pride. Cornelissen has one of the most positive opinions on the ban; no one
claims it is the sole reason for the end of Apartheid, and other scholar’s opinions range
from agreeing with Cornelissen to saying that the ban was high-profile but ineffective
form of protest. University of Wisconsin Professor Rob Nixon says that the main value of
the sports ban was as a “mechanism for training the media spotlight on Apartheid” and
making the issue visible around the world. In their paper, “Sport and the End of
Apartheid,” Marc Keech and Barrie Houlihan also argue that the ban’s positive impact
was in keeping Apartheid in public view and meaning that the rest of the world
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understood what was going on in South Africa and would have had a hard time refusing
to enforce diplomatic and economic sanctions in the late 1980s. However, they say that
before the mid-to-late ‘80s the ban allowed countries to feel they were doing enough and
let them “combine moral condemnation of apartheid with a continuation of trading links.”
Keech and Houlihan’s stance is in the middle of the range of opinions on Apartheid,
saying it did have benefits but also had significant shortcomings. On the opposite end of
the spectrum from Scarlett Cornelissen’s overwhelmingly positive view of the ban, Scott
Rosner and Deborah Low say that a “heavy resistance movement” not an Olympic ban
caused the end of Apartheid. Most scholars agree that the ban kept Apartheid within
public view because of the Olympics’ prominence on the world stage, but there is
significant disagreement on whether it led to real change in South Africa or just attempts
and appeasement and whether internationally it set the stage for economic sanctions or
instead made it easier for countries to put off use of economic sanctions by letting them
feel they were already doing enough to fight Apartheid.
Direct Impact of the Ban in South Africa
While scholars disagree on the overall impact of the Olympic ban, it is useful to
separate its effect into two separate pieces and examine them individually: direct effects
on policy in South Africa and indirect influences on Apartheid though the ban’s impact
on foreign policy. Sport was an extremely significant part of Afrikaner culture and
nationalism, so it would be reasonable to assume that the Olympic ban and resulting
sports boycott could have been enough to prompt change in policy (Booth). Douglas
Booth wrote that “the sports boycott was the only anti-apartheid strategy that adversely
touched the lives of ordinary citizens (80)” and before the ban was put in place an
editorial in Die Volksblad, an Afrikaner South African newspaper said “Every
international sports success of South Africa is a blow against our sports and political
enemies,” so sport clearly held a place in South African politics and was deeply
important to the average Afrikaner (Lapchick). Sports were so important to white South
Africans that a 1977 survey of indicated that they thought the sports boycott was one of
the top three most damaging parts of Apartheid, so exclusion from the international
sporting community was painful many white South Africans (Brutus). Despite the
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political and cultural significance of sport, however, the Olympic ban was not enough to
create more than superficial changes in South African law.
After being pressured to examine South Africa’s Apartheid policies in 1962, the
IOC gave South Africa time to respond and field a mixed race team for the 1964
Olympics. The Apartheid government, however, did not change policy and Interior
Minister of South Africa, Johannes de Klerk unequivocally refused to concede to IOC
demands, saying “South African custom is that within the boundaries of the republic,
whites and non-whites exercise their sports separately and this custom must be adhered
to... Participation of mixed teams as representatives of South Africa as a whole in world
sporting tournaments or competitions cannot be approved” (Solomon). Between the 1964
Olympics and the 1968 Olympics, the South African government changed its policies
slightly to appease the IOC and attempt to reenter the Olympic Games. The government
agreed to send a mixed-race team, but stated it would hold separate tryouts and would not
allow integrated competition within its borders. The small concessions made by the South
African government demonstrate just how little the ban was able to change. It succeeded
in getting the government to agree to send an integrated team from the Olympics and
nominally lifting bans on mixed sport, but the owners of white sporting facilities were
allowed to and did exclude non-whites from their fields (Kidd).
Beyond the small changes in policy towards sports, the Olympic ban had no real
direct impact on South African law. Afrikaners were passionate about their sports, but
even more passionate about preserving Apartheid. South African Prime Minister Vorster
confirms this desire to preserve Apartheid instead of sports, saying “Sports is important
for the human individually, nationally, and internationally, but there are other interests
that have to be considered more important” (Booth 95-96). Because their desire to
continue Apartheid ultimately outweighed their desire to participate in the international
sporting community, the Olympic ban was unable to directly advance equality and end
discrimination in South Africa.
Impact on Foreign Policy Towards South Africa
One of the most significant and measurable achievements of Apartheid was
keeping South Africa’s discriminatory policies in the public eye and prompting articles
5
about Apartheid in publications that otherwise would have ignored the subject (Kidd).
Before the ban started, there were articles about Apartheid in traditional new sources, but
after the advent of the ban, coverage became much more widespread. Sports Illustrated is
perhaps the best example of this phenomenon. The popular sports magazine only
mentioned Apartheid in only ten articles between 1954 (when the magazine was founded)
and 1963, mostly with brief references as part of larger summaries of news related to
sport and occasionally to report on the possibility of a ban by FIFA or the IOC (Sports
Illustrated Vault). Throughout the ban’s 28 year span, however, hundreds of articles in
Sports Illustrated discussed Apartheid in magazine place where the political situation in
South Africa would have been almost completely ignored had the sports not been
involved in the fight against Apartheid.
19551958
19611963
19661968
19701972
19741976
19781980
19821984
19861988
19901992
19940
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Sports Illustrated Mentions of Apartheid
Year
Mentions
Figure 1: Mentions of Apartheid increased in Sports Illustrated following the Olympic Ban, and in were prevalent in Olympic years, which are marked in red. 1980 has many fewer mentions than other Olympic years, perhaps because the magazine was focused on the American Boycott of the Moscow Olympics. (Data from SI Vault)
Sports Illustrated did not always include pointed political commentary; in fact quite a
few of the references to Apartheid towards the beginning of the ban were rather flippant,
like an article about track that said “nobody except the South Africans, who can't go to
6
the Olympics because of apartheid and all that (Putnam)” when analyzing why some
athletes were peaking at an April track meet and not others. The popular sports
magazine’s coverage became more serious and stronger in its condemnation of Apartheid
as the ban continued and included articles like one published in 1968 titled “A Flare in
the Dark” that exposed the racism non-white South African Athletes faced every day and
shared it with an audience that might not have otherwise have known much about the
situation in South Africa. The article quoted the a government official explaining that
their were no black South Africans competing in swimming because “the African is not
suited to swimming: in swimming, the water closes their pores so they cannot get rid of
carbon dioxide and tire quickly” (Maule). Even to an American audience barely removed
from Jim Crow, the statements sounded ridiculous and the whole article painted an
accurate and scathing picture of the state of human rights under South Africa’s Apartheid
government (Schoenfield).
The ban’s impact around the world was not just creating awareness of Apartheid;
the awareness helped lead to action. While it would be easy to discount the effect of the
ban by arguing that if it was actually successful, Apartheid would not have lasted for
twenty-eight years after the ban began, the effects of the ban are more subtle. It kept
Apartheid within the public eye between 1964 until the mid-1980s when internal
resistance to Apartheid became more pronounced (Kidd). Instead of fading into the
background as just another event in a foreign country, the widespread coverage of
Apartheid meant that people around the world were much more familiar with the
situation in South Africa and thus were ready to respond when tension escalated between
the Apartheid government and the resistance movement (Kidd). There are also people
who argue that the ban allowed countries to say they were doing enough to punish South
Africa by instituting a sports sanction, but there is little direct evidence supporting the
claim. Rather than serving as a way to avoid more significant sanctions, the Olympic ban
and sports boycott helped set the stage for the later sanctions. The ban was not fast-acting
nor were its effects direct, but it prepared the world to use more powerful economic and
diplomatic sanctions that helped end Apartheid.
Application to other countries
7
The Olympic ban against South Africa was not successful in directly changing
Apartheid laws, and was instead effective by increasing awareness of Apartheid around
the world. How much of South Africa’s experience is relevant to other countries?
Country culture surrounding athletics is obviously an important factor in predicting the
impact of a sports-related sanction. By almost all accounts, the IOC banned a sports-
obsessed South Africa that placed high value on sports and athletic achievement, so it is
unlikely that sports would be so much more important to another nation that an Olympic
ban could create significant change with that country. Before the ban, not only did South
African’s care about sports, they were athletically successful: their teams were a well-
recognized competitors and they boasted some of the world’s best athletes (Booth). South
Africa’s relevance in international sports meant that not only was South Africa’s absence
from sports considered newsworthy in the same sources already reporting on Apartheid,
it was newsworthy in the sports world (Booth). In a country without a substantial or
international sports presence, a boycott would likely bring much less media attention and
have far less impact in raising awareness. A magazine like Sports Illustrated would have
fewer events to cover where the ban was relevant to competition if the banned country’s
international sports presence was minimal.
In addition to considering the prominence of sport, considering whether a sports
boycott is the best use of resources is also important. According to Heech and Houlihan,
sports diplomacy is “low-risk, low-cost, and high-profile” but their assessment ignores
the time and political capital spent advocating for the ban. The number of letters Dennis
Brutus sent politicians to campaign for the continued ban on South Africa competing the
in the Olympics in other sports indicates that a huge amount of time was poured in to
creating the ban and keeping it in place. The time and effort spent on ban is an important
consideration when time and resources are limited, so when there are other options
available the limited resources of those campaigning to end discrimination is an
important consideration: would the time be best spent of campaigning for a sports-related
or would time spent campaigning for economic sanctions be more influential? If
economic and political sanctions are already a possibility, then perhaps time spent
campaigning for those sanctions could do more to create change.
8
One the most common commentaries on the overall sports boycott of South
Africa was that it was a useful stepping-stone for larger sanctions but in and of itself was
not effective in changing policies beyond a extracting a promise to send a few non-white
athletes to the Olympics. The team sent to the Olympics can be changed to follow
international demands without addressing larger issues of discrimination. That was the
case with South Africa when it promised to send a mixed delegation to the 1968
Olympics in Mexico City and could be the case for other countries. In putting a ban in
place considering whether integrating an Olympic team by race, gender, or other by
another changes anything for non-Olympians. The ban on South Africa theoretically
could have ended in 1968 with the promise of an integrated team, but racial makeup of
the team would have meant nothing for most black South Africans who still faced
rampant discrimination and did not have access to athletic facilities. As scholars
including Douglas Booth have noted, having such nebulously defined goals make
creating and measuring changes difficult and hinders the ability of a ban to have
substantive political impact. Because having success through athletic sanctions alone is
difficult, an Olympic ban can only help human rights there is a real possibility of the ban
being followed up with other forms of sanctions.
Considering the unique cultural and political situation of each country facing a
possible ban is important for applying the lessons of the South African ban from the
Olympics. The prominence and importance of sport is a necessary consideration as is the
desired outcome and criteria for readmission to the Olympic movement. One of the flaws
of the ban on South Africa is that its goals changed over time once it became clear that an
integrated Olympic team was not a sign of decreased discrimination, so setting
expectations of what change is necessary for Olympic participation is an important for
effectuating real change rather than just appeasement. In Sochi, a ban on Russia would
probably have been infeasible given that Russia was the host country, but also would
probably not have been particularly effective. It may have generated anger, but it might
have focused anger away from Russia’s anti-gay policies and towards a discussion of the
IOC’s role, in effect eliminating the discussion a ban serves to foster. As the host country,
Russia was already under scrutiny so its discriminatory policies were very much a part of
international dialogue and thus a ban was not necessary to bring them to light.. Although
9
the games are too recent to truly understand the impact of the increased scrutiny on
Russia, in a reflection on the Games in the New York Times, wrote that “the uproar about
Russia’s antigay law — among other oppressive laws — would not have been heard by
so many around the world” and that the exposure might “be the most important success
of the Games here [in Sochi]” (Macur).
Drawbacks of an Olympic Ban
There are many opponents of involving politics with the Olympics, and they voice
two major concerns. The first is that the Olympics are somehow above politics and sport
should exist in an entirely separate sphere from politics (Liu). That concern is the more
easily dismissed of the two: the Olympic Charter, with its anti-discrimination clause
clearly does not purport the Olympics to be some event separate from political realities.
The Olympics have been politically charged practically since their invention in ancient
Greece, and the assertion that not banning South Africa would have been apolitical given
that the South African team did not represent the vast majority of the country. The second
concern is a much more legitimate one: that the IOC, a body that is appointed rather than
elected, should not be making decisions about which country is worthy of punishment
(Smith). The problems with leaving decisions to the IOC are clear: the organizations
longest serving president, Avery Brundage, was both racist and anti-Semitic and as was
the case with South Africa, many of the decisions have been flawed. In South Africa’s
case, the IOCs votes were mostly along racial lines, with white members opposed to the
ban and black members voting for it, and the racial makeup of the IOC was no where
near representative of the world as a whole. With a body not representative of the world’s
population and not accountable through elections, ensuring that the IOCs decisions are
legitimate is difficult (Rosner and Low). The impetus for the ban on South Africa did
originate with IOC; it was forced by countries threatening to boycott, and perhaps that
international support, rather than the IOC’s stamp of approval is what gave the ban
legitimacy.
Conclusion
Unfortunately, the Apartheid government in South Africa is not the only
government that has blatantly discriminated against its own citizens and there will likely
10
be more governments that blatantly ignore human rights. Because governments that
discriminate against there own citizens are in violation of the Fundamental Principles of
Olympism outlined in the Olympic Charter, considering when to use an Olympic ban is
more than just a theoretical exercise. Before including two women on its Olympic team
in 2012, Saudi Arabia was almost banned from the Olympics for its gender-based
discrimination.
In the opening ceremonies of the 2014 Winter Olympics, IOC president Thomas
Bach at once urged competitors to model tolerance while also saying “I say to the
political leaders of the world - thank you for supporting your athletes. They are the best
ambassadors of your country. Please respect their Olympic Message of goodwill, of
tolerance, of excellence and of peace. Have the courage to address your disagreements in
a peaceful, direct political dialogue and not on the backs of the athletes” (Macur) While
Thomas Bach implored political leaders to separate politics from sport, the Olympics
have never been separate from politics, and the Olympic charter’s statement against
discrimination in sports opens up a way for the Olympics to be used promote human
rights
Excluding a country from the Olympics to influence political change does not
seem to be particularly effective in its own right. Not being allowed to compete in the
Olympics was probably not the deciding factor in ending Apartheid, but it did help keep a
wider group of people aware of the situation and led the way for other types of sanctions.
Essentially, an Olympic ban worked better as tool for raising awareness than for directly
influencing change. On its own the ban would not have done much to combat Apartheid,
but paired with economic sanctions it raised the profile of Apartheid around the world
and was a more visible sanction in popular culture in the earlier years of the campaign
against Apartheid than other measure were.
South Africa’s situation was not identical to other countries that include
discrimination in their legal system, in sports culture and means of discrimination so
considering each country’s situation is important for understanding what lessons from
South Africa really apply. In light of the small political effect a ban might have on a
country that places less value on sports, questions of ethics and morality may ultimately
be more important than political value for deciding whether to ban a country from the
11
Olympics. The deciding factors for instituting a ban when economic sanctions either have
already been instituted or where sport is of little importance to the country in question,
are likely whether a ban is necessary to show the legitimacy of the Olympic charter and
whether playing against a team that actively discriminates is a morally acceptable choice
even if it has relatively little political consequence. The Olympic ban clearly has
symbolic significance that goes beyond political effects, but in South Africa it was more
than just symbolic: the Olympic Ban helped advance human rights.
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2 Many of these papers are from the 1990s because the majority of scholarship around the effectiveness of measures that tried to fight Apartheid was written right after Apartheid
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