Research concerning political and idealogical conflicts among Rhee Sung Man, Jang Myeon, Yun Posun, and Park Jung Hee after Liberation from the Japanese Ruling.

Myungkoo Kim

1. Introduction.When Japan withdrew from South Korea, the South Korean society had to solve

several urgent issues. These issues included how to replace the vacancy of Japanese leadership and how to realize and accomplish "a new system of democracy," which even Japan had not developed yet.

The burden of solving these problems naturally fell on Christianity since American missionaries had already brought up many potential nationalistic leaders through modern education. Since many Christians were recognized as the main body of a national movement and there were countless students who had studied abroad that were Christians, Christianity created a stable relationship with the United States. Furthermore, the close contact between Korean churches and American churches was more than enough to support this stability. However, this did not mean that Christianity fully dominated Korean politics; at that time the strong influence of indigenous religions of Korea that had greatly contributed to the independence movement of Korea could not be ignored.

Right after the liberation of Korea, the Korean political situation was filled with conflicts between Christianity and native religious forces such as Dajonggyo and Chundogyo(The Heavenly Way) as well as other conflicts among Christian nationalists divided between two forces known as the Kiho1 and the Northwest2. Such conflicts had been incessant since the creation of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai. The ideological conflicts between Christianity and native religions continued until the era of former President Park Jung Hee, and the traditional discord between the Kiho and the Northwest continued until the eras of former Presidents Kim Young Sam and Kim Dae Jung.

Rhee Sung Man, the President of the First Republic, was an eager Christian, but he did not choose Christianity as his ruling ideology; rather, he chose extreme patriotic nationalism and attempted to maintain strong power through it.

The early ruling ideology of Park Jung Hee, the President of the Third Republic, was no different. His catch phrase such as "National Democracy," or "The Revival of the Nation" indicated the concept of extreme patriotic nationalism. The one who resisted against this ideology was Yun Posun who was under the influence of the Kiho's Christian nationalism. He had studied for a long time in Scotland and claimed free democracy on the foundation of Christian ideological and historic characteristics. Thus the differences between Rhee Sung Man and Park Jung Hee on the one hand and Yun Posun on the other can be interpreted as a challenge between patriotic nationalism and Christianity.

1 It included intellectuals who studied abroad and Christians who belonged to Kehwa(open culture) forces and their foundations were in Seoul, Kyunggi, Chungchung and Jolla regions.2 It was the site of the North Presbyterian and South Methodist mission, which were located in Pyungan-do and Hwanghe-do regions.

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In addition, during the Second Republic in which Christianity dominated the regime, great conflicts occurred among political forces; such conflicts were inherited from the time of the Japanese occupation. In the Cabinet, Jang Myeon, Prime Minister, collided with President Yun Posun, representing their respective political lineages such as the new line and the old line within the Democratic Party; this symbolized the extension of conflicts between the Kiho and the Northwest in Christian nationalists. Even though the definition of Christian nationalism seemed vague in a way, this dichotomy was succeeded to by Kim Young Sam and Kim Dae Jung.

This research analyzes the cause of political and ideological conflicts among the representative leaders of Korean politics after the Liberation such as Rhee Sung Man, Yun Posun, Jang Meon and Park Jung Hee. My recent research concerning Yoon Posun provides the foundation of this paper and I have also includeed a comparison of Rhee Sung Man against Jang Meon, Park Jung Hee, and Yoon Bo Sun.

2. Rhee Sung Man and His Ruling Ideology

2.1 The First Cabinet of Rhee Sung Man-Close Contact to Daejonggyo

Once strongly united under the great cause of "Absolute Independence from Japan" in the March 1st Movement, nationalists began to insist upon their own respective views without comprimise in the comparatively free environment of Shanghai. The twin forces of Christian nationalism, the Kiho controlled by Rhee Sung Man, and the Northwest ruled by An Chang Ho, were in conflict with each other; other patriotic nationalists such as Shin Chae Ho and Park Eun Sik treated Christianity with distrust and discontent. Lee Dong Hwee who maintained the independent line of being pro-Soviet rejected Rhee Sung Man, who was pro-American; Rhee also refused to be with those who were against his opinion. Only Shin Kyu Shik, who belonged to Daejonggyo, the matrix of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai, supported Rhee and served as intermediary for each of the groups.

When the absolute goal of 'Independence' was obtained, the Liberation could not help but become the extension of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai. In this space in which freedom and security were guaranteed, conflicts and confrontations among the different groups began to be exposed in broad daylight; it was inevitable.

At that time everyone assumed that Rhee's cabinet would be Christian or mostly belong to Hanmin-Party.3 This was because Rhee had persistently claimed "Establishment of a State by Christianity", and he was also the head of the Kiho, which was one of the two greatest nationalistic forces with the Northwest. In this way, Hanmin Party took it for granted that Kim Sung Soo would be designated as Prime Minister. Some guessed that his nomination as Prime Minister would cause the anti-government movement by the Anti-Hanmin Party to bring insecurity to the

3 Hanmin Party was established right after the Liberation by the Kiho nationalists. They participated in national movements and had close relationships with each other. Above all, they all belonged to the same social strata; most of them had studied abroad and had experienced Western modern society. They all agreed that Communism would damage democracy and also had a strong traditional patriarchal values. Their conviction, "Save Our Country by Education!", led them to found and support the modern schools in Korea.

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political situation.4

However, Rhee Sung Man made it clear that he would prefer a bipartisan cabinet to a single party ruled cabinet.5 Nevertheless, he completely excluded those who rose against him or kept him at a distance.

Having experienced huge conflicts among various political forces in Shanghai, Rhee Sung Man drew in those who were close to him or supported him to his cabinet. He especially welcomed the forces of Shin Kyu Shik. Such characteristics are well reflected in his first Cabinet. The full membership of the first Cabinet of Korea is as follows,

Status Name Academic Career Party Religion

Prime Minster Lee Bum Seok

Unnam Kangmu in China

The Command

er in Kwangbok

Army

Jokchung Party

Daejonggyo

Home Secretary

Yoon Chi Young

Princeton University Dokchock Christianit

ySecretary of

Foreign Affairs

Jang Tak Sang

Edinburgh University The Chief Hanmin

PartySecretary of

FinanceKim Do Yeon

AmericaUniversity

Prof. at Yonhee

Hanmin Party

Christianity

Attorney General Lee In Myungchi

UniversitySecratery of Law in

US Hanmin

PartyDaejonggy

o

Secretary of Defense

Lee Bum Seok

also serve as Prime Minister

Jokcheong Jokcheong Daejonggyo

Secretary ofEducation An Ho Sang

Jena University

in Germany

prof. at Seoul Nat'l University

Jokcheong Daejonggyo

Secretary of Agriculture

Cho Bong Am

Moscow University

Social Movement

nonpartisan

Secretary ofCommerce

Lim Young Sin

CaliforniaState

University

Women's Kukmin Party

Christianity

Secretary of Transportatio

nMin Hoe

ShikNevadaState

University

Minister of Transportation in US

nonpartisan

Secretary of Society

Chun Jin Han

Japan University

Labor Movement Dokchock Buddhism

Secretary ofCommunicati

onsYoon Suk

Koo

Hansung Hanyoung

Middle School

Legislative Activity

Handok Party

Christianity

4 Kyunghang Shinmun, July 23rd, 1948.5 Chosun Ilbo, Aug. 3rd, 1948.

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Secretary ofHealth

Ku Young Suk

Emory University

HeungupClub

MemberChristianit

y

Secretary ofthe state for

political affairs

Lee Yun Yung

Sungsil Ed.

University

Vice President of Chosun democratic

Party

ChosunDemocrati

c PartyChristianit

y

Secretary of the state for

political affairs

Ji Chung Cheon

Japanese Army

Academy

Commander of

KwangbokArmy

Dokchok Daijonggyo

Directorof

Government Administratio

n

Kim Byung Yeon

Bosung University

Director of Political Affairs in Chosun

Democratic

Party

Chosun Democrati

c PartyChristianit

y

Director ofPlanning

Lee Sun Taek

Prof. at Yonhee

UniversityDirector of

the Office of Legislation

Yoo Jin Oh Japan University

Prof. at Korea

Universitynonpartisa

n

Director ofinformation

Kim Dong Sung

Ohio StateUniversity

President of

Hapdong Communic

ations

nonpartisan

Christianity

An Examination Committee

Bae Eun Hee

Pyungyang

Seminary

Director of Jeonju

branch of Dokchok

Christianity

An InspectionCommittee Jeong In Bo nonpartisa

n Daijonggyo

Rhee Sung Man appointed Lee Bum Seok as Prime Minister and other Daejonggyo members to chief positions.6 It was totally unexpected. A few Hanmin Party members were positioned in the cabinet, but it was definitely due to personal relations. Rhee instead chose predominantly from Daejonggyo which had proven its faithfulness and support during the Shanghai era.7

Rhee Sung Man selected Daejonggyo members because the support of only 6 Lee Bum Seok was not nominated from the beginning. Rhee Sung Man first put up Lee Yun Young, a Methodist pastor belonged to the Northwest; considering several conditions, it seemed to have been a strategy to appoint Lee Bum Seok.7 Daejonggyo worships Tangun, the legendary founding father of Gojoseon in a Korean myth. There are Whan In, Whan Woong, Whan Geom who are called Haneol Nim. It is a Korea folk religion where they believe 3 gods as Whan In, Whan Woong, Whan Geom. The religion was found in 1909 by Na Cheol. The majority of the army for national independence found against Japan in Manchuria with these beliefs.

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hundreds of thousands of Christians at that time was not enough to exert political influence and many pro-Japanese people belonged to Hanmin Party; it would have been hard to obatin political power only through them. Moreover, Daejonggyo already had popular support across the country through its independence movement and had actively supported Rhee Sung Man since the Shanghai era.8

Lee Bum Seok was the disciple of Shin Kyu Shik who founded the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai. Shin Kyu Shik found Lee, who was receiving training in Bakdal Academy in Shanghai which Shin built, and sent him to Unnam Kangmudang for military training for 2 and half years. It was the will of Shin that made Lee the leader of the Korean Liberation Army.9

Lee Bum Seok served as the Secretary of Defense and also the Home Secretary in 1950. In 1951, he took the lead in establishing the Freedom Party and also an "Outdoor Freedom Party", to support Rhee Sung Man's establishment. As An Ho Sang theorized Daejonggyo's ideology into the One People Movement, Lee Bum Seok put it into practice. Lee performed so brilliantly as the No. 2 man in Rhee's government that people began to gossip as follows: "Now we have two Presidents; the real one is Lee Bum Seok and the other ritual one is Rhee Sung Man." Rhee himself elevated Lee into that position.

2.2 Rhee Sung Man and Daejonggyo

Right after the March 1st Movement, the greatest resistance movement against Japanese oppression in 1919, there were so-called 7 provisional governments of the Republic of Korea. In Seoul, 'Hansung Government'10, in Incheon, 'Chosun Provisional Government'11, 'Daehan People Assembly' in Noryeong changed from 'Korean Council in Russia', 'Shinhan National Government,' in Pyeongan-Do12, Chundogyo-centered 'Daehan Civil Government', in the Kiho province,13 "Goryo Provisional Government,' in Gan-Do,14 and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai.15 Among them, only the early Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea and Daehan People Assembly had specific identities and were later merged into the first Government. Except for those two, there were no others that had a definite form of government, but most of them were just political parties or paper governments.

Then the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai had 8 Rhee Sung Man personally wrote a letter with praise to Lee Bum Seok who won the Battle of Chingshanli . Lee Bum Seok recollected that even though they were not in close relations, they did exchange communications regularly. 9 Unnam Kangmudang was a military Academy built by Dangkyeyo who graduated from Japanese Military Academy in Konmyeong in Unnam castle. Dangkyeyo had a close relationship with Shin Kyu Shik and Shin proposed that Korean youths receive military training in Unnam Kangmudang. As a result, 5 Korean youths including Lee Bum Seok entered the academy. In addition, Shin sent many Korean youngsters to Chunjin Military Academy, Namkyung Navy Academy and Kwangdong Kangmudang. All of this was possible because of Shin Kyu Shik.10 Established on 23rd April, 1919.11 Established on 23rd April, 1919.12 Established on 17th April, 1919.13 Established on 1st April, 1919.14 Established on 13th April, 1919.15 Established on 13th April, 1919.

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Shinhan Youth Party as its core which was under the leadership of Yeo Wun Hyung, and Shin Kyu Shik's Donjesa which belonged to Daejonggyo. In addition, Shinhan National Provisional Government which was located in Pyungan-Do quickly took sides with it.16

However, these two groups could not represent all of the provisional governments. Especially, Shanghai Group led by Shin Kyu Shik or Yeo Un Hyeong had connections with Kuomintang of China(KMT, 中國國民黨), but could not secure its recognition from the world powers substantially; a special relationship with the U.S. was most urgent.17 Thus An Chang Ho came to Shanghai from the U.S. on May, 1919. He insisted on the integration of the scattered groups and attempted to unite the PGK with 'People's Assembly,' led by himself in the U.S. and furthermore added the supporters of Rhee Sung Man to them. In this, Shin Kyu Shik actively supported An Chang Ho.

By their efforts, almost all the national groups gathered together. Each of them was integrated into the Provisional Government in Shanghai on 11th September, 1919. They revised the Constitution into the President-centered system and elected Rhee Sung Man as the first President, Yi Dong Hwi as Prime Minister, and An Chang Ho as Internal Affairs Minister. Therefore, KPG could represent Korea Government at last.18 However, it may fairly be said that the early Dongjesa, the matrix of KPG, was the organization of Daejonggyo. The chief members of Dongjesa and its related incidents and organization are as belows.

〈Dongjesa's Chief Members (1917)〉Name birthplac

ebirth year

exileyear religion Declaratio

n of Unity KPGShin Kyu

ShikCheongw

on 1880 1911 Daejonggyo 〇 〇

Park Eun Shik Hwang Ju 1859 1911 Daejonggyo 〇 〇

Shin Chae Ho Daeduk 1880 1910 Daejonggyo 〇 〇

16 The list of the first cabinet in the Provisional Government in Shanghai: Prime Minister: Rhee Sung Man, Home Secretary: An Chang Ho, Secretary of foreign affairs: Kim Kyu Shik, Secretary of finance: Choi Jae Hyeong, Secretary of general affairs; Moon Chang Bum, Secretary of defense: Lee Dong Hee, Attorney General: Lee Si Young, the associate Home Secretary: Shin Ik Hee, the associate Secretary of foreign affairs: Hyun Soon, the associate Secretary of finance: Lee Chun Suk, the associate Secretary of general affairs: Sun Woo Hyuck, the associate Secretary of defense: Cho Sung Hwan, the associate Secretary of law: Nam Hyung Woo and the Chief of Staff: Cho So Ang. As we can see here, the Northwest and the Kiho took most of the chief positions; it was the early stage of the Provisional Government in Shanghai that served as the origin of the regional conflicts between the Northwest and the Kiho . 17 The expectation toward the U.S. from the Provisional Government in Shanghai was well exposed in Cho So Ang's temporary Constitution of the PGS. The first article reads, "Choseon Republic makes use of Democratic government imitating the Government of the United States."18 Yoon Dae Won, The Provisional Government of Korea in Shanghai (Seoul: Seoul National University Publishing Company, 2006). p.44.

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Mun Il Pyeong Euju 1888 1912Kim Kyu

Shik Pusan 1881 1913 Christianity 〇 〇

Cho Sung Hwan Seoul 1875 1910 Daejonggyo 〇 〇

Lee Kwang Cheongju 1887 1910 〇

Shin Gun Shik

Cheongwon 1889 1912 Daejonggyo 〇

Shin Suk Woo Seoul 1894 Christianity 〇

Park Chan Ik Paju 1884 1910 Daejonggyo 〇 〇

Min Je Ho Seoul 1890 1912 〇Min Phil

Ho Seoul 1898 1911 Daejonggyo 〇

Kim Gap Pusan 1888 1911 Daejonggyo 〇Bun

Young Man

Kyunggi 1889 1910

Jeong Won Taek Eumsung 1890 1912 DaejonggyoYeo Wun Hyeong

Yangpyung 1885 1914 Christianity 〇

Sun Woo Hyeok Geongju 1882 1913 Christianity 〇

Han Heung

KyoPusan 1885 1910

Cho So Ang Yangju 1887 1913 Yukseonggy

o 〇 〇

Jeong In Bo Seoul 1892 1912 Daejonggyo

Cho Dong Ho Okcheon 1892 1914 Christianity 〇

Hong Myung

HeeKoesan 1888 1914 〇

Han Jin Kyo Junghwa 1887 1914 〇

Seo Byung Ho Jangyeon 1885 1914 Christianity 〇

Yun Posun Asan 1897 1917 Christianity 〇

As we see in this table, in the early 1910s, the members of Dongjesa belonged to

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Daejonggyo.19 In the latter days Christians participated also, but Dongjesa was still led by Daejonggyo; 21 among 29 councilmen of PGK in Shanghai were Daejonggyo. They bowed down before the statue of Tangun and then discussed the world situation and strategies of the independence movement; afterwards each of them was assigned duties. Shin Kyu Shik resided in the midst of it.20

Shin Kyu Shik was at the forefront of Daejonggyo meetings and events on a national level. On 3rd May, 1920, after the establishment of PGK, they celebrated 'Aeochungeol,' led by Civil Organization. At 'Aeochungeol,'21 in 1921 they also had a great celebration to pray for the forgiveness of their sins and for help to retrieve their lost land from Japan.22 Even though many Christian leaders were exiled from Korea and Christian influence increased greatly due to An Chang Ho and Rhee Sung Man, the power of Daejonggyo could not be ignored.

As we find in the general principles of PGK's establishment of nation, 'Hong Ik Humans' and 'Balance Thinking,' of Daejonggyo which says, 'A head and a tail should be equal so a country prospers and preserves tranquility" were combined into the 'Tri-Equilibrium Doctrine,' of Cho So Ang.23 All of these came from Shin Kyu Shik.24

Nonetheless, the religious and ideological conflicts between Christianity and Daejonggyo , the two major powers which led PGK, were not manifest. The relationship between Rhee Sung Man and Shin Kyu Shik, the leader of Daejonggyo, was so close that Rhee transferred all the power to Shin as he left PGK.25

This was due to the fact that 'Independence' was the absolute goal in their hearts. Furthermore, they strongly acknowledged the necessity of each other's existence for their political benefit. Shin Kyu Shik needed the support of the United States, which Rhee Sungman recognized as the counterpart of Korea's independence. Rhee also realized inferiority in strength and numbers of Christianity and required the strong support of Shin Kyu Shik's Daejonggyo which founded and presided over PGK at that time.26

19 There are Kim Youngho, Shin Chul, Jeong Hwanbum, Kim Youngjun, Min Chungsik, Lee Chanyoung, Kim Youngmu, Han Jinsan, Kim Sung, Kim Duk, and Min Byungho besides. 20 Joint work with Suk Wonwha and Kim Jun Yeop, The Relationship between Korea and China along with Shin Kyushik and Min Philho (Seoul: Nanam Publishing co., 2003), P.66.21 Aeochungeol celebrates the day of March 15th(lunar calendar) when Dangun was changed into a god at Mt. Guwol, Whanhae-Do. It is also called, 'Anniversary of Ascension,' which was first celebrated on 12th April, 1910(15th March according to lunar calendar).22 Independence Daily, 30th April, 1921.23 Kang Mankil, "Cho Soang and 'Tri-Equilibrium Doctrine'. Thinking, 1992 summer edition, p.292.24 Cho Soang claimed the perfect equilibrium among individuals, nations, and countries. He also said that it would be possible through practicing the political, economic, and educational equality. He directed the ideological direction of PGK; his theory belonged to Dongjesa led by Shin Kyushik. Thus it was greatly influenced by Daejonggyo.25 Rhee Sungman proclaimed the establishment of Christianity as a national religion at that time but he was under serious attack from national conservatives. It was Shin Kyushik that defended Rhee from their criticism. 26 Christianity at that time was minor in numbers even though it had leadership. In this political concern these two groups were closely connected until the first Republic after

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2.3 The Significance of Daejonggyo's Activities after Liberation from Japan

After liberation, Daejonggyo had two strong organizations; one was 'Chosun National Youth,' led by Lee Bum Seok and the other was 'Daedong Youth,' led by Lee Chung Cheon. All of them were Rhee's powerful youth supporters.27 In particular, 'Chosun National Youth,' nicknamed 'Chockcheong' remained as one of those powerful political branches and a great influence in founding Freedom Party as Lee Bum Seok took power in its early stages; it was no different from Rhee's royal guards.

Under the support of U.S. Military Rule, 'Chockcheong' set up headquarters in the old Japanese Army hospital building in Suwon and organized a training camp there. It was a quasi-military unit with its own uniforms, caps and conducted training for 1 month. Lee Bum Seok advocated the catch phrase, “Country and Nation First!" and he reformed youth consciousness with it.28

In the early stage of 'Chockcheong', the organization was as follows: Lee Bum Seok, the head; An Ho Sang, the assistant head; 32 national members including Kim Kwan Shik, Kim Whalran, Lee Cheolwon, Hyun Sangyun and Lee Youngseol 10 directors including Paik Nak Jun and Choi Kyu Dong; and managing directors such as Kim Hyeongwon, Roh Taejun, Park Jubyeong, Seol Lin, and Kim Yungkwon. Those Christians who were close to Rhee Sung Man joined Chockcheong .

Nevertheless, almost all of the Daejonggyo lead members participated in youth teaching. In fact, 20 lecturers including An Ho Sang, Jeong In Bo, Bae Sung Ryung, and Seol Lin took part in teaching theory, and Lee Bum Seok himself volunteered to take on 12 hours' of teaching on Our Country's Reality and Methods of New Youth Movement, the Revolutionary View of Life, the Revolutionary Nationalism, and Saving Country and Nation Movement.

Daejonggyo led by Lee Bum Seok exercised great influence on Korean society. Followers spread their claim about the myth of Tangun, who allegedly founded the

liberation from Japan.27 As previously commented, Shin Kyushik, follower of Daejonggyo, led PGK in Shanghai; through his leadership 21 among 29 council members of PGk belonged to Daejonggyo: Ji Seokyoung, Ju Shikyung, Kim Doobong, Lee Gukro, Choi Hyeonbae, Jeong Inbo, Shin Chaeho, Park Eunshik, Hong Bumdo, Lee Sangseol, Lee Donghwi, Kim Dongsam, Lee Bumseok, Lee Shiyoung, Lee Dongryung, Cho Sunghwan, Cho Wangu, An Jaehong, Hong Myunghee, the author of "ImKuckjeong," and director Na Wunkyu.28 U.S. Military Rule provided aid of $ 5 million and U.S. Army equipment and sent one U.S. colonel to support the organization of 'Chockcheong'; all the support came not from U.S. Military Rule but from the headquarters of General MacArthur. The headquarters of MacArthur provided vehicles to uniforms. 'Chockcheong' started from 300 members on its foundation on 9th Oct., 1946, but grew to 300,000 in November of 1947, 1.15 million In August two years later and 1.2 million during autumn of that year. It chose 200 among 20,000 volunteers for one month's training to become youth officers and had the first admission celebration in December of 1946, and from the 7th training camp women were also included. Teaching staffs consisted of 20 members including Jeong Inbo, An Hosang, and Bae Sungryung. Lee Bumseok also taught the revolutionary view of life and the revolutionary nationalism.

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first Korean state as early as 2333 B.C., by using the Tangun Era in all official documents and proclaiming that Tangun's Accession Day should be our national foundational day as a legal holiday. They established 'Devotion to the Welfare to Mankind' as the educational ideology of Korea and provided Rhee Sung Man with One People ideology, containing Fascist traits, as his ruling ideology. They also rejected the liberal democracy of the United States and violated Christian Sabbath by having state examinations conducted on Sundays. In addition, their extreme patriotism turned into the model of nationalism. This caused serious complications between Daejonggyo and Christianity.

In the middle of April 1947, as Shin Ik Hee who planned to go canvassing in the Cholla-Do provinces passed Suwon, he noticed the billboard of Chockcheong's catch phrase which said, "Country and Nation First!" and said these meaningful words to his secretary Shin Chang Heon,

"This man Choelgi is now using a slogan which has been thrown away by others. It is totally anachronistic! Chiang Kai Sheck once tried to use it for his rule, but discarded it as soon as he realized that it might be branded as Fascism. Then Choelgi uses it now!In the modern era, country is needed for the sake of individuals and not vice versa."29

Shin Ik Hee saw that Lee Bum Seok's ideology was inevitably connected with Nationalism. After political uprisings arose in Pusan, the U.S. tried to expel Lee Bum Seok and his followers even through military means30; they analyzed that the cause of Pusan Rising lay in Lee Bum Seok and his Chokcheong group. According to this conclusion, the U.S. strongly demanded Rhee Sung Man to get rid of Lee Bum Seok. This shows that the U.S. tried to maintain their authority and role by establishing democracy in Korea and identified Lee Bum Seok as an obstacle.

Rhee Sung Man, the Chairman of Freedom Party, at last drove out Lee Bum Seok and his followers while Lee was then the associate Head and Home Minister of the Freedom Party, controlled the Korean Police and youth organizations, and worked hard to support Rhee reelection. Once the reliable leader in founding the Freedom Party, Lee Bum Seok resisted by changing all the party members to Chokcheong members from the headquarters of the Party to the regional branches, but Rhee Sung Man opened the national convention in November of 1953 and changed his Party into Lee Ki Bung's system and discarded all the members from Lee Bum Seok group all at once. On December in that year, he ousted Lee Bum Seok's group through a plenary session of Korean delegation. Afterwards, Daejonggyo could not be found within Rhee's government. However, 'One People Theory' the ruling ideology of the First Republic, suggested by An Ho Sang, was maintained to the end.31

2.4 Rhee Sung Man's Ruling Ideology-Ilminjui(一民主義, One People 29 Shin Changheon, Haekong Shin Ikhee Whom I Served, Haekong Shin Ikhee Commemoration Association, 1989, p.335.30 Memorandum of Substance of discussion at a Department of State-Joint Chiefs of Staff Meeting, June, 4, 1952, Foreign Relation of United States 1952-1954, Vol. 15, Part 1, pp.299-301. Lee Chul Sun, "Comparison between Pusan's political uprising and U.S. intervention in the National Security Law upheaval., World Politics Seoul National University International Politics Institute, 2007, pp.03-9431 An Hosang was kept in custody because of violating the national security law through his antigovernment claim right after the general election on May, 1954

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Theory)32

Lee Bum Seok regarded "Ilminjui(One People Theory)," as "a philosophical democratic theory that systematized both theory and practice,"33 while An Ho Sang, Secretary of Education, asserted it as "the national policy of Korea and the principle of our nation.34" 37 pro-ruling party congressmen at the 2nd National Assembly organized Ilmin group and Daehan People Party led by Yoon Chi Young also set it as a policy of their Party. The theme of both Daehan Youth Group and the Student National Defense Corps was Ilminjui(One People Theory). The fundamental doctrine and policy of Liberty Party as well as the educational doctrine at that time was also Ilminjui. Furthermore, it was so widespread that it even appeared as part of examination questions in the qualification test for those in theatrical arts.35

Rhee Sung Man himself strongly claimed to make Ilminjui(One People Theory) as a national policy.36 Thus it became the ruling ideology of Rhee's government; however, it was An Ho Sang who took the initiative in spreading this theory.37

An Ho Sang went abroad to Germany and majored in philosophy at the Friedrich Shciller Universitat Jena and obtained his doctorate degree by the ideology of Rudolph Herman Lotze. After returning to Korea he got a teaching job at Bosung University through the help of Kim Sung Soo and moved to Seoul National University after liberation from Japan.

During U.S. Military Rule, Baik Nak Jun, Oh Cheon Suk and Kim Whalran organized an Educational Council of Korea and through 'New Education Movement,' tried to put democracy at the center of Korea education; An Ho Sang opposed it. He insisted that not only democracy but also nationalism should be at the center and claimed 'Democratic Education of Nation.' He was against both the Democracy of U.S. and the Communism of the Soviet Union; he stuck to the nationalistic movement of education.

I took two opening paragraphs of the preface, Chosun Education published from April, 1947 by An Ho Sang as follows,

"We will enjoy true joy of liberation when the consensus of thirty million gathers around the main cause of our nation, overcoming hierarchies and individualism."38

"The unsoundness of our nation's body and soul and deformed military rule brought about unripe democracy and a destructive communism, which led to

32 United Press, Jan, 29th, 1948, said that Rhee Sungman used the word, "One People Theory," because of Bae Eunhee's claim to call his ideology as " Ilminjui (One People Theory)." Bae Eunhee was a very strong anti-Japanese pastor and in charge of state examinations.33 Jayu Sinmun, Jan. 29th, 1950.34 Jayu Sinmun, Dec. 21st, 1949.35 Seoul Daily, Feb, 7th, 1950.36 Rhee Sungman, Introduction to Ilminjui, Institute for Promoting One People Theory,1949, pp.7-8.37 An Hosang. Yang Woojung, Lee Whal, and Kim kwangsub participated in establishing the theory of One People Theory since 1949; it was An Hosang who provided its academic system.38 An Hosang, "To the Nation", Chosun Education, Institute of Chosun Education, Preface for the September issue, 1947.

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increased numbers of deranged pro-American and pro-Soviet people. It was the Germans themselves that revived Germany after the First World War. They established a powerful autocratic state and merged all the factions to be united as one country and sought the recovery of national sovereignty by bringing about change in politics, foreign affairs and economy. Hitler came to power in Germany on 30th Jan, 1933 and ventured on a Nazi policy."39

He firmly rejected Soviet communism and American democracy as a foreign intrusion. Rather he preferred the German nationalism claiming that people should sacrifice themselves for a country and nation. He chose the national socialism of Nazis and viewed Hitler positively. He had not only viewed of anti-communism but also anti-individualism and anti-capitalism; he identified nationalism with patriotism.

An Ho Sang in particular asserted that Korea was actually being occupied by America and the Soviet Union, not liberated by them; their selfish aggression would lead us into international slavery. He criticized both countries saying that we should spill our blood like the sea to be free from them.40

An Ho Sang limited democracy within nationalism and carried out his views.41 As the first Secretary of Education, An Ho Sang established the basis of school education by founding the law of education, educational curriculums, and the Student National Defense Corps under his ideology. During U.S. Military Rule he chose 'devotion to the welfare of mankind' as the educational idea of national foundation in 'Choseon Educational council' when Baik Nak Jun suggested and chose it according to his proposal.42

An Ho Sang stated his case through Lee Bum Seok, "This Ilminjui(One People Theory) was made by our highest leader, Rhee Sung Man." However, the theory actually belonged to An Ho Sang. He claimed this as "the ideal theory of protecting people and the nation on the basis of Tangun's devotion to the welfare of mankind and the code of Shilla chivalry.43 He did not confine his study to expounding on Rhee's theory but developed it into his own ideology and idea; he combined his ideas with the Daejonggyo he believed and gave concrete form to a new theory.44

In addition, An Ho Sang insisted obstinately that Daejonggyo's devotion to the welfare of mankind is the essence of our national spirit and also the Universal ideal which has something in common with Christianity's charity, Confucianism's mercy and Buddhism's benevolence. He argued that the idea of devotion to the welfare of mankind is not intolerant nor an antiquated expression of nationalism, but in accordance with democracy, which strives for the mutual prosperity of humankind. This would indicate that Daejonggyo can embrace every ideology and Korea already had a perfect system of thought no other country has ever had from the beginning of the Tangun Choseon era; this is quite an official Occidentalism and a forced interpretation that the world's principal religious thoughts can be summarized as 39 Sa Gonghwan, "The Way to Rehabilitation", Ibid., Preface for the November issue, 1947.40 An Hosang, The World Modernism, Institute for Promoting Ilminjui, 1952, p.124.41 Kim Hanjong, " An Hosang's consciousness of history in Ilminjui and Democratic national education", Hoseo History No. 45, 2005, p.314.42 History of Ministry of Education 1945-197343 An Hosang, The Fundamentals of Ilminjui (Seoul: Institute of One People Theory, 1950), pp.4-5.44 Seo Jungseok, "he Early Stage of Ilminjui of Rhee Sungman's Government", Jindan Hakbo 83, 1997, p.162.

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Daejonggyo.

An Ho Sang saw the nation as the focus, not the individual. To him only 'an individual within a nation' exists rather than 'a human being as an individual with self-ego.' He viewed the nation as a unit, not the individual. He believed a homogeneous nation should have homogeneous ideals and to raise humans with national homogeneity and independence is our responsibility in education. In order for a united ideology, there had to be central psychological force. He thought that was Tangun who was the supreme ruler and nation itself; Tangun was not a symbolic being but the origin of our nation. Thus, he believed that the supreme ruler should strictly execute the national idea of homogeneity.

According to Ilminjui(One People Theory) Rhee Sung Man was a 'The national Father,' 'A worldly-renowned anti-communist,' 'The sun of our nation," 'A leading light of the nation,' "Saint hero," "The great leader of freedom countries," " The Washington that founded Korea," "The Lincoln of unification of the South and the North," and "The God-sent Christ."

In Eastern culture, there has never been any notion of democracy identical to current democracy; rather, new lights have been shed on the old thoughts as present ones. Donghak was created in the midst of the infiltration of Western influence and internal crisis of Chosun society at the end of the 19th Century; it was born against Christianity and Western knowledge. Therefore, Donghak without Christianity was a contradiction from the beginning.Nevertheless, An Ho Sang tried to reconstruct history only from an extreme national and closed point of view; so he confined democracy to the frame of nationalism.45

Actually to An Ho Sang legalism or individual freedom and right could be condensed as 'a confusing letter of democracy.'46 He believed that the individualism and liberalism of foreign democracy made a country powerless and caused attack from communism.47

Lee Bum Seok also pointed out, "individualism tends to precede national consciousness for us," and asserted, "Above all, we should wipe out individual consciousness.48 He wanted to construct a powerful country through homogeneous ideology, not democracy which preserves individual freedom and diversity. At this point, John Joseph Muccio, the U.S. Ambassador to Korea, regarded Lee Bum Seok and his followers as a "significant threat to the democratic development of Korea."49

45 Even though he claimed his ideal was the best democracy, there was no modern democratic concept of liberty and equality in his consciousness, which was acquired against feudalistic discrimination and oppression. Rather he established a ruler as an unprecedented great leader and emphasized a single ideal around him, which was no different from Fascism or Nazism in Germany.46 An Hosang, The World Modernism, pp. 80-81.47 Ibids., pp. 83-84.48 Lee Bumseok, "Nationalism", Nation and Youth, June 15th, 1947, pp. 26-27; Seo Jungseok, "One People Theory and Fascism", Rhee Sungman's Political Ideology (Seoul: History and Criticism Publishing Co., 2005). p.85.49 Lee Bumseok, "Nationalism", Nation and Youth, June 15th, 1947, pp. 26-27; Seo Jungseok, "One People Theory and Fascism", Rhee Sungman's Political Ideology (Seoul: History and Criticism Publishing Co., 2005). p.85.

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3. Rhee Sung Man and Yun Posun Yun Posun who once founded Hanmin Party50 and belonged to Heungup Group of YMCA people was one of the descendants of the Kiho's Christian democracy. He once took charge of Rhee Sung Man's homecoming preparation committee and later became the chief Secretary of Rhee, the first National Assembly Speaker because he was his mentor during the year of YMCA, the head of PGK in Shanghai and his comrade of revolution. Rhee Sung Man also appointed him as the mayor of Seoul city, the Secretary of Commerce and industry and the president of the Red Cross Society.

However, Rhee thought of himself as an all-party leader and the national father figure and persisted in his own way causing 'National Guard case,' and 'Pusan upheaval.' Thus Yun distanced himself from Rhee and since then stood in the vanguard of the anti-Rhee movement because Rhee deserted the ideals of democracy and Christian tradition.

After the liberation of Korea, Rhee seemed to take the form of liberal democracy, but in reality his ruling had a Fascist taint. Even though he was an eager Christian, he did not practice his faith in his political reign. He accepted the patriotic nationalism Daejonggyo prepared as his ruling ideals and tried to maintain strong power through it.51

The reason why Yun Posun strongly rejected Rhee Sung Man was because of his ruling ideology. Their conflicts came from the ideological confrontation between the view that liberal democracy originated from Christianity and patriotic nationalism.

In the meantime, Yun Posun who belonged to the same family line of Yun Chi Ho and Yun Chi Young was attached to the Christian nationalism of the Kiho region. He was a descendant of Heungup Group, the meeting of Christian nationalists. Yun Posun was quite different from Rhee in his Christian ideology.

Rhee Sung Man saw Christianity from the perspective of civilization. To him

50 Hanmin Party as a Kiho national group supported Korea's fight for independence under Japanese occupation and prepared itself after the restoration of Korean liberation through education project. They recognized Rhee Sungman as their leader and had a deep understanding and strong conviction about democracy. Thus they wanted to follow the model of the United States and England. They preferred cabinet government, but supported the presidential system according to Rhee's will. However, in the process of establishing government, they were totally ignored by Rhee. They expected Kim Sungsoo to be elected as Prime Minister, but Rhee chose Lee Yunyoung from the Northwest group. Rhee Sungman dreamed to become a non-partisan leader. He thought the expectation of Hanmin Party as a factional one; even though he appointed Yun Boseon and other people within Hanmin Party only out of personal intimacy. In spite of Rhee's neglect, this group later became Minkuk Party until Pusan's political upheaval and never gave up their expectation toward Rhee Sungman.51 Later Park Junghee's principles during his reight were no different. As a historical challenge and calling, 'National Restoration' was his favorite brainwashing to reproduce this patriotic nationalism. In addition, the idea of 'Korean democracy' as the theory of so called 'October Revitalizing Reforms' was its extension. It was Daejonggyo and Chundokyo that led Park Junghee's 'national democracy' or 'Korean democracy.'

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Christianity was "producing higher civilization on the basis of noble morality."52 He commented about human rights and equality, but such values would only have a place after enlightenment. He believed that once enlightenment was established, clean politics would automatically follow.53 Because of this view, his Christian principles had strong focus on individual ethics, but comparatively little interest in public justice which actively changes society. He strictly controlled himself in his Christian faith but from the beginning has some limitations in connecting Christian thoughts to his ruling ideology.

On the contrary, Yun Posun's Christian ideal is directly connected with the characteristic of the Kicheong Church; he had the theological system of historical involvement that changed nation and society. To him church meant the site of patriotism and respecting people and the institute of realizing the Kingdom of God to fight against all the oppression, extortion, injustice, and inequality with freedom, peace, love, and service on this earth; this is the calling and purpose of church. Thus the interest concerning individual salvation such as redemption or grace was so little when compared to his stronger will of social ethics and reformation. This thought became his political philosophy manifested in his democratic movement.

When Yun married Gong Deokgwi in 1949, he chose Ham Tae Young as their officiating pastor instead of Kim Jong Dae, the senior pastor of Andong Church. He also supported Andong church when it was transferred to the Kyunggi branch of Daehan Christian denomination following Kim Jae Jun who was expelled from Jesus Presbyterian denomination after 1955.54 It was not only because Gong Duk Gwi was Kim Jae Jun's disciple but also because Ham Tae Young was the dean of the Chosen Seminary, which Kim Jae Jun established.

Even though Ham Tae Young came from Musan, Hamdyungbuk-Do, he belonged to Heungup Group. As a senior member he participated in the March 1st Movement and was actively involved in various rural and social movements. Because of this he received much respect from young Christians.55 As a Presbyterian pastor he became deeply involved along with other Methodist pastors in the Active Faith Corps which was made by Shin Heung Woo, director of YMCA, after he had been to Jerusalem World Mission Council in 1939.56 It was because he positively sympathized with the theology of Active Faith Corps.

The declaration of Active Faith Corps was based on the theology of Social Evangelism. This emphasized social redemption and reform and saw this God-created world as not just spiritual or mental world but the world in which the life of

52 Rhee Sungman, Independence Spirit Expounded, rewritten by Kim Chungnam and Kim Hyoshim(Seoul: Cheong Media, 2008), pp. 114-117.53 Rhee Sungman, "Two Partialities", Theological Monthly, pp. 393-394. 54 The Historical Compilation of Andong Church, The 90 Anniversary of Andong Church, 2001, pp. 220-225.55 Choi, Keoduk, My Life Journey (Seoul: Duksu Church, 1987), pp. 93-95.56 Jeon Takbu, The Man named Shin Heungwoo (Seoul: Christian Book Publishing, 1971), p.225. The declaration of Active Faith Corps was as follows. 1) I believe in God who reveals himself in nature, history, Jesus and experience. 2) I set it as the first rule in my life that I am united with God and fight to win against evil. 3) We should guarantee perfect equality in human rights and responsibility and activity without discrimination against gender and also perfect freedom without violation of others' right.

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the poor is protected and the justice and mercy of God is realized; its theology insists that we should make our living place as a biblically ideal society. In addition, it also stressed that only after overcoming the world's conflicts could we build the ideal society represented by the Kingdom of God.57 This social theology which emphasized social reformation and the realistic and practical aspect of the gospel was quite different from the tradition of Korean churches which generally focused on individual salvation and the separation between politics and church. Yun Posun followed Ham Tae Young because of this thought. It was this social theology that was why Yun agreed with the theology of Kim Jae Jun and Kang Won Young and that he saw the democratic movement as the practice of Christian thoughts.

4. Yun Posun and Jang Meon

4.1 The Conflicts between the old line and the new line within the Democratic Party

As the President of the Second Republic under cabinet government, Yun Posun asked Jang Meon government to establish a powerful administrative system and economy first policy, and to solve the conflict between Korea and Japan and to build non-partisan formation of a cabinet to embrace both the old line and the new line. However, Jang Meon only carried out the issues about economy first policy and the conflict between Korea and Japan but totally ignored everything else.He regarded Yun only as the leader of the old line and expected him to remain as a symbolic being.

Yun Posun nominated Kim Doyeon as the first Prime Minister of the Second Republic on 16th August; he failed to receive approval from the National Assembly: the vote was 111 for and 112 against and 1 invalid. He lacked 3 because 5 to 7 members deserted to the new line.58

Yun Posun designated Jang Meon as Prime Minister, again ignoring resistance of some old line members on 18th August and notified the Assembly. Jang Meon succeeded to receive ratification by 117 for and 107 against and 1 invalid among 225 members.59 After going through this difficult process, Jang Meon had strong complaints against Yun Posun; since Yun belonged to the old line he did not intend to nominate him from the beginning.

On 21st August, two days after Jang Meon acquired ratification from the Assembly, Haiwi held a meeting with Jang Meon and Yu Jin San accepting the proposal from Kwak Sang Hoon, the Speaker of the House; it was an urgent gathering to prevent disruption of the Democratic Party. Jang Meon promised to accept 5 members of the old line into the Cabinet.60 Yun worried about the breakup of the Democratic Party so he was very pleased about the promise.61 However, Jang Meon did not keep his promise. The list of the first formation of a 57 Choi, Keoduk, My Life Journey (Seoul: Duksu Church, 1987), pp. 93-95.58 At that time Jung Haeyoung, an independent, judged that among the old school, some were so obsessed with their own interests or promise of an influential post that they were inclined toward the new school. 59 Sangsan Kim Doyeon's memoirs (Seoul: Kangwoo Publishing.co, 1968), p, 368.60 Yu Jinsan, "The Whole Aspect of Kyungmudae Meeting",The Truth, The October issue 1960, pp. 13-15; Kim Doyeon, op.cit., pp. 369-370.61 Yun Posun, Road of thorns the national salvation (Seoul: Hangukjeongkyungsa, 1967), p. 92.

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Cabinet issued on 23rd August as follows,

Name(Birth Year) Status Degree(Major) FactionJang Meon(1899) Prime Minister honorary Doctor of

Laws the new lineJeong

Ilhyung(1904)Secretary of

Foreign affairsDoctor of

Socioloty (U.S.) the new line

Hong Ikpyo(1911) Secretary of Internal Affairs Doctor of Laws the new line

Kim Youngsun(1919)

Secretary of Finance Doctor of Laws the new line

Cho Jaechun(1912) Attorney General Doctor of Laws the new line

Hyeon Sukho(1907)

Secretary of Defense Doctor of Laws the new line

Oh, Cheonsuk(1901)

Secretary of Education

Doctor of Education -

Ju Yohan(1900) Secretary of Restoration

Doctor of Literature the new line

Park Jewhan(1905) Secretary of Agriculture Doctor of Laws Nonpartisan

Lee Taeyong(1909)

Secretary of Commerce Doctor of Laws the new line

Shin Hyeondon(1904)

Secretary of Health Doctor of Medicine the new line

Jeong Hyunjoo(1915)

Secretary of Transportation Doctor of Laws the old line & the

new lineLee

Sangcheol(1893)Secretary of

Communication Doctor of Politics the new line

Oh Whiyoung(1902)

Deputy head of the Administrative

DepartmentDoctor of

Commerce the new line

Kim Suntae(1911) Secretary without portfolio Doctor of Laws the new line

Prime Minister Jang Meon broke the agreement of 4-party talks which promised to distribute 5 seats for the old line, 5 seats for the new line and 2 seats for the nonpartisan; he positioned new line members for most of the Cabinet. Among 14 Cabinet members the new line were 11 and the old line had only one member who previously supported Jang Meon and nonpartisan and nonmember each had one. It was not because of Jang Meon's will, but because he had to accommodate the opinions of the internal organization.62

This breakup of the agreement led some old-line members such as Kim Do Yeon and Yu Jin San to found New Democratic Party; it resulted from ignoring a greater part inside the National Assembly. The President called the old line members to dissuade them and Yu Jin San, the key figure of the founding the New Democratic Party, but it was to no avail. Even the old line offered stubborn resistance against 62 Han Seungjoo, The Second Republic and the Democracy of Korea (Seoul:Jongro Book Publishing co., 1983), p.127.

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the President.63

At the press conference on 8th January 1961 and also the 38th Joint Opening Ceremony President Yun suggested the pan national Cabinet for the grand task of the stability of the political situation and the breakthrough of the impasse. It was his last suggestion to prevent the breakdown of the Second Republic. Nevertheless, both factions thought of his suggestion as 'a desk theory."64 Even though the President did his best, his proposal of compromise and cooperation was not accepted. It resulted in the separation of both factions and provided a way for the political intervention of the military.

4.1 The Historical Characteristics of the conflicts between the old line and the new line

On 12th April, 1960, at the Cabinet Council, Choi Jae Yu, Secretary of Education, reported that there were communists behind the Masan upheaval. Hong Jin Gi, Secretary of Internal Affairs, answered to Rhee Sung Man who asked him of the leader of Masan demonstration, "It is the new line of the Democratic Party which prefers the extreme strife."65 As a result, they made concluded that the new line of the Democratic Party actively participated in the Masan Upheaval and communists had maneuvered behind the scenes.

However, it wasn't confined to Masan. The attitude or policy of the new line towards Rhee Sung Man's regime had always been fierce and unyielding; even the old line began to worry about them. However, it was not the new line as an entirety; the Northwest and the Heungsadan as the core of the new line led the struggle most strongly.

Jang Meon was the head of the new line of the Democratic Party, but his influence was limited as shown in his first formation of the Cabinet. The most powerful within the new line was not the Catholics to which Jang Meon belonged or those who deserted the Liberal Party such as Kwak Sang Hoon, Oh Wiyoung, Um Sangseup, Hong Ikpyo, Lee Sangcheol, Kim Youngseon and Park Suncheon. The strongest voices were in the Northwest and the Heungsadan including Jung Ilhyeong, Han Geuncho, Kim Chaesun, Kim Sangdon, Ju Yohan, Choi Heusong and Choi Kyumyeong.66

The reason why Jang Meon became Prime Minister was because his important political allies, the Catholic forces, provided him with political funds and Kyunghang Shinmun backed him up.67

That Rhee Sung Man's regime criticized the hard line demonstration of the new line and judged that communists were behind them and also that the Northwest and Heungsadan were tough against his government resulted from the conflicts within nationalists, namely the historical conflicts between Kiho region and the Northwest region.68

63 Yun Posun, Select the days of lonely (Seoul: Do-A Ilbo, 1991), p.166.64 Ibids., pp. 167-168.65 The Record of the Cabinet Council. the issue of April 12th, 1960.66 Kyunghang Shinmun, the September 22nd issue, 1960 reported that within the new line 20 from Liberal Party, 10 related to Heungsadan, 20 participated after April Reformation and 40 so-called as the young group.67 Han Seungju, op.cit., p.46.

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Before liberation within the nationalists of Korea, the group of Rhee Sung Man which represented the Kiho region and the group of An Chang Ho which was based in the Northwest region were most influential. These two groups developed on the ground of Christianity so they had great intimacy with the U.S., but strong enmity against Communism.

Despite their similar ideology and many common grounds, these two fiercely competed and conflicted with each other. The Korean society and churches in America were also divided by Heungsadan69 which mainly consisted of North presbyterians led by An Chang Ho and by the Comrade group led by Rhee Sung Man.70 Most Korean-Americans and Korean students in U.S. joined either of them.71 Even after they returned to Korea, they chose either Heungsadan or the Comrade group or its domestic branches such as Suyangdongwoohoe or Heungup Group. However, the conflicts between the two groups expanded into the whole society. Since they had the same background as churches, their strife spread even to their churches. Song Chang Geun once wrote as follows,

Nowadays, in the Korean Churches, there are some factions so that they do not believe in each other. We are of the same blood and nation, but South and North fight each other. Why does this happen? Even if North prospers, our country fails if South will not succeed and vice versa. Only Chosun churches hurt and there will be nothing else. Each of them lacks self-examination. Is it jubilee?72

He lamented that even churches were divided into the Northwest and the Kiho.

In 1932, when An Chang Ho was arrested right after Yun Bong Gil's patriotic deed, Lee Kwang Soo who followed him as a mentor asked Yun Chi Ho to release An Chang Ho because Yun Chi Ho could communicate with Christian higher officials within the colonial Japanese Government. In this series of incidents, Shin Heung Woo of YMCA and also the agent of Rhee Sung Man, Yu Euk Koem of Yonhee University, and Kim Whalran of Ewha University criticized Yun Chi Ho. Yun Chi Ho wrote in his diary as follows,

An Chang Ho was imprisoned in the afternoon today. Accepting Lee Kwang Soo's request, I had a short meeting with An Chang Ho. Then Kim Whalran became very angry at the news that I was so busy to ask the release of An Chang Ho to the colonial Japanese Government. Because of my consistent friendship with An Chang Ho and Lee Kwang Soo, Shin Heungwoo, Yu Eukkoem and Kim Whalran were surely enraged.73

68 After the fall of Rhee's regime, most of the daily papers at that time judged Jang Meon's government as the Regional Regime, Catholic Regime and an adviser of Heungsadan. 69 Heungsadan was initiated by An Changho on May, 1913 in Shanghai and founded on May, 1914 in Los Angeles. 70 The Comrade group was Kiho group(Seoul, Kyunggi and Chungcheong), not the Northwest. It was developed into Active Faith Corps in 1932. 71 Heungsadan and Suyangdongwoohoe were united on November, 1929 to be Dongjihoe to rally pan national forces; 75 % of them were the Northwest. Dongjihoe had its background in Kiho region(Seoul, Kyunggi, Chungcheong, Honam). 72 Song Changgeun, "The Premise of New Life", Shinhakjinam, Pyungyang Presbyterian Seminary, 1935 Jan., p.12.73 Ibid., March 24th, 1935.

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Even after parole, An Chang Ho strongly criticized Rhee Sung Man to Yun Chi Ho who visited him at that time saying, "It is not I but Rhee Sung Man who creates local sensibilities.74 Yun Chi Ho tried to solve their discord, but failed at last.75

In the middle of the 1920s, Dong-A Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo were sharply divided concerning 'The Theory of Autonomy." One tried to consider the reality of the colonial Korea and the other opposed it; namely the rise of reality and ideal. Those who refused to compromise with Japan went underground or abroad.

Dong-A Ilbo group insisted that the security of autonomy is required first,76 but the other side harshly objected to it saying that it would compromise with Japan.77 The intimacy between Yun Chi Ho and An Chang Ho exerted great influence here. Kim Sung Soo's Dong-A Ilbo accepted Lee Kwang Soo to be united with An Chang Ho group. This meant that Dong-A Ilbo which belonged to the Kiho and the Northwest chose 'the Independence through National Reformation and also showed that Dong-A Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo both of which were once attached to the Kiho separated from each other.78

After liberation, the Northwest group which centered on An Chang Ho's Heungsadan joined Hanmin Party from the Kiho Group to establish the First Republic, helping Rhee Sung Man; however, Rhee neglected Hanmin Party, his domestic base and even got rid of Heungsadan personal connections.79 It was because he wanted a new group like the Liberal Party and rejected An Chang Ho group.

Then the Northwest group centered on Heungsadan joined the Democratic Party in 1955 to become the central force of the new line in the Party; the old line in the Kiho and the new line in the Northwest were united to found the Democratic Party.

That the old line and the new line joined together to establish the Democratic Party was the historical restoration of the relationship between Yun Chi Ho and An Chang Ho. Nevertheless, after the resignation of Rhee Sung Man, these two lineages began to be sharply divided. The old line under the tradition of the Kiho and the new line under the Northwest disrupted even from the beginning of the Second Republic. This conflict would continue through Yun Posun and Park Sun Cheon to Kim Young Sam and Kim Dae Jung.74 Loc.cit.75 After liberation, this would be the cause of Rhee's ignoring Yun Chiho.76 In early 1924, Dong-A Ilbo issued "National Experience" in its editorial. It was written by Lee Kwangsoo, chief disciple of An Changho. He asserted that Korea should obtain autonomy first recognizing the superiority of the modern civilization of Japan.77 Four times successively from 16th December, 1926, Chosun Ilbo's editorial indicated that Dong-A Ilbo's so called autonomy was nothing but corresponding with Japanese rule and that its beginning was wrong from the start.78 Since those from Pyeongan-Do such as Cho Mansik took up Chosun Ilbo that suffered from financial disaster in 1932, Chosun Ilbo was regarded as 'Pyeongan-Do Daily', and it seemed much stronger after Bang Eungmo, Pyeongan-Do man of means, undertook it again in 1933.79 The first one was Choi Neungjin who tried to stop Rhee to run for 5.10 election as a single candidate. The second one was Jang Riwuk, president of Seoul National University. He resigned from Heungsadan's highest position by the pressure of An Hosang. Jung Ilhyeong was robbed communication corps by Rhee Sungman and Sunwoo Jongeun, the secretary of Jang Meon, secretly moved to Japan because of the threat against his personal safety.

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5. Yun Posun and Park Chung Hee

5.1 The Family of Enlightenment and the Family of Donghak80-the fight between Tradition and Discontinuity

On 4th October, 1963, Park Chung Hee, chairman of the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction, attended the ceremony of unveiling of 'Kap-o Donghak Movement Monument' with his wife Yuk Young Soo. It was the first time that the supreme leader authorized 'The Uprising of Donghak Soldiers', as 'a revolution', not as 'a revolt.' Park Chung Hee changed the word, from 'Donghak Revolt', to 'Donghak Revolution.' And he ordered to revise the historical assessment of the Donghak movement.81 He commanded to erase the characteristic of civil uprising in the farmers' revolt, but to clearly bring about the reformative appearance and features. Since then there was no trace of its radicalism in history textbooks.82

In reality, Donghak Farmers' Revolt cannot be regarded as a potentially social revolution which was aimed at the modern ideals such as freedom, equality, and human rights of Korean people83 since it did not intend to overthrow an autocrat or the aristocratic society to construct a new equalitarian society. It was based on loyalty and love of the people and focused on the change of regime within the current system.84 Moreover, it did not practice its religious reflection or erupt out of close relationship of its leaders; actually, Choi Chi Heong, the founder of Donghak, and Jeon Bong Jun never met to the end.

The reason why Park Chung Hee raised Donghak Farmers' Revolt to higher status such as 'Donghak Revolution,' was that he wanted to identify 5.16 coup d'etat with the Donghak Movement. Usually he expressed his awe to Donghak saying, "Donghak is a revolution." One of the reasons why he elevated this movement was that his father, once known as an ordinary farmer, belonged to Donghak.85 He reflected on his childhood as follows,

My father passed the military service examination in his youth, but he was so magnanimous and he became disillusioned with the authoritarian ruling and the political corruption of the Yi Dynasty. Later he joined the Donghak Revolution in his twenties, was arrested and saved right before execution. In

80 In the late 19th century, Donghak appeared amid the invading western powers and the Chosun Dynasty period. Donghak had views that Catholicism of the West had gathered many people in the Chosun Dynasty period and thereupon resisted, attempting to make a new utopia centered Korea. One of the Donghak members, Jeon Bong Joon rose in revolt in the Gab-O peasant demonstration without Choi Si Hyeong. Donghak became the "Chundogyo" and with Christianity joined in the independence movement on mar. 1st 1919 against Japan.81 Park Chunghee donated 500,000 won, half the cost of this monument. Dong-A Ilbo, 1970 August 6th.82 Since then no history books record the existence of royal troops against Donghak soldiers or any violence committed by them. 83 Yu Youngik, "The Conservative Characteristics of Kap O Farmers' Revolt", Collection of treatises of Korea Politics and Diplomacy, Institute of Korea History of Politics and Diplomacy, 1995, p.353.84 Ibid,. p.354.85 Park Chunghee knew very well about his father's activities in Donhak and was proud of it.

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my childhood, my mother sometimes talked about it and said that if my father had been executed then, I would not have been born at all. However, I was so young and childish that I could not understand it nor did I ask more about it. Since the Donghak Movement was around 1895, his age might have been 22 or 23.86

Park Chung Hee's father, Park Sung Bin, became disillusioned with the authoritarian politics and its corruptions of the latter part of Yi Dynasty. He passed the military service examination and was appointed as a vice-envoy of Youngbeon, Whanghae-Do, but refused to accept it. In his 20s, he joined Donghak Farmers' Revolt. Nevertheless, he was arrested, but was pardoned right before execution. Afterwards, he spent his time in Chilgok and Gumi renouncing the world.87

Yun Posun was the descendant of Yun Yung Reol and Yun Chi Ho's family. His grandfather and Yun Yung Reol's brother, Yun Young Reol served as the magistrate in such places as Ansung, Onyang, Nampo, Asan, Yangsung, Jiksan, Yeongi,and Kangke and saved the situation of uprising caused by Donghak soldiers or the loyal soldiers who turned into the insurgents. His father Yun Chi So even organized the loyal soldiers against the heavily armed Donghak soldiers. The family of Yun Posun split with the family of Park Chung Hee from the beginning. One took a serious view of tradition while the other had a strong consciousness to break off the established order; that's why these two conflicted with each other.

5.2 Conflicts between Liberal Democracy and Nationalistic Democracy

5.2.1 Suspicion about Communism

Yun Posun once had suspicions of whether Park Chung Hee's 'National Democracy' came from communistic thinking. It was not because Park Chung Hee was a member of South Korea's Labor Party, but after his getting elected as President, a series of suspicious incidents continued.

Park Chung Hee, the candidate for the presidency, held a press conference on 17th October, 1963 at a tourist hotel in Kyungju as he was sure of winning an election and said that he would promote strong policy toward modernization of our fatherland through the stability of a political situation, the establishment of self-independent economy and firm leadership. Park Chung Hee emphasized that he could not apply the Western democracy to Korea. And he also asserted that he should limit more or less people's basic rights.88 His sardonic views against liberal democracy became more conspicuous after the election.

Before the election, Park Chung Hee labeled Yun as "a big landlord and an aristocrat" while posing himself as "a son of the poor farming family." Park cited Yun's seven-year studies at the University of Edinburgh with abundant funds during the Japanese colonial period of Korea as evidence of Yun's aristocratic background. Then he continued, "Under the experiment of liberal democracy borrowed from the U.S., while the rich people could live well, the poor farmers and laborers had to manage hard lives."89

86 "Ex President Park Chunghee's Memoirs; Reflection on Mother", Korea Forum. 1997.87 Munwha Ilbo, 2005, April 15th, 88 Dong-A Ilbo, October 17th, 1963.89 Kim Hakjoon, The Domestic Politics of Korean Unification, (Jimoondang:Seoul, 2010), p.114.

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Yun Posun thought that it was the result of Park Chung Hee's pro-communist thought that he persistently claimed class warfare and expressed negative opinion concerning a liberal democracy. Park Chung Hee and key forces of 5.16 military coup stressed that they took the example of Egyptian President Nasser and Indonesian President Sukharno's 'guided democracy,' but Yun responded that Park's nationalistic democracy' resembled the Khrushchev thesis, suggested in 1960 to the third world countries.90 As the evidence of Park's past was revealed, the actions of North Korea and those close to Park added more suspicion.

About two hours after the announcement of the coup through a rapid broadcast, North Korea announced under the name of "Prime Minister Kim Il Sung": "Park Chung Hee himself was once a member of South Korea's Labor Party, and his older brother was killed for revolutionary activity.91 His older brother's wife still lives in the Park household."92 Afterwards, North Korea sent Hwang Tae Song who had fled to the North after the futile Daegu Riot of 1946 and became Vice Minister of Trade in the North, to Seoul as a secret envoy of Kim Il Sung.

Hwang Tae Sung was a close friend of Park Sang Hee and two of them worked with leftists during the Japanese occupation and participated in the Daegu Riot.93 He came to deliver Kim Il Sung's message indicating his willingness to negotiate with Park for a peaceful unification. Kim Il Sung must have been inspired by the news that Park with his communist past and Kim Jong Phil the chief of KCIA and also son-in-law of Park Sang Hee seized the power of South Korea.

On 1st September, 1961, Hwang arrived in Seoul and stayed at Bando Hotel and Park Chung Hee proposed to Kim Il Sung to hold an inter-Korean negotiation for peaceful unification. Afterwards, a series of 15 secret contacts between miliitary intelligence officers of the two Koreas were made between September 28 and mid-October 1961 at Yongmaedo, a small uninhabited island at the Yellow Sea, and later at Pulrangpo near Yongmaedo. However, Kim Jong Phil worried about the U.S. and imprisoned Hwang and secretly sentenced him to death. Unilaterally, they discontinued contacts with the North.94

Yun Posun raised his voice against Park; Republican Party was pre-organized by Hwang Tae Sung's money and Republican staffs received secret training from Hwang. He alleged that Hwang brought about $200,000 and that Kim Jong Phil invited him to the hotel and prepared five places for secret training and that the Republican Party was organized communistic style by its secret money.95

This suspicion surrounding Hwang Tae Sung could have been burdensome to Park Chung Hee since the ideological dispute about his relation to the Yosu-Sunchon Rebellion in the past was already ignited.

Actually there were several reasons why Yun Posun has suspicions about the pro-communist thought of the Republican Party. First of all, On November 28, 1962, the Hankuk Ilbo reported that Park, Kim, and their followers were considering the 90 Loc.cit.91 Park Sang Hee had been a leader in the Daegu Riot staged by the local communists in October 1946 and executed by the southern authorities. 92 Kim Hakjoon, op.cit., p.112.93 Hwang Tae Sung was mainly active in Kim Cheon while Park Sang Hee in Gumi. They were so close that Hwang served as a matchmaker for Park Sang Hee and Park Chung Hee sought advice for his future from Hwang. 94 Kim, Hakjoon, op.cit., pp.116-117.95 Dong-A Ilbo, October 10, 1963.

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formation of the Socialist Labor Party.96 Yun also secured the observation of the American Embassy that Kim Jong Phil was a communist dedicated to turning Korea over to Pyongyang.97

Kim Jong Phil encouraged the nation of South Korea to realize mental and economical "self-reliance" and criticized "dirty Yankeeism" and American aid.98

When he visited the U.S. as the then KCIA Chief, he exposed his anti-Americanism so the U.S. recognized him as the subject of the most serious concern as an anti-American person.99 Then Kim Jong Phil led the foundation of the Republican Party. He was the son-in-law of Park Sang Hee whose best friend Hwang Tae Sung was known to possess $ 200,000.

The suspicion about Park Chung Hee would not stop because of his curious statement in Chuncheon during his journey with the diplomatic corps in Korea on October 18, 1964 and Hwang Young Ju, President of Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation and editor of the Saedae.

Then Park Chung Hee talked privately with the Governor of Gangwon-Do and the chief of Gangwon-Do Council of the Republican Party and said that "considering the international circumstances the unification of Korea is not far away."100 Park's statement about unification right after the successful Chinese nuclear tests caused Yun to have very strong suspicions.101

In the meantime, Hwang Yong Ju was indicted for his writing about the unification which violated the Anti-Communist Law. In its November 1964 issue, Hwang Yong Ju published an article entitled, "The Strong Will Oriented to a Unified Government."Kim Jun Yeon fiercely protested its pro-communist thought.

Hwan Yong Ju, with a subtitle of "Contents and Direction of Nationalistic Democracy," wrote on this article as follows. "The U.S has occupied South Korea. The two Koreas have been in useless war during last 20 years." This article advocated the admission of the two Koreas to the UN, withdrawal of American troops from the South, and the introduction of a North-South general election or confederation system under observation of a minority of UN Police.102 With the leftist past he represented nationalistic democracy and saw South Korea as a U.S. colony and military base. Then he also contended "a South-North non-aggression treaty," and "the admission of the two Koreas to the UN." It violated the identity of the founding nation that South Korea is the only legitimate government and the national policy that supported an administering of simultaneous general elections throughout Korea under UN supervision.

Yun Posun pointed out the anti-American and pro-communist elements in Hwang Yong Ju along with Park Sun Choen and Kim Do Yeon and reaffirmed the conventional method of unification South Korea had pursued since founding the nation. While the Republican Assembly members were half-hearted, the members of the Opposition came to a conclusion that Hwang Yong Ju's statement was a

96 The KCIA immediately imprisoned the daily's reporters related to this article and suspended its publication for three days.97 Kim Hakjoon, op.cit., p.113.98 Kyunghang Shinmun, November 9, 2010,99 Kyunghang Shinmun, June 15, 1995.100 Dong-A Ilbo, October 19, 1964.101 Kim, Hakjoon, op.cit., p.119.102 Kyunghang Shinmun, November 9, 2010.

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violation of the national policy and a dangerous sign against national security. Finally Park's Government had to arrest Hwang Yong Ju for violating the Anti-Communist Law.103 Because of the close relationship between Hwang Yong Ju and Park Chung Hee this incident amplified great interest. These two were schoolmates at the Daegu Teacher's Gymnasium. After the success of May 16 military coup, Hwang Yong Ju, the then President of Pusan Ilbo, became the President of MBC and the editor of Saedae in 1964.

Hwang Yong Ju was known as a close friend outside of his military circle. Since Park Chung Hee was assigned to the commander in chief in Pusan Supply Complex, Hwang contacted him very often and expressed the necessity of the military coup.104 Park Chung Hee found a congenial spirit in him. Thus it was said, "it was military soldiers who launched May 16 military coup, but it was Hwang Yong Ju that started to feed a fire.105

Park Chung Hee had to respond to these series of incidents during the 35th Anniversary of Kwangju Students' Movement speech on November 3, 1964. He said that the only way to unification was an administration of simultaneous general elections throughout Korea under UN supervision in direct proportion to the indigenous population; he ought to stress that any other ideas based on the two-Korean concept should be prohibited. Yun Posun's suspicion and persistent criticism on Park Chung Hee's pro-communism forced him to prove himself to be a strong anti-communist; that's why he is etched in history as the most powerful anti-communist.

5.2.2 Deny the Japanese Modernism

Park Chung Hee and Hwang Yong Ju were graduates of the Daegu Teacher's Gymnasium in the fourth year. When Park Chung Hee was assigned as commander in chief in Pusan Supply Complex, the two of them often met to have drinks and sometimes Lee Byung Ju, the chief editor of Kukje Shinbo, joined them. The three of them discussed the political situation while heavily drunk.

Whenever they gathered together Park sharply criticized Rhee Sung Man and underestimated Rhee's Independence Movement. Then he was unsparing in his praise of the Japanese young officers' 5.15 and 2.26 revolts.106 When Hwang retorted at this, Park Chung Hee defended it saying, "What's wrong with Japanese soldier's DENNO worship? And why is nationalism so bad?" Like Japanese young officers he had a vision to remove all the corrupted plutocracy and the upper levels of military and renovate them all.107 In his book, Nation and Reformation and Me, he said as follows,

The era or the way of thinking cannot be the same as now. Japan's Meiji 103 Dong-A Ilbo, November 12, 1964.104 Before Park Chung Hee, he emphasized that Rhee and Jang's American politics and view of life could not be enough and that South Korea needed radical reformation like the Meiji Restoration.105 Wi Hyo Jin, "Classmates of the President", Monthly Korea 1984. 5, p.155, p.171.106 In 1931, SAKURAKAI, a radical renovation of the nation group in Army, took a military coup, but failed. Next year on May 15 the Extreme Rightist group attempted another coup, but failed again. However, this led to 2.25 military coup and the military group went into politics. Since then Japan aimed at nationalism and emperor ideology. 107 Lee Byung Ju, "Major General Park Chung Hee and his clean self-conceit". Monthly Korea. the July 1991 issue, pp. 472-485.

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Restoration can be a great help for our future fulfillment of reformation. Thus I will keep on having interest on this aspect.108

Park Chung Hee was praising the DENNO Absolutism and its nationalistic character which was the foundation of the Meiji Restoration. Therefore, the Meiji Restoration formed the base of Park Chung Hee's modernization movement of our nation. Under this construction, oppressive surveillance system was naturally followed and it in turn ruined liberal democracy.109

The early Meiji Government accepted Western Civilization selectively. They only admitted material civilization, industry, technique, arms and know-how, but reduced the Western political and social thoughts or theoretical system to a minimum.110 Then Kato Horoyuki, the representative Social Darwinism in Japan and servant of the DENNO Meiji provided the Meiji Government with its theoretical frame.111 Kato was convinced that natural selection could be equally applied to humans. He said that human rights were a delusion and the theory of natural human rights obstructed the advance of utility and social innovation.112

Kato expounded that requiring individual freedom or equality is against the natural law. He dared to insist that a country could naturally focus on the nation's interest and power.113 He believed that a country had priority as a personality and that the country could limit the unlimited needs of people. Furthermore, people could find their true value when they obey and contribute to their country; there existed nationalistic organisms that attained the unity of people minimizing the disruption among each group.114

Then those who lived under the thinking of Social Darwinism sought their own interest.115 Since "power is justice", their priority tended to be their own benefit. This thought destroys rights and moral values of individuals and a nation. Park Chung Hee himself had a hatred for decay, enjoyment and lavish spending, but there prevailed power conspired- economic policy, corrupted social ethics and degeneration behind Park Chung Hee Government's fruit of growth.116

In the latter days, Yun Posun stressed that people themselves should wash away all these unethical and erroneous thoughts and consciousness, inertia and trend through mental revolution; he regarded them as the product of Park Chung Hee's era. The modernization movement of Park's regime caused corruption and decadent

108 Park Chung Hee, Nation and Reformation and Me (Seoul: Hangmunsa, 1963), p.172.109 Yun Posun, "Pleading to Three and half Million Felllow Countrymen", The National Priests' Association of Realizing ustice Document No. 1975-03-023 issue.110 Jeon Bok Hee, Social Darwinism and the National Thought, (Seoul: Hanwul, 1996), p.45.111 His theory was well expressed in The New Establishment of Human Rights and Competition and Rights of the Strong.112 Kim Myung Koo, 『Wolnam Lee Sang Jae and his Social Movement and Thoughts』(Seoul: Civil Culture, 2003), p. 184.113 Kato Horoyuki, Der Kamp unms Recht des Starkenren und seine Entwickelung, Berlin, 1894, S. 74.114 Yun Posun once refused this thought. He also rejected social evolution and the emperor-centered modernism.115 Rawls, John, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), p.13.116 Yun Posun, The Ceremony of March 1 Movement in 1980 speech.

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trend and this obstructs democratization.117 To Yun Posun, material aspects of the modernization should be based on the strict ethics and mental civilization to extend naturally. In this way, liberal democracy should be the model of true modernization.

In the view of Yun Posun who idealized a British democracy, Japan could not be an ideal model, but should be repelled. When we confine the conflict between two of them to the matter of modernization, it was between Yun Posun who thought the Western liberal democracy as ideal and Park Chung Hee who regarded Japanese model as most appropriate.

5.2.3 Deny Nationalism and Nationalistic Racialism

It's been five thousand years since Tangun founded this country and on its continuing history and tradition, I am now establishing the new Republic and standing on this sacred pulpit vowing that I will obey the national constitution and devote myself to my country and nation.118

On December 17, 1963, President Park Chung Hee signaled the launching of the Third Republic in connection with Tanggun; it was quite different from his predecessors.119 There were implications that from now on all those policies would be justified as 'nationalism.' "Restoration of our nation', "Modernization of our Country", "Korean styled democracy, National Identity, and Education of nationality; there has never been such a regime that used so many nationalistic Slogan.120

Founded on nationalism, Park Chung Hee stressed the need for Korean styled democracy; he indicated that the importance of establishment of a new ruling concept in Korea. Furthermore, he asserted that we should get rid of all premodern feudalistic thoughts and subserviency to the stronger. He raised his voice for the necessity of ideology appropriate to the Korean constitution and patriotic concepts no matter what kind of democracy it would be. Then he judged Yun Posun and other politicians who claimed liberal democracy as "hypocritical democrats who forget national ideals," with " low-minded toadyism."

Park Chung Hee always said that the Western styled robe did not fit the Korean nation and that confined liberal democracy to the Western thought; he also sneered at liberal democracy as "cosmetics for some privileged class".121 He stressed that democracy must have Korean foundation. Then his 'nationalistic democracy' was deteriorated into 'Korean democracy' through the process of amending Constitution for the President to run for three consecutive terms and October Yushin. At this period, democratic principles of election, discussion, assembly and demonstration were often curtailed.

One of the people who provided Park Chung Hee with the ruling ideology was Park Jong Hong who taught philosophy at Seoul National University. Park Chung Hee intensified his nationalism and degraded the Western democracy. He also justified 117 Loc.cit,118 Park Chung Hee, The fifth Presidential inauguration key speech. 119 Rhee Sungman's inauguration speech was "I could survive by the grace of God and the love of fellow Koreans many times and now I am greatly moved and fear the mighty responsibility by this glorious Presidency." Yun Boseon said, "My great impression as being elected as the Second Republic's first President has been changed into glorious responsibility and heavy burden."120 Jeon Jae Ho, Korea Political Magazine. Institute of Korea Politics 1998, pp.89-90. 121 "What is different?-National versus Western" Kyunghang Shinmun, October 11, 1963.

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nationalistic ruling. Park Jong Hong connected and systematized Korean traditional thoughts with Park's national consciousness for his ruling ideology. Along with Lee Eun Sang and An Ho Sang he laid the foundation of the National Charter of Education and later became a special advisor on education and culture to the President and justified the regime of Yushin theoretically. His thoughts were no different from Park's ruling ideology itself.

When the May 16 military regime came, Park Jong Hong was designated as the member of the social branch of the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction. He provided extensive support to Park’s claim of national self-awakening. Thus he regulated the May 16 military coup as a “Revolution that cleansed corruption and provided a new foundation for a new beginning of nation.” And he thought that those leading figures were a group of new leaders who would fulfill his national conviction; he did not regard Park Chung Hee and his regime as one of a power group, but as historical characters for national restoration and a political group which put it into practice. In view of this he accepted all the policies of the May 16 regime as his own 'nationalism'.122 To him Park Chung Hee was not a plain man of power, but a great leader and father who would realize the historic mission for national restoration.

Park Jong Hong organically united nationalism with the policy of economy first and anti-communism. He said, "Human renovation and the Five-Year Plans of South Korea have the clear connection and interpenetration with each other to establish a national identity. Therefore, economy independence will be the establishment of national pride.123 The spirit of business enterprise is devoted to patriotism; the basis of its spirit recognizes the value of a country and actively participates in it".124 There was no mention of elevation of businesses’ ethical consciousness.

He praised Park Chung Hee's ' Modernization of Our Nation' as "Inheritance as Our Task", "Genuine Modernization to Revive Our Brilliant Spirit", "A Golden Opportunity", "The Era of National Restoration", and "The Great Turning Point of Historic Destiny".125 He saw the relationship between the President and people not as that of ruling and being ruled, but as a unified one to solve the same project of national restoration.

Park Jong Hong who wrote the Charter of National Education raised his voice that as 'Our ancestors' brilliant spirit' created 'new history', we should revive its spirit in its present reality. We must seek a national restoration and a determination to practice the Yushin project.126

He took it for granted that people should make sacrifices for their country. In order to establish a strong and prosperous country people must move forward with the direction of their country indicated by faithfulness and a sacrificial attitude.

122 Lee Byung Soo, "The Motives and Problems of Yeolam Park Jong Hong's Political Participation". 『Generation and Philosophy』, Korea Institute of Philosophy Research, 2004, p.139123 Park Jong Hong, "National Identity-It is a living and moving spirit and power", 1962, The Complete Works of Park Jong Hong No. 6(Seoul:Heongseol Publishing Co., 1986), p. 160.124 Park Jong Hong, "The Basis of the spirit of Business Enterprise", compilation, The Complete Works of Park Jong Hong No. 6, p. 151.125 Park Jong Hong, "Recognition of National Identity is the Core of Modernization", The Complete Works of Park Jong Hong No. 6, p. 520-523.126 Park Jong Hong, "The Creation of New History-the Basic Philosophy of Yushin Era", The Complete Works of Park Jong Hong No. 6, p. 157.

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'Country' and 'Nation' are superior to 'Individual.' 'Public Interest and Order' precedes individual rights. We ought to seek first economical value and efficiency and substantiality rather than a humanistic life. Legitimate judgment against unfair authority cannot be accepted. The prosperity of a country becomes the foundation of individual development. We are not autonomous citizens with consciousness of rights, but a patriotic people with great projects for our country.127

Park Jong Hong's nationalistic consciousness came from his experiences with indigenous religions of Korea. He regarded Korean thoughts that were not influenced by foreign thoughts as great ones. With this consciousness, he rebuked the then intellectuals who ignored Korean thoughts.128 Among many native religions he considered Chundogyo(The Heavenly Way)as the best129 and said as follows,

Every Korean can assume the status and significance of Donghak in Korean thought even if he/she is not a Chundogyo believer. Its basic spirit can be said as the essence of all the traditional thoughts untied as one. Donghak has fragrance of our native soil and also reflects the distinctive personality of Korean. Therefore, Korean thought is closely connected with Donghak.130

Even though Park Jong Hong was not a follower of Donghak(Chundogyo), he was fascinated with it because its fundamental spirit was the essence of our traditional thoughts united together. He considered that Korean thought be the best and superior; this ideological favoritism fit nicely with Park Chung Hee's understanding.

Then Park Jong Hong's thought cannot be different from One People Theory of An Ho Sang during the regime of Rhee Sung Man; they had one ancestor, one country, one territory, one destiny, and one leader in common. It was also the same in their emphasis such as a powerful nationalism, anti-communism, consciousness of national father, organic world view, closed nationalism, non universality, and absolutism of nation and country. Their claims that Korean thought is the essence of democracy and that absolute power and philosophies to be integrated had many common grounds. Their common consciousness lied in the lack of human rights, equality, variety, openness, and universalism. In addition, their nationalistic principles were based on the spirituality of native religions.131

Yun Posun also recognized the national devotion of Daejonggyo and he himself participated in the anti-Japanese national movement as a disciple of Shin Kyu Shik. Nevertheless, Yun rejected An Ho Sang's thoughts.

127 Park Jong Hong never mentioned human dignity or morality, but nationalism and security and economy as one unit. He idealized our cultural tradition and historical experiences and confronted Western democracy.128 "The Masterpiece of Our Generation", Park Jong Hong's 'The History of Korean Thoughts', 『Hankuk Ilbo』 November 7, 2007.129 Park Jong Hong saw that Confucianism and Buddhism later became Korean Confucianism and Buddhism adjusting to the Korean cultural environment.130 Park Jong Hong, "Publication Speech", Institute of Korea Thought, Research about Choi Suwoon. Korea Thought No. 12(1974), p.7.131 An Ho Sang who participated on the fifth Presidential election camp with Lee Bum Seok cooperated actively with Park Chung Hee because of this ideological issue. Park Chung Hee attempted to establish Tangun shrine on the site of ex-Chosun Shingung on Mt. Nam on January 31, 1966 through Prime Minister Jung Il Kwon. An Ho Sang welcomed it praising his attempt as preparing an eternal shelter for it. However, Christianity strongly opposed it.

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Yun Posun was the descendant of the Kiho national Christianity. Christianity says that country cannot have the final and absolute authority because we have only one responsibility to obey God only without condition. Thus there will be extreme resistance against unilateral nationalism or totalitarianism.

5.3 Democratic Consciousness of Yun Posun

The freedom of speech, publishing, assembly and demonstration is the basic condition for humanistic life. Most of them are closed so now you listen to lies. Among Jesus' miracles giving freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind and recovery of hearing for the deaf were the greatest miracles, weren't they? I wish that Mr. President who has been blind and deaf to Korea should hear and see this oppressed reality uprightly by Jesus' miracles.

. . .

I believe that you are a very faithful Christian. However, in this land those who want to be a light and salt on the basis of Christian spirit are usually charged with being a communist. Kim Ji Ha and Pastor Jeon Byung Seang along with countless university students, Industrial pastors, Christian Academy incident are typical examples. If practicing the gospel is deemed as akin to being a communist, there will be no place for Christians in this land. This has something to do with you, a real Christian.

June 29, 1978, 8 Ankuk-Dong, Jongro-Gu, Seoul,

Best regards, Yun Posun.132

When U.S. President Jimmy Carter visited Korea, Haiwi sent this letter revealing the true nature of Park Chung Hee's regime and the situation of Korea democratic movement. He stressed on the fact that those arrested students were not communists and that their activities were practicing Christianity and democracy. He believed that anti-communism is the starting point of democracy and that democratic movement comes from Christian thought. As we know in his letter, to him, anti-communism was a prerequisite for preservation of the democratic system and on this basis he led the democratic movement.

If there is one thought that penetrates the entire life of Yun Posun, it must be his hatred against communism. He was under the Korean Christian tradition that regarded communism as a "Red Dragon" and "Satan". He was also one of the key figures in Hanmin Party that rejected Yeo Wun Heong as leftist.

In Hanmin Party where descendants of Enlightenment or the Kiho nationalists presided, many landlords and Christian nationalists played the role of leadership. They thought of anti-communism and liberal democracy as the most essential issues. Yun Posun also was one of them so his conviction about these two ideas never changed even when various ideological groups participated in the democratic movements.133

132 Yun Posun's letter to Jimmy Carter preserved in the National Archives of Korea.

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Yun Posun in particular had unusual experiences with communism. In Shanghai, he witnessed communism relied on killings and violence for ideology rather than national homogeneity from the beginning; it was perpetuated by Chén Dúxiù(陳獨秀) who was the leading figure of founding the China Communism Party. He had a close relationship with Shin Kyu Shik and Yun Posun could meet him in person because he lived across his house. Then he himself witnessed Chén Dúxiù(陳獨秀)and his followers' thoughts and conflicted behaviors.134 Accordingly, his understanding of communism was always scornful.

Along with anti-communism, 'humanization' was another great theme of life to Yun Posun. He acquired democracy through England and persistently claimed that every human being should be guaranteed his/her own political rights and freedom and that he/she deserves a great level of cultural life. One man's dictatorship or one class's ruling without opposition could not be allowed. That's why he rejected Park Chung Hee's regime.

Having studied at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland, the cathedral of Presbyterian, he believed that the practice of British democracy came from Christian tradition. In Edinburgh, he could overcome Shin Kyu Shik's patriotic nationalism or Daejonggyo's humanism through the universality of British democracy and Christian thought. To him, democracy was the definite right system which carries on 'Humanization' that everyone is created under the sovereignty of God; this was how he overcame Daejonggyo as a disciple of Shin Kyu Shik.135 It was this practice of Christian humanization that Yun Posun took sides with laborers in "the incident of YH", and worked for those in prison and their families as a head adviser of "Democratic restoration of the Restrained Association',136 and provided money for inmates by writing calligraphy such as "Clear water and clean mind," and "Justice will prevail,"137 and along with Gong Duk Gwi called for clearance of back wages for Donglim Textiles. Thus his democratic movement had no class struggle elements.

Yun Posun criticized Park Chung Hee who stressed the inadequacy of democracy for Korea, saying, "Democracy has no difference whether in Europe or in America or in Korea. The fundamentals have the same principle." He prioritized the principles of democracy as first, justice, second, freedom, and third, order.138 He saw that democracy has the universality and must be expressed through freedom, order and public justice. In this way, he rejected the narrowness and self-righteousness of nationalism. Because of this he could not endure the chaotic situation under Jang Meon's regime such as the progressives' torch demonstration or great outcry, "Let's go to the North, Come to the South".139

133 According to 『Dong-A Ilbo』, February 21, 1981, when Yun Posun met Chun Doo Hwan, he stressed the stability of public sentiment and demanded the release of human rights activists. However, he expressed his hatred against communists saying, "I do not want to forgive communism." 134 Ch� D�i�(陳獨秀) lived across Shin Kyu Shik's house. He had a fellowship with Shin and then young Yun Posun could see him in person.135 In Shanghai, he lived in the upstairs floor of Shin Kyu Shik's house and took charge of editing Shin's Jindan.136 Dong-A Ilbo, March 28, 1975.137 Kim Jung Nam, Truth, stand on the plaza (Seoul: Changbi, 2005), p.242.138 The National Archives of Korea, "The voice of ex President Yun Posun 1"(March 5, 1974, recorded at Myungdong Cathedral).139 Loc.cit.

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Yun Posun's democracy was characterized by his emphasis on public justice and practice social welfare within the role of a country. He had no classical liberalism that a country cannot intervene in individuals' social lives or economical process in their lives, but only the public justice represented by Noblesse Oblige was most essential.140

Generally, public justice is to distribute fairly material and non material commodities and to guarantee the basic survival of the weak, to support civilian organizations, and to fight against oppression and injustice. The practice of the public justice is to promote the welfare of civilians and protect the weak and oppressed in community life.141 Yun Posun thought a country as an organization should seek the public justice on the basis of justice and law and promote the general welfare.

In this perspective, Yun Posun criticized having civilians insist only on their own rights disorderly and regard their individual freedom as the only ultimate value. He also rejected amassing materials and wealth for one's own happiness. Even though humans are not equal and live under socially unfair conditions, democracy lets them feel fairness in their lives. That's why he could not accept Park Chung Hee's nationalism and economy ideology which took economical prosperity as the standard of value without the public justice.142

6. Conclusion At the March 1 Movement in 1919, Chundogyo(The Heavenly Way) then brought the Korean churches into its activities; they needed the organic communication system with the world, domestic leadership and national organization of the Korean churches. Even during the Provisional Government in Shanghai, Shin Kyu Shik, a Daejonggyo believer, badly wanted Christian nationalists acting in the U.S.; behind them there was the U.S.

Outwardly, the First Cabinet after liberation has succeeded to this historical context; it started by conspiring between Christianity and Daejonggyo, patriotic nationalist. However, the First Cabinet had different characteristics. While native religions of Korea drew Christianity to them during Japanese occupation, Daejonggyo accepted the call from Christianity which held the power after liberation. Rhee Sung Man needed Daejonggyo for his political initiative, and Daejonggyo thought that it was leading history in the right direction.

Even though he professed Christian national salvation and American democracy, Rhee Sung Man stuck to his nationalism that Korean Christianity denied.

He did not carry out the ideal of American democracy based on Christianity. It was because he chose Ilminjui(One People Theory) from Daejonggyo for his ruling ideology even though he selected a few Christian members who followed him.

Park Chung Hee also took advantage of the concept of native religions as his

140 Yun Posun's democracy started from England. In England paternalism and noblesse oblige of the high class was very important toward the socially weak. English society understands this public justice as common sense. 141 H,E, S Boldring, Christian Democracy, trans. Institute of Korea Christianity politics Research (Seoul: Institute of Korea Christianity Politics Research, 2005), p.320.142 The National Archives of Korea. "The Voice of ex President Yun Posun 1".

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ruling ideology. Through Park Jong Hong, Chundogyo theorist, he suggested 'nationalistic democracy', and made the Charter of National Education. He selected a state-centered nationalism as his ruling ideology on the basis of Chundogyo. It was no different from the concept of the Meiji Restoration of Japan which was also nationalism on the basis of social evolution.

According to this ruling idea, 'nation' and 'country' have priority over 'individuals' and furthermore, 'public benefit and order' precede 'individual rights.'Economical value was more important than humanistic life and logical judgment against unfair authority was not accepted. And it also underestimated the universal value of liberal democracy.

Yun Posun resisted against Rhee Sung Man and Park Chung Hee. It meant that he rejected An Ho Sang or Park Jong Hong's theory of native religions or their nationalism; it was because he was under Christian tradition. The reason why he had persistent suspicions against Park Chung Hee was that he belonged to Christian nationalist groups that hated communism.

In Yun who was under the tradition of Christian nationalists, anti-Japanese or anti-communism sentiments can be found so easily, but any narrow nationalism cannot be discernible. Neither did he have any intention to accept dictatorship through the notion of a national father or long-term seizure of power. He thought that democracy could not be an instrument for nationalism; liberal democracy is the universal value that cannot be divided racially or regionally. He regarded these thoughts as coming from Christianity.

In the meantime, the conflicts within the Democratic Party, namely between the old line and the new line was that between the traditional Northwest and the Kiho. Thus the conflicts between Jang Meon and Yun Posun had this history. The Kiho nationalists which were classified as the old line resisted against the Northwest nationalists which were classified as the new line because of their unilateral monopoly. The historical conflicts since the Shanghai Government continued this far.

Through this treatise I have recognized that the political and ideological conflicts among Korean political leaders were caused by conflicts between Christianity and native religions of Korea and internal struggles among Christian nationalists. In other words, the main cause of political and ideological conflicts among Korean political leaders can be said to be a confrontation between native religions which stood for nationalism and Christianity which regarded liberal democracy as the worldwide universal value. And we can also confirm that the struggle between the Northwest and the Kiho within the Provisional Government in Shanghai continued within the Democratic Party.

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