Viewers’ Perception of Ritualism in Nigerian Home …Nigerian home video ought to be socially responsible to its audience in its portrayals and treatment of themes. Review of Related

Viewers’ Perception of Ritualism in Nigerian Home VideosEzekiel S. Asemah,Department of Mass Communication,Kogi State University, Anyigba, Nigeria. [email protected].

Leo O. N. Edegoh,Department of Mass Communication,Anambra State University,Igbariam Campus,Anambra State,[email protected]

Abstract

The study examines audience perception of ritualism in Nigerian home videos.Among other objectives, the study aims at determining the extent to whichNigerian home video portrays ritualism and ascertaining the effect of theportrayal of ritualism on the image of Nigeria as a nation. Survey researchdesign was adopted while questionnaire was used as an instrument of datacollection. Findings show that ritual activities in Nigerian home videos arecarried out through bloodletting, magic, invocation and incantation. The ritualactivities, as observed from the findings, are normally carried out in differentcontexts like coven, home, forest, T-junction, shrine and sacred places in homesand other places. The findings also show that the extent to which ritual activitiesare portrayed in Nigerian home video is a very great one. Findings further showthat the portrayal of ritual activities in the Nigerian home videos has negativeeffects on the audience members and the image of Nigeria as a nation in theinternational community. Based on the findings, therefore, the paper concludesthat Nigerian home videos pay too much attention to ritual activities and thisportrayal of ritualism is having negative effect on the image of Nigeria in theinternational community; it therefore, recommends, among others, that Nigerianhome video producers should pay less attention to ritualism as the portrayal ofritualism is having negative effect on the image of Nigeria in the internationalcommunity.

Keywords: Viewers, perception, home videos, ritualism.

Introduction and Justification for the Study

1

Mass media in every society serve as agents of social change. This is because they play

certain functions. Like other movie industries in the world, Nollywood is significantly involved

in the framing, reflection and identity construction of Nigeria and African society through its

cultural representations (Akpabio, 2007; Anoliefo, 2008; Babawale, 2009, cited in Alawode and

Fatonji, 2013).

Nigerian home video industry, popularly known as Nollywood is the third largest film

industry in the world after America’s Hollywood and India’s Bollywood (Alozie, 2010, cited in

Alawode and Fatonji, 2013). It produces more than 1,000 video films annually and it is estimated

that 120 films are released weekly across Nigeria (Osei-Hwere and Osei-Hwere, 2008;

allafrica.com, 2008, cited in Alawode and Fatonji, 2013). Most of the films produced are viewed

at home, not in theatres and that qualifies them as home-videos (Ebewo, 2007, cited in Alawode

and Fatonji, 2013). They are also regularly scheduled and shown on free to air television, cable

and satellite channels at home and around the world (Alawode and Fatonji, 2013).

The video film industry today is an important private sector player in the Nigerian

economy. Apart from oil and gas, telecommunication and perhaps, the banking sector, it is the

largest employer of labour, providing job opportunities for thousands of professionals such as

directors, producers, actors and actresses, costumiers, editors, camera men, etc., and supporting

other ancillary industries such as marketing and distribution firms and video rental shops (Tasie,

2013). The boom in home video productions and the corresponding audience interest have

attracted a lot of attention to the sector. There is hardly any newspaper in Nigeria that does not

devote space to Nollywood related issues. A lot has been written on the technical qualities and

aesthetics of the home video productions. The slants of the comments have always been against

the over-emphases on sex, violence, fetishism and other negative tendencies. Similarly, the

production quality of these films has also been severely criticised (Akpabio, 2007).

However, Nigerian video film industry has emerged as popular film industry in black

Africa. Its means of production and consumption has redefined the parameters of African

Cinema. The video films employ themes and images that captivate the audiences’ imagination

and curiosity. Some of the most used themes in the Nigerian video films are those relating to the

supernatural, magic and witchcraft. Whilst some scholars and filmmakers criticise the prevalence

of themes of witchcraft, magic and the supernatural, it is these very themes that draw local

audiences (Kumwenda, 2007). Jell-Bahlsen, cited in Kumwenda (2007) notes that the emergence

2

of Nigerian video films is extremely significant in the discourse on African Cinema. Uwah

(2011) avers that the use of films as a meta-narrative in exploring the religious identity of

Africans is something of a revelatory process towards understanding not only the religious

culture of the people, but the efficacious use of indigenous languages and communalism as

practised in Africa. It is in line with this that the paper examines Jos residents’ perception of the

portrayal of ritualism in Nigerian home videos.

Objectives of the Study

The paper has the following objectives:

1. To determine the extent to which Nigerian home video portrays ritualism

2. To determine specific ritual activities portrayed in Nigerian home videos

3. To determine the effect of the portrayal of ritualism on the image of Nigeria as a nation

Theoretical Underpinning

The significance of theories in every research exercise cannot be overemphasised. As

noted by Lewis (1958), cited in Amodu (2012, p. 52), “good theories enable researchers to put

facts in perspectives and to hypothesise what will happen, even before they happen.” Folarin

(2005), cited in Amodu (2012, p. 52) contends that “theories help researchers to manage

realities.” The study is, therefore, anchored on cultural norms theory and the social

responsibility theory.

Cultural norms theory is a theory of mass communication which suggests that the mass

media selectively present and emphasise certain contemporary ideas or values. According to this

theory, the mass media influence norms by reinforcing or changing them. For example, the

cultural norm theorists argue that television programmes presenting an active lifestyle for older

people can change the attitudes of viewers in that direction. Mass media like television, radio and

newspapers can convey information and other forms of symbolic communication rapidly and

simultaneously to large and geographically remote and socially distinct audiences (Ballack,

2009). The foregoing implies that the media have the capacity to reinforce or change culture.

This theory is relevant to the study because it lays emphasis on the ability of the mass media to

3

communicate information to the audience-members; thus, the portrayal of ritualism in Nigerian

home videos can change the attitudes of the viewers to that direction.

Another theory considered suitable for this study is social responsibility theory which

proposes that the media should be socially responsible to the audience. According to Asemah

(2013), the theory proposes that freedom should go hand in hand with responsibility. Thus, the

theory calls for responsibility on the part of the media. This theory was first introduced in 1947

by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm and was recommended by the Hutchins Commission on

Freedom of the Press. It stated that the media should serve the public and in order to do so,

should remain free of government interference. It defined guidelines that the media should

follow in order to fulfill its obligation of serving the public (Pitner, n.d). Aslam (2011) contends

that social responsibility theory keeps certain areas free for the press, but at the same time, puts

lot of responsibility on media. This theory, according Siebert, Peterson and Schramm to has its

roots in libertarian theory. But it goes beyond the libertarian theory, in that it places more

emphasis on the press been responsible to society than on the press freedom. It is seen as a

higher level, theoretically, than libertarianism- a kind of moral and intellectual evolutionary trip

from discredited old, libertarianism, to a new or perfected libertarianism where things are forced

to work as they really should have worked under libertarian theory (Karthik, n.d). Yun (2008)

opines that:

The social responsibility theory argues that the press has a responsibility to thepublic. This theoretical approach is a result of broadcasting and media ethics.Early communication administrators such as Robert Hutchins (head of theCommission on Freedom of the Press) expressed concern over communicationethics in libertarian media cultures. Early followers of the theory believed thatmass media should contribute to societal improvement. Social responsibilitytheory has been widely recognised by media practitioners and scholars sincethe Commission on Freedom of the Press in 1947.

The above assertion shows that the media are free, but they should accept obligations to

serve the public good. The means of ensuring compliance with these obligations can either be

through professional self-regulation or public intervention or both. The social responsibility

theory is relevant to this paper because it describes the ideal way for the media to conduct

business. Since its emphasis is on the media been responsible to the members of the public, the

4

Nigerian home video ought to be socially responsible to its audience in its portrayals and

treatment of themes.

Review of Related Literature

Ritualism is a concept which defines form of quasi-deviance in which people obey norms

outwardly by going through the motions, but they lack inner commitment to their roles and the

underlying values of the social system. Because the lack of commitment is usually detectable to

other people, widespread ritualism can undermine morale and commitment of others to the

system and therefore, the social cohesion of the system as a whole (Crossman, n.d). This explains

why Wiktionary (n.d) avers that ritualism is the belief that it is necessary for rites or repeated sets

of actions to be carried out. The term “ritualism” in African context, refers to a wide range of

traditional religious rites and spiritual religious activities carried out to invoke the gods for a

particular course. It involves the use of incantations, a part of indigenous language used for

spiritual matters. It also involves the use of charms, magic, blood, amongst others. Generally,

ritualism is deeply embedded in African traditional culture and religion (Kuwenda, 2007;

Okwori, 2003; Ebewo, 2007; Anoliefo, 2008, cited in Alawode and Fatonji, 2013). Uwah

(2011), cited in Alawode and Fatonji (2013) describes ritual as a place where people integrate

short-term pragmatic goals and the longer-range mythic values of a culture, where they can

replace personal alienation with an affirmation of personal identity. Making reference to Victor

Turner who propounded the theory of ritual process, Uwah (2011), cited in Alawode and Fatonji

(2013) notes that every society’s attempt to mobilise itself to solve its broader societal problems

leads to an emphasis on authoritarian institutions, creation of status differentiation, justification

of the concentration of power inequality, reward of individual ambition, technical knowledge and

other forms of structure, which often lead to conflict, alienation and oppression. This holds that

ritualism is a panacea to solving life’s problems.

Alawode and Fatonji (2013) conducted research to determine the extent to which rituals

are conveyed through indigenous language in Nigerian home videos; they found out that

ritualism is strongly portrayed in Nigerian indigenous language home video films and it is

depicted as a key part of African traditional religion. This is reflected in the elaborate use of

5

African traditional totems like shrines, statutes, palm oil, drawings, clothes of special colours

( red, black and white) and extra-mundane communication, like incantations and diabolism.

Similarly, Kumwenda (2007) conducted research with a view to exploring the themes of

witchcraft, magic and the supernatural through a semiotised reading of End of the Wicked and

Child of Promise. He found out that themes and images of witchcraft, magic, occults and the

supernatural are prevalent in Nigerian popular video films. The researcher further observed that

the iconographic and aesthetic approaches of these films are unique and that these themes and

images usually resonate with the cultural contexts in which these films are produced, attracting

local audiences, hence achieving commercial viability and success. More so, Akpabio (2007) in

his research to ascertain the disposition of audience members to sex, fetishism, violence and

other appeals to the lowest common denominator in Nigerian home video films, found out that

the respondents have a largely favourable attitude to Nigerian home video productions; but the

respondents expressed the view that there is too much emphasis on themes such as sex, violence,

prostitution, sibling rivalry, evils of polygamy, devilish spiritualism and related themes.

The first Nigerian films were made by Filmmakers such as Ola Balogun and Hubert

Ogunde in the 1960s, but they were frustrated by the high cost of film production; the release of

the box office movie “Living in Bondage” in 1992 by Kenneth Nnebue in Onitsha set the stage

for Nollywood as it is known today. Clearly, this move marked the beginning of a new culture.

Thus, movie making began prior to this time. Nigerians were content with television dramas and

stage performances produced by television stations and the few theatre practitioners at the time.

By the mid 90s, Nollywood became a force to be reckoned with, as it blossomed into an industry

that pushed foreign media off the shelves, not only in Nigeria, but all over Africa. Thus, stories

of the supernatural, including witchcraft, highly affect people’s lives in Africa (Kenny, Oye and

Taiwo, 2006). With reference to the Ibibio tribe of Nigeria, Offiong (1991) observes that people

in Nigeria are obsessed with stories and beliefs of witchcraft and that such beliefs are central to

their cosmology. Witchcraft in Nigeria is mostly regarded as the cause of almost all evil things

that happen to individuals: sickness, personal failure, infertility, other ailment and ill luck

(Offiong, 1991, p. 78). In a sense, therefore, witchcraft is inimical to Nigerian societies and

witches are treated with disdain. Accordingly, Offiong (1991, p.79) observes that witches work in

the dark, at night and they cannot be seen by those who do not practice witchcraft. He further

indicates that witches can transform their humanly bodies into vultures, animals or birds like

6

owls to harm their intended victims. These kinds of beliefs about witchcraft are highly evident in

the horror and evangelical genres of Nigerian video films. The Nigerian video film industry has

provided a medium in which Africans generally and Nigerians, especially can face their fears of

witchcraft, among others and have a visual perception of something that is rarely seen in their

real lives, but rather talked about, feared and discussed (Ukadike, 1994). Through special effects,

the Nigerian video film has brought on screen things that are almost impossible to portray

otherwise. Gugler (2003, p.178) echoes this thought by asserting:

Special effects allow filmmakers to make the invisible forces visible:audiences witness ghostly apparitions; they may watch a woman leaveher body and transform herself into a vulture/ witch. This happens inSakobi: The Snake Girl and End of the Wicked. This revelation of theoccult confirms its existence, enhancing the credibility of beliefs in theoccult.

According to attribution theory, human beings have an intrinsic need to explain events

and things that happen to themselves and to others (Gleitman, 1995, p. 432). The Nigerian video

films, therefore, have been a medium in which these myths and beliefs are expressed and

visualised (Kumwenda, 2007). The preoccupation of Nigerian video films with themes of

witchcraft and the supernatural attracts the curiosity of a huge African audience, hence its

commercial success as a first cinema. Ukadike (1994, p. 131) makes an important observation by

asserting that even when the video themes are rendered in aesthetically sloppy structures or

technically poor, as they indubitably were in the first video films, they (themes) are still able to

galvanise such massive audience appeal. The themes and contents of the video films, therefore,

affect their ability to be commercially successful and entertaining. Okwori (2003) explores how

rituals of human sacrifice are presented as being an effective means of getting wealth in Nigerian

home videos. He argues that even though the intent of the films is to denounce the human

sacrifice rituals as a means of getting rich in the Nigerian society, the films tend to have

contradictory meanings. Okwori presents two main reasons for this argument. First, in these

films, constitutional law does not take its course after characters’ confessions of ritual killings.

One would expect the law to intervene in such a situation because ritual killings are murders. The

narratives, on the other hand, present the Christian God as a solution. In as long as the character

accepts God after confession, he/she escapes any kind of punishment. Thus, the characters do not

suffer any consequences for their actions; if they do, the suffering is usually temporary, coming

7

to an end after confession. Thus, Okwori argues that the ritual killings become validated because

there are no real consequences for doing them. Secondly, Okwori argues that in films where there

are occult groups, it is only one character (mostly the protagonist) who suffers any consequences

and these are temporary. The rest of the group continues to be successful.

Methodology

The study adopted survey method while questionnaire was used as an instrument of data

collection. The choice of survey by the researchers was informed by the fact that survey as a

technique for generating quantitative data appears to be a potent method of measuring data

relating to demographics, attitude, opinion and perception. More so, Ohaja (2003) avers that

survey is a study of the characteristics of a sample through questioning, which enables a

researcher to make generalisations concerning his population of interest. According to Saunders,

Lewis and Thornil (1997), cited in Asemah, Gujbawu, Ekhareafo and Okpanachi (2012, p. 199)

survey can be appreciated against the backdrop of the fact that it allows the collection of a large

amount of data from a sizeable population in a largely economical way, based most often on

questionnaire; these data are standardised, allowing easy comparism. Going by the advantages,

therefore, the study adopted the survey.

The population of the study is made up of adult male and female in Jos metropolis. The

population of the adult male and female in Jos metropolis according to the Official Gazzette of

the Federal Republic of Nigeria (2006) is 1,008,477. The population of the study is, therefore,

1,008,477 people. The sample size for the study is four hundred and twenty three (423)

respondents. The sample size was arrived at, using Cochran’s formula for sample size

determination. Cochras (1963:75), cited in Asemah (2010- 2011) developed a statistical formula

for the determination of sample size:

No = Z 2 PQ

e2

Where:

No= Initial estimate of sample size

Z = The abscissa of the normal curve that cuts off an area at the tails.

P = The estimated population under consideration.

8

e = The desired level of precision or margin of error.

Note:

If No____ is negligible, then No is satisfactory, if

Population

Note: N is obtained as follows:

N = No

1 + no – 1

N

Where:

n = Sample size and

N = Population

Using the cochras formula, the sample size will be calculated as follows:

No = Z 2 PQ

e2

Where:Z = 1.68 (from normal distribution table)

P = 40% or 0.4 (Assumed)

Q = 1-0.4 = 0.6

E = 100% - 99.96% or 0.04%

N = 1,008,477

= 1.68 2 x 0.4 x 0.6

0.042

= 2.8224 x 0.24

0.0016

= 0.677376

0.0016

= 423

No = 423___

9

Population 1,008,477

= 0.0004 (i.e. Negligible)

Hence, the sample size of 423

Purposive and simple random sampling techniques were used to select the population.

The decision to purposively sample the population was based on the fact that they were

considered to be in a better position to provide answers to the questions. This is in agreement

with Wimmer and Dominick (2008) who observed that a purposive sampling includes subjects

selected on the basis of specific characteristics or qualities and eliminates those which fail to

meet these criteria. The simple random sampling technique was used to select the four hundred

and twenty three (423) respondents. The researchers collected data through personal

administration of the questionnaire. Two research assistants helped in the administration of the

questionnaire and the administration and analysis of the questionnaire took a period of one

month. The data from the questionnaire were however analysed in frequency tables and simple

percentages.

Data Presentation

Four hundred and twenty three (423) copies of questionnaire were distributed. Out of the

423 copies of questionnaire that were administered, 420 copies were returned. The return rate of

the questionnaire was 99% while the mortality rate was 1%. The mortality rate of 1% does not

affect the study because it is insignificant compared to the return rate of 99%. Thus, the copies

were considered adequate enough to represent the population. The presentation and analysis of

data was, therefore, based on the 420 copies that were returned and found usable.

Table 1: Educational qualification

Response Frequency PercentagePhD 5 2%M.Sc/MA 109 25%B.Sc/BA 83 33%Undergraduate 223 40%Total 420 100%

10

Table 1 shows the percentage distribution of respondents according to their level of

education. Out of the 420 respondents, 5 were PhD holders; M.Sc / MA holders were 109; 83

respondents were Bachelor Degree holders while the remaining 223 respondents were

undergraduates.

Table 2: Age of respondents

Response Frequency Percentage18 – 24 161 38%25 – 34 140 33%35 – 44 88 21%45 and above 31 8%Total 420 100%

The above table shows the respondents’ age distribution. 161 of the respondents were

between 18 and 24; 140 respondents fell between 25 and 34; 88 respondents were between 35

and 44 while the remaining 31 respondents were 45 and above. The data showed that

respondents who fell between 18 and 24 were more.

Table 3: Sex of respondents

Response Frequency PercentageMale 299 56%Female 121 44%Total 420 100%

Out of the 420 respondents, 299 were males while 121 respondents were females. This

shows that the male respondents were more than the female respondents.

Table 4: Occupation of respondents

Response Frequency PercentageCivil Servant 66 16%Private Sector 48 20%Self Employed 112 24%Student 194 40%Total 420 100%

11

The data in the above table shows that out of the 420 respondents, 66 were civil servants;

48 were workers in the private sector; 112 of the respondents were self employed and the

remaining 194 were students. The percentages in the table indicate that students and self

employed were in the majority of those who completed the questionnaire.

Table 5: Responses on whether Nigerian home videos portray rituals

Variables Frequency Percentages

Yes 420 100%

No Nil 0%

Total 420 100%

In the above table, all the 420 respondents agreed that Nigerian home videos portray

ritual activities. This therefore means that Nigerian home videos portray ritual activities.

Table 6: Responses on the medium of ritual activities in Nigerian home videos

Question Frequency Percentages

Blood letting 31 7%

Magic 43 10%

Invocation 69 17%

Incantation 33 8%

All of the above 244 58%

Total 420 100%

Table 6 shows the responses on the medium through which ritual activities are carried out

in Nigerian home videos. 31 respondents (7%) said it was through bloodletting, 43 (10%) ticked

magic, 69 (17%) ticked invocation, 33 (8%) said it was through incantation while the remaining

244 respondents, representing 58% of the respondents ticked all of the above. The foregoing

implies that ritual activities are carried out in Nigerian home videos through different means.

12

Table 7: Responses on the ritual contexts of the ritual activities


Coven 58 14%

Home 33 8%

Forest 51 12%

T- Junction 87 21%

Shrine and sacred place inhomes and elsewhere

42 10%


Total 420 100%

Table 7 shows the responses on the ritual contexts of ritual activities in Nigerian home

videos. Out of the 420 copies of questionnaire retrieved, 58 (14%) ticked coven, 33 (8%) ticked

home, 51 (12%) ticked forest, 87 (21%) said it was T-junction, 42 (10%) said it was shrine and

sacred place in homes and other places while the remaining 149 respondents, representing 35%

of the respondents ticked all of the above.

Table 8: Responses on the spiritual dimensions of the ritual activities


Natural 44 11%

Supernatural 67 16%

Appearing and disappearing 72 17%

Speaking with unseen 57 14%

Physical means 27 6%


Total 420 100%

13

Table 8 shows the responses on the spiritual dimensions of the ritual activities in Nigerian

home videos. 44 (11%) ticked natural, 67 (16%) ticked supernatural, 72 (17%) ticked appearing

and disappearing, 57 (14%) ticked speaking with the unseen, 27 (6%) ticked physical means

while the remaining 153 respondents which represents 36% of the respondents ticked all of the

above. This shows that the ritual activities in Nigerian home videos take several dimensions.

Table 9: Responses on the Nigerian home videos that portray rituals more


English Home Videos 68 16%

Yoruba Home Videos 157 37%

Ibo Home Video 75 18%

Hausa Home Video 70 17%

Efik/Ibibio Films 50 12%

Total 420 100%

Responses show that the Yoruba home videos portray more ritual activities than the other

home videos like Hausa, Igbo, English and Efik / Ibibio. Out of the 420 respondents, 68 (16%)

said it was the English Nigerian home videos, 157 (37%) said it was the Yoruba home video, 75

(18%) said it was the Igbo home video, 70 respondents, which represents 17% said that it was

Hausa home video while the remaining 50 (12%) respondents said it was Efik/ Ibibio films.

Going by the responses, therefore, the Yoruba home video portrays more ritual activities than the

others.

Table 10: The extent to which these ritual activities are portrayed in Nigerian home videos


Very Great Extent 301 72%

Great Extent 119 28%

Not at all Nil 0%

14

Low Extent Nil 0%

Very Low Extent Nil 0%

Total 420 100%

The above table shows the extent to which ritual activities are carried out in Nigerian

home videos. Out of the 420 respondents that returned their copies of questionnaire, 301,

representing 72% of the respondents said it was to a great extent while the remaining 119

representing 28% of the respondents said it was to a great extent. None of the respondents

however ticked to a low extent and to a very low extent. This shows that the extent to which

ritual activities is shown is very great.

Table 11: Portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian home videos has negative effects on theaudience members.


Strongly Agree 199 47%

Agree 144 34%

Undecided Nil 0%

Disagree 32 8%

Strongly Disagree 45 11%

Total 420 100%

Table 11 shows responses on whether the portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian home

videos has negative effect on the audience-members. 199 (47%) strongly agreed, 144 (34%)

agreed, none of the respondents ticked undecided, 32 (8%) disagreed while the remaining 45

respondents representing 11% strongly disagreed. This shows that the portrayal of ritual

activities in Nigerian home videos has negative effects on the audience members.

15

Table 12: Portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian home portrays Nigeria negatively in theinternational community



Agree 105 25%

Undecided Nil Nil%

Disagree 75 18%

Strongly Disagree 39 9%

Total 420 100%

Table 12 shows responses on whether the portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian home

videos portrays Nigeria negatively in the international community. Out of the 420 copies of

questionnaire retrieved, 201 (48%) strongly agreed, 105 (25%) agreed, none ticked undecided,

75 (18%) disagreed while the remaining 39 respondents representing 9% of the respondents

strongly disagreed. This shows that the portrayal of ritualism in Nigerian home videos portrays

Nigeria negatively in the international community.

Table 13: Nigerian home video industry is neglecting other positive developments in Nigeria



Agree 130 26%

Undecided Nil 0%

Disagree Nil 0%

Strongly Disagree Nil 0%

Total 420 100%

Table 13 shows the responses on whether the Nigerian home video is neglecting other

positive developments in Nigeria. 310 (74%) strongly agreed, 130 (26%) agreed, none of the

16

respondents ticked undecided, disagree and strongly disagreed. This therefore shows that there

are other positive developments in Nigeria that the home video is not paying attention to.

Results and Discussion of Findings

The findings show that the Nigerian home videos actually portray ritual activities in an

attempt to use the home videos to entertain and educate the audience members. This is quite

evident in the high number of respondents who answered in the affirmative (100%). Since all the

respondents agreed that Nigerian home videos display ritual activities, it therefore means that

they actually portray films with ritual contents. The findings tally with that of Alawode and

Fatonji (2013) who found out that ritualism is strongly portrayed in Nigerian indigenous

language home video films and that it is depicted as a key part of African traditional religion.

Alawode and Fatonji (2013) in their study discovered that ritualism is significantly depicted in

Nigerian indigenous language videos.

Findings further show that ritual activities are carried out through different means. This is

evident in table 6 where majority of the respondents agreed that ritual activities are carried out

through different means (58%) The different means from the study are: bloodletting, magic,

invocation and incantation. The foregoing implies that ritual activities are carried out in Nigerian

home videos through different media. Okwori ( 2003 ) explains that the dominant refrain in films

is the utilisation of rituals and grotesque characters to generate contexts in which wealth and

riches transport the characters from a normal reality to a world of fantasy. Ritual activities, as

observed from findings are carried out in different contexts. This is evident in table 7 where 35%

agreed that all the items listed on the table are the ritual contexts of ritualism in Nigerian home

videos. This also tallies with the findings of Alawode and Fatonji (2013) who observed in their

content analysis of 30 Nigerian indigenous home videos that ritual activities are carried out in

different contexts in the Nigerian home videos. These include: coven, home, forest, T-junction

shrine and sacred place in homes and other places.

More so, the findings show that the ritual activities in the Nigerian home videos take

different dimensions. The percentage of the respondents that attested stands at 36. The

dimensions include: natural, supernatural, appearing and disappearing, speaking with the unseen

and physical means. The findings however show that the Yoruba home video shows more ritual

17

activities than the English, Igbo, Hausa and Efik/ Ibibio home videos. This is evident in table 9

where a total of 37% said it was the Yoruba home video that portrays more ritual activities than

the English, Hausa, Igbo and Efik / Ibibio home videos. The findings further show that the extent

to which ritual activities are portrayed in Nigerian home video is a very great one. This is evident

in table 10 where all the respondents agreed that it was to a great and a very great extent (100%).

Findings further show that the portrayal of ritual activities in the Nigerian home videos is

likely to have negative effects on the members. Table 11 shows that a total number of 343

respondents which represents 81% of the respondents agreed that such portrayals are likely to

have negative effects on the audience members. The media generally reflect happenings in the

society, thereby setting agenda for the people to follow; thus, if the Nigerian home video set the

agenda of ritualism, the audience members will begin to see that as a means of solving life’s

problems. The fact is that people acquire new forms of behaviours through watching home

videos. Thus, the actions that are portrayed in the media serve as models for others to imitate.

Gerbner, cited in Asemah (2011b) argues that the mass media cultivate attitudes and

values, which are already present in a culture. The media maintain and propagate these values

amongst members of a culture, thus binding it together. According to Evra (1990), cited in

Asemah (2011b), cultivation research looks at the mass media as a socialising agent and

investigates whether television viewers come to believe the television version of reality the more

they watch it. The research of Evra (1990) shows that people who watch a lot of television

programmes are likely to be more influenced by the ways in which television programmes frame

the world than individuals who watch less. The implication of this is, therefore, that exposure to

ritual activities in home videos may likely have negative effects on the audience members.

More so, the findings show that the portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian home video is

portraying Nigeria negatively in the international community. This is evident in table 12 where

majority of the respondents agreed that the Nigerian home video’s portrayal of ritualism is

negatively affecting Nigerian image (73%). The implication of this is that the portrayal of

ritualism shows the international community that Nigerians are very good at performing ritual

activities.

Findings further show that there are several reasons why the Nigerian home videos

portray ritual activities. The reasons as identified from the questionnaire returned include: to

18

fight competition, to educate the audience members, to entertain the audience members and to

increase patronage. The media generally are seen as agents of education; they give knowledge to

the audience so as to be better members of the society. The media also entertain audience

members. The mass media can be wonderful entertainers, bringing together huge audiences not

otherwise possible. Almost all mass media have an entertainment component. Hanxy and Maxcy

(1996:64), cited in Asemah (2011b) say that entertainment refers to communication activities

primarily considered as amusement, irrespective of any other feature they seem to have. Home

video also displays ritual activities because they want to increase patronage, so as to be able to

fight competition. Generally, most audience members prefer negative activities; thus, the

producers take advantage of the audience members. The fact is that such ritual activities appeal

more to the audience members. The findings also show that home video producers are neglecting

some positive developments in Nigeria and are only focusing on ritual activities and other

negative developments in the country.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The study examined the perception of the audience members about the portrayal of ritual

activities in Nigerian home video, using survey research method. The findings show that the

extent to which ritualism is portrayed in Nigerian home video is very great. The findings show

that there are different means through which ritualism is displayed in the Nigerian home video,

among which are: bloodletting and magic. More so, ritual activities take place in different

context, among which include: coven and T-junction. It was discovered that the Yoruba home

video portrays more ritual activities. Based on the findings, the paper concludes that Nigerian

home videos pay too much attention to ritual activities and this portrayal of ritualism is having

negative effect on the image of Nigeria in the international community. Based on the findings

and conclusion, the paper gives the following recommendations:

i. Nigerian home video producers should pay less attention to ritualism as the

portrayal of ritualism is having negative effect on the image of Nigeria in the

international community.

ii. The Nigerian film producers should be socially responsible when producing films. Going

by the social responsibility theory, media persons should always remember that freedom

19

goes hand in hand with responsibility. Thus, the home video producers need to act

responsibly by reflecting the positive developments in Nigeria, instead of only focusing

on the negative developments.

iii. Home video producers should remember that they are agenda setters, so there is the

need to set the agenda that will positively impact on the audience members.

References

Akpabio, E. (2007). Attitude of audience members to Nollywood films. Nordic Journal of African Studies. Vol. 16(1), pp. 90–100.

Alawode, S.A. and Fatonji, S.S. (2013). Ritualism in Nigerian home videos: Being a paper presented at the 1st international interdisciplinary conference between April 24th and 2th at Azores, Portugal. http//.www.eujournal.org/index.php/esj/article/download/1313/1321. Accessed 23/12/2013.

Amodu, L.A. (2012). Community relations and conflict resolution in the Niger Delta: A study of three major oil companies: A Ph.D thesis submitted to the department of mass communication, Covenant University, Otta, Ogun State, Nigeria.

Asemah, E.S. (2010 -2011). An appraisal of the place of public relations in organisational management. Benin Mediacom Journal. Nos. 1- 4, pp. 163-177.

Asemah, E.S. (2011a). Selected mass media themes. Jos: University Press.

Asemah, E.S. (2011b). Principles and practice of principles of mass communication (2nd ed). Jos: Great Future Press.

Asemah, E.S., Gujbawu, M., Ekhareafo, D. O. and Okpanachi, R. A. (2012). Research methodsand procedures in mass communication. Jos: Great Future Press.

Aseamh, E.S. (2013). Public perception of mass media framing of terrorism in Nigeria:Implications on national unity. Journal of Communication and Language Arts. Vol. 4 (1),pp. 137-162.

Aslam (2011). Social responsibility theory. http://khansimplelearning.blogspot.com/2011/07/social-responsibility-theory.html. Accessed 23/12/2013.

Ballack (2009). Cultural norm theory of mass communication. http://ballack.xomba.com/cultural_norm_theory_mass_communication. Accessed 25/4/2014.

Crossman, A. (n.d). Ritualism. http://sociology.about.com/od/R_Index/g/Ritualism.htm. Accessed 23/12/2013.

20

Folarin, B. (1998). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text. Ibadan: Stirling Horden Publishers.

Gleitman, H. (1995). Psychology. New York and London: W. W. Norton and Company.

Gugler, J. (2003). African film: Re-Imagining a continent. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Karthik, P. (n.d).What are the four theories of the press? http://www.preservearticles.com/what-are-the-the-four-theories-of-the-press.html.

Kenny, J., Oye, P. and Taiwo, S. (2006). Church contextualisation in Nigeria, 1970-1990. AECAWA Seminar, Nigeria. 20 Jan. http://www.diafrica.org/nigeriaop/kenny/olayi.htm. Assessed 20/1/2014

Kumwenda, G. (2007). The portrayal of witchcraft, occults and magic in popular Nigerian video films. A research report submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.

Offiong, D. (1991). Witchcraft, sorcery, magic and social order among the Ibibio of Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Co., Ltd.

Ohaja, E.U. (2003). Mass communication research and project report writing. Lagos: John Letterman Limited.

Okwori, J. (2003). A dramatised society: Representing rituals of human sacrifice as efficacious action in Nigerian home video movies. Journal of African Cultural Studies. 16 (1), pp. 7-23.

Pitner, S. (2009). What is the social responsibility theory? http://suite101.com/a/what-is-the-social-responsibility-theory-a118662. Accessed 23/12/2013.

Tasie, G. (2013). African traditional religion in Nigerian video films: A rethink. American International Journal of Social Science. Vol. 2 (1), pp. 23-27.

Ukadike, F. (1994). Black African Cinema. California: University of California Press.

Wiktionary (n.d). Ritualism. https://www.boundless.com/sociology/definition/ritualism/. Accessed 21/12/2013.

Wimmer R. and Dominick, J. (2008). Mass media research: An introduction (6th ed). Belmont C.A: Wads Worth Publishing Company.

Yun, H.J. (2008). Social responsibility theory. http://knowledge.sagepub.com/view/politicalcommunication/n630.xml. Accessed 23/12/2013.

21

ANSU Journal of Arts and Social Sciences

Viewers’ Perception ofRitualism in Nigerian Home Videos

Asemah, Ezekiel S.Department of Mass Communication,Kogi State University, Anyigba, Nigeria. [email protected].

Edegoh, Leo O. N.Department of Mass Communication,Anambra State University,Igbariam Campus,Anambra State,[email protected]

AbstractThe study examines audience perception of ritualism in Nigerian home videos. Among otherobjectives, the study aims at determining the extent to which Nigerian home video portraysritualism and ascertaining the effect of the portrayal of ritualism on the image of Nigeria as anation. Survey research design was adopted while questionnaire was used as an instrument for datacollection. Findings show that ritual activities in Nigerian home videos are carried out throughbloodletting, magic, invocation and incantation. The ritual activities, as observed from the findings,are normally carried out in different contexts like coven, home, forest, T-junction, shrine and sacredplaces in homes and other places. The findings also show that the ritual activities are portrayed inNigerian home video to a very high extent. Findings further show that the portrayal of ritualactivities in the Nigerian home videos has negative effects on the audience members and the imageof Nigeria as a nation in the international community. Based on the findings, therefore, the paperconcludes that Nigerian home videos pay too much attention to ritual activities and this portrayal ofritualism is having negative effect on the image of Nigeria in the international community; ittherefore, recommends, among others, that Nigerian home video producers should pay less attentionto ritualism as the portrayal of ritualism is having negative effect on the image of Nigeria in theinternational community.

Keywords: Viewers, Perception, Home Videos, Ritualism.

18

Asemah, E. S. & Edegoh, L. O. N., (2014); Viewers’ Perception of Ritualism in Nigerian Home Videos, ANSU Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, 3 (1):18-30

IntroductionMass media in every society serve as agents ofsocial change. This is because they play certainfunctions. Like other movie industries in theworld, Nollywood is significantly involved inthe framing, reflection and identityconstruction of Nigeria and African societythrough its cultural representations (Akpabio,2007; Anoliefo, 2008; Babawale, 2009, cited inAlawode and Fatonji, 2013).

Nigerian home video industry, popularlyknown as Nollywood is the third largest filmindustry in the world after America’sHollywood and India’s Bollywood (Alozie,2010, cited in Alawode and Fatonji, 2013). Itproduces more than 1,000 video films annuallyand it is estimated that 120 films are releasedweekly across Nigeria (Osei-Hwere and Osei-Hwere, 2008; allafrica.com, 2008, cited inAlawode and Fatonji, 2013). Most of the filmsproduced are viewed at home, not in theatresand that qualifies them as home-videos(Ebewo, 2007, cited in Alawode and Fatonji,2013). They are also regularly scheduled andshown on free to air television, cable andsatellite channels at home and around the world(Alawode and Fatonji, 2013).

The video film industry today is animportant private sector player in the Nigerianeconomy. Apart from oil and gas,telecommunication and perhaps, the bankingsector, it is the largest employer of labour,providing job opportunities for thousands ofprofessionals such as directors, producers,actors and actresses, costumiers, editors,camera men, etc., and supporting otherancillary industries such as marketing anddistribution firms and video rental shops (Tasie,2013). The boom in home video productionsand the corresponding audience interest haveattracted a lot of attention to the sector. There ishardly any newspaper in Nigeria that does notdevote space to Nollywood related issues. A lothas been written on the technical qualities andaesthetics of the home video productions. Theslants of the comments have always been

against the over-emphases on sex, violence,fetishism and other negative tendencies.Similarly, the production quality of these filmshas also been severely criticised (Akpabio,2007).

However, Nigerian video film industryhas emerged as popular film industry in blackAfrica. Its means of production andconsumption has redefined the parameters ofAfrican Cinema. The video films employthemes and images that captivate theaudiences’ imagination and curiosity. Some ofthe most used themes in the Nigerian videofilms are those relating to the supernatural,magic and witchcraft. Whilst some scholarsand filmmakers criticise the prevalence ofthemes of witchcraft, magic and thesupernatural, it is these very themes that drawlocal audiences (Kumwenda, 2007). Jell-Bahlsen, cited in Kumwenda (2007) notes thatthe emergence of Nigerian video films isextremely significant in the discourse onAfrican Cinema. Uwah (2011) avers that theuse of films as a meta-narrative in exploringthe religious identity of Africans is somethingof a revelatory process towards understandingnot only the religious culture of the people, butthe efficacious use of indigenous languages andcommunalism as practised in Africa. It is inline with this that the paper examines Josresidents’ perception of the portrayal ofritualism in Nigerian home videos.

Objectives of the StudyThe paper has the following objectives:1. To determine the extent to which

Nigerian home video portrays ritualism2. To determine specific ritual activities

portrayed in Nigerian home videos3. To determine the effect of the portrayal

of ritualism on the image of Nigeria as anation.

Theoretical Underpinning The significance of theories in every researchexercise cannot be over-emphasised. As noted

19


by Lewis (1958), cited in Amodu (2012, p. 52),“good theories enable researchers to put factsin perspectives and to hypothesise what willhappen, even before they happen.” Folarin(2005), cited in Amodu (2012, p. 52) contendsthat “theories help researchers to managerealities.” The study is, therefore, anchored oncultural norms theory and the socialresponsibility theory.

Cultural norms theory is a theory ofmass communication which suggests that themass media selectively present and emphasisecertain contemporary ideas or values.According to this theory, the mass mediainfluence norms by reinforcing or changingthem. For example, the cultural norm theoristsargue that television programmes presenting anactive lifestyle for older people can change theattitudes of viewers in that direction. Massmedia like television, radio and newspapers canconvey information and other forms ofsymbolic communication rapidly andsimultaneously to large and geographicallyremote and socially distinct audiences (Ballack,2009). The foregoing implies that the mediahave the capacity to reinforce or changeculture. This theory is relevant to the studybecause it lays emphasis on the ability of themass media to communicate information to theaudience-members; thus, the portrayal ofritualism in Nigerian home videos can changethe attitudes of the viewers to that direction.

Another theory considered suitable forthis study is social responsibility theory whichproposes that the media should be sociallyresponsible to the audience. According toAsemah (2013), the theory proposes thatfreedom should go hand in hand withresponsibility. Thus, the theory calls forresponsibility on the part of the media. Thistheory was first introduced in 1947 by Siebert,Peterson and Schramm and was recommendedby the Hutchins Commission on Freedom ofthe Press. It stated that the media should servethe public and in order to do so, should remainfree of government interference. It defined

guidelines that the media should follow inorder to fulfil its obligation of serving thepublic (Pitner, n.d). Aslam (2011) contends thatsocial responsibility theory keeps certain areasfree for the press, but at the same time, puts lotof responsibility on media. This theory,according Siebert, Peterson and Schramm tohas its roots in libertarian theory. But it goesbeyond the libertarian theory, in that it placesmore emphasis on the press being responsibleto society than on the press freedom. It is seenas a higher level, theoretically, thanlibertarianism - a kind of moral and intellectualevolutionary trip from discredited old,libertarianism, to a new or perfectedlibertarianism where things are forced to workas they really should have worked underlibertarian theory (Karthik, n.d). Yun (2008)opines that:

The social responsibility theoryargues that the press has aresponsibility to the public. Thistheoretical approach is a result ofbroadcasting and media ethics.Early communicationadministrators such as RobertHutchins (head of the Commissionon Freedom of the Press) expressedconcern over communication ethicsin libertarian media cultures. Earlyfollowers of the theory believed thatmass media should contribute tosocietal improvement. Socialresponsibility theory has beenwidely recognised by mediapractitioners and scholars since theCommission on Freedom of thePress in 1947.

The above assertion shows that the media arefree, but they should accept obligations to servethe public good. The means of ensuringcompliance with these obligations can either bethrough professional self-regulation or publicintervention or both. The social responsibilitytheory is relevant to this paper because it

20


describes the ideal way for the media toconduct business. Since its emphasis is on themedia being responsible to the members of thepublic, the Nigerian home video ought to besocially responsible to its audience in itsportrayals and treatment of themes.

Review of Related LiteratureRitualism is a concept which defines form ofquasi-deviance in which people obey normsoutwardly by going through the motions, butthey lack inner commitment to their roles andthe underlying values of the social system.Because the lack of commitment is usuallydetectable to other people, widespreadritualism can undermine morale andcommitment of others to the system andtherefore, the social cohesion of the system as awhole (Crossman, n.d). This explains whyWiktionary (n.d) avers that ritualism is thebelief that it is necessary for rites or repeatedsets of actions to be carried out. The term“ritualism” in African context, refers to a widerange of traditional religious rites and spiritualreligious activities carried out to invoke thegods for a particular course. It involves the useof incantations, a part of indigenous languageused for spiritual matters. It also involves theuse of charms, magic, blood, amongst others.Generally, ritualism is deeply embedded inAfrican traditional culture and religion(Kuwenda, 2007; Okwori, 2003; Ebewo, 2007;Anoliefo, 2008, cited in Alawode and Fatonji,2013). Uwah (2011), cited in Alawode andFatonji (2013) describes ritual as a place wherepeople integrate short-term pragmatic goals andthe longer-range mythic values of a culture,where they can replace personal alienation withan affirmation of personal identity. Makingreference to Victor Turner who propounded thetheory of ritual process, Uwah (2011), cited inAlawode and Fatonji (2013) notes that everysociety’s attempt to mobilise itself to solve itsbroader societal problems leads to an emphasison authoritarian institutions, creation of statusdifferentiation, justification of the

concentration of power inequality, reward ofindividual ambition, technical knowledge andother forms of structure, which often lead toconflict, alienation and oppression. This holdsthat ritualism is a panacea to solving life’sproblems.

Alawode and Fatonji (2013) conductedresearch to determine the extent to whichrituals are conveyed through indigenouslanguage in Nigerian home videos; they foundout that ritualism is strongly portrayed inNigerian indigenous language home videofilms and it is depicted as a key part of Africantraditional religion. This is reflected in theelaborate use of African traditional totems likeshrines, statutes, palm oil, drawings, clothes ofspecial colours (red, black and white) andextra-mundane communication, likeincantations and diabolism. Similarly,Kumwenda (2007) conducted research with aview to exploring the themes of witchcraft,magic and the supernatural through asemiotised reading of End of the Wicked andChild of Promise. He found out that themes andimages of witchcraft, magic, occults and thesupernatural are prevalent in Nigerian popularvideo films. The researcher further observedthat the iconographic and aesthetic approachesof these films are unique and that these themesand images usually resonate with the culturalcontexts in which these films are produced,attracting local audiences, hence achievingcommercial viability and success. More so,Akpabio (2007) in his research to ascertain thedisposition of audience members to sex,fetishism, violence and other appeals to thelowest common denominator in Nigerian homevideo films, found out that the respondentshave a largely favourable attitude to Nigerianhome video productions; but the respondentsexpressed the view that there is too muchemphasis on themes such as sex, violence,prostitution, sibling rivalry, evils of polygamy,devilish spiritualism and related themes.

The first Nigerian films were made byFilmmakers such as Ola Balogun and Hubert

21


Ogunde in the 1960s, but they were frustratedby the high cost of film production; the releaseof the box office movie “Living in Bondage” in1992 by Kenneth Nnebue in Onitsha set thestage for Nollywood as it is known today.Clearly, this move marked the beginning of anew culture. Thus, movie making began priorto this time. Nigerians were content withtelevision dramas and stage performancesproduced by television stations and the fewtheatre practitioners at the time. By the mid90s, Nollywood became a force to be reckonedwith, as it blossomed into an industry thatpushed foreign media off the shelves, not onlyin Nigeria, but all over Africa. Thus, stories ofthe supernatural, including witchcraft, highlyaffect people’s lives in Africa (Kenny, Oye andTaiwo, 2006). With reference to the Ibibio tribeof Nigeria, Offiong (1991) observes that peoplein Nigeria are obsessed with stories and beliefsof witchcraft and that such beliefs are central totheir cosmology. Witchcraft in Nigeria ismostly regarded as the cause of almost all evilthings that happen to individuals: sickness,personal failure, infertility, other ailment and illluck (Offiong, 1991, p. 78). In a sense,therefore, witchcraft is inimical to Nigeriansocieties and witches are treated with disdain.Accordingly, Offiong (1991, p.79) observesthat witches work in the dark, at night and theycannot be seen by those who do not practicewitchcraft. He further indicates that witchescan transform their humanly bodies intovultures, animals or birds like owls to harmtheir intended victims. These kinds of beliefsabout witchcraft are highly evident in thehorror and evangelical genres of Nigerianvideo films. The Nigerian video film industryhas provided a medium in which Africansgenerally and Nigerians, especially can facetheir fears of witchcraft, among others andhave a visual perception of something that israrely seen in their real lives, but rather talkedabout, feared and discussed (Ukadike, 1994).Through special effects, the Nigerian videofilm has brought on screen things that are

almost impossible to portray otherwise. Gugler(2003, p.178) echoes this thought by asserting:

Special effects allow filmmakers tomake the invisible forces visible:audiences witness ghostlyapparitions; they may watch awoman leave her body andtransform herself into a vulture/witch. This happens in Sakobi: TheSnake Girl and End of the Wicked.This revelation of the occultconfirms its existence, enhancingthe credibility of beliefs in theoccult.

According to attribution theory, human beingshave an intrinsic need to explain events andthings that happen to themselves and to others(Gleitman, 1995, p. 432). The Nigerian videofilms, therefore, have been a medium in whichthese myths and beliefs are expressed andvisualised (Kumwenda, 2007). Thepreoccupation of Nigerian video films withthemes of witchcraft and the supernaturalattracts the curiosity of a huge Africanaudience, hence its commercial success as afirst cinema. Ukadike (1994, p. 131) makes animportant observation by asserting that evenwhen the video themes are rendered inaesthetically sloppy structures or technicallypoor, as they undoubtedly were in the firstvideo films, they (themes) are still able togalvanise such massive audience appeal. Thethemes and contents of the video films,therefore, affect their ability to becommercially successful and entertaining.Okwori (2003) explores how rituals of humansacrifice are presented as being an effectivemeans of getting wealth in Nigerian homevideos. He argues that even though the intent ofthe films is to denounce the human sacrificerituals as a means of getting rich in theNigerian society, the films tend to havecontradictory meanings. Okwori presents twomain reasons for this argument. First, in thesefilms, constitutional law does not take its

22


course after characters’ confessions of ritualkillings. One would expect the law to intervenein such a situation because ritual killings aremurders. The narratives, on the other hand,present the Christian God as a solution. In aslong as the character accepts God afterconfession, he/she escapes any kind ofpunishment. Thus, the characters do not sufferany consequences for their actions; if they do,the suffering is usually temporary, coming to anend after confession. Thus, Okwori argues thatthe ritual killings become validated becausethere are no real consequences for doing them.Secondly, Okwori argues that in films wherethere are occult groups, it is only one character(mostly the protagonist) who suffers anyconsequences and these are temporary. The restof the group continues to be successful.

MethodologyThe study adopted survey method whilequestionnaire was used as an instrument of datacollection. The choice of survey by theresearchers was informed by the fact that surveyas a technique for generating quantitative dataappears to be a potent method of measuring datarelating to demographics, attitude, opinion andperception. More so, Ohaja (2003) avers thatsurvey is a study of the characteristics of asample through questioning, which enables aresearcher to make generalisations concerning hispopulation of interest. According to Saunders,Lewis and Thornil (1997), cited in Asemah,Gujbawu, Ekhareafo and Okpanachi (2012, p.199) survey can be appreciated against thebackdrop of the fact that it allows the collectionof a large amount of data from a sizeablepopulation in a largely economical way, basedmost often on questionnaire; these data arestandardised, allowing easy comparism. Goingby the advantages, therefore, the study adoptedthe survey.

The population of the study is made upof adult male and female in Jos metropolis. Thepopulation of the adult male and female in Josmetropolis according to the Official Gazzette of

the Federal Republic of Nigeria (2006) is1,008,477. The population of the study is,therefore, 1,008,477 people. The sample sizefor the study is four hundred and twenty three(423) respondents. The sample size was arrivedat, using Cochran’s formula for sample sizedetermination. Cochras (1963:75), cited inAsemah (2010- 2011) developed a statisticalformula for the determination of sample size:

No = Z 2 PQ e2

Where:No = Initial estimate of sample sizeZ = The abscissa of the normal curve

that cuts off an area at the tails.P = The estimated population under

consideration.e = The desired level of precision or

margin of error.Note:

If Population

No is negligible, then No is

satisfactory, if N is obtained as follows:

N = No

N

1no1

Where:n = Sample size andN = Population

Using the cochras formula, the sample size willbe calculated as follows:

No = Z 2 PQ e2

Where: Z = 1.68 (from normal distribution table)

P = 40% or 0.4 (Assumed)

Q = 1-0.4 = 0.6E = 100% - 99.96% or

0.04%N = 1,008,477

= 1.68 2 x 0.4 x 0.6

23


0.042

= 2.8224 x 0.24 0.0016

= 0.677376 0.0016

= 423

Population

No = 477,008,1

423

= 0.0004 (i.e. Negligible)Hence, the sample size of 423

Purposive and simple random samplingtechniques were used to select the population.The decision to purposively sample thepopulation was based on the fact that they wereconsidered to be in a better position to provideanswers to the questions. This is in agreementwith Wimmer and Dominick (2008) whoobserved that a purposive sampling includessubjects selected on the basis of specificcharacteristics or qualities and eliminates thosewhich fail to meet these criteria. The simplerandom sampling technique was used to selectthe four hundred and twenty three (423)respondents. The researchers collected datathrough personal administration of thequestionnaire. Two research assistants helpedin the administration of the questionnaire andthe administration and analysis of thequestionnaire took a period of one month. Thedata from the questionnaire were howeveranalysed in frequency tables and simplepercentages.

Data PresentationFour hundred and twenty three (423)copies of questionnaire were distributed.Out of the 423 copies of questionnaire thatwere administered, 420 copies werereturned. The return rate of thequestionnaire was 99% while the mortalityrate was 1%. The mortality rate of 1% doesnot affect the study because it is

insignificant compared to the return rate of99%. Thus, the copies were consideredadequate enough to represent thepopulation. The presentation and analysisof data was, therefore, based on the 420copies that were returned and foundusable.

Table 1: Educational qualificationResponse Frequency Percentage

PhD 5 2%M.Sc/MA 109 25%B.Sc/BA 83 33%Undergraduate 223 40%Total 420 100%

Table 1 shows the percentagedistribution of respondents according to theirlevel of education. Out of the 420 respondents,5 were PhD holders; M.Sc / MA holders were109; 83 respondents were Bachelor Degreeholders while the remaining 223 respondentswere undergraduates.

Table 2: Age of respondentsResponse Frequency Percentage

18 – 24 161 38%25 – 34 140 33%35 – 44 88 21%45 and above 31 8%Total 420 100%

The above table shows the respondents’ agedistribution. 161 of the respondents werebetween 18 and 24; 140 respondents fellbetween 25 and 34; 88 respondents werebetween 35 and 44 while the remaining 31respondents were 45 and above. The datashowed that respondents who fell between 18and 24 were more.

Table 3: Sex of respondentsResponse Frequency Percentage

Male 299 56%Female 121 44%

24


Total 420 100%Out of the 420 respondents, 299 were

males while 121 respondents were females.This shows that the male respondents weremore than the female respondents.

Table 4: Occupation of respondentsResponse Frequency Percentage

Civil Servant 66 16%Private Sector 48 20%SelfEmployed

112 24%

Student 194 40%Total 420 100%

The data in the above table shows thatout of the 420 respondents, 66 were civilservants; 48 were workers in the private sector;112 of the respondents were self employed andthe remaining 194 were students. Thepercentages in the table indicate that studentsand self employed were in the majority of thosewho completed the questionnaire.

Table 5: Responses on whether Nigerianhome videos portray ritualsVariables Frequency PercentagesYes 420 100%No Nil 0%Total 420 100%

In the above table, all the 420respondents agreed that Nigerian home videosportray ritual activities. This therefore meansthat Nigerian home videos portray ritualactivities.

Table 6: Responses on the medium of ritualactivities in Nigerian home videosQuestion Frequency PercentagesBlood letting 31 7%Magic 43 10%Invocation 69 17%Incantation 33 8%All of theabove

244 58%

Total 420 100%

Table 6 shows the responses on themedium through which ritual activities arecarried out in Nigerian home videos. 31respondents (7%) said it was throughbloodletting, 43 (10%) ticked magic, 69 (17%)ticked invocation, 33 (8%) said it was throughincantation while the remaining 244respondents, representing 58% of therespondents ticked all of the above. Theforegoing implies that ritual activities arecarried out in Nigerian home videos throughdifferent means.

Table 7: Responses on the ritual contexts ofthe ritual activitiesQuestion Frequency PercentagesCoven 58 14%Home 33 8%Forest 51 12%T- Junction 87 21%Shrine andsacred placein homes andelsewhere

42 10%

All of theabove

149 35%

Total 420 100%

Table 7 shows the responses on theritual contexts of ritual activities in Nigerianhome videos. Out of the 420 copies ofquestionnaire retrieved, 58 (14%) ticked coven,33 (8%) ticked home, 51 (12%) ticked forest,87 (21%) said it was T-junction, 42 (10%) saidit was shrine and sacred place in homes andother places while the remaining 149respondents, representing 35% of therespondents ticked all of the above.

Table 8: Responses on the spiritualdimensions of the ritual activitiesQuestion Frequency PercentagesNatural 44 11%Supernatural 67 16%Appearing anddisappearing

72 17%

25


Speaking withunseen

57 14%

Physical means 27 6%All of theabove

153 36%

Total 420 100%

Table 8 shows the responses on thespiritual dimensions of the ritual activities inNigerian home videos. 44 (11%) ticked natural,67 (16%) ticked supernatural, 72 (17%) tickedappearing and disappearing, 57 (14%) tickedspeaking with the unseen, 27 (6%) tickedphysical means while the remaining 153respondents which represents 36% of therespondents ticked all of the above. This showsthat the ritual activities in Nigerian homevideos take several dimensions.

Table 9: Responses on the Nigerian homevideos that portray rituals moreQuestion Frequency PercentagesEnglishHomeVideos

68 16%

YorubaHomeVideos

157 37%

Ibo HomeVideo

75 18%

Hausa HomeVideo

70 17%

Efik/IbibioFilms

50 12%

Total 420 100%

Responses show that the Yoruba homevideos portray more ritual activities than theother home videos like Hausa, Igbo, Englishand Efik / Ibibio. Out of the 420 respondents,68 (16%) said it was the English Nigerianhome videos, 157 (37%) said it was the Yorubahome video, 75 (18%) said it was the Igbohome video, 70 respondents, which represents17% said that it was Hausa home video whilethe remaining 50 (12%) respondents said it was

Efik/ Ibibio films. Going by the responses,therefore, the Yoruba home video portraysmore ritual activities than the others.

Table 10: The extent to which these ritualactivities are portrayed in Nigerian homevideos

Question Frequency PercentagesVery GreatExtent

301 72%

Great Extent 119 28%Not at all Nil 0%Low Extent Nil 0%Very LowExtent

Nil 0%

Total 420 100%

The above table shows the extent towhich ritual activities are carried out inNigerian home videos. Out of the 420respondents that returned their copies ofquestionnaire, 301, representing 72% of therespondents said it was to a great extent whilethe remaining 119 representing 28% of therespondents said it was to a great extent. Noneof the respondents however ticked to a lowextent and to a very low extent. This shows thatthe extent to which ritual activities is shown isvery great.

Table 11: Portrayal of ritual activities inNigerian home videos has negative effects onthe audience members.

Question Frequency PercentagesStronglyAgree

199 47%

Agree 144 34%Undecided Nil 0%Disagree 32 8%StronglyDisagree

45 11%

Total 420 100%

26


Table 11 shows responses on whetherthe portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerianhome videos has negative effect on theaudience-members. 199 (47%) strongly agreed,144 (34%) agreed, none of the respondentsticked undecided, 32 (8%) disagreed while theremaining 45 respondents representing 11%strongly disagreed. This shows that theportrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian homevideos has negative effects on the audiencemembers.

Table 12: Portrayal of ritual activities inNigerian home portrays Nigeria negativelyin the international communityQuestion Frequency PercentagesStrongly Agree 201 48%Agree 105 25%Undecided Nil Nil%Disagree 75 18%StronglyDisagree

39 9%

Total 420 100%

Table 12 shows responses on whetherthe portrayal of ritual activities in Nigerianhome videos portrays Nigeria negatively in theinternational community. Out of the 420 copiesof questionnaire retrieved, 201 (48%) stronglyagreed, 105 (25%) agreed, none tickedundecided, 75 (18%) disagreed while theremaining 39 respondents representing 9% ofthe respondents strongly disagreed. This showsthat the portrayal of ritualism in Nigerian homevideos portrays Nigeria negatively in theinternational community.

Table 13: Nigerian home video industry isneglecting other positive developments inNigeriaQuestion Frequency PercentagesStrongly Agree 310 74%Agree 130 26%Undecided Nil 0%Disagree Nil 0%StronglyDisagree

Nil 0%

Total 420 100%

Table 13 shows the responses onwhether the Nigerian home video is neglectingother positive developments in Nigeria. 310(74%) strongly agreed, 130 (26%) agreed, noneof the respondents ticked undecided, disagreeand strongly disagreed. This therefore showsthat there are other positive developments inNigeria that the home video is not payingattention to.

Results and Discussion of FindingsThe findings show that the Nigerian homevideos actually portray ritual activities in anattempt to use the home videos to entertain andeducate the audience members. This is quiteevident in the high number of respondents whoanswered in the affirmative (100%). Since allthe respondents agreed that Nigerian homevideos display ritual activities, it thereforemeans that they actually portray films withritual contents. The findings tally with that ofAlawode and Fatonji (2013) who found out thatritualism is strongly portrayed in Nigerianindigenous language home video films and thatit is depicted as a key part of African traditionalreligion. Alawode and Fatonji (2013) in theirstudy discovered that ritualism is significantlydepicted in Nigerian indigenous languagevideos.

Findings further show that ritualactivities are carried out through differentmeans. This is evident in table 6 wheremajority of the respondents agreed that ritualactivities are carried out through differentmeans (58%) The different means from thestudy are: bloodletting, magic, invocation andincantation. The foregoing implies that ritualactivities are carried out in Nigerian homevideos through different media. Okwori (2003)explains that the dominant refrain in films isthe utilisation of rituals and grotesquecharacters to generate contexts in which wealthand riches transport the characters from anormal reality to a world of fantasy. Ritualactivities, as observed from findings are carriedout in different contexts. This is evident in

27


table 7 where 35% agreed that all the itemslisted on the table are the ritual contexts ofritualism in Nigerian home videos. This alsotallies with the findings of Alawode and Fatonji(2013) who observed in their content analysisof 30 Nigerian indigenous home videos thatritual activities are carried out in differentcontexts in the Nigerian home videos. Theseinclude: coven, home, forest, T-junction shrineand sacred place in homes and other places.

More so, the findings show that theritual activities in the Nigerian home videostake different dimensions. The percentage ofthe respondents that attested stands at 36. Thedimensions include: natural, supernatural,appearing and disappearing, speaking with theunseen and physical means. The findingshowever show that the Yoruba home videoshows more ritual activities than the English,Igbo, Hausa and Efik/ Ibibio home videos. Thisis evident in table 9 where a total of 37% said itwas the Yoruba home video that portrays moreritual activities than the English, Hausa, Igboand Efik / Ibibio home videos. The findingsfurther show that the extent to which ritualactivities are portrayed in Nigerian home videois a very great one. This is evident in table 10where all the respondents agreed that it was toa great and a very great extent (100%).

Findings further show that the portrayalof ritual activities in the Nigerian home videosis likely to have negative effects on themembers. Table 11 shows that a total numberof 343 respondents which represents 81% ofthe respondents agreed that such portrayals arelikely to have negative effects on the audiencemembers. The media generally reflecthappenings in the society, thereby settingagenda for the people to follow; thus, if theNigerian home video set the agenda ofritualism, the audience members will begin tosee that as a means of solving life’s problems.The fact is that people acquire new forms ofbehaviours through watching home videos.Thus, the actions that are portrayed in themedia serve as models for others to imitate.

Gerbner, cited in Asemah (2011b)argues that the mass media cultivate attitudesand values, which are already present in aculture. The media maintain and propagatethese values amongst members of a culture,thus binding it together. According to Evra(1990), cited in Asemah (2011b), cultivationresearch looks at the mass media as asocialising agent and investigates whethertelevision viewers come to believe thetelevision version of reality the more theywatch it. The research of Evra (1990) showsthat people who watch a lot of televisionprogrammes are likely to be more influencedby the ways in which television programmesframe the world than individuals who watchless. The implication of this is, therefore, thatexposure to ritual activities in home videosmay likely have negative effects on theaudience members.

More so, the findings show that theportrayal of ritual activities in Nigerian homevideo is portraying Nigeria negatively in theinternational community. This is evident intable 12 where majority of the respondentsagreed that the Nigerian home video’s portrayalof ritualism is negatively affecting Nigerianimage (73%). The implication of this is that theportrayal of ritualism shows the internationalcommunity that Nigerians are very good atperforming ritual activities.

Findings further show that there areseveral reasons why the Nigerian home videosportray ritual activities. The reasons asidentified from the questionnaire returnedinclude: to fight competition, to educate theaudience members, to entertain the audiencemembers and to increase patronage. The mediagenerally are seen as agents of education; theygive knowledge to the audience so as to bebetter members of the society. The media alsoentertain audience members. The mass mediacan be wonderful entertainers, bringingtogether huge audiences not otherwise possible.Almost all mass media have an entertainmentcomponent. Hanxy and Maxcy (1996:64), cited

28


in Asemah (2011b) say that entertainmentrefers to communication activities primarilyconsidered as amusement, irrespective of anyother feature they seem to have. Home videoalso displays ritual activities because they wantto increase patronage, so as to be able to fightcompetition. Generally, most audiencemembers prefer negative activities; thus, theproducers take advantage of the audiencemembers. The fact is that such ritual activitiesappeal more to the audience members. Thefindings also show that home video producersare neglecting some positive developments inNigeria and are only focusing on ritualactivities and other negative developments inthe country.

Conclusion and RecommendationsThe study examined the perception of theaudience members about the portrayal of ritualactivities in Nigerian home video, using surveyresearch method. The findings show that theextent to which ritualism is portrayed inNigerian home video is very great. Thefindings show that there are different meansthrough which ritualism is displayed in theNigerian home video, among which are:bloodletting and magic. More so, ritualactivities take place in different context, amongwhich include: coven and T-junction. It wasdiscovered that the Yoruba home video portraysmore ritual activities. Based on the findings,the paper concludes that Nigerian home videospay too much attention to ritual activities andthis portrayal of ritualism is having negativeeffect on the image of Nigeria in theinternational community. Based on the findingsand conclusion, the paper gives the followingrecommendations:i. Nigerian home video producers should

pay less attention to ritualism as theportrayal of ritualism is having negativeeffect on the image of Nigeria in theinternational community.

ii. The Nigerian film producers should besocially responsible when producing

films. Going by the social responsibilitytheory, media persons should alwaysremember that freedom goes hand inhand with responsibility. Thus, thehome video producers need to actresponsibly by reflecting the positivedevelopments in Nigeria, instead ofonly focusing on the negativedevelopments.

iii. Home video producers shouldremember that they are agenda setters,so there is the need to set the agendathat will positively impact on theaudience members.

ReferencesAkpabio, E. (2007). Attitude of audience

members to Nollywood films. NordicJournal of African Studies. Vol.16(1), pp. 90–100.

Alawode, S.A. and Fatonji, S.S. (2013).Ritualism in Nigerian home videos:Being a paper presented at the 1st

international interdisciplinaryconference between April 24th and 2th atAzores, Portugal.http//.www.eujournal.org/index.php/esj/article/download/1313/1321. Accessed23/12/2013.

Amodu, L.A. (2012). Community relations andconflict resolution in the Niger Delta: Astudy of three major oilcompanies: A Ph.D thesis submitted tothe department of mass communication,Covenant University, Otta, Ogun State,Nigeria.

Asemah, E.S. (2010 -2011). An appraisal of theplace of public relations inorganisational management. BeninMediacom Journal. Nos. 1- 4, pp. 163-177.

Asemah, E.S. (2011a). Selected mass mediathemes. Jos: University Press.

29


Asemah, E.S. (2011b). Principles and practiceof principles of mass communication(2nd ed). Jos: Great Future Press.

Asemah, E.S., Gujbawu, M., Ekhareafo, D. O.and Okpanachi, R. A. (2012). Researchmethods and procedures in masscommunication. Jos: Great Future Press.

Aseamh, E.S. (2013). Public perception ofmass media framing of terrorism inNigeria: Implications on national unity.Journal of Communication andLanguage Arts. Vol. 4 (1), pp. 137-162.

Aslam (2011). Social responsibility theory.http://khansimplelearning.blogspot.com/2011/07/social-responsibility-theory.html. Accessed 23/12/2013.

Ballack (2009). Cultural norm theory of masscommunication.http://ballack.xomba.com/cultural_norm_theory_mass_communication.Accessed 25/4/2014.

Crossman, A. (n.d). Ritualism.http://sociology.about.com/od/R_Index/g/Ritualism.htm. Accessed 23/12/2013.

Folarin, B. (1998). Theories of masscommunication: An introductory text.Ibadan: Stirling Horden Publishers.

Gleitman, H. (1995). Psychology. New York andLondon: W. W. Norton and Company.

Gugler, J. (2003). African film: Re-Imagininga continent. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press.

Karthik, P. (n.d).What are the four theories of thepress?http://www.preservearticles.com/what-are-the-the-four-theories-of-the-press.html.

Kenny, J., Oye, P. and Taiwo, S. (2006).Church contextualisation in Nigeria,1970-1990. AECAWA Seminar,Nigeria. 20 Jan.http://www.diafrica.org/nigeriaop/kenny/olayi.htm. Assessed20/1/2014

Kumwenda, G. (2007). The portrayal ofwitchcraft, occults and magic inpopular Nigerian video films. Aresearch report submitted to theFaculty of Arts, University of theWitwatersrand, Johannesburg, inpartial fulfilment of therequirements for the degree ofMaster of Arts.

Offiong, D. (1991). Witchcraft, sorcery, magicand social order among the Ibibio ofNigeria. Enugu: Fourth DimensionPublishing Co., Ltd.

Ohaja, E.U. (2003). Mass communicationresearch and project report writing.Lagos: John Letterman Limited.

Okwori, J. (2003). A dramatised society:Representing rituals of human sacrificeas efficacious action in Nigerian homevideo movies. Journal of AfricanCultural Studies. 16 (1), pp. 7-23.

Pitner, S. (2009). What is the socialresponsibility theory?http://suite101.com/a/what-is-the-social-responsibility-theory-a118662.Accessed 23/12/2013.

Tasie, G. (2013). African traditional religionin Nigerian video films: A rethink.American International Journal ofSocial Science. Vol. 2 (1), pp. 23-27.

Ukadike, F. (1994). Black African Cinema.California: University of California Press.

Wiktionary (n.d). Ritualism.https://www.boundless.com/sociology/definition/ritualism/. Accessed21/12/2013.

Wimmer, R. and Dominick, J. (2008). Massmedia research: An introduction (6th ed).Belmont C. A: Wads Worth PublishingCompany.

Yun, H.J. (2008). Social responsibility theory.http://knowledge.sagepub.com/view/politi

30


calcommunication/n630.xml. Accessed23/12/2013.

31


32


33

Documents

Viewers’ Perception of Ritualism in Nigerian Home …Nigerian home video ought to be socially responsible to its audience in its portrayals and treatment of themes. Review of Related