Verano Handbook of SA Archaeology Ch52.pdf

Chapter 52

Trophy Head-Taking and Human Sacrifice in Andean South America

JOHN W. VERANO

INTRODUCTION

Human sacrifice took many forms in ancient South America. Individuals were killed and placed in tombs to accompany important persons in the afterlife, buried as dedicatory offer-ings in monumental buildings, and offered in various contexts as gifts to the gods. Captives were taken in small-scale raiding and in organized warfare, and executed in both formal rituals and impromptu reprisals. In some cases, body parts were collected from dead ene-mies and modified for various uses.

Sacrificial practices can be reconstructed from both indirect and direct sources. Indirect sources include historic accounts of trophy taking (such as the Jívaro of tropical Ecuador), descriptions of sacrificial practices recorded by Spanish and native chroniclers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and depictions of sacrifice and trophy taking in ancient South American art. Indirect sources must be used with caution: ethnohistoric accounts have various inherent sources of bias (Rowe 1946; Salomon and Urioste 1991; Adorno 2000), and iconographic depictions of human sacrifice often reference mythical or metaphoric elements (Cordy-Collins 1992; Proulx 2001).

Archaeological evidence of retainer and dedicatory burials, mass graves, and isolated body parts constitute direct evidence of sacrificial practices. The careful analysis of human remains from these contexts is important in distinguishing between sacrificial practices and standard mortuary behavior. Direct archaeological evidence of human sacrifice is therefore important in confirming or questioning events inferred from ethnohistoric and iconographic sources. Fortunately, the database of physical evidence of human sacrifice in Central Andean South America has grown substantially in recent years, thanks to field projects with an increasing focus on the careful excavation and curation of human remains and laboratory analyses of this material. This review will focus primarily on Central Andean South America, where the ethnohistoric and archaeological records are most detailed.

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OFFERING HUMAN LIVES

Ethnohistoric sources record that the Incas made regular offerings to honor and appease their gods, and that these occasionally included human sacrifices (Rowe 1946). The best known example is that of qhapaq hucha, the offering of children on high mountain peaks (see discussion in Chapter 40 in this volume). Many high altitude sacrifices have been discovered, increasing in recent years as a result of surveys and excavations conducted by international research teams (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000; Ceruti 2003, 2004). These qhapaq hucha sacrifices provide a rare opportunity to directly compare archaeological evidence to ethnohistoric accounts of the practice. Questions raised by these new discoveries have led to the application of novel analytical methods to examine questions such as the geographic origin of the children and the offerings placed with them (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000; Bray et al. 2005, see also Tung, this volume).

The Incas also were reported to have made child sacrifices to Pachacamac and to other deities (Figure 52.1) (Guamán Poma de Ayala and Pease G. Y. 1980; MacCormack 1991; Cobo 1990). To date no archaeological evidence has been found to confirm the sac-rifice of large numbers of children mentioned by some Spanish chroniclers (Bauer 1998; D’Altroy 2002), but isolated child burials that may be sacrifices have been found at a number of pre-Inca archaeological sites, suggesting that the offering of children in ritual contexts might have great antiquity in South America (Benson 2001).

Dedicatory offerings of humans, in the form of intact and recently sacrificed individ-uals or secondary deposits of skeletal remains, are known from both coastal and highland Andean archaeological sites. The best known examples are from the site of Chan Chan in the Moche Valley on the north coast of Peru, where dedicatory burials of young women were found under doorways and ramps in the royal palaces or ciudadelas (Andrews 1974; Day 1982). Similar offerings have been reported from Chimu centers in other valleys, indicating that this was a widespread practice not limited to the capital city (Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Bruce 1986). Chan Chan stands apart, however, for its royal burial platforms constructed of cells containing hundreds of sacrificed females. These platforms represent dedicatory sacrifice on a scale unknown elsewhere in the South American archaeological record (Pozorski 1980; Conrad 1982).

In the southern Andes, the site of Tiwanaku also has produced archaeological evidence of human dedicatory offerings (Blom and Janusek 2004; Blom, Janusek, and Buikstra 2003). These are found in two distinct contexts, and appear to represent very different offering rituals. The first group is associated with Tiwanaku’s most imposing monument, the Akapana, and consists of disarticulated and semi-articulated remains of humans and camelids, associated in one case with fragments of fine ceramics. Some of the human bones show evidence of surface exposure and damage from carnivores, suggest-ing that they were left exposed for a period of time prior to burial. Cut marks and fracture patterns on the bones indicate that the victims had been intentionally dismembered, and missing elements and groupings of skulls suggest that the remains were manipulated in complex ways before being buried. The remains are mostly of young males, and their treat-ment suggests that they may have been sacrificed enemies.

Other deposits of human remains found in Akapana East (an architectural compound east of the Akapana) were distinctive in their postmortem treatment, deposition, and con-text. In this case the human remains showed evidence of de-fleshing and grouping into bun-dles that were carefully buried in a small mound associated with a series of superimposed, carefully prepared floors that sealed the compound’s contents. Blom and Janusek (2004)


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suggest that these offerings may represent ancestral remains that were curated and then carefully buried in the enclosed and private space of this compound. While the Akapana and Akapana East seem to represent very different rituals, both are dedicatory offerings associated with architectural construction.

Figure 52.1. Early Colonial Period depiction of an Inca ruler sacrificing a child to Pachacamac. (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980, I: 266 [268])


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RETAINERS IN HIGH STATUS TOMBS

Bernabé Cobo, Cieza de León, and other Spanish chroniclers described the indigenous practice of retainer sacrifice in highland and coastal Peruvian societies in the late pre- Hispanic and early colonial period. Cobo wrote, “After mourning the deceased in this way, they performed their sacrifices and superstitious acts” and “if he was a true noble, some of his wives and servants were killed, and others were buried alive in the tomb with him so that they could serve and accompany him in the other life” (Cobo [1653] 1990: 250). Archaeo-logical evidence confirms that this was in fact an ancient tradition (Figure 52.2), extending back at least to the third century AD on the north coast of Peru (Alva and Donnan 1993; Verano 1997), and found in later sites throughout the Andean area (Doyon 2002; Verano 1995, 2001). Retainers in tombs can usually be recognized by their unusual body posi-tions or location in a tomb (e.g., placed in a corner, thrown face down, or forced into small

Figure 52.2. Principal burial and retainer in a Moche chamber tomb. As is commonly seen in these cases, the principal burial (on the left in the photo) is in standard burial position, while the retainer is in an atypical posi-tion. Huaca Cao Viejo, El Brujo Complex, north coast, Peru. (John Verano)



spaces). In cases of unusually good preservation, cords used to strangle the victims may still be in place, confirming cause of death (Verano 2001), but more often, retainers show no obvious signs of how they were killed and we must rely on contextual evidence.

In cases of multiple skeletons surrounding a principal burial in a tomb, one must be cautious about assuming that all auxiliary occupants are sacrificed retainers. In a high sta-tus Moche tomb (Tomb 1) at Sipán, northern Peru, some of the skeletons surrounding the principal burial showed jumbled bones (Figure 52.3), indicating that they were secondary burials and not sacrifices made at the time of tomb construction (Verano 1997). Re-entry of tombs, with the addition or removal of remains, can further complicate the issue. Recent research in coastal Peruvian cemeteries indicates that such practices, first documented in detail by Dorothy Menzel on the south coast of Peru (Menzel 1976), may have been more common than previously recognized (Buikstra 1995; Millaire 2002, 2004).

Figure 52.3. Female skeleton found in Tomb 1 at Sipán, Lambayeque Valley, north coast, Peru. Jumbling of the vertebrae and ribs (arrows) indicate that this was a secondary burial that was placed in the tomb after substantial decomposition of soft tissues had occurred. (John Verano)


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EXECUTION OF CAPTIVES

There are various ethnohistoric accounts of the execution of captives in celebrations fol-lowing Inca military conquests, as well as reprisal killings in response to acts of resistance or rebellion (D’Altroy 2002; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999; Rowe 1946). Trophies made by the Incas from the skulls, long bones, teeth and skin of slain enemies were also described by chroniclers (Rowe 1946). The execution of captives is an activity quite different from offering children and valuable objects to shrines and deities, and “human sacrifice” is perhaps not an appropriate term to describe these killings. While captured enemies may have been dispatched as “offerings” to gods, the execution and mutilation of captives clearly func-tioned as a powerful means to humiliate and terrorize enemies, such as in the case of the Inca conquest of the Collas, whose leaders’ heads were severed and placed in a special building in Cuzco called the Llaxaguasi, where the heads of other conquered enemies were displayed (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1942: chap. 37). Retaliatory massacres also served to cement Inca conquests and discourage resistance (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999: 73-79).

The treatment of the bodies of executed captives may provide some insight into how these victims were viewed in their societies. Careful burial with sumptuary goods would imply that the victim had been transformed into an offering of value, as was the case with dedicatory burials of women at Chan Chan. In contrast, desecration of the corpse by mutilation, exposure to scavengers, burning, or denial of ritual burial conveyed a different message. A mass burial of mutilated corpses found at the site of Pacatnamú on the north coast of Peru is a good example of the latter (Figure 52.4). Here the mutilated remains of executed captives (as marked by ropes around their ankles) were thrown into the bottom of a trench at the entrance to a ceremonial precinct, and left exposed to flies and other scav-engers (Faulkner 1986; Rea 1986; Verano 1986). In this case, the prominent display of the decomposing bodies of the victims and the denial of proper burial was clearly intentional.

Figure 52.4. Pacatnamu mass burial (Jequetepeque Valley, north coast, Peru), during excavation of the second layer of skeletal remains (Group II). (John Verano)



The Moche of northern coastal Peru also took male captives and sacrificed them at their major ceremonial centers. The remains of captives killed by the Moche at the Huaca de la Luna either were left exposed on the surface to be buried by windblown sand or mud (during episodes of rainfall) (Bourget 1997, 2001; Bourget and Millaire 2000; Verano 2001, 2001), or were incorporated in the fill of plazas during their construction (Figure 52.5) (Verano and Tufinio n.d.). The only objects found in association with the skeletons were fragments of ceramic vessels shaped like seated captives. The incorporation of victims’ remains in Moche ceremonial architecture has also been recorded at the site of El Brujo in the Chicama River Valley, where a portion of the femur of a dismembered victim was imbedded in the north façade of Huaca Cao, in a frieze depicting the presentation and sac-rifice of captives (Figure 52.6).

To date, the largest sample of executed captives comes from a Late Intermediate Period site, Punta Lobos, located in the Huarmey Valley, north coastal Peru. The Punta Lobos sacrificial site was discovered in 1998 on a hill overlooking the Pacific Ocean by archaeologist Hector Walde. His excavations recovered the shallow burials of nearly 200 individuals. Previous clandestine digging had disturbed a portion of the site, but more than one hundred bodies were found in context. Their wrists and ankles were bound with rope or cloth, and cloth blindfolds were found still in place on many of the individuals. Cause of death was easily determined: their throats had been slashed repeatedly, as indicated by multiple cut marks across the lower cervical and upper thoracic vertebrae, and on the clavi-cles and first ribs (Figure 52.7). The majority of the victims were found lying face down in the sand; and some lay on their sides.

Other than a few fragments of Spondylus shell, no offerings were found directly associated with the bodies. A small pit found on an adjacent hillside contained simple offerings, including ceramics of a local style, a fishing net, and food, apparently an offer-ing made to the victims by relatives. Punta Lobos is unusual for its location on an isolated hillside with no associated architecture. It is also unusual in that although most victims

Figure 52.5. Moche sacrificial victims incorporated within the construction fill of Plaza 3C at Huaca de la Luna, Moche Valley, north coast, Peru. (John Verano)


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Figure 52.6. a. Polychrome frieze on the north façade of Huaca Cao Viejo. b. The proximal end of a human femur found imbedded in the feet of one of the figures. Cut marks around the neck of the femur indicate that it was taken from a body while flesh still present. El Brujo Complex, north coast, Peru. (John Verano)



are young males, children as young as seven years and old men are also present. This is a different demographic profile from the sacrifices at Pacatnamú and at the Huaca de la Luna, where all victims were adolescent or young adult males—an age range appropriate for captured warriors. Punta Lobos appears to represent a mass execution of another sort, possibly a reprisal killing. Radiocarbon dates place the event at ca. AD 1250-1300 (2 sigma calibrated), which coincides with the estimated date of conquest of the Huarmey Valley by the Chimú (Mackey and Klymshyn 1990). The Punta Lobos victims thus may represent a Chimú response to local resistance (Verano and Walde 2004; Verano and Toyne 2005).

TROPHY TAKING

As was mentioned above, the Incas were reported to have collected various body parts of defeated enemies as trophies, including heads, teeth, long bones (for flutes), and skin (for drums). A few examples of these can be found in museum collections, including neck-laces of teeth (Yale Peabody Museum, New Haven), a bone flute (Amano Museum, Lima), and two examples of skulls that were intentionally modified, perhaps as drinking vessels (Figure 52.8). Two earlier examples of modified skull vessels have also been found at the Huaca del Sol-Huaca de la Luna Moche site in north coastal Peru (Verano et al. 1999).

Shrunken human heads, or tsantsas, first reported by Spanish explorers in the early sixteenth century, continued to be made until the late nineteenth century by the Jívaro of modern day Ecuador (Castner 2002; Stirling 1938). Full-size trophy heads (prepared without

Figure 52.7. Execution by slashing the throat left cut marks across the body of the first thoracic vertebra. Entierro 12, Punta Lobos, Huarmey Valley, north coast, Peru. (John Verano)


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removing the skull) were also fashioned by the Mundurucú of Brazil until the early part of the twentieth century (Ihering 1907). Other than Jívaro shrunken heads, the best known human trophies from South America are mummified trophy heads prepared by the ancient Nasca of southern coastal Peru. More than one hundred Nasca trophy heads have been discovered in south coast sites (Baraybar 1987; Browne et al. 1993; Proulx 2001; Verano 1995; Williams et al. 2001; Silverman 1993; Silverman and Proulx 2002). They are rec-ognizable by a hole in the frontal bone and breakage to the base or posterior portion of the skull. When well preserved, they retain mummified skin, scalp and hair, and have a carry-ing cord that passes through the hole in the forehead (Figure 52.9). There has been debate about how these heads were acquired and used, with two principal opposing positions. One view infers that the heads were ritualistic in nature—heads of revered ancestors (Tello 1918; Coehlo 1972; Guillén 1992; Neira and Coehlo 1972; Silverman 1993: 221-222 for Early Nasca); the alternative view argues that the heads came from enemies taken in battle or raiding, and were indeed trophies (Proulx 1989; Verano 1995, 2001; Silverman 1993: 222-223 for Late Nasca).

The most recent additions to the archaeological record of trophy taking in South America are Wari trophy heads. Previously known only as representations in Tiwanaku and Wari art, actual trophy heads now have been found in ceremonial structures at the Wari heartland site of Conchopata, and at the southern hinterland sites of La Real and Beringa, located in the Majes Valley. These trophy heads, as well as two unprovenienced specimens from the Majes Valley Museum were analyzed and described by Tiffiny Tung (Tung 2003). Eight examples of trophy heads dating to the Middle Horizon have also been identified by

Figure 52.8. Human skull with large portion of the vault broken away by careful percussion, probably to modify it for use as a container. Catalog Number MO-H 364, 2639. Museo Inka, Cusco, Peru. (John Verano)



Corina Kellner in her study of the Julio C. Tello skeletal collection from the Las Trancas Valley in the southern Rio Grande de Nazca drainage, south coastal Peru (Kellner 2002). These new additions to the archaeological record are interesting in several respects. First, the trophy heads from Conchopata were prepared in a manner distinct from that of Nasca trophy heads. The hole for a suspensory cord is located at the vertex of the skull vault (rather than in the middle of the frontal bone, as is typical of Nasca trophy heads), and drilled holes are also present on the occipital bone. In some cases, holes were also drilled through the ascending rami of the lower jaws, apparently to allow them to be tied to the skulls (similar drilling of the mandible has been reported in a modified skull from the site of Moche on the north coast of Peru [Verano et al. 1999]). Tung notes that the location of the suspensory cord hole in the Conchopata heads would allow them to hang in a horizon-tal position (like trophy skulls from some North American Indian cultures [Seeman 1988; Owsley and Jantz 1994]).

The contexts in which the Conchopata trophy heads were found is also distinc-tive. They show evidence of burning, and were intentionally crushed along with deco-rated ceramic vessels, and placed as offerings in D-shaped and circular ceremonial buildings (Tung 2003). No examples are known of burned or crushed Nasca trophy heads, although some have been found buried with simple offerings (Neira and Coelho 1972; Silverman 1993).

In contrast to the Conchopata material, trophy heads from the Majes Valley described by Tung conform to Nasca canons, with suspensory cords through the frontal bone, and no drilled perforations through the occipital bone or mandible. Middle Horizon trophy heads

Figure 52.9. Nasca trophy head. Museo Nacional de Antropología, Arqueología, e Historia, Lima, Peru, Catalog Number AF: 7051. (John Verano)


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from the Tello collection show some variety of preparation techniques, but also are similar to earlier Nasca heads (Kellner 2002: 91-92). The Conchopata trophy heads thus stand out as unusual, both in their preparation and in their ritual treatment.

CONCLUSION

Ancient South Americans, like other peoples around the world, made a variety of sacrifices to their gods. The offering of human lives constituted the most precious form of sacrifice, and appears to have been reserved for particularly important rituals and events. The capture and killing of enemies was a common practice in many societies as well. Such killings sometimes occurred within the context of elaborate rituals at major ceremonial centers (as in Moche prisoner sacrifice), but in other cases appear to have been perfunctory executions, without clear evidence of ritual behavior (Punta Lobos). Ethnohistoric accounts speak of a diversity of sacrificial practices that coincide well with the archaeological evidence. Inte-gration of these two sources of information and the cautious use of comparative sources will continue to be essential to properly understand human sacrifice in ancient South America.

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and Moisés Tufinio, n.d., Plaza 3C. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 2000, edited by Santiago Uceda, Elias Mujica and Ricardo Morales. Universidad Nacional de Trujillo.

Williams, Sloan R., Kathleen Forgey, and Elizabeth Klarich, 2001, An Osteological Study of Nasca Trophy Heads Collected by A. L. Kroeber During the Marshall Field Expeditions to Peru. Fieldiana: Anthropology N.S. 33: 1-132.


Documents

Verano Handbook of SA Archaeology Ch52.pdf