Using Case Studies to Examine the Decision-Making Process for Cleaning Ethnographic Objects

Maney Publishing

Using Case Studies to Examine the Decision-Making Process for Cleaning Ethnographic ObjectsAuthor(s): Virginia GreeneSource: Journal of the American Institute for Conservation, Vol. 45, No. 3 (Fall - Winter,2006), pp. 183-199Published by: Maney Publishing on behalf of The American Institute for Conservation of Historic &Artistic WorksStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40026690 .

Accessed: 12/06/2014 19:51

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Maney Publishing and The American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works are collaboratingwith JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Institute for Conservation.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 91.229.229.49 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 19:51:11 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=maney

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aic

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aic

http://www.jstor.org/stable/40026690?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


USING CASE STUDIES TO EXAMINE THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS FOR CLEANING ETHNOGRAPHIC OBJECTS

VIRGINIA GREENE

ABSTRACT - The traditional distinction between museum dirt and ethnographic dirt, and the corollary that museum dirt can and should be removed while ethnographic dirt must be left in place, is no longer valid. In reality it is not always possible to tell the difference; even if it is possible it may not matter; and it may be desirable to remove both or neither. The

possible removal of information and the desire to

represent the object and its makers accurately must also be taken into account. In addition to the interests of curators and educators, Native consultants often

play a role in decision-making. Examples are given of objects in several categories: (1) post-collection deposits which can be removed; (2) deposits of uncer- tain origin, where curatorial knowledge is of special importance and the issue of cultural misrepresentation may arise; (3) pre-collection deposits of cultural

significance which should be left in place; and (4) problems of inherent vice, caused by a combination of ethnographic residue and post-collection environment, requiring removal of material deliberately applied or reflecting use. The discussions leading to the decision to clean or not to clean are described. This decision often involves compromise between

preservation of information, prevention of further deterioration, potential for damage during treatment, and the possibility of cultural misrepresentation. A minimalist approach is usually safest; simple rules are not adequate. The ability to balance the needs of the

objects with the wishes of curators and consultants is one of the hallmarks of a professional conservator, and

requires training and experience. All conservators of

ethnographic objects need an understanding of

anthropology, especially as it was practiced during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when most collections were assembled. The ability of conservators to communicate what they do has become an essential

professional skill.

TITRE - Etude du processus decisionnel concernant le nettoyage des objets ethnographiques par le biais de l'examen de cas particuliers RESUME - Cet article remet en question la pratique courante ou Ton

distingue entre la 'salete d'origine museale' et celle

'd'origine ethnographique' et, en corollaire, ou Ton

prend pour acquis que la salete d'origine museale doit etre enlevee, alors que celle d'origine ethno-

graphique, vestige de l'histoire et l'utilisation de l'ob-

jet, doit demeurer en place. En fait, la difference entre les deux depots n'est pas toujours evidente et meme si elle l'etait, ceci ne peut faire aucune difference car

il peut y avoir des raisons valides pour enlever completement toute salete sans egard a son origine, tout comme il peut y avoir des raisons pour tout preserver. La decision de proceder ou non au nettoyage doit se faire en tenant compte de plusieurs facteurs, dont entre autres le risque de detruire l'information que pourraient contenir les depots, ainsi que le besoin de representer adequatement l'objet ainsi que son fabricateur. La decision concernant le nettoyage se prend en tenant compte de l'avis non seulement des professionnels du musee (conservateurs, educateurs), mais souvent aussi de l'avis des consultants autochtones de la culture d'origine. Cet article donne des exemples de situations que l'on peut classer en plusieurs categories. La premiere categorie inclut des objets ayant des depots qui sont apparus apres la collecte de l'objet dans le musee et qui peuvent etre enleves sans risques pour l'objet, par exemple une vannerie de la Californie portant les traces d'une ancienne etiquette, un masque guate- malteque defigure par du papier qui s'est colle a la surface lors d'un transport sous condition humide, et deux coiffes en plumes, dont l'une qui d'une part risquait de subir des dommages si on procedait au nettoyage mais qui, d'autre part, risquait de mal representer la culture si presentee telle quelle. Une seconde categorie inclut des objets qui ont des depots d'origine incertaine, mais a propos desquels le conser- vateur a des connaissances cle, et aussi a propos desquels il pourrait y avoir risque de mal representer la culture d'origine, par exemple un sac africain orne de perles, une selle amerindienne aussi ornee de perles, ainsi qu'un manteau inuit en fourrure (parka). Une troisieme categorie inclut des objets ayant des depots datant d'avant leur entree au musee et qui ont une signification culturelle; ces depots doivent done etre preserves, par exemple une coiffe africaine ayant des depots relies a sa manufacture, un masque africain ayant ete repeint regulierement pendant une longue periode d'utilisation et alors qu'il servait a ses proprietaires d'origine, et des vanneries contenant des depots de nourriture. Enfin, une quatrieme categorie inclut des objets ayant des depots d'origine ethnographique et museale qui causent des dommages a l'objet, du soit a un vice inherent ou a leur reaction au nouvel environnement du musee. Dans ce cas, les depots qui ont ete appliques par les proprietaires d'origine ou qui sont des vestiges de l'utilisation de l'objet doivent etre enleves, par exemple des bols inuits pour la nourriture et une gourde africaine faite pour entreposer l'huile. Les discussions menant a la

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



184

VIRGINIA GREENE

decision d'enlever ou non les depots sont presentees. Une decision en faveur du nettoyage est souvent un compromis entre le besoin de preserver l'information, la prevention de nouvelles deteriorations, les risques de dommages qu'entrainerait le traitement et le

risque de mal representer la culture d'origine. Une approche minimaliste est souvent la plus sure; les regies toutes faites sont a eviter. Le restaurateur professionnel se distingue par la facon dont il sait trouver un equilibre entre d'une part ce qui est le mieux pour ne pas endommager l'objet, et d'autre part les demandes des conservateurs et des consultants. Developper ces aptitudes demande une solide formation et experience. Le restaurateur qui se specialise dans le traitement des objets ethnographiques doit aussi avoir des connaissances en anthropologie, et surtout celle des 19e et 20e siecles, lorsque la plupart des collections museales ont ete assemblees. Savoir bien communiquer et bien expli- quer les raisons derriere toute decision de traitement devient maintenant une aptitude professionnelle essentielle au restaurateur.

TITULO - Uso de casos ejemplares para examinar el proceso de toma de decisiones en la limpieza de objetos etnograficos RESUMEN - La distincion tradicional entre "polvo de museo" y "polvo etnografico," y el corolario de que el polvo de museo puede y debe ser removido mientras que el polvo etnografico debe ser dejado en su lugar, ya no tiene validez. En reali- dad, no siempre es posible diferenciar entre uno y otro, y aunque sea posible, esto podria no tener importancia, y podria ser deseable remover ambos o ninguno. La posible remocion de informacion y el deseo de representar al objeto y a sus autores de una manera precisa tambien debe ser tornado en considera- cion. Ademas de los intereses del curador y los educadores, los asesores nativos con mucha frecuencia juegan un rol en la toma de decisiones. En este articulo, se dan ejemplos de objetos que se ubican en varias categorias: (1) Sedimentos producidos despues de que el objeto ha sido coleccionado que pudieran ser removidos si la condicion del objeto lo permite (incluyendo una cesta de California con la marca de una etiqueta vieja, una mascara guatemalteca con un papel adherido a causa del ambiente humedo durante un transporte, y dos tocados con plumas. En el caso de uno de los tocado, la certeza del dafio tenia que sopesarse con la necesidad de evitar una interpretacion cultural errada durante la exhibicion. (2) Sedimentos de origen desconocido, donde el

conocimiento del curador es de especial importancia y el tema de la interpretacion cultural errada durante la exhibicion pudiera salir a note (incluyendo una bolsa africana con cuentas, una silla de montar con cuentas de los nativos de Norteamerica, y una parka (chaqueta) de piel Inuita). (3) Sedimentos encontra- dos en el objeto, de significacion cultural, antes de

que entrara en una coleccion los cuales deben ser

dejados en su lugar (un tocado africano con sedimentos que fueron parte del proceso de manufacturacion, y una mascara africana que ha sido repintada periodicamente por un largo periodo de tiempo, cestas con posibles residuos de comida). (4) Problemas de vicios inherentes, causados por la combinacion de residuos etnograficos con el ambiente donde se alma- cena la coleccion, lo cual requiere la remocion de material deliberadamente aplicado o que refleja su uso (envases de comida de los Inuit, una calabaza africana usada para almacenar aceite). Se plantean las discusiones tendientes a tomar la decision de limpiar o no. La decision de limpiar con regularidad involu- cra compromiso entre la preservacion de la informacion, prevencion de deterioro posterior, dafio

potencial durante el tratamiento y la posibilidad de la

interpretacion cultural errada. Una aproximacion minimalista es usualmente la mas segura; reglas simples no son adecuadas. La habilidad de balancear las necesidades de los objetos con los deseos de curadores y asesores es una de las cualidades positivas en un conservador profesional, y requiere entre- namiento y experiencia. Todos los conservadores de

objetos etnograficos necesitan un entendimiento de la antropologia, especialmente de la manera como fue

practicada a finales del siglo XIX y a principios del

siglo XX, cuando la mayoria de las colecciones se formaron. La habilidad de los conservadores en comunicar lo que ellos hacen se ha convertido en una habilidad profesional esencial.

TITULO - Utilizacao de casos de estudo para examinar processos de tomade de decisao para limpeza de objectos etnograficos RESUMO - A tradicional distincao entre "sujidade museologica" e "sujidade etnografica" e o corolario de que a sujidade museologica deve ser removida enquanto que a sujidade etnografica deve ser deixada no seu lugar, ja nao e mais valida. Na realidade, nem sempre e possivel dizer

qual a diferenca entre elas e mesmo que o seja, talvez nao tenha nenhuma importancia, pois pode ser

preferivel remover ambas ou nenhuma. A possivel remocao de informacao, o desejo de representar o

JAIC 45 (2006) :183-199



185


objecto e os seus criadores fielmente, tambem devem ser levados em considerate Juntamente aos inter- esses dos conservadores e dos educadores, tambem, os consultores nativos tern o seu papel no processo decisorio. Sao dados exemplos que se inserem em diversas categorias: (1) Depositos pos-coleccao que podem ser removidos se a condicao do objecto o permitir (incluindo um cesto da California com uma marca de etiqueta antiga; uma mascara da Guatemala com papel aderente colado devido ao ambiente umido existente durante o seu transporte e dois ornamentos para a cabeca com penas. No caso de um dos ornamentos para cabeca, a certeza do dano provocado tern de ser equilibrada com a necessidade de se evitar uma representacao cultural incorrecta durante a sua

exposicao). (2) Depositos de origem incerta, onde o conhecimento do curador tern importancia fundamental e onde o problema de uma representacao cultural incorreta pode occorer (incluindo um saco de contas africano, uma sela Americana nativa orna- mentada com contas e um casaco de pele Inuit). (3) Depositos pre-coleccao com significado cultural que devem ser deixados no local (um ornamento africano

para a cabeca cujos depositos fazem parte da sua manufactura, uma mascara africana que tern sido

repintada periodicamente durante longo periodo de utilizacao e cestos com possiveis residuos de alimen-

tos). (4) Problemas inerentes do artifato, causados pela combinacao de residuos etnograficos e o ambiente

pos-coleccao, que requerem a remocao de material

aplicado deliberadamente ou que refletem o uso

(tacas para alimentos Inuit, cabacas africanas para armazenamento de oleo) . As discussoes que levam a

limpeza ou nao limpeza das sujidades sao descritas neste artigo. A decisao de limpar muitas vezes envolve um compromisso entre a preservacao da informacao, a prevencao de futura deterioracao, os possiveis danos causados durante tratamento e a possivel representacao incorrecta. Uma abordagem minimalista e

geralmente a mais segura; as regras simples nao sao

adequadas. A habilidade de equilibrar as necessidades do objeto com os desejos dos curadores e consultores e uma das qualidades tipicas de um conservador

profissional, e requer estudo e experiencia. Todos os conservadores de objectos etnograficos necessitam de conhecimentos em antropologia, especialmente, na

que foi praticada nos finais do seculo XIX e principios do seculo XX, quando a maioria das coleccoes foi reunida. A habilidade dos conservadores de comu- nicarem o que fazem tornou-se uma aptidao profissional essencial.

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 DEFINING THE PROBLEM

The classic question asked by conservators of ethnographic material: "Is that museum dirt or ethnographic dirt?" now falls into the same category as "Is that treatment reversible?" This distinction exists, but not in the simple form once thought. The oversimplified principle was straightforward: museum dirt can and should be removed, but ethnographic dirt (like ethnographic repairs) should be left alone. In reality, it is not always possible to tell the difference; even if it is possible, it may not matter; and, depend- ing on circumstances, it may be desirable to remove both types of surface deposit, or neither. When the decision is made, a primary concern is always the possibility of damage to the object, including the loss of information through overcleaning. Overcleaning may refer to the removal of a material that was specif- ically added by the maker or user; it may also mean removing something that was not deliberately applied but is part of the history of the object, and may provide information about the way in which the object was made or used. In some cases it can be difficult to determine whether surface soiling is related to use or to the post-collection environment. In these cases the dirt may be left as is, or removed if the curator considers it to be of questionable value. The care of collections is a joint responsibility, shared by conservators and curators, and increasingly, consultants who represent the cultures from which the

objects came. The interests of all these constituencies must be taken into account when decisions are made about treatment (e.g., Beaubien 1994; Odegaard 1996).

The removal of potential information is always the primary concern in the conservation of both

archaeological and ethnographic objects with aesthet- ics, in theory, taking second place. Appearance, however, is inevitably of concern when putting objects on public display. All conservators have to balance a curator's desire for retention of anything that could carry information, with the desire for

objects to look good on exhibit. It is the primary responsibility of the conservator to speak for the object, to propose and defend procedures that will not compromise its preservation. However, the approval of curators and consultants is also a factor in making treatment decisions, and a satisfied curator is

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



186

VIRGINIA GREENE

one of the hallmarks of a successful treatment. Curators, conservators, and museum educators

are also concerned about accurately portraying the people who made the objects. Even when there is no consultant from the culture that made and used the object, the possibility of cultural misrepresentation may be raised in relation to objects from any part of the world. However, the presence of original material causing ongoing deterioration (inherent vice) may necessitate the removal of something that would normally be left in place, and the desire to make an object functional may require the replacement of original material, although all original parts should be saved (Greene 1992; Quigley 1994; Kronthal 1997).

On all grounds, therefore, conservators and curators of ethnographic objects tend to be minimalists. The less that is done, the fewer things are likely to go wrong, and the smaller the possibility that treatment will remove something that could convey information about the people who made and used the objects.

1.2 THE ROLE OF NATIVE CONSULTANTS

There are other interested parties to this discussion, in addition to curators and conservators. The points of view of Native Americans acting as consultants for exhibits or for preservation projects often clash with the views of professional conservators. Moreover, these points of view vary from group to group and often within a single tribe.

For example, the distinction between ethnographic dirt and museum dirt does not exist for Pueblo peoples such as the Hopi and Zuni. For these people the history of the object is a single history, with no distinction between pre- and post-collection events. The experience of the author and other conservators has been that Hopi and Zuni consultants do not want missing parts restored or post-collection dirt removed (Ladd 1991; Welsh et al. 1992; Smith 1994;Washburn 1995).

A series of kachinas were treated in the Conservation Laboratory of the University of Pennsylvania Museum (UPM) during the preparation for an exhibit on the peoples of the American Southwest, which opened in 1995. All the figures had wood and paint in good condition; in most cases a ferrous metal pin had been inserted in the base to allow the figure to stand upright; some feathers were missing (some figures had missing parts as well) and

the remaining feathers were very dirty. Consultants' answers to questions from the conservator about work on this collection was simple: the metal pins could be removed but there should be no replacement of missing parts or feathers, and cleaning exist-

ing feathers was unnecessary and a waste of time but if it made the conservators feel good, then it could be done (Washburn 1995). In the end, some feathers were cleaned but not others, based on how dirty they were and whether the feathers could be isolated from the rest of the object for safe cleaning. It is certain that less dirt was removed than normally might have been the case, but the compromise satisfied everyone.

The opposing point of view, held by some Native Americans of the Northwest Coast, says that to exhibit certain objects in less than perfect condition is inappropriate and even insulting to the makers, as the

objects would never have been used, displayed, or given as gifts in a dirty or damaged condition. This becomes a point of conflict between conservators (and in some cases anthropologists) and Native Americans when the latter want original parts of an object replaced for an exhibit, or an object cleaned to the point that a conservator would describe as overcleaned. The author has not personally encountered a request for replacement of original material, but the experience of conservators at the American Museum of Natural History in New York has been published (Levinson and Nieuwenhuizen 1994; Williamson 1999).

2. CASE STUDIES: MUSEUM DIRT

The first four objects discussed all had surface

deposits identified by a curator as post-collection in

origin, as a result of environmental problems during shipping or storage. The curators involved were certain both about the identification of the deposits and their desire to have them removed. Testing demonstrated that the cleaning could, in fact, be

accomplished without damage to the object. This, of course, is not always the case, especially with porous materials. Highly processed plant fibers, with the cuticle removed, may be difficult or impossible to clean, as are porous surfaces on other materials such as wood, bone, or ceramic.

2.1 OLD LABEL: A POMO BASKET

The most clearly identifiable cases of museum dirt are situations where a label applied at the time of

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



187


collection later falls off or is removed, leaving a clean area of the surface. An example of this is the Porno basketry tray illustrated in figure 1. The basket is twined, with a woven-in design. The warps are willow, and the weft primarily sedge with some redbud used in the design. The surface is in good condition, with an intact cuticle on the wefts. In addition to surface dirt, the redbud has a light but clearly visible bloom on the cuticle, giving a frosted appearance.

The small clean area at the upper left of the

photograph clearly marks the location of an old label. This tray was to be included in a major exhibit of Porno baskets, and the curator wanted the basket cleaned at least to the point where the evidence of

inadequate post-collection storage conditions would not be visually disruptive. The preparation of the fibers had left the cuticle intact. This smooth, waxy surface, which protects the living plant from excessive water loss, also may make it possible to remove surface dirt. However, cleaning aged and desiccated fibers almost always involves a risk of surface damage. It is also all but impossible to remove dirt safely and

effectively from between stitches or coils. To the eye of a conservator, a cleaned basket often has a

completely unsatisfactory look, with the upper surfaces too clean in comparison with the spaces between the stitches. After preliminary testing, saliva on swabs and soft erasers were rejected as they cleaned only the upper surfaces of the stitches, and the erasers left a residue that might be difficult to remove from the basketry structure. The best results were obtained with Groomstick molecular trap. This removed both the surface dirt and the bloom on the redbud, and the flexible Groomstick actually cleaned more deeply into the spaces between the stitches than

had been expected. The conservator and curator discussed the risks of the cleaning, including the possibility of a result which would not be entirely satisfactory from an aesthetic point of view. Ultimately, the curator approved cleaning with Groomstick and felt that the final appearance was better than she had expected.

Results tend to be easier to achieve and more satisfactory with flat surfaces, such as plaited baskets and hats made of overlapping layers of palm leaf. If the fibers have an intact cuticle, and the structure and condition of the basket or hat makes it possible to apply gentle pressure without physical damage, then saliva on swabs will often easily remove surface soiling.

2.2 GUATEMALAN MASK

Another example of an unambiguous post-collection surface deposit is shown in figure 2. The dance mask, made of wood and decorated with commercial oil-based paint, was one of a number of masks that had been shipped to the U.S. wrapped in tissue paper. The environment inside the crate was clearly hot and humid. The paint softened, causing small pieces of the tissue paper to adhere to the surface, and it also devel-

oped a bloom that turned the brown face purple. The curator brought the mask to the conservation lab in the hope of having the original appearance restored.

Testing began with saliva on swabs, with some use of a wooden spatula to lift the fragments of paper. This was surprisingly successful in removing the paper. Removal of the bloom, on the other hand, required an organic solvent. Toluene was chosen as it acted quickly and the

paint was resistant to brief contact with the solvent. A

light wipe with toluene on a soft cloth removed almost

Fig. 1 . Porno basketry tray, California. Left: mark of old label on upper left; wedge-shaped area shows start of cleaning. Right: after treatment. (UPM NA8227; c. 1895-1900; willow, sedge, redbud)

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



188

VIRGINIA GREENE

Fig. 2. Dance mask, Guatemala. Left: before treatment. Right: after treatment (UPM 48-4-15; early 20th c; wood, oil-based

paint)

all of the bloom and restored the original colors. The curator was delighted with the results and admitted that he had not expected the treatment to be successful; the conservator was satisfied with a treatment that had achieved the desired cosmetic improvement without serious risk to the object.

2.3 BABY CARRIER, BORNEO

The carrier (fig. 3) is made of plain unfinished wood with plaited fiber straps, and decorated with shells strung on plant fiber. The wood is porous, with a slightly rough surface, and had a water stain (probably from a pipe leak in storage) with a noticeable tide line. All parts of the carrier were dusty and many of the shells were detached. The curator was certain that the surface dirt was all post-collection and asked that the appearance of the carrier be improved for exhibit. A small area of the wood was test-cleaned with ethanol.This removed the surface dirt but also notice- ably darkened the surface, making the tide line less visible. The curator, when consulted, said that in his opinion the carrier originally looked a lot more like the cleaned version, and approved the proposed treatment. The surface of the wood was swabbed with

ethanol on cotton pads covered with silk crepeline to

prevent cotton fibers from being caught in the rough surface. The straps were cleaned with ethanol and a brush, and the shells washed in deionized water. All the loose shells were replaced, using artificial sinew tinted with acrylic paints to replace missing fiber cords and to reinforce existing cords where necessary. The treatment removed the surface dirt, darkened and evened out the color of the wood so that the tide lines were less visible, and restored the contrast between the wood and shells. The curator was pleased and felt that the baby carrier now more accurately represented the

appearance of this object when it was in use.

2.4 POTENTIAL DAMAGE VERSUS CULTURAL MISREPRESENTATION

The most difficult situations involve decisions to clean museum dirt when there is a real possibility of

damage, and potentially an even greater problem of cultural misrepresentation. The following cases involved

post-collection dirt that the curator wanted removed before exhibit to ensure that the objects did not have a

culturally-inappropriate appearance. Both involve feathers, which are particularly difficult to clean safely.

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



189


Fig. 3. Baby carrier, Borneo. Left: before treatment. Right: after treatment. (UPM P624; late 19th c; wood, plant fiber, shells)

2.4.1 War Hat, Borneo

The hat illustrated in figure 4 was one of several selected for inclusion in an exhibit on the Dayak culture of Borneo. The hat has a basketry framework covered with gibbon fur, with two tinned metal disks and four feathers. The feathers, designed to be remov- able, are placed over short splints made of the basketry fiber. The exterior had a heavy layer of post-collection dirt. The fur felt slightly stiff and oily; the feathers were dirty and sections of the vanes were missing or disrupted. The curator was concerned about the

appearance of the hats, especially the feathers, which no longer accurately represented the condition of such regalia when worn. He therefore approved any treatment that might restore the feathers to their original appearance, even if there were small losses to the feathers during cleaning. The fur was vacuumed,

and both fur and metal disks were swabbed with ethanol. This produced little change in appearance from a distance but a noticeable improvement in both the appearance and texture of the fur on close exam- ination. The feathers were first vacuumed and then swabbed with ethanol, but neither removed any of the soiling; water and non-ionic detergent were more successful. There was no visible additional damage caused by the cleaning, except on the most severely damaged feather, where there were small losses to the barbs. The appearance of the feathers was improved by gently manipulating the barbs so that they would lock back together; this was successful except in areas of severe damage. Only three of the original four feathers could be returned to an appearance acceptable to the curator. He was satisfied with the results of the treatment and felt that the small losses to the feathers were justified. In the end, however, he

Fig. 4. War hat, Borneo. Left: before treatment. Right: after treatment. (UPM PI 131; late 19th c; gibbon fur, tinned metal disks, hornbill feathers)

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



190

VIRGINIA GREENE

decided that it was preferable to leave the fourth feather off during the exhibit rather than show it in a

seriously damaged condition, and that adding a

replacement feather was unnecessary.

2.4.2 South American Feather Headdress

The second example is a case that involved a decision to clean despite the certainty of damage, based on the curator's knowledge that the object would never have been worn when dirty, and his conviction that showing it in this condition was a serious misrepresentation of an important cultural

practice. The issue arose during the preparation for an exhibit on South American featherwork, which

opened in 1991 (Greene 1996). The exhibit included three life-size dioramas, one of which recreated a scene from a village in British Guiana (now Guyana) in the early 20th century where the leaders of the

village are greeting visitors from a neighboring settle- ment. On such occasions everyone dressed in his or her best to show both individuals and the village off to best advantage. Displays of brightly colored feathered ornaments are an important part of local

concepts of beauty (Howard 1991). One figure from that diorama, the village headman, is shown in figure 5. He is wearing a typical headdress made in three

parts: a circular basketry framework which fits over the wearer's head, a string of white harpy eagle feathers tied around the frame, and a plaited cotton band

(often with long trailing cords) onto which are sewn

multiple rows of macaw and curassow feathers. An

example of this type of headdress is shown in figure 6. During ethnographic use the headdress compo- nents were carefully protected from dirt and damage and normally assembled only when the headdress was to be worn; damaged feathers were replaced when

necessary. For the exhibit the curator put together several headdresses to be mounted on mannequins and chose some separate parts for case display. The feathers and frameworks were generally in good condition, and remarkably clean, with the exception of the eagle feather strings. All of those feathers, which are primarily plumose or downy feathers, were

dirty (fig. 7). Downy feathers tend to attract dust

particles, and these were covered with post-collection dirt. There were no clean feather strings in the collection that could be used for the exhibit.

The curator was adamant about cleaning the feathers and considered any damage acceptable if they looked white on exhibit. He also wanted reproduc-

Fig. 5. Diorama figure of a Waiwai village headman wearing feathered regalia, including a headdress similar to that shown in Fig. 6 (scene set in British Guiana [now Guyana] ca. 1913-1 6)

Fig. 6. Headdress;Waiwai, Guyana. (UPM SA98; early 20th c; basketry, plant fiber, cotton cord; black curassow, macaw and

harpy eagle feathers)

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



191


Fig. 7. String of harpy eagle feathers; Waiwai, Guyana. Left: partly cleaned. Right: after treatment. (UPM SA355B; early 20th c.)

tions kept to a minimum. A majority of the objects used in the exhibit were original and the mounts, designed jointly by the conservation and exhibits staff, met all museum standards. However, the exhibit of necessity involved a number of reproduction objects for the dioramas in place of pieces that could not safely be mounted on the mannequins or had faded to an unacceptable color. The preparation for the exhibit turned out to be more time-consuming than anticipated, partly owing to the time involved in

manufacturing the needed reproductions. In the days before internet searches, finding a source for feathers that would have the appropriate appearance was not

possible in the time available. If this exhibit were

being prepared at the present time, a source for feathers that could be used to manufacture satisfactory reproductions might easily be located. Moreover, the author (with years more experience and authority) would take a stronger line on using reproduction feathers for the mannequins and cleaning only those

strings needed for case exhibit.

In the end, the feathers were cleaned (fig. 7), first with a dental vacuum, which was unsuccessful, and then with ethanol followed by blow-drying. Unlike feathers with stiff vanes, if plumose feathers are allowed to dry naturally they will remain flat and matted. The treated feathers look beautiful in the photographs and their

appearance on exhibit greatly pleased the curator, but some of the barbs were lost, and many of the short barbs at the base of the feathers never regained their fluffy appearance. These results followed the previous experience of the author and other conservators when

attempting to clean plumose feathers using either water or solvents (Greene 1996; Rae 1987; Greene and Storch 1988; Karantoni and Malea 2005; Mason 2005). At the time of this treatment, laser cleaning of feathers, which

offers great promise for safe cleaning, was not yet an option (Dignard, et al. 2005; Karantoni and Malea 2005). Beyond vacuuming, the experience of most conservators was, and still is, limited to aqueous and solvent cleaning methods, the results of which have never been entirely satisfactory when applied to plumose feathers, and which pose potential risk to all feathers.

3. AMBIGUOUS AND MIXED DEPOSITS

In other cases it may not be obvious whether the object has only post-collection surface dirt and the cultural significance of pre-collection deposits may be questionable. The opinion of the curator will usually determine whether the object can be cleaned without risking the removal of information, but it is the responsibility of the conservator to evaluate other possible risks to the object and to make those risks clear to the curator.

3.1 BEADED YORUBA BAG

The bag shown in figure 8, made by the Yoruba people of Nigeria, is constructed of cotton canvas covered with lightweight printed cotton fabric. The flap and the lower corners of the front are beaded. The suspension cords are wrapped with commercial wool yarn; the same yarn was used to make the tassels. The covering fabric is in poor condition, with

many tears and worn areas, but the canvas foundation and the beading are in good condition. A few beads had been lost along the sides of the flap, but the remainder of the beadwork was stable. The surface was quite dirty, and the yarn of the tassels tangled. The curator wished to put the bag on exhibit but did not

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



192

VIRGINIA GREENE

Fig. 8. Bag with bead embroidery; Yoruba, Nigeria. Left: before treatment. Right: after treatment. (UPM 74-22-1; 19th c; cotton fabrics, wool yarn, glass beads)

want any repairs done to the fabric; the conservator was concerned about the possibility of ongoing damage. The curator did request that the beads be cleaned, as he considered the dirt to be the result of the post-collection environment, and also approved an attempt to clean the tassels. The beads were cleaned with saliva on swabs. However, some of the beads are translucent, and some have a deteriorated silvered lining. This meant that the improvement in appearance was limited, but all the museum dirt was certainly removed, and the curator was satisfied that the bag did not look overcleaned. The tassels were vacuumed, washed in deionized water and non-ionic detergent (Igepal), and the strands of yarn were straightened as they dried. The results were satisfactory; the bag looks well-used but cared for. The curator was pleased and felt that the dirt and damage on the interior of the beads, as well as the worn fabric and still dirty tassels, were appropriate evidence of age and use. The conservator was satisfied with the appearance of the beads and tassels, but felt that it

would be possible to repair the fabric in a way that would retain the appearance of wear but would

prevent further damage from handling. As the curator would not approve further treatment, the conservator worked with the exhibits department to ensure

proper support for the bag in the exhibit case, and assisted with the installation. In addition, a notation was made in the object records so that when the bag is removed from exhibit, a storage mount and container will be made to provide support for the

heavy beading and fragile fabric.

3.2 BEADED SADDLE

A similar problem was presented by the Native American saddle shown in figure 9. The saddle pad is covered with native-tanned skin. The girth is woven of a stiff, smooth plant fiber with iron cinch rings. At each corner of the saddle is an area of beadwork with the beads sewn to a separate piece of skin that is

appliqued onto the saddle. There are also four rectan-

Fig. 9. Saddle with bead embroidery; Cree, Missouri R. Left: before cleaning. Right: one beaded panel, partly cleaned. (UPM 81-28- 1; c. 1850; native-tanned skin, glass beads, cotton fabric, plant fiber, iron rings). Photographs by Christine del Re, courtesy of UPM

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



193


gular beaded flaps backed with cotton fabric, which are sewn to the saddle along one edge and hang from the saddle pad. The flaps are bordered with narrow tabs sewn of wool and cotton cloth, with a single row of beads. Some of the seams, sewn with sinew, were partially separated, but on the whole, the saddle was in good structural condition. The girth was in good condition and the iron showed no signs of active corrosion. The skin was uneven in color and the beads were covered with an adherent deposit that almost certainly included body oils. The curator initially asked if the appearance of both skin and beads could be improved before photography.

The saddle was vacuumed; this removed some loose dirt but had little effect on the overall appearance of either the skin or beadwork. The curator decided that it was not necessary to make any further attempt to clean the skin, but asked if it was possible to clean the beadwork. Two small areas of beading were cleaned with saliva on swabs. One area was completely cleaned, removing dirt from between the rows of beading as far as it was possible to do so; the other was cleaned only on the upper surfaces of the beads. The conservator was concerned that removal of the surface dirt from the beads, although it could be accomplished without risk to the object and made the beaded designs much more visible, would result in an unrealistic and therefore unacceptable discrepancy between the appearance of the beads and the skin. The curator, on the contrary, was very pleased with the results of the cleaning test, and preferred the more complete cleaning. He admitted that the beads would not have remained clean '

while the saddle was in use and would not have been cleaned by the user. However, he felt that the evenly dirty appearance of the beads, as opposed to the uneven appearance of the skin, was due to a heavy accumulation of post-collection dirt and was also not realistic. He added that partial cleaning of the beads would still result in an uneven appearance; and this

being the case, he preferred to have all the surface dirt removed from the beads. The beaded areas were therefore cleaned with saliva on swabs, and the curator was satisfied with the results.

3.3 INUIT PARKA

Cleaning fur, whether with mechanical, aqueous, or solvent methods, almost always carries some risk of loss of hairs. However, the removal of surface grime may be beneficial for the long-term preservation of the

object and can reveal original design elements. In the

following case the curators determined that any pre- collection dirt was of no interest and that cleaning would restore the objects to their original appearance.

Among the objects chosen for an exhibit on the Inuit was a woman's parka made primarily of caribou skin, with wolverine trim around the hood and lower edge (UPM NA240; Alaska; late 19th c). All the skin was in good condition, although the seams were sepa- rating in a few places. The fur trim, unlike the rest of the garment, felt slightly stiff and oily and looked conspicuously dirty. The dirt also diminished the difference between lighter and darker parts of the fur, an important part of the design of the garment. The parka was first vacuumed, and the split seams were reinforced with patches of goldbeater's skin and Jade 403 PVA emulsion adhesive. A small area of the trim on the lower edge was tested, first with water and non-ionic detergent, then with ethanol and Stoddard solvent. In this case aqueous cleaning was ineffective, though it had worked on other objects in the exhibit. For the parka, the best results were obtained with Stoddard solvent, which removed the grimy dirt and left the fur soft without looking dry.

Both the UPM curator and the visiting curator for the exhibit were consulted. Both were anxious to restore the original appearance of the parka. They were reassured by the test that the fur trim had never been white and would not look too clean. All the trim on the lower edge of the parka was cleaned with Stoddard solvent on swabs, restoring the original appearance and

removing grime that, to judge from the oily appearance and feel, might have attracted additional airborne dust from the unfiltered air. A few hairs came off (these were bagged and returned to storage), but the curators, who had been warned in advance of the risk, considered the loss to be acceptable and the results to be exactly what they had hoped.

4. DEPOSITS OF CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE

Surface deposits that may provide evidence of use are of great interest to anthropologists and are normally left intact. In some cases, surface decoration that is also of interest may be partly or entirely concealed by material added deliberately or accumulated during use and the decision to remove or not to remove the overlying deposit can be a difficult one. Another problem is created by the fact that in many cultures, objects of value may be periodically repainted. Whatever the condition of the paint, anthropologists

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



194

VIRGINIA GREENE

will usually prefer that all evidence of longterm use be left in place, even if the original surface cannot be seen and the appearance of the object is unaesthetic. In some cases it may be desirable to remove and preserve materials used in later repairs, especially if they are causing damage to the object. If an object was repainted by a dealer rather than by a member of the group that made and used the object, then the curator may prefer to have the object cleaned, assum- ing it is possible to do this without damage to the underlying surface.

4.1 BASKETS WITH POSSIBLE FOOD RESIDUE

Figure 10a shows a basket made of yucca fiber that was excavated from a burial in Utah and still retains traces of the original contents (unidentified as of this date).

Although archaeological, this object illustrates the point and provides a good contrast with another basket that was at first thought to have traces of original contents. The basket was put on exhibit without any treatment. The shallow plaited palm leaf basket from the Sherbro Islands (fig. 10b) was selected by the curator as an intern project. The basket had a great deal of loose surface dirt, especially on the interior, and there was also evidence of a stain that the conservator initially thought might be food residue. After removal of the loose dust using an air jet and soft brush, the curator was asked whether the deposit on the interior represented evidence of use and should be preserved. It turned out that this type of storage basket was used for dry food; the curator was certain

Fig. 10a. Basket, SE Utah/Colorado River. (UPM 29-43- 421; Anasazi Basketmaker, c. 1500-200 BC; yucca fiber). Photograph by Virginia Greene, courtesy of UPM

Fig. 10b. Basket, Sherbro Islands, Sierra Leone (UPM 37-22- 138; early 20th c; palm leaf). Photograph by Wendy Stayman, courtesy of UPM

that the deposit was post-collection and requested that it be removed if possible. The basket was struc-

turally in good condition, with intact cuticle on the fibers, and all the remaining dirt and encrusted

deposit were easily removed using cotton swabs

dampened with deionized water. Slight traces of the stain remain, but the curator was satisfied that the basket now looks as it would have during use.

4.2 NATIVE-TANNED SKIN

The sueded surface of native-tanned skin often shows evidence of use, as with the saddle discussed in Section 3.2. The preference of the curators, as well as conservators at UPM, is to limit cleaning to vacuuming to remove loose dirt, although decorative beading, quillwork, or other attachments may be cleaned as well as repaired. Most of the soiling is ingrained in the surface of the skin and is unaffected by vacuuming. The condition of the skin is seen as evidence of normal use that should be left in place. In the past, curators occasionally requested some additional cleaning. At one time the UPM lab did some trials with Opaline pads for cleaning native-tanned skin, but it proved difficult or impossible to adequately remove the residue, possibly a problem inherent to the product (Pearlstein et al. 1982).

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



195


4.3 HEADDRESS WITH COWRIE SHELLS

This headdress from Mali (fig. 11) has a basketry hat covered with cowrie shells, and is decorated with antelope horns and a leather and wool strap. The fabric, leather, and horns are clean; the cowrie shells are covered with a brown discoloration. The post- collection history of the piece is known and it is fairly certain that the headdress has not acquired surface dirt since it was collected. The keeper of the African section at UPM confirmed that the discoloration on the shells is deliberate, part of the manufacturing process, and should be left intact (Latimer 2004).

4.4 REPAINTED MASK

The mask from the Ivory Coast shown in figure 12 is made of wood and decorated with paint, feathers, brass tacks, and tinned sheet metal. The mask has

clearly been repainted several times, with the top layer being commercial oil-based paint applied over a surface with both loose and adherent dirt. None of the materials show signs of active deterioration requir-

Fig. 11. Headdress, Mali. (UPM 69-15-18; early 20th c; plant fiber, cowrie shells, antelope horns, wool fabric, leather)

Fig. 12. Mask, Ivory Coast (UPM 68-2-7; early 20th c; wood, paint, feathers, ferrous and tinned metal)

ing treatment. At the time this mask was acquired by UPM, the curator was consulted about the repainting. He informed the acquisitions committee that masks of this type were highly valued, used over long periods of time and repainted as needed, with commercial paint replacing native paints in the mid-20th century. Confident in the curator's knowledge of the culture and the post-collection history of the mask, UPM was assured that there had been no repainting by a dealer or collector. The curator recommended that the mask be accessioned and the paint left intact, as it illustrated the persistence of an important aspect of the ceremo- nial life of this group through the colonial period.

5. INHERENT VICE

The last group of objects illustrates problems caused by a combination of ethnographic residue and post- collection environment, requiring removal of material that was deliberately applied or that is the natural result of use. In cases such as these, samples of the deposits should be saved for analysis.

5.1 INUIT FOOD BOWLS

Shallow wood bowls of the type illustrated in figure

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



196

VIRGINIA GREENE

13 were used by the Inuit for food preparation and serv-

ing. These bowls may be decorated with painted designs or with inlaid shells. The porous wood absorbed fat and oil from a diet rich in fish and sea mammals (Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982; VanStone 1984) and bowls of this type are well known for a tendency to ooze in a relatively warm environment. The interior of this bowl had a

thick, tacky deposit, with some dried fatty crust and

signs of mold. The curators of the American section at UPM have often requested that the bowls in the collection be cleaned when time allowed, and together with the conservator, selected this one as an intern project. The intern who was doing the cleaning tried a series of

solvents, but most were either ineffective or caused

blanching of the surface. In the end, the deposit was removed using ethanol on cotton swabs or on cotton

pads covered with silk crepeline and wooden tools made out of tongue depressors, a method that has become the

customary treatment for these objects at UPM. After

cleaning, the surface of the bowl was glossy and the shells clearly visible. The dried and moldy crust had been

removed, but enough oil remained to preserve the

appearance of the bowl during use. No further oozing has occurred since the bowl was treated in 1978.

The bowl shown in figure 14 was also an intern

project but unlike the bowl with shells, no trace of decoration could be seen before treatment. The cleaning process, using ethanol on swabs and wooden tools, not

only removed the thick, sugary, dried crust and all the

underlying oily material, it also exposed a beautiful

painted design that had not previously been recorded. In the both cases, the curator approved the removal of the

deposit and was extremely pleased with the results. This

bowl, treated in 1987, has shown further oozing, but not to the point where further treatment is required.

5.2 GOURD CONTAINER

Another combination of pre- and post-collection factors is illustrated by a case in which oil or grease in the object reacted with copper-alloy (probably brass) tacks, forming a disfiguring waxy green crust of copper oleates and/or stearates (Scott 2002; Robinet and Corbeil 2003). Gourd boxes of the kind shown in

figure 1 5 were often used in Central Africa to hold oil as well as small objects (Latimer 2004). This box has a burned and incised decoration enhanced with brass tacks. It may have been used as a container for oil, and/or the oil may have been applied to the surface

during manufacture. The box was structurally in good condition. However, the surface was sticky, which is

likely to attract airborne particulates, and the oil had reacted with the copper to produce a thick, disfiguring green crust around the tacks. The keeper asked if the box could be cleaned and as a result it came to the lab as an intern project. Both the surface of the gourd and the tacks were cleaned with ethanol, with some mechanical removal of the larger lumps of the deposit using wooden tools. All of the green crust was

removed, along with the excess oil. The surface of the

gourd is clean and slightly glossy, but preserves the

appearance of age. There has been no further oozing of oil or visible interaction between the oil and the tacks.

6. CONCLUSION

The decision to clean or not to clean an object often involves a compromise between preservation of informa-

tion, prevention of further deterioration, the possibility of

damage during treatment, and the need for an accurate

representation of the object and the people who made it.

Fig. 13. Food bowl; Inuit, Alaska. Left: before treatment. Right: after treatment. (UPM NA4942; late 19th c; wood, shells). Photographs by Linda Scheifler, courtesy of UPM

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



197


Fig. 14. Food bowl; Inuit, Alaska. Left: partly cleaned. Right: After treatment. The circle at the upper right is a wood plug inserted during manufacture. (UPM NA675; c. 1900; wood, pigment). Photographs by Julie Baker, courtesy of UPM

A minimalist, case-by-case approach is always the safest path, using the distinction between pre- and

post-collection deposits as one of the bases on which to make decisions. Simple rules will not cover all the variables, and ethnographic conservation should now be mature enough as a profession to live with

complexity, ambiguity, and difficult decisions. The

ability to balance the concerns of conservator, curator, Native consultant, and exhibit designer requires train-

ing and experience, and is one of the hallmarks of a

professional conservator. In order to talk intelligently with curators and consultants, conservators of ethno-

graphic objects need some background in anthropology, including an understanding of the field as it existed in the late 19th to early 20th century, when most collections of ethnographic material were assembled. This academic background need not be extensive but it is essential. In addition, all conservation training

Fig. 15. Gourd box and lid, with burned decoration and brass tacks (Kasai District, Zaire). Left: before treatment, allover and detail. Right: after treatment. (UPM AF1285; late 19th

c). Photographs by Felicia Mayro, courtesy of UPM

programs should include an introduction to the methodology of decision-making, with specific examples from a variety of specialties (e.g., Caple 2000, Pye 2001). The ability of conservators to communicate what they do and why, not only to colleagues, but also other museum professionals (including curators, educators, and fundraisers), representatives of non- western cultures, and the general public, has become a professional skill of fundamental importance.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The following staff members of the University of Pennsylvania Museum (and two visiting curators) provided generous assistance and abundant information while these objects were being treated, and in the preparation of this paper: Dr. Robert Sharer, curator, American section; Dr. Ruben E. Reina, currently curator emeritus, American section; Dr. Susan Kaplan, visiting curator, Spirit Keepers of the North: Eskimos of Western Alaska (1983) and Raven's Journey: The World of Alaska's Native People (1986); Dr. Dorothy K. Washburn, visiting curator, Living in Balance: The Universe of the Hopi, Zuni, Navajo and Apache; Dr. Lucy Fowler- Williams, keeper of collections, American section; William Wierzbowski, assistant keeper, American section; Dr. Igor Kopytoff, consulting curator, African section; Dwaune Latimer, keeper of collections, African section; Adria H. Katz, keeper of collections, Oceanian section; and the late Dr. William H. Davenport, curator emeritus, Oceanian section.

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



198

VIRGINIA GREENE

SOURCES OF MATERIALS

Solvents (ethanol, Stoddard solvent), cotton, applicator sticks, tongue depressors Fisher Scientific Co. 585 Alpha Drive Pittsburgh, PA (800) 766-7000 www.fishersci.com

Igepal, gold-beater's skin, Jade 403, Groomstick, silk crepeline TALAS 20 W. 20th St. New York, NY 10011 (212) 219-0770 www. talasonline. com

Groomstick, Jade 403N Conservation Resources International 5532 Port Royal Road Springfield, VA 22151 (800) 634-6932 www. conservationresources.com

Steri-Dent Mobile Evacuation Unit AA245 (dental vacuum) Aseptico 8333 216th Street SE PO Box 1548 Woodinville,WA 98072 (800) 426-5913 www.aseptico.com

REFERENCES

Beaubien, H. 1994. Summary of Discussion #1. In Loss compensation: Technical and philosophical issues.

Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 2. Washington DC: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 35-7.

Caple, C. 2000. Conservation skills: Judgement, method and decision making. London: Routledge.

Dignard, C, N. Binnie, G. Young, W E Lai, M. Abraham, and S. Scheerer. 2005. Nd:YAG Laser cleaning of feathers. Fur trade legacy: The preservation of organic materials. Abstracts of papers presented at the 31st Annual Conference and Workshop of the Canadian

Association for Conservation of Cultural Property, Jasper, May 17-18, 2005. www.cac-accr.ca/english/e- cac-publications.asp (accessed 3/10/06).

Fitzhugh,WW, and S. A. Kaplan. 1982. Inua: Spirit world

of the Bering Sea Eskimo. Washington DC: National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution.

Greene, S.W., and P. S. Storch. 1988. An evaluation of feather cleaning techniques. Symposium 86: The care and preservation of ethnological materials. Ottawa: Canadian Conservation Institute. 31-6.

Greene, V. 1992. Chinese shadow puppets, 33-54- 1/73. Conservation Laboratory, University of

Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia.

Greene, V. 1996. Mounting ethnographic featherwork on mannequins (an exotic exercise in cooperation). Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 4. Washington DC: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 62-78.

Howard, C V. 1991. Fragments of the heavens: Feathers as ornaments among the Waiwai. In The gift of birds: Featherwork of native South American peoples, eds. R. E. Reina and K. M. Kensinger. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology 50-69.

Karantoni, E., and E. Malea. 2005. The influence of cleaning methods on feather structure: A comparative study. Fur trade legacy: The preservation of organic materials. Abstracts of papers presented at the 31st Annual Conference and Workshop of the Canadian Association for Conservation of Cultural Property, Jasper, May 17-18, 2005. www.cac-accr.ca/english/e- cac-publications.asp (accessed 3/10/06).

Kronthal, L. 1997. A sticky situation: Conservation of Chinese shadow puppets from the anthropology collection of the American Museum of Natural History. In Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 5.

Washington D.C: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 32-51.

Ladd, E. 1991. Personal Communication. AIC Annual Meeting,Albuquerque, N.M., at session "Conservation of Sacred Objects", June 5, 1991. Curator of Ethnology, Museum of Indian Arts and Culture, Santa Fe, N.M.

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



199


Latimer, D. 2004. Personal communication. Keeper of

Collections, African Section, University of


LevinsonJ., and L. Nieuwenhuizen. 1994. Chiefly feasts: A collaborative effort. Loss compensation: Technical and

philosophical issues. Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 2.

Washington D.C.: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 9-21.

Mason, J. 2005. A review of feather cleaning tech-

niques. In Fur trade legacy :The preservation of organic materials. Abstracts of papers presented at the 31st Annual Conference and Workshop of the Canadian Association for Conservation of Cultural Property, Jasper, May 17-18, 2005. www.cac-accr.ca/english/e- cac-publications.asp (accessed 3/10/06).

Odegaard, N. 1996. Conservation and collaboration to understand a tiponi. In Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 4. Washington D.C.: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 2-13.

Pearlstein, E., D. Cabelli, A. King, and N. Indictor. 1982. Effects of eraser treatment on paper. Journal of the American Institute of Conservation 22:1-12.

Pye,E. 2001. Caring for the past. London: James & James.

Quigley, S. 1994. Curatorial considerations guiding the conservation of a Javanese gamelan orchestra. In Loss compensation: Technical and philosophical issues.

Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 2. Washington D.C.: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 22-34.

Rae,A. 1987. Cleaning of featherwork. Recent advances in the conservation and analysis of artifacts. Jubilee Conservation Conference, London July 6-10. London: Summer Schools Press, Institute of

Archaeology, University of London. 243-8.

Robinet, L., and M. Corbeil. 2003. The characteriza- tion of metal soaps. Studies in Conservation 48:23-40.

Scott, D. A. 2002. Copper and bronze in art: Corrosion, colorants, conservation. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute.

Smith, L. 1994. Collaborative decisions in context: Loss compensation in Native American museum

objects. Loss compensation: Technical and philosophical issues. Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 2.

Washington D.C.: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 1-8.

VanStone, J. W. 1984. Mainland Southwest Alaska Eskimo. In Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 5, ed. W C. Sturdevant. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. 224-242.

Washburn, D. K. 1995. Personal Communication. Exhibit Curator, Living in balance: The universe of the

Hopi, Zuni, Navajo and Apache, University of


Welsh, E. A. , C. Sease, B. Rhodes, S. C. Brown, and M. Clavir. 1992. Multicultural participation in conservation decision-

making. WAAC Newsletter 14:13-22. http://palimsest. stanford.edu/waac/wn/wnl4 (accessed 3/1/05).

Williamson, L. 1999. Treatment of a Haida totem

pole: All things considered. Objects Specialty Group Postprints, vol. 6. Washington D.C.: American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic Works. 2-10.

VIRGINIA GP^EENE has an MA in Anthropology from the University of Pennsylvania, and a Diploma in the Conservation of Archaeological and

Ethnographic Materials (with Distinction) from the Institute of Archaeology, University of London. She has been head of the Conservation Laboratory at the

University of Pennsylvania Museum since 1971.

Remaining a generalist out of both choice and neces-

sity, she treats a wide variety of archaeological and

ethnographic objects, and is involved in the planning and oversight of storage renovation and other collections-related projects. Address: Conservation

Laboratory, University of Pennsylvania Museum, 3260 South Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104;

[email protected].

JAIC 45 (2006): 183-1 99



Documents

Using Case Studies to Examine the Decision-Making Process for Cleaning Ethnographic Objects