178 Geographica Helvetica Jg. 59 2004/Heft 3

Urban Violence: a challenge for geographers?Introduction to the special issue

Jean-Bernard Racine, Lausanne

The first signs of an upward trend in crime and vio¬lence became apparent in the 1970s and 1980s; thecauses thereof were however seen to be peripheralin nature. The Spotlight then in particular was on therole of schools and the effects of educational under-achievement; these being seemingly logical explana-tions for the rise in crime and a reflection of theprevailing inequality of opportunities. The issue of vio¬lence in schools became a pivotal issue in political dis¬

course during the 1990s. and many studies and reportson this topic appeared. Over the last twenty years allavailable indicators in France have pointed towards a

continued rise in violence and incivility in cities. As a

result, feelings of insecurity are becoming more wide¬

spread and are no longer confined to those areas usu¬

ally identified as «insecure». such as the banlieues, theperipheral, housing projects situated on the outskirts ofmajor French cities, long infamous for social depriva¬tion and violence. Indeed, the seemingly unchallengedreign of delinquents in these areas - ever younger,ever more violent and ever more incorrigible - hasbecome a national issue. Reports on violence domi-nate the media to such a degree that the French Presi¬

dent, Jacques Chirac, began his speech on the occa-sion of the annual 14"' July celebrations in 2001 withthe bold yet tragic assertion that «France is afraid!».He went on to refer to a «wave of violence sweeping»the country. However, although the number of troublespots has virtually doubled in France over the last fiveyears, it is important to note that many other neigh-bourhoods have remained remarkably unaffected - inparticular due to the activities of local public author¬ities and voluntary associations. These spatial varia¬tions in the incidence of crime should make us waryabout over-generalizations. Rather we should considerthe multiplicity of causes of crime and its underlyingcomplexity, and eschew the over-simplistic representa-tions of its causes and the Solutions that are proposedby politicians.

At first sight the levels of violence and crime appearto be diminishing, creating the illusion that a respitefrom the problems is possible. Published reports overthe last ten years or so show that delinquency statis¬tics in the USA seem to have levelled off and evento have declined in the major cities. Nevertheless, fearof violence - and particularly murderous violence -remains so widespread in public opinion that a Gallup

poll taken in 1998 showed that crime and violenceremained the principal preoccupation among Ameri-cans. In Europe too, this preoccupation appears to be

paramount. However, European Statistical data doesnot seem to indicate any respite in crime levels, and, as

we have seen above. the issue of crime and security is

becoming a major political problem in most Europeancountries. In addition, despite the similarities betweentheir respective situations. we should take due noteof the considerable suspicion with which Europeansview the American Solutions to crime. This suspicionis based on two important beliefs. On the one hand,we should acknowledge that a considerable «culturaldistance» separates these very different types of urbanculture and society; on the other hand the normativeconclusions advanced by the Americans are foundedon analyses that are not sufficiently explained, as far as

their methodologies and theoretical frameworks areconcerned. But few Europeans maintain any pretencethat they have managed any better than their trans-atlantic, or even trans-channel colleagues. Indeed, mostagree that the problem of crime and delinquency is

one that must be addressed and they would subscribeto the words that the British Prime Minister, TonyBlair, used in a 2001 address to local government offi-cials: Government should be «tough on delinquency;tough on the causes of delinquency». Unfortunatelybeing tough on crime may be treating Symptoms, notcauses, and these causes still need to be identified. Butbefore we try to do this, we need to review the meth¬ods that have been used to identify and measure theexact extent of the phenomenon. For example, J.-B.Racine (2002) dealt with this issue in a long reviewpaper published by the IGU Urban Commission, and,together with Veronica Noseda, a special report wasprepared for the Municipalily of Lausanne in the con¬text of Agenda 21 (2004).

Although the recent rise in violence may lead someto conclude that the association of crime and violencewith cities is a new phenomenon, a closer view of theliterature shows that it is an opinion that cannot be

upheld. Urban ecologists have long been interested inareas and groups involved in crime. But we need toeast our net wider than the twentieth Century. Studiesin archaeology and anthropology have shown the widegeographical spread of legends that narrate a humansacrifice at the foundation of virtually all the knowncities of antiquity (Girard 1971; Racine 1993; Chalas2000), so violence and cities are intimately intertwinedor consubstantial. Throughout recorded history there

Urban Violence: a challenge for geographers? Jean-Bernard Racine 179

is little doubt that violence was a characteristic ofcities; fear of mob violence was a common concernof the elite in large cities. Dickens's novels describedwhat we would call «no-go areas» today, where theinhabitants led a life of crime in the so-called rooker-ies. Western urban society has never been homogene-ous and equal (Shaw 1929). Indeed, the image of thecity in our culture, constructed in previous centuries.has often been a dark one, that of a place offear and danger, be this hygienic, physical or moral;cities, or certainly parts of them, are often seen tobe inhabited by dangerous groups of people. It is animage constructed in Opposition to the perspectivesof modernity, and the good life that «modern» stillimplies today. As such, it carries the analysis of ourunderstanding of acts of violence, not only in termsof inter-individual relationships, but also in terms ofexplanations introducing relationships that implicatehuman territoriality, social groups, and even socialclasses (Remy & Voye 1981). This is the very core ofthe debate concerning the injustice of unequal moder¬

nity and social dichotomy - whether that of «rieh and

poor» or of «in or out» - which provides a basis forthe Interpretation of violent acts. This is the theme ofurban relegation, of social disqualification, or of socialexclusion, the basis of socio-political analysis of urbanquestions. It is the galere described by Dubet in 1987.

Many people seem to forget these historic associationsof inequality and cities, specifically of crime and cities.This is especially true among those investigators whoprefer to posit crime as a conjunctural problem, essen¬

tially linking crime to some recent aspect of society.The most populär explanation is based on poor eco¬

nomic conditions, and especially on the succession ofcrises that have occurred between the beginning ofthe 1970s and the middle of the 1990s. The thesis ofviolence as a result of contemporary economic causeshowever. is difficult to sustain as such (Szlakmann1992). Moreover, the latest statistics do not confirmthe unemployment-crime linkage. It is very difficultunder these circumstances - even for those amongst usmost convinced by notions of the economic determina-tion of behaviour and aware that instances of violenceare the expression of the dissatisfactions embedded inthe dominant social System of advanced liberal capi¬talism - to maintain that the growth in delinquency, atleast in terms of aggregated statistics, is the result ofunemployment.

Others have evoked a «societal evolution» explanationfor violence and have suggested that the contemporaryperiod is experiencing an entirely new phenomenonknown as «urban violence». This is the phenomenonthat Commissioner Bui-Trong (2000) described as

«a violence specific lo young people acting in gangs and

attacking property - applying graffiti. shoplifting. raids.

throwing stones through the Windows of schools and at

public transport. throwing Molotov Cocktails at vehicles.

shops and residential buildings in their neighbourhoods- and also attacking persons. such as through inter-gangand inter-ethnic confrontation. protection rackets. steal-

ing from school children and middleclass youngsters. puni-tive attacks on teachers. bus drivers. shop security agents.

police. and displaying menacing and/or violent confronta¬

tion».

Finally, there is a group of non-exclusive factors identi¬fied by Paul Wiles (1999) that provide additional dis-tinetive characteristics to certain problem neighbour¬hoods. Among the most important of these factors are:the neighbourhood's multiculturalism. which renders

agreement on collective norms more difficult: the eco¬nomic and social marginalization of some families; the

dilapidation of the extensive pool of public housingdue to the non-payment of rents and the indebtedState of the families; the exclusion of the inhabitantsof recently urbanized zones from any participationin civic and political processes; the seemingly perva-sive educational under-achievement; and the perni-cious influence of drug-trafficking.

We must also acknowledge the role played by the mediain our consciousness of these problems. Incessantly. theybroadeast images of the dangerous «otherness» of these

areas, which indubitably contributes to the pervasiveatmosphere of «moral panic» and the fear of generalinsecurity, accentuating the social and ethnie fracturesthat split the city. In addition, and perhaps worst ofall. there is the feeling of what can be called spatialdespair, the inability of residents to exercise controlover the area in which they live, the lack of recognition(Honneth 2000; Lagrange 2000), as well as the persua-sive self-denigration among the residents (Noseda &Racine 2004). These feelings. combined with the diffi-culties of living in «sink neighbourhoods». frequentlyresult in the departure of those families that can affordto move. This reduces the number of people who mayprovide role modeis for others and especially for thechildren. What is left is the indifference of the majoritywho remain and the violence of some: this is not simplyrandom or anarchic, but is an expression of personal orcollective despair. It is a mechanism that not only affectsindividuals. but also affects neighbourhoods, or even anurban Community in its entirely (Racine 2003).

These varied suggestions represent some of the moreimportant types of reasons that have been proposedfor the increase in crime and violence. In themselvesthey demonstrate that the problem is associated withmultiple reasons. However. it may be easy to suggestcauses. What is more difficult is to find explanationsthat can be justified by the evidence (Mucchielli2001).

180 Geographica Helvetica Jg. 59 2004/Heft 3

The arguments developed in the following papers donot necessarily follow the path taken by institutionalspecialists in crime and violence; they certainly do notfollow the approaches often favoured by the forcesof law and order. Indeed. we believe that the latter'senterprises - whether in the measurement of the phe¬

nomenon, or in its Interpretation - should be subjectto considerable circumspection. We must ask the ques¬tion: does the inherent risk of the different approachesproposed tend to distance us from any comprehen¬sive appreciation of the relevant issues, and may iteven impede us in producing some new understand¬ing of crime, and perhaps its monitoring, that is capa¬ble of engaging the objectives of both social justiceand democracy? These are some of the issues devel¬oped by Veronica Noseda, PhD Student at the Uni¬versity of Lausanne. Retracing in a reflexive andcritical fashion the origins of categories of «incivili-ties», «exclusion» and «urban violence», she arguesin favour of a new understanding of the politicalrole that geographers could play in the public debatewhere the concept of territory emerges as a politicalactor in and of itself.

This underlines the importance of local and traditionalChiefs in the administration of the city of Niamey.

In a totally different context, Professor David Herbertfrom the University of Wales at Swansee, already wellknown for his work on urban violence (Herbert 1976,

1977), confirms the generally accepted fact that levelsof violence are increasing but reminds the reader thatthere are significant regional differences. If recentstudies review these assumptions and examine theproblems associated with monitoring the incidence ofviolent crime, the author shows that there are newdimensions to urban violence. including the rise indrug trafficking, in organized crime and in use of fire-arms. Certainly, cities offer specific situations in whichviolent crime is more likely to occur.There are geogra¬phies of violent crime that highlight not only the differ¬ences between cities but also define the local concen¬trations within individual cities. In conclusion, DavidHerbert shows how society seeks to control violentcrime, principally through its criminal justice Systemsbut also by involving Community action and local ini¬

tiatives.

The second paper deals with the most serious caseof urban violence, Johannesburg, the so called city ofcrime, about which Philippe Guillaume wrote in hisFrench Ph.D. Between reality and what can often beconsidered as pretext, serving the interests of thosewho pretend to be the victims, the author tries to find

ways to overcome intolerance, racism, and misunder-standing. Building institutions, rethinking social rela¬

tions, closing the gap, reinvenling democracy: theseare some of the most aspiring goals being followed inSouth Africa, the achievement of these however beingseverely hindered by violence itself. This paper is aninvitation to study the influence of violence in society,to determine its role in common discourse and the

consequences thereof on social dynamics.

The third paper is presented by Henri Motcho, Uni¬versity of Niamey, and shows how the rapid growth ofthe city (10% of annual growth since 1970) aggravatesvarious problem areas, such as housing, health andespecially security. Increasing insecurity is the resultof two main factors which are closely linked: increas¬

ing poverty and lack of education and support for the

younger generation. Juvenile delinquency is becomingmore and more prevalent as a rising number of chil¬dren take to living in the streets. The associated risein petty thefts or worse may be seen as indicators oforganized crime. The authorities are not in a Situationto cope with the growing insecurity. Therefore manyhousing developers try to involve traditional powerstructures in their programmes from as early on as

possible in order to help the police forces, who aresupported by private (partially ambiguous) militias.

The Canadian geographer, Wayne Davies, CalgaryUniversity, proposes that if traditional studies by geo¬graphers of crime areas within cities focus on spatialvariations in crime incidence, as well as social depri¬vation and social disOrganization in these areas, andif these social contexts and behavioural features areoften highly correlated with crime areas, then analyti-cal studies of crime areas need to be extended to dealwith the feelings and attitudes of people in these areas.Ten separate dimensions of the affective domain arehypothesized, each of which describes different feel¬

ings and attitudes that characterize crime areas. Con-firmation of these dimensions must wait for empiricaltesting but they point the way to the systematic devel¬

opment of a psycho-geography of crime areas in whichthe dimensions can be linked to different theories ofcriminal behaviour. Indeed, this proposal is definitelyof value and promises to open new ways to under¬

standing and acting on violent crime.

Changing the scale of scope, Stephane Rosiere's paperintroduces the concept of «Ethnie Cleansing» (EC)and offers a typology of this phenomenon as an expres¬sion to be understood as geographical in nature andincluding indicators easily differentiated from geno¬cide. His typology draws on two main factors: levelof integration of the study area in the global Systemand population density. Thus, areas undergoing radicaltransformation (by various violent means) fall into the

category of predation EC, used in particular to explainsituations in which ethnical groups fight each other inorder to control resources which are vital for their sur¬vival. Social control EC is coneeived as a transitional

Urban Violence: a challenge for geographers? Jean-Bernard Racine 181

category, tending in the direction of the sociologicalconcepts of genocide and politicide. We are encour-aged to critically examine whether the most recentforms of violence are really the least suitable forms ofaction for inducing improvement, at least in the eyesof a geographer.

Thus, it becomes apparent from this special issue thatterritorial actions which favour the local level are ofprimary importance for the prevention of violenceand delinquency. These preventative actions should beused in the front line as instruments of mediation,complimenting the activities of the police force and

developed in close collaboration with them. In addi¬

tion, every individual is encouraged to become activeas well, be this in setting up local contacts for securitypurposes or tackling delinquency - whether formalizedor not. For the successful engagement of all activists. itis necessary that all parties work together, consciouslyinterlinking lived, perceived, and represented Spaces,in order to identify or discover new pertinent scales ofIntervention, both at intercommunal and intracommu-nal levels. This interConnectivity of action would cer¬

tainly be a major undertaking; it would certainly bemore ambitious than simply trying to add a new singleapproach for the problems posed by violence based

on some recently discovered factor. Nevertheless, itpromises to be the most appropriate factor of regula¬

tory action in the future. The interconnection of localactors may be more effective than attempts to monitortrends or Solutions, as this would contribute towardsa better understanding, and perhaps even the reduc¬tion of severe problems of delinquency and crime inso-called problem neighbourhoods and in other areaswhere violence takes place.

Honneth, A. (2000): La lutte pour la reconnaissance.-Paris: Edition du Cerf.Lagrange, H. (2000): Reconnaissance, delinquance etviolences collectives. - In: Esprit, Oct.: 131-151.

Mucchielli, L. (2001): Violences et insecurite: Fan-tasmes et realites dans le debat frangais. - Paris: LaDecouverte.Noseda, V. & J.-B. Racine (2004): Violences urbaines.Une exploration au-delä des interpretations recues. Leregard du geographe dans une approche transdisci-plinaire. Agenda 21. Lausanne: Institut de Geogra¬phie et Ville de Lausanne.Racine, J.-B. (1993): La ville entre Dieu et les hommes.- Geneve: Presses bibliques universitaires.Racine, J.-B. (2002): Explaining, regularing or moni¬

toring violence in the cities of tomorrow: AppraisalsDraws from the French and Swiss Experiences. -In: Davies, W.K.D. & I.J. Townshend (eds.): Mon¬

itoring cities: International Perspectives. - Calgary:International Geographical Union, Urban Commis¬sion: 557-598.Racine, J.-B. (2003): Durabilite sociale et pathologiesurbaines: le probleme de la violence. - In: Da Cunha,A. & J. Ruegg (eds.): Developpement durable et

amenagement du territoire. - Lausanne: Presses poly¬techniques et universitaires romandes: 101-126.

Remy, J. & L. Voye (1981): Ville, ordre et violence,formes spatiales et transaction sociale. - Paris: Presses

Universitaires de France: 112-113.

Shaw, CR. (1929): Delinquency and Crime areas inChicago. - Chicago: University of Chicago.Szlakmann, C. (1992): La violence urbaine: A contre-courant des idees recues. - Paris: Laffont.Wiles, P. (1999):Troubled neighbourhoods. - In: Bru-insma, G. & CD. Van der Vijver (eds): Public Safetyin Europe.- Enschede:Twente University.

ReferencesBui-Trong, L. (2000): Violences urbaines: des veritesqui derangent. - Paris: Bayard.Chalas, Y. (2000): L'invention de la ville. - Paris:

Anthropos, coli. Villes.Dubet, F. (1987): La galere: jeunes en survie. - Paris:

Fayard.Girard, R. (1971): La violence et le sacre. - Paris:Grasset.Herbert, D.T (1976):The study of delinquincy areas: asocial geographical approach. - In: Transactions, Insti¬tute of British Geographers. New Series 1,4:472-492.Herbert, D.T. (1977): Crime, delinquency and theurban environment. - In: Progress in Human Geogra¬phy 1,2:208-239.

Prof. Dr. Jean-Bernard Racine. Institut de Geographie,Universite de Lausanne, BFSH ILCH-1015 Lausanne/Dorigny.e-mail: Jean-Bernard.Racine@igul.unil.ch