Uppland, Sweden Fredengren, Christina - raa.se

Water politics. Wet deposition of human and animal remains in Uppland, SwedenFredengren, Christinahttp://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/2015_161 Fornvännen 2015(110):3 s. 161-183Ingår i samla.raa.se

Water politics. Wet deposition of humanand animal remains in Uppland, SwedenBy Christina Fredengren

Fredengren, C., 2015. Water politics. Wet deposition of human and animal remainsin Uppland, Sweden. Fornvännen 111. Stockholm.

This paper presents evidence for deposition of human and animal remains inwatery locations in Uppland province. Likewise, deposition of artefacts in waterylocations also seems to continue into the historical period. This changes the previ-ous understanding of such depositions with regards to their geographical distribu-tion, their contents and how long the practices continued.

It is argued that the changing water landscape and the deposition of bodilyremains of certain human and animal others co-worked agentically to change avariety of relations over time, which had political effects. These assemblages oper-ated to draw attention to and from settlement clusters and central places, and wereimportant in negotiations of boundaries. Furthermore, some depositional sitesused in earlier periods seem to have attracted renewed attention at the end of theViking Period. Hence, these depositions may have been important in the transitionfrom Paganism to Christianity, and also helped merge communities and faiths.

Christina Fredengren, Archaeological Research Laboratory, Dept of Archaeology and Classical Studies, Stockholm University, SE–106 91 [email protected]

There may have been no clearly established orinstitutionalised religion or unified cosmologyin the Norse area in prehistory (Sundqvist 1998;2002, p. 76 ff). But a number of features do recurin the archaeological and written material. Amongthese are the sacred grove, the hall building andthe well. In Norse mythology the world treeYggdrasil draws water from two wells at its roots,the wells of fate and wisdom.

Wells have been found at central places likeGudme, and these would have been important inthe construction of a cosmological landscape thatmimicked Asgard (Hedeager 2001; 2011, pp. 148–163; Jørgensen 2009). As argued by Lotte Hedeager(2011, p. 152) other central places such as Upp -åkra (Hårdh & Larsson 2007), Helgö (Zachris-son 2004) and Old Uppsala (Sundqvist 2004)may have been organised and developed followingsimilar mythological models. Asgard was made

material through landscape, buildings, deposi-tions and other activities at these central places.

The literary sources mention human and ani-mal sacrifice, in the case of Old Uppsala in con-nection with a well. Adam of Bremen’s fourthbook describes this well as a place where thepagans would get their wishes fulfilled if theythrew in, and thus sacrificed, a living human. Acondition of this wish fulfilment was that the sac-rificial victim should not be found and retrievedfrom the water (Adam, History ch. 26, scol. 138).It is not clear if this is a reference to a built well, aspring or some other type of watery environment.Furthermore, so far, very little material evidencefor such a sacrificial well has been found. Therehave been various candidates at Old Uppsala.

One is “Odin’s well”, excavated by Martin Ols -son (1912). Museum Gustavianum holds a collec-tion of bones that may or may not be connected

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to the use of this well. The museum inventorystates that horse and cattle bones were found at adepth of 1.4 m below the surface, and that humanbones were found at a depth of over 2 m. However,deep excavations right beside the well have alsoproduced bones, which suggests that the wellmay have been dug in a cemetery. Odin’s well waslong believed to date from the 17th century(Sundquist 1953), but recent dendrochronologi-cal dating places it around AD 1180 (Linderson2013; Frölund 2014).

Two other possibilities would be the formerlake Myrby träsk, located to the north-west ofthe three great barrows (Damell 1980) and thenatural spring “Minurs brunn” (Raä 261; Lind -qvist 1936, p. 82). Another possible location isthe former wet area located to the south-east of,and framed by the major mound alignment.Some scholars including Magnus Alkarp (2009)have seen the documentary descriptions as nothaving much bearing on lived reality, and thearchaeological material that would support aninterpretation that ties human sacrifice to a wellat Old Uppsala is less than clear.

Significant finds of what has been understoodas human sacrifices in wetlands, such as Tollundman, have however been made in Denmark andbelong to the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Glob 1969).Bog body research generally centres on WesternEurope (Sanden 1996; Bennike 1999; Aldhouse-Green 2002) and few such finds are known fromSweden. However, there are uncertainties bothwith the spatial and temporal boundaries of thepractice of depositing human and animal remainsin waters and wetlands. While some sites werenoted by Ulf Erik Hagberg (1967), Per Karsten(1994) and Gunilla Larsson (2007), much of thedata set collected for this paper is new to re-search. It was compiled in the project “TidensVatten” and adds material from Sweden that hasnot been the subject of archaeological debatebefore. The data indicate that wetland deposi-tions of bodily remains took place much farthernorth than what previously understood and con-tinued well beyond the Pre-Roman Iron Age inthis area.

The project aims to offer an overview of suchdepositions in Sweden. The overarching researchquestions are when and where it was common to

deposit humans and animals in wet contexts,who was deposited and what effects this had. Inparticular this research aspires to produce anunderstanding of how these depositions wouldhave worked, particularly in the Late Bronze Ageand the Iron Age, and to see if the depositionswere connected to practices of social inclusionand exclusion.

This paper aims to examine the role of depo-sition and watery environments in geopoliticsand water politics, as well as in tensions betweenfaiths, and presents material mainly from Upp-land. This means that it deals with how politicalpower made use of human and animal bodies andwatery landscapes to bring about both stabilityand change. Some material from the Bronze Ageis presented, but the particular focus is on theLate Iron Age and relationships around Old Upp -sala and River Fyrisån. Hence, the paper address-es the theme of human and animal sacrifices atcentral places such as Old Uppsala, but also in thesurrounding area.

The questions asked are: Where did these de -positions occur and when? What was the rela-tionship to settlement centres and landscape?This leads to further questions, such as what therelationship was between these depositions andcentral places such as Old Uppsala, as well as theirimportance in the transition to new faiths.

Research designThis paper operates at a general landscape level.The questions have been dealt with through ascreening of museum inventories for human andanimal bones from wet contexts. The collectionsof the Swedish History Museum in Stockholm,and Museum Gustavianum and Upplands-museet(both in Uppsala) are in focus. The site register ofthe Swedish National Heritage Board has alsobeen consulted. Note however that there may bean underestimation of the number of sites as suchbone depositions many not always have beenassigned full site status. The appended cataloguelists finds from wet contexts and contexts thatmay have been wet in the past as judged by sedi-ment types and land elevation models. The findshave been recorded and compiled in a databasewith coordinates used for GIS mapping. The mapsdraw on Plikk 2010 and Sund 2010 for shoreline

162 Christina Fredengren



displacement models, outlining areas covered withwater in the past. Note that the shoreline displace-ment history around present-day Uppsala andFyrisån is complex and needs further research.

Bones have been radiocarbon dated, with atleast two samples from either human or animalindividuals collected from each site. However,finds from a number of identified sites have notbeen located in the museum storages. This hasadded an element of randomness to the statistics,and other patterns may emerge once these findsare retrieved and dated. The dates have been cali-brated with Oxcal 4.2 at 2 sigma. For a few sitesthere are radiocarbon dates from earlier projects.These have been recalibrated if available in a suit-able format with a clear measurement of statisticalerror. There may be a need to review some of thesein the future, particularly the earlier analyses.Also, certain finds that are contextually datedmay need to be revised.

Geopolitics and water politics are discussedin relation to an overview of field surveys andexcavation reports, as well as a review of existingresearch on political and geographical tensionsaround Old Uppsala (Lindkvist 1936; Sundquist1953; Alkarp 1998; 2009; Anund 2000; 2008;Sundqvist 2002; 2004; 2013; Ljungkvist 2006;2013; Gräslund 2013; Zachrisson 2013), in com-parison to other central places (cf. Jørgensen2009; Hedeager 2011). The paper also ties intocurrent discussions on how water works as anagential force in political development (Edge-worth 2011; Strang 2014). It is argued that amerging of cultural and natural forces, whereboth altered water landscapes as well as deposi-tions, played an important role in changing thegeographical focus of central places, and in thetransition between faiths.

Central places, sacrifice and paganismMany central places have yielded evidence for thedeposition of wealth in hoards, such as Gudme,Uppåkra, Helgö and Old Uppsala. Many of thesehoards are from dry contexts. Their relationshipto wetland deposition has been a matter of de -bate. Charlotte Fabech (1991; 1994) has arguedthat wetland artefact depositions continued untilabout AD 500, whereupon the rituals were movedto high-status dry land settlement sites. Torun

Zachrisson (1998, p. 118) on the contrary arguedthat wetland deposition of precious metalworkcontinued in central Sweden throughout the LateIron Age. Hedeager (1999; 2011, p. 168 f) claimsthat wetland artefact deposition continued at leastup until AD 1000, but suggests that the practiceof depositing hoards may have continued on intothe 16th century, increasingly focusing on coins.This discussion has however not dealt with anycontinued deposition of human and animalremains in wetlands throughout the Iron Ageand into the period of written history, which ispresented in the present paper.

There are references to human sacrifice in ico-nography and documentary sources (Hedeager2011, p. 103), and there are examples from dryarchaeological contexts. Human sacrifice is oftencalled upon to explain Late Iron Age graves withmore than one body, such as on Frösön island(Iregren 1989), at Bollstanäs (Hemmendorff 1984)and at Birka (Holmqvist Olausson 1990; see alsoPrice 2008, p. 266 f). Human and animal bodyparts found in settlement contexts have also beenseen as evidence for sacrifice, for instance at Upp -åkra’s “cult building” (Hårdh & Larsson 2007, p.52; Hedeager 2011, p. 103; Magnell 2011), at var-ious aristocratic settlements in South Scandi-navia (Jørgensen 2009; 2014) and at sites furthernorth, such as Ströja in Norrköping. There, partsof four human skulls dating from the 8th and 9thcenturies were found near a hall building (Hjul-ström 2012). Furthermore, animal remains foundat a major hall building at Hofstadir on Icelandhave been understood as sacrifices (Lucas & Mc-Govern 2007). Human bones from the Early Ro -man Period have been found in a well at the Kyrstasettlement in Uppland (Eklund et al. 2007, p.480 f). This suggests that such depositional prac-tices did not only occur at central places and inaristocratic environments, but also at ordinarysettlements.

Evidence for sacrifice connected to water hasnot yet been found at many of these centralplaces. Instead the issue of human and animalsacrifice at wells, as mentioned in the sources, haswith a degree of reluctance been associated withthe study of Early Iron Age bog bodies (Sund- quist 2004, p. 153; Hedeager 2011, p. 100).

Research on bog bodies is often linked to dis-

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cussions of prehistoric religion. The focus of thispaper is slightly different as, guided by the radio-carbon dates, it deals mainly with the period ofconversion to Christianity. This transition wasdiscussed in the project “The Christianisation ofSweden” (Nilsson 1996). Martin Carver (2003)also reflects on the not always smooth process ofconversion from paganism to Christianity in theperiod AD 300–1300. In a follow-up volume Car -ver et al. (2010) discuss “paganism” as a usefulbut problematic term in relation to Christianity,and argues that it may be better to study paganismby investigating local beliefs rather than grandreligious institutions. Anne-Sofie Gräslund (1987;2013) has reflected on the spread of the new reli-gion through the Uppsala area as shown in runestones and graves. She argues that Old Uppsalawas not the pagan stronghold that Adam of Bre-men made it out to be in the 1070s. Stefan Brink(2012, p. 621) views the conversion as a gradualprocess rather than a definitive event. Olof Sund- qvist (2013) provides an overview and critique ofthe literary sources and suggests that old reli-gious practices survived for quite some time. AsJulie Lund (2010, p. 59) notes, early Scandina-vian law codes prohibit all manner of sacrificialpractices, but not in particular wetland sacrifices.Alexandra Sanmark (2004, p. 151) points outhowever that the English laws of King Canuteacted against the worship of wells. Pagan sacrificemay well have been an important political factorboth in reality and in the political imagination, asevidenced by Medieval literary sources in Ireland(Fredengren 2010) and also in Scandinavia andBritain.

Whereas, the term “paganism” is problema-tic, so is the concept of sacrifice. The understand-ing of the term has varied over time. Early, andstill influential, writers on the subject, HenriHubert and Marcel Mauss (1891), described sac-rifice as a way of negotiating between the sacredand the profane. The political side of sacrifice hasbeen emphasised by Marcel Detienne (1989),and the term is often used in archaeology to de-note active killing and differential treatment ofsome bodies. Other classics on the theme of sac-rifice are René Girard 1977, roughly understand-ing sacrifice as originating in society's need forscapegoats. The term blót in Old Norse texts such

as Hávamál is generally translated as “sacrifice”or “sacrifical feast” (Näsström 2002, pp. 28–33).

Another important question in the study ofsacrifice is where the boundary between livingand dead objects was drawn. Richard Bradley(1990) followed Hubert & Mauss in categorisingthe destruction of animate materials such as hu -mans, animals and plants as sacrifices, whereasinanimate materials such as objects were seen asofferings. Lund (2010, p. 51) instead argues thatthere may have been no such clear boundary.Artefacts may also have been understood as im -bued with life. Against that background the term“sacrifice” could be applied to both. As Åsa Berg -gren (2010) argues, the term “sacrifice” has beenused in archaeology as a catch-all category todenote such material that does not fall into thesettlement or burial categories. Joanna Brück(1999) makes a similar argument for the term“ritual”, that is used for all practices not seen asfunctional. She urges archaeology to move onfrom this use and to investigate ritualisation prac -tices. Depositions in water could also be under-stood as a result of burials (Wessman 2009).Finds of human bones in water, such as thosefrom Tollense, have also been understood as theremains of battles near the shore (Jantzen et al.2011). Other interpretations are that the findsrepresent drownings or waste disposal.

This paper uses the term “depositions” broad-ly. It covers the placing of bodies in wetland con-texts by various actors and for various causes,from the erosion of shoreline burials (such buri-als from the Viking Period and also earlier periodshave for example been noted along River Sävjaån– Fagerlund et al. 2014, p. 29) to the deliberateplacing of both waste and sacrifices in water. Theterm “sacrifice” is used in a pragmatic sense, intend-ing to examine the usefulness of the term to archae-ology in a future publication. Here, the field ofbio- and necro-politics is worth exploring (Brai -dotti 2013, pp. 95–98), i.e. which lives are quali-fied for protection and which are left out, andwhat powers control bodies and mortality. Fur-thermore, sacrifice could indeed be understoodas necro-politics, where the border between life anddeath was managed as a way of exercising power,where certain lives were enabled, while others wereterminated and used as religious materiality.




Where and when?This project has identified depositions of humanand animal remains from wet contexts at over100 sites over most of Sweden: from Scania inthe south to Jämtland in the north, where humanremains have been found in a bog on Frösön Is-land (this site will be addressed in coming re search– thanks to Anne Monikander for informationabout this site). A particularly dense concentra-tion is found in Uppland where human and ani-mal bones have been recorded from 21 localities– that is if the depositions along River Fyrisånnear Uppsala are counted as one locality (fig. 1,Appendix). These depositions contain bones of atleast 95 individuals, human and non-human. Theyderive mainly from bogs, rivers and wells. Nocomparable density has been observed in nearbycounty Södermanland, which only has deposi-tions from a handful of locations. This may signi-fy political differences.

The project is in the middle of a radiocarbon

dating programme for the Swedish material. ForUppland the results range mainly from the EarlyBronze Age to the Late Iron Age. There are also afew dates in the 12/13th centuries AD and theEarly Modern period. Several sites have produceddates from more than one period. This suggestseither that earlier deposition sites and sites withtraditions were re-activated at a later point intime, or that old, possibly ancestral or heirloombones were re-used in new contexts.

When plotted on a map, the radiocarbon datedfinds form temporal and spatial patterns. Theearliest find’s date straddles the start of Per. III ofthe Bronze Age: it is located in the north part ofthe study area at Gryttby (or Gryteby) in Vendelparish. The finds from Per. III–VI are locatedaround the mouth of present-day River Örsunda-ån, at Torresta to the north and southward to-wards Enköping, with a particular concentrationsouth-west of Örsundsbro. Among these are ani-mal bone depositions, such as the cattle and pig

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Fig. 1. Map of human and animal depositions in Uppland province. Shoreline c. AD 1 after calculations by Sund 2010.


bones from Hjältängarna (Raä Härnevi 113 &Vårfrukyrka 505, thanks to Martin Rundkvist fordrawing my attention to this site) dating fromPer. III–V. According to museum documenta-tion, there were human bones too from this wet-land area on the boundary of two parishes withtheophoric names. Animal bones were also foundat Knyllinge, situated on the boundary betweenFröslunda and Biskopskulla parishes. These wereassociated with a wooden trackway dating fromthe Late Bronze Age (Raä 98; ATA 4719/93; Jen -sen 1996), though the bones gave a date in theEarly Iron Age. A new depositional site of animalbones at a ford has recently been identified inRiala (pers. comm. Kjell Andersson).

In a well at the Bronze Age settlement of Apallewere found both human and animal bones (cattleand pig). The well has foundation dates fromaround 1350 cal BC (i.e. Per. II/III), but the boneswere found in the upper part of the fill and maythus be a few centuries later (Ullén 1995).

Horse bones were found at Rickebasta in Al -sike and dated to Per. V–VI. These are old, perhapsnot entirely reliable radiocarbon dates. Our newradiocarbon analyses confirm depositions in theLate Bronze Age, but also indicate that certainhorse bones from Rickebasta date from the Migra-tion Period. Intriguingly, one date in the 17th cen-tury cal AD or later also emerged. There are a num -ber of different interpretations of this: that thelate date is erroneous or that the practice of depo-sition continued into the Early Modern Period.

The Bronze Age group also includes Gran -hammar Man, a skeleton found in the clay of alandlocked former bay and dated to Per. V. Thisperson has been interpreted as a unique murdervictim (Lindström 2009). Human and animalbones have also been found during dredging ofRiver Örsundaån at Eneby in Altuna parish (Lars -son 2007), where timbers representing a bridgeor a platform were also found. These have notbeen located in the museum stores. Human andanimal bones of this period have also been foundin the wetlands around lake Hallarbysjön (RaäLitslena 465 & 600, thanks to Jhoony Therus).

The numbers increase slightly during theEarly Iron Age, with finds both in the Örsundaånarea and increasingly closer to present-day Upp-sala. The earliest Iron Age find is human remains

from Lake Sätrasjön, followed by bones found“deep in the clay very near the river” in line withthe Johannesgatan street in Uppsala where itcrosses River Fyrisån (roughly at Järnbron bridge).These all date from the Pre-Roman Iron Age.

One of the deposits from Knyllinge has a datethat stretches across the AD 1 boundary into theRoman Iron Age. The human remains from Tor-resta date from this period. Again, this showsthat a number of these sites contain multi-periodmaterial, which suggests engagement with earlierdepositional places and/or the re-use of bonesfrom the past. At Tadem, animal bones have beenfound at a brushwood platform, where dating ofwood places the site in this general period (1875±70 BP, 180 cal BC – 210 cal AD, 1 sigma, St-12270;ATA 4646/87; Olsson 1993). However, as exem-plified by Knyllinge, these may be multi-periodsites and the date of a structure may not always bethe same as the surrounding depositions.

Also from the Roman Iron Age are finds ofhorse bones from Stora Ullentuna as well as a mixof human and animal bones from a well at Göd -åker. The latter find context is uncertain, and it isnot clear if the bones belong to the well’s usephase or came in with later backfill (pers. comm.Kent Andersson). The Gödåker cemetery is gene-rally dated to c. AD 100–400, and it is possiblethat the bone depositions belong to the sameperiod, though the find context is rather uncer-tain. The place name, “God Field”, has been con-nected to the cult of Nerthus (Almgren 1916;Ekholm 1925ab).

Larsson (2007, p. 241 f) has noted animalbones as being found in a wetland together witha Late Bronze Age hoard at Sigridsholm in Lundaparish. The site has also yielded a Viking Periodsword (SHM 6742) showing that the depositionscontinued at this significant site. In the documen-tation of the find of animal bones however, ClaesVarenius (ATA 6260/1956) states that they werefound during digging for a drain pipe near ahouse, the bones were discarded as being Me die-val or recent by the surveyor, and their connec-tion to wetland and the hoard is not clear.

Depositions of human and animal remainsfrom the Migration, Vendel and Viking Periodsform a large group in this material. Particularlyinteresting is the group of finds from River Fyris-




ån. There are 14 entries from this river, repre-senting about 20 individuals. These derive par-ticularly from the area south of Islandsbron bridgeand Föret, a lake-like expansion to the south onthe river. Some radiocarbon dates indicate depo-sitions in the Vendel–Viking Periods. Curiouslyfew animal bones have been recorded from themiddle stretch of River Fyrisån, suggesting thatthis part of the river was reserved for human de-positions. Source-critically speaking though, itcan also be due to a tendency to collect humanbones more readily than those from animals. Thereis nevertheless a find of two bone fragments anda pig tooth (UM 21559 b) that may derive fromthis riverine context.

Some of the remains derive from complexcontexts, where it is harder to judge if they repre-sent riverside erosion near burials or depositionsin wet contexts. Bent Syse (2003, p. 36) has direct-ed attention to finds of human remains fromTrädgårdsgatan 9 and 10 in Uppsala. One of these(MAC 202a) is from rather shallow contexts andgave a date of 890–1150 cal AD (1045±30 BP, Ua-20082). Another human skull (MAC 202b) wasfound together with bones of cattle and sheep/goat in clay at 2 m depth. Syse interprets thesejointly as remains of a Viking Period cemetery.This may well be the case, but the two finds alsoshow the challenges of the material. Both werefound in wet areas where it is hard to distinguisha burial from a deposition. Such complexities arealso noted for MAC 175, 176, 184.1–2, 202 a & b(see Appendix). These finds could be understoodas evidence for deliberate deposition in water,but may on the other hand also derive from burialsnear the river shore.

Bengt Lundholm (1947) mentions human andanimal bones found in River Björklingeån nearLövsta. These would be crucial to the discussiondue to the site's proximity to both Valsgärde andOld Uppsala. However, no-one currently knowswhere these bones are. The excavation of a stonebridge at Läby bog, understood to date from theLate Iron Age, also gave finds of horse bones(Ser nander 1908). Horse bones and undetermin-ed bone fragments (UMF 3829) are registered inthe museum as found at Läby Bridge, but themuseum documentation is somewhat unclear.Furthermore three Viking Period axes (UMF

1112–14) have been recovered from Läby bog,and another axe (UMF 1118) was found duringdredging of River Läby near the church, whichsuggests that this was a deposition site at least inthe Viking Period.

Human and animal remains from c. AD 900–1200 have been found in three wetland localities:Närtuna, Knivsta and Bokaren. Earlier studieshave dated a human skull from Närtuna to 890–1020 cal AD (Larsson 2007, p. 247). New datesfor human skulls from Närtuna have producedsimilar and slightly later dates, such as 990–1150cal AD (983±30 BP, 2 sigma). The dates fromKnivsta are 780–1020 cal AD (1103±30 BP) and1030–1200 cal AD (914±30 BP). At Bokaren ahuman skull dates to 970–1160 AD (Eklund &Hennius 2014). Pig bones from the same site dateto 1120–1380 cal AD (726±30 BP, 2 sigma), whichsuggests re-use of the site in the Late Viking Pe-riod and into the Medieval Period. The radiocar-bon dates from Knivsta and Bokaren indicatetwo depositional events at either site, while allthe probability distributions for Närtuna overlapsomewhat, allowing for contemporaneity.

Evidence for late deposition of human re mainshas also been found elsewhere in Sweden andabroad. Individual 37 from the wetland deposi-tion of Skedemosse on Öland, for instance, is a c.60-year-old female dated to 990–1150 cal AD(995±30 BP, 2 sigma; Olsson 2009, pp. 12 ff, tab.1, fig. 4; Monikander 2010, p. 88 f). Furthermore,Glanshammar (understood as a potential centralplace in Närke; Ljungkvist 2006, pp. 75–84) hasa nearby wetland weapon deposition site at Äver-sta that has yielded weapons dating to theRoman Period and the Migration Period (Nick-lasson 1997, pp. 116, 275). The site has also givenbones that have been dated by Tidens Vatten tothe Migration/Vendel Periods as well as the endof the Viking Period (horse 430–610 cal AD,1520 ±30 BP, Ua-4265; human 430–640 cal AD,1508 ±30 BP, Ua-42657; human 420–590 cal AD,1544 ±30 BP, Ua-42658; 890–1020 cal AD,1087±30 BP, Ua-42659). In these cases earlierdepositio-nal sites have attracted attention andbeen re-activated at the end of the Viking Periodon the verge of the Medieval Period. These dep-ositions suggest a reintroduction of sacrificialpractices.

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While further radiocarbon analyses of thesefinds may change the pattern, it is clear that someof the material dates to the transition betweenthe Viking Period and the Middle Ages. Also, thelocations where they occur, at a distance to Upp-sala, are interesting. It seems that there was lessemphasis on deposition at the central place, whilethe practice of depositing human and animalremains continued or was revived in more peri-pheral settings during these transitional times.

To what effect? Water boundaries as connectorsWe must contextualise the finds in greater detailand figure out the roles the depositions and thewaters played in both geopolitics and water poli-tics. Fredengren 2011 offers an overview of de-positions of Bronze Age artefacts in the Lake Mä -laren area. One conclusion of that study is thatmany of the hoard depositions, be they dry-landor wet -land depositions, were made where riversmet the sea and that they were carried out in a


maritime landscape, possibly linking rituals tolongdistance journeys.

A similar observation can be made for thebone depositions, making use of a GIS map. Thearea around present day River Örsundaån wouldhave been a bay of the sea (fig. 2). Some of thebone depositions were made at wet boundaries ofrather rich Bronze Age settlements and in land-scapes that would later become parish bound-aries. These landscapes have been explored overdecades of excavations. Fieldwork at Nibble inTillinge has revealed complex settlements andfunerary arrangements from 1100–300 cal BC.Particularly interesting are certain features sug-gesting that sacrifices took place within the settle-ments in connection with ancestral cult (Arturs-son et al. 2011, pp. 553–567). This is also an areawith many rock carvings (Ling 2013). JonathanLindström (2011, p. 511 f; fig. 21:1) has summaris-ed the archaeological evidence including bronzes,rock art and other sites. This part of the Lake


Fig. 2. Map of human and animal depositions around present-day River Örsundaån. Shoreline c. 650 BC, calculations after Sund 2010.


Mälaren area had a number of large settlementareas. The bone depositions coincide with two ofthese areas, those of Enköping and Gran hammar.

As discussed by Inga Ullén (2003), drawingon the evidence from Apalle, these areas wouldhave had denser village-like conglomerations aswell as single farms. At the Apalle settlement,bones were found in a well that may have beenused both in Per. II/III of the Bronze Age and inthe Pre-Roman Iron Age. While such wells con-tained and managed water, they could neverthe-less be dangerous. Wells may draw on water per-colating through the ground, and the depositionsmay have marked out, linked and handled theboundaries between the underworld and theeveryday world.

The parishes of Biskopskulla and Härnevi areknown for many Bronze Age sites and finds (Fors -gren 2010; Lindström 2011; Ling 2013). The Per.III/IV bone depositions from Hjältängarna werefound on the boundary between these parishes,in a borderland between areas that were frequent-ly used during these periods. These bone deposi-tions do not share the exact location of artefactdepositions, although sharing the general locality.Note that these depositions contain unburnt bonesfrom a time when increasing numbers of bodieswere cremated and fragmented. It seems that dif-ferent rules applied to the material destined forthe water. There seems to be reason to re-thinkonce singular finds, such as Granhammar Man,as playing roles in a broader depositional context.

At River Tollense in Germany, finds of wea-pons and human remains with trauma have beeninterpreted as signs of a Bronze Age battle (Jant -zen 2011). The finds from Uppland discussedhere consists of a mix of human and animal bonesin rather limited amounts and the osteologicalevidence does not yet support a battle interpreta-tion for the finds from this period. However,these bones may have been useful in issues aboutcontested lands and water. The finds derive fromrivers and wetlands that were formerly waters.Particularly interesting are sites such as Knyl -linge, where depositions were found at a ford. Asdiscussed by Matt Edgeworth (2011), the flow ofwaters may intervene in political affairs. What isimportant to the discussion here is that Upp-land’s rivers, wetlands and lakes together with their

depositions may have been boundary makers, andthereby have become agents in territorial struggles.The depositions at Knyllinge can be under stoodas on the one hand marking out a water boundary,on the other hand working in conjunction withthe particular water landscape as a meeting placeand connector between areas and communities.

Östra Aros and Old UppsalaJudging from Camilla Sund’s (2010) shoreline dis -placement model, the Uppsala area was an inl etof the sea that began to become land-locked fromthe beginning of the Iron Age on (fig. 3). Duringthe Pre-Roman Iron Age the inlet reached Brobyand Ärna near Old Uppsala. At the end of theViking Period the inlet’s shoreline had retreatedto central Uppsala. As many scholars have noted,shoreline displacement was crucial to the socialand political development of the area (e.g. Sund- quist 1953; Anund 2000; 2008). These lands andwaters clearly acted as significant co-workers inthe politics of change by hindering certain kindsof transport by water and making new placesavailable.

There has been much discussion about whenUppsala (as Östra Aros) was established and whatits relationship to Old Uppsala was like. The loca-tion of the “true” Uppsala has been contested atleast since the 17th century (Alkarp 2009). NilsSundquist (1953, pp. 42–46, 66) described howearly documentary evidence for Uppsala, such asYnglingatal and Adam of Bremen, may or maynot refer to Old Uppsala. Crucial to the linkagewith Old Uppsala is the mention of a judicialassembly site and a market near the mounds in St.Olaf ’s Saga. Sundquist (1953, pp. 112–119, 122,131–132, 136–137, 146, 174) instead favoured ÖstraAros as the place discussed in the documentarysources. In about AD 1000 the river mouth wassituated there. Sundquist pointed out that thisarea was associated with a fair at Is lan det, thatthe topography here provides a better match withwritten sources, and there are significant wells inthe area, such as one at the foot of Uppsala Castlehill and the well of St. Erik near the cathedral.Furthermore, he pointed out, the area has sacralplace names that refer to the Norse pantheon,such as Ulleråker, most of them located on thewestern side of the river.

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Fig. 3. Map of human and animal depositions aroundpresent-day River Fyrisån and Uppsala. Shoreline c.650 BC, calculations after Sund 2010.

Both Sundquist and Lars Wilson (1994, p.130) place the assembly site of Ulleråker hundredhere, west of the river. Their argument points tothree barrows that stood here once, and to a gravestone decorated with horses. Sundquist’s workhas been criticised for consisting of hypothesesrather than being built on archaeological evi-dence (Gräslund 1993; Kjellmark 2006; 2009),and the discussion has continued (Alkarp 1998;2009; Anund 2000; 2008; Olof Sundqvist 2002; 2004; Ljungkvist 2006). The documentary sour-ces suggest that the political emphasis certainlyshifted from Old Uppsala, first when King ErikJedvardsson was killed around AD 1160 at ÖstraAros and then particularly in 1258 when the seewas moved from Old Uppsala to Östra Aros andthe later site was renamed Uppsala (Lovén 2010,pp. 271–279).

Sune Lindkvist (1936) focused on the mainarchaeological monuments at Old Uppsala andunderstood this to be the central place mention-ed in the documentary sources. In more recent

times the project Gamla Uppsala – framväxten avett mytiskt centrum has pieced together informa-tion from earlier excavations, as well as adding tothe knowledge of the place though mapping andexcavations (Ljungkvist 2013). John Ljungkvist(2013, p. 33) argues that it is rather clear from thearchaeological evidence – plentiful settlementstructures with central halls, monumental burials,artefacts of the most exclusive kind and evidencefor craft production – that Old Uppsala was Svea -land’s main central place. The main period ofmonument construction there was AD 550–700(Ljungkvist 2013, p. 57 f) i.e. the Early and Midd-le Vendel Period. As emphasised by Ljungkvist(2006), Johan Anund (2008) and Zachrisson(2013, p. 190) we should discuss Old Uppsala inrelation to other places and particularly to ÖstraAros. The material in the present paper furtheremphasises the importance of this relationship.

Besides the monuments at Östra Aros indi-cated by Sundquist, a number of artefacts fromthe Stone Age onwards have also been retrievedthere. For example, stone axes have been found inRiver Fyrisån and a quern stone was found in awell near the Bishop’s palace. Certain Bronze Ageartefacts may be associated with this stretch ofthe river, such as axes and spearheads knownonly to have been found in a garden somewherealong the river (SHM 2678). As noted above, anumber of Viking Period artefacts have also beenfound just downstream from the Islandsbron brid-ge (Ljungkvist 2006, p. 177 f). One is a miniaturesword (fig. 4). The area downstream from thisbridge, Islandet, has been interpreted as a harbourlocation where people gathered from time totime (Gräslund 1993, p. 177). Ljungkvist (2006,pp. 176–178) rules out that the weapons wouldhave ended up in the river as a result of acciden-tal losses: the spot was not fordable. Further-more he argues that the weaponry was not lost inbattle, such as that around AD 980 at Fyrisvallar-na (Syse 2003, p. 38 f), as there is a too wide achronological spread in the weapon types, thatdate from c. AD 800 to 1100. Ljungkvist inter-




prets the finds as a result of ritual depositions,possibly connected to war.

Dated depositions of human remains stretchback to Pre-Roman times at Östra Aros. However,most of the radiocarbon-dated bones have muchlater dates, similar to those of the weapon depo-sitions. And they occur at nearby spots, furtherdown along the river than the Pre-Roman find.The radiocarbon dates indicate that these peoplewould have died in the Late Vendel Period andthe Viking Period, while all the artefacts date tothe Viking Period. This suggests that depositionof human remains began slightly earlier, but thestandard deviations permit that all of the bonesmay be coeval with the weapon depositions. Theradiocarbon results also imply that the deposi-tions downstream from Islandsfallet were carriedout after the end of the main monumental con-struction phase at Old Uppsala.

While Old Uppsala may have had a harbourlocation at some stage, shoreline displacementwould slowly have altered the landscape and cre-ated more accessible harbour locations furtherdown the river, for example at Östra Aros. Notethat over time movement on land between OldUppsala and Östra Aros would have become easier,while at the same time the water-borne passagebecame more arduous to travel. At an early stagethe two places could work in conjunction, withthe water facilitating direct contact. River Fyris- ån once marked the boundary between Bondkyr-ka and Vaksala parishes, and so the Viking Perioddepositions were made at a point where two juris-dictions would meet in the High Middle Ages.Edgeworth (2011, p. 70) mentions how materialand symbolic aspects of waters merge, and thiswould have been the case here too. The deposi-tions were carried out at a spot where the river met the sea and where large ships could seek har-bour. Thus there are similarities between the lo -cation chosen for the depositions and some of theearlier artefact depositions.

Comparable geopolitical dynamics are alsoseen at Gudme. It consists of the central settle-ment, 4 km from the coast and dating from c. AD200–600, and settlement in the wider area from100 BC to after AD 1100. However, it is oftenseen as forming a part of a wider settlement land-scape incorporating the inland cemetery of Mølle-

gårdsmarken and the trading port of Lundeborg,situated downstream at the mouth of River Tangeå (Thrane 1987; Christoffersen 1987; Nielsen etal. 1994; Thomsen 1994; Jørgensen 1995; 2011;Hedeager 2011, pp. 153 f, 158). Hedeager (2011,161 f, 165) suggests that Gudme was dedicated tothe cult of Odin, where the central settlement areawas seen as Asgard, the home of the gods, and thecoast may have been associated with Utgard.Despite thorough investigations, no evidence forsacrifices has been found in or at Lake Gudme sø.This may however be due to heavy sedimenta-tion in the lake. Instead cemeteries and hoardshave been found either at the central settlement,in liminal wetlands or at spots closer to the sea.Here the situation at Gudme recalls that of OldUppsala, with no evidence for the deposition ofhuman or animal remains in wetland contexts.Instead the depositional evidence is found in anarea where the inland waters met the sea, and asso -ciated with a harbour area. Therefore the loca-tion of these may both have drawn on traditional

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Fig. 4. Miniature swordfound in River Fyrisån,UMF 1096. Photo JohnWorley, Gustavianum.

Fig. 5. Medieval swordUMF 78 from RiverFyrisån. Photo JohnWorley, Gustavianum.

Fig. 6. Pilgrim’s badgeSHM 2678:1. Photo:Gabriel Hildebrand/SHMM.

depositional practices and negotiated a networkof boundaries, between life and death as well asbetween territorial units and traditions.

Post-Viking artefact deposition in River FyrisånThere is no evidence to suggest continued depo-sition of human or animal remains in River Fyris-ån past the end of the Viking Period. There arehowever rather plentiful finds that suggest con-tinued artefact deposition in the river at present-day central Uppsala.

At least six Medieval swords have been foundduring dredging. Thomas Wagner et al. (2009)have published four and dated them to the 11–13th centuries, focusing on their high quality andreligious/magical Christian inscriptions. The findcontext needs to be further explored. The swordSHM 8235 has a general provenance to RiverFyrisån, while the swords UMF B 72, 74 & 78

were recovered from the river in the area aroundIslandsbron bridge and Hamnplanen (fig. 5). Thisfind spot corresponds to that of the Viking Periodartefacts as if depositional tradition continued intothe Medieval Period. The sixth sword was found atthe riverside near the bath at Pollacksbacken,hence also this was found in a water context.

Also recovered from the river are stirrups(UMF B652, 659, 660) and spurs (UMF 2114) ofMedieval and later dates. Anund (2008, p. 9) in ter-prets a Medieval horse figurine from the rivershore as a possible sacrifice. Roberta Gilchrist(2009, p. 249 f) discusses the Medieval revival ofthe deposition of swords in watery contexts whenthey became obsolete in Christian burials. Thecustom worked to emphasise the link betweenmasculinity and weapons in contestation withclerical identities. The Uppsala sword finds maybe interpreted along similar lines. However, the




depositions in River Fyrisån are more complex andcontinue on in time, connecting horses, nobilityand military action to the water, and therebypossibly recognizing, mediating and altering ear-lier traditions of horse-related bone depositionswith new practices. Furthermore, the river hasyielded a book clasp possibly dating from aboutAD 1300 and an early-15th century pilgrimbadge of St. Bridget of Sweden (fig. 6). Larsson(2007, p. 242) mentions the find of a Medievalbaptismal font from the harbour area and sug-gests that the harbour may at the time havereached Uppsala’s main square, as evidenced byfinds of boat parts at excavations. Boat parts werehowever re-used in buildings and pathways inViking Dublin (Fredengren 2007), and they mayalso have been used as landfill. There are also otherfinds from River Fyrisån, including wool scissors(UMF 2113) and cutlery (UMF 2115). The distinc-tion between what may have been sacred deposi-tions and garbage is not always clear.

These river finds could be seen as accidentallosses, but may equally imply that the deposi-tional practices focused on water continued wellinto the Swedish Middle Ages. However, theywould have changed. Thus it seems that Christianreligious objects were also seen as suitable for de-position in water, even though they held a differ-ent religious charge. Christian devotional itemssuch as book shrines and reliquary crosses havealso been found at traditional deposition spots onrivers and in lakes in Ireland (Fredengren 2002;2010, p. 256 f) and Denmark (Hede-ager 2011, p.168) and this may also have been the case here.

The depositional practices in this part of RiverFyrisån were long-lived. Religious practices relat-ing to water continued into historical times, albeitin a different form, eventually including Chris-tian items. This implies that the river contributedto more than the formation of masculine identi-ties but also to negotiating between faiths. Further-more, during the last fight of King Erik Jedvards-son, the future saint, two miracles occurred – aspring rose up either on the spot where his bloodwas first spilled or where he was decapitated, andthe blood gave a blind woman her eyesight back.The location of the spring has been suggested aseither at Uppsala cathedral or at Slottskällan, some500 m to the south (Bengtsson & Lovén 2012, p.

24, 35 ff). The topos of the eye sacrificed in wateroccurs both in Norse and Celtic mythology asoutlined in Simpson 1962. Note that the legendof St. Erik has a water-related theme, which alsoinvolves the killing and decapitation of the king.These motifs together with earlier practices mayhave been reworked in the legend of the saint.

Practices in the provincesHow then can we understand the pattern of depo-sitions of human and animal remains as late asthe end of the Viking Period? As shown abovethese took place in areas at a distance from Upp-sala. The human remains at Lake Bokaren werefound together with bones from cattle, horse andpig at a wood-and-stone platform. Flax and flaxseeds were found at the site, which was understoodas a sacrificial one, and the pollen spectrum insediment samples suggested a date in the MiddleBronze Age (Lundholm 1947, pp. 21–24). SusannaEklund and Andreas Hennius (2014) have radio-carbon-dated the human bones to the Vendel–Viking Period shift and the Late Viking Period.Further radiocarbon analyses carried out byTidens Vatten and reported on here show thatpeople continued to deposit animal remains atthe platform well into the Swedish Middle Ages.However, the evidence needs further examina-tion and more radiocarbon analyses may expandthe site’s use history.

Bokaren is on the boundary between Stavbyand Rasbo parishes. The site is some 1,5 km north-east of Hov, where field survey has identified asubstantial settlement and mound cemetery (e.g.Raä Rasbo 93, 668, 106:4). The place name Hovindicates a farmstead that may have had a sacralfunction (Vikstrand 2001, pp. 260–264; Sund- qvist 2001). One possibility is that this Hov wasa farmstead of a local or regional elite that had asacral function. The human and animal sacrificialpractices at Bokaren may have been related tothis Hov, to other communities nearby or toalliances further away. Zachrisson (2014, p. 97 f)has identified an earlier lake name, Hofbo träsk,and interpreted the site as a regional outdoor cultsite located on a hundred boundary.

The next set of depositions is from Närtunaparish. This is a find of several skulls and other hu-man bones, together with wood and charred wood,

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some of it with cut marks, found during drainageof a peat bog that had once, like all bogs in theregion, been a lake (Niklasson 1924). This lakewas part of a transport route called Lång hundra-leden that lead from the Baltic Sea to Uppsala.Further survey and trial excavation took place andidentified a built platform and indications of fur-ther assemblages of bones of humans and hor ses.The site was interpreted as a highly ranked sacri-ficial place (Larsson 2007, pp. 245–248; Zachris-son 2014, p. 100 f). The location is on the borderof the three parishes Skepptuna, Närtuna andFrösunda. The latter two have theo phoric namesrelating to the goddess Nerthus and the god Freyr(Vikstrand 2001, pp. 101–114). In the lake wasonce an island that is described as a meeting placeand harbour location in the Heritage Board’s siteregister (Raä Närtuna 176 & 178). This may wellhave been another regional centre (Zachrisson2014, pp. 100 f) with importance both for com-munication and for pre-Christian religion. När-tuna, that also had a marketplace, is located alongLånghundraleden and near Folklandstingstad,the legal assembly place of Attundaland at Lunda(Calissendorff 1966). This attests to the impor-tance of the place. There is also evidence for thedeposition of horse skulls in a nearby wetland atStora Ullentuna, and animal bones have beenfound at a wood-and-stone platform at Tadem inSkånela parish. The Tadem platform dates to thePre-Roman Iron Age (Olsson 1993).

At Knivsta several individuals dating to theViking Period and possibly somewhat later werefound in a wetland on the present railway, nearthe church. The railway line cuts through two wetareas near Knivsta, Trunsta bog and the fenaround St. Stephen’s spring (Raä Knivsta 153).The latter is in the middle of Knivsta parish nearthe church, while the former is on the borderwith Alsike parish. Also from this general wet-land area are bones from humans and cattle, potsand an iron knife (SHM 3492; these finds cannotcurrently be found in the stores and might beinterpreted as evidence for burial, deposition orsomething in between).

At Knivsta there is a major Early Iron Agecemetery consisting of small mounds and stand-ing stones (Ekholm 1946). Excavations have alsoidentified settlements from the Late Bronze Age

and the Migration Period. There are furthermoreburials from the Viking Period (Hamilton 1995).Excavations at Gredelby have turned up buildingfoundations from AD 200 to 1050 (Andersson1996, pp. 54–68). Nearby is Tuna in Alsike withan exceptionally rich boat-grave cemetery datingfrom the 6th century AD onward (Arne 1934),emphasising that this was an important centre.Birgit Arrhenius (1997) has suggested that thiswas the burial site of a ruling regional lineageconnected to the cult of Freyja. In the vicinity ofKnivsta, at Rickebasta, there are as mentionedabove depositions of animal bones from theBronze Age and Migration Period, which may beconnected somehow to the high-status settle-ment at Alsike.

Some of these sites are near two- or three-parish boundaries. Hagberg (1967) noted Skede -mosse’s location between three parishes. Thissuggests that these sites were used by severalgroups for communal sacrifice. Likewise, Upp-sala is mentioned as the place of the Swedes’ top-level sacrificial feast. Other depositions may havebeen made in the context of local or regionalevents binding together other actors.

Lake Bokaren, Närtuna and Knivsta showthat deposition of human remains in water tookplace in areas at a distance from Uppsala at theend of the Viking Period. One possibility is thata regional elite continued some sort of pagan blót-related practices, at a time when the official estab-lishment increasingly set them aside. There isreason to believe that these depositions tookplace in areas that had already previously beenconnected with sacrifices. Both at Knivsta withnearby Rickebasta and in Närtuna depositions hadtaken place earlier during prehistory. At LakeBokaren there is evidence that human re mainshad been deposited at least during the Vendeland Viking Periods, if not earlier. Furthermore,animal remains dating to the Swedish MiddleAges have been found at the site, which is evi-dence for continued deposition.

The renewed deposition of human and ani-mal remains in wetlands at the dawn of theChristian period and into it may have been an actof resistance against the royal line and religiousconversion. There are some examples in the liter-ary sources around this general time that suggest




a pagan revival. The Svear of Uppland seem tohave held on particularly stubbornly to pagantraditions, including sacrifice (Sundqvist 2013,pp. 78–81). For example, the Saga of King Heidrekthe Wise (p. 62 f) describes King Inge the Elder(obiit c. 1105) ordering the Swedes to abandontheir pagan sacrificial customs in favour of Chris-tianity. The people object and overthrow Inge.Instead Inge's brother-in-law, Sweyn, was madeking on the promise that he would continue thesacrifices (Beckman 1925). The saga then de scri-bes how a horse was divided up and reddened thesacrificial tree with blood. After three years Ingeoverthrew Sven and was re-elected king. Thissuggests that there was a pagan uprising aroundAD 1080. The English bishop Eskil was appar-ently killed during these events (Schmid 1953).

Adam of Bremen’s second book (ch. 62) alsomentions Christians being killed in response totheir missionary activities, and even describestheir bodies being deposited in wetlands. Afterthe English missionary Wolfred denounced Thorand destroyed a statue of the god, he was killed, dis-membered and sunk into a bog, probably aroundAD 1029.

Furthermore, there was tension between Upp -sala and Sigtuna in the 11th century (Sundqvist2013, p. 81). The depositions should perhaps beunderstood against this background. As discussedby Anne-Sofie Gräslund (1997) and Torun Zachris- son (1998), Sigtuna was an important actor inthe spread of the new faith. This is apparent in thearea’s many Christian rune stones. As expressedby Charlotte Fabech & Ulf Näsman (2008) andStefan Brink (2012), the conversion process start-ed long before AD 1100. Also, the continued de-position of human/animal remains and artefactsstrengthens the impression that the conversionperiod stretched further on into the SwedishMiddle Ages. As shown by Alexandra Sanmark(2004, p. 151) and Julie Lund (2010, p. 59), Me die-val legal codes both in Scandinavia and Britainregulate worship at wells, which suggests that thesacrificial traditions continued, albeit in modi-fied form. What has been presented in this paperis material evidence for how deposition in water,which may be a part of such worship, as well thevarying acts of water, would have intervened insocial and political affairs.

Discussion In Uppland, the deposition of human and animalremains as well as artefacts in wetland contextsformed part of a long-lived, albeit varied, prac-tice that stretched from the Bronze Age, throughthe Iron Age and into the Swedish Middle Ages.Most sites are in areas that would have been quitedensely settled at the time, and have been foundat lakes, rivers and bogs. Connections to fordsand bridges emphasise their role in boundary-making and boundary-transgressing practices.Some of these practices may later on have beenexpressed in Norse mythology, particularly textsdealing with depositions in wells, as recognised byAdam of Bremen. Possible they were also mergedinto later saints’ lives. It is important to be opento the idea that religion saturated everyday lifeboth before and after the advent of the new faith,and that deposition in water continued to be animportant practice. Overall the amount of depo-sitions in this area is higher than in nearby CountySödermanland, which may suggest differences inpolitics, power practices and traditions.

Zachrisson (1998) and Hedeager (2011) showthat artefact hoard deposition carried on well intothe Late Iron Age and possibly even beyond, main -ly however in the form of coin hoards. The wet-land bone finds discussed here should be broughtinto this discussion, as they confirm the longevi-ty of the tradition, and add bodily remains to thetypes of materials included in the discussion.Also artefacts such as swords, horse gear and reli-gious items played roles in deposition in waterfor quite some time, where Christian artefacts wereadded to earlier depositions in River Fyrisån in theIron Age and into the Middle Ages. This suggeststhat these waters continued to be of religious sig-nificance for quite some time.

Water, as a material force, has the power tointervene in political affairs. In this paper theworkings of water as boundary and connector orthe withdrawal of water due to rising land, facili-tating for example new depositional places or har-bour locations, have been touched upon. How-ever, water can be a rather volatile partner. Thedepositions of bodily remains in waters can on theone hand be a way of hiding the evidence for events,but the withdrawal of water can also expose skele-tal remains, revealing evidence for former practi-

175Water politics



ces. Such action could either attract continued de-positional action or expose signs of atrocities andthereby call for intervention and revenge. Hence,water and skeletal depositions in conjunctioncould have effects in a variety of political causes.Sacrifice, violence and the deposition of bodies inwetlands mattered in religious and poli tical affairs.

These depositions, together with the chang-ing water landscape, played roles in geopoliticsand water politics around the establishment, ten-sions, development and maintenance of centralplaces such as Old Uppsala and Östra Aros. Further-more, they may have been significant elements inthe establishment and negotiations of bounda-ries. Particularly important is how these placesmay have been constructed by drawing on andmodifying long-lived changing practices on thetheme of human and animal deposition in water,stretching back to the Bronze Age.

As for the geopolitical situation, Uppsala mayneed to be understood as a changing complex ofmonuments and practices, being dependent bothon relationships with nearby areas and develop-ments at other places in the region and fartheraway. As Zachrisson (2013, p. 190) writes it is dif-ficult to discuss Old Uppsala without consider-ing Östra Aros. This perspective may be taken onestep further with the material presented in thispaper, to argue that the relationship between OldUppsala and Östra Aros was a rather dynamic oneover a long period, possibly, but not necessarily,drawing on an Asgard/Utgard model. However,it is clear not only from the sites and monuments,but also from the depositions of artefacts andhuman remains, that Östra Aros was a place toreckon with already during prehistory. The twoplaces most likely worked from time to time inconjunction with each other, while at other timesdrifting apart both literally and physically due tothe changing water landscape. There may havebeen a harbour near Old Uppsala early in its life,when the river was navigable up to this point, butdue to shoreline displacement the harbour atÖstra Aros then became more important. Thiswatery location attracted depositions both ofartefacts and bodily remains. Most of the humanremains have been found in the harbour areadownstream from the Islandsfallet rapids. Thiswould have been an obvious place for public dis-

play to visitors. It is not yet known if human andanimal sacrifice was carried out at Old Uppsala.However, the depositions at Östra Aros of bothartefacts and human remains may be part of thereason for Uppsala’s sacrificial reputation in thewritten sources.

These remains may have worked on a geopo-litical level too, drawing attention away from OldUppsala and placing the focus on Östra Aros inthe transition between the Vendel and Vikingperiods. At Gudme, deposition of hoards as wellas the dead took place in the coastal zone. It isworth noting that this is also the scenario actedout with many of the Bronze Age artefact deposi-tions in the Lake Mälaren area, sited in coastalareas where rivers met the sea and possibly con-nected to long-distance journeys (Fredengren2011). A significant portion of the human andanimal remains were placed at spots that eventu-ally became parish boundaries. These deposi-tions of bodies can be seen as the result of necropo-litical acts where the boundary between life anddeath was managed, and where water boundariesin the landscape became meeting places betweenregional actors as well as divine forces.

At the end of the Viking Period there was ten-sion between those supporting the Christian faithand others in the provinces. There was frictionbetween the Christian town of Sigtuna and Upp-sala. Again, the deposition of human remains inwetlands may have been used to establish politi-cal platforms for rebellion. However, the geopo-litical pattern is that deposition was carried outin areas away from the political centre of Upp-sala. Radiocarbon dates from Knivsta, Bokarenand Närtuna point to a continued sacrificial prac -tice in the 11th and 12th centuries, where humanand animal remains played important roles. Peo-ple also continued to deposit artefacts in waterycontexts for a considerable time. Weapons, asbefore, but also Christian and other items datingafter 1100 have been retrieved from these waters,suggesting that certain pagan practices continuedon, transformed. However, there is no archaeo-logical evidence for deposition of human or ani-mal remains beyond the 13th century in this area.The last depositions seem to have occurred in areaswere regional powers tried to revive the pagan faith– at the cost of both human and animal lives.




ThanksThanks to Museum Gustavianum, the Swedish HistoryMuseum, the Swedish Research Council, the Berit Wal -lenberg Foundation, Leena Drenzel, Susanna Ek lund,Andreas Hennius, John Ljungkvist, Camilla Löf qvist,Elisabeth Regner, Emelie Svenman, John Worley andTorun Zachrisson.

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Appendix. Radiocarbon dates of human and animal remains from wetlands in Uppland.

Place Museum Date BP Calibrated Period Commentreference

Gryteby in Vendel MAC 172 Human

Ua-48742 3070±30

1420-1240 BC P II/III Human. Found at 0.5 m depth in bog.

Apalle in Övergran - - - P III/IV Human, cattle, pig. From well with dates 1380–1300 cal BC & 150 cal BC. Ullén 1995; 2003

Hjältängarna in Vårfrukyrka/Härnevi

SHM Pig Ua-48743 2962±37

1280-1050 BC P III/IV Human, cattle, pig and horse bones found in bog.

Torresta in Västeråker

UM 20999b Horse

Ua-48744 2822±35

1120-890 BC P IV/V Human, cattle, horseand sheep/goat bones found in bog.

Hjältängarna in Vårfrukyrka/Härnevi

SHM Cattle Ua-48744 2821±35

1110-900 BC P IV/V See Hjältängarna above.

Granhammar in Västra Ryd

SHM 24965 Human

- 910-780 BC P V Human and sheep/goat. Former lake bed. Lindström 2009, p. 60.

Torresta in UM 20999b Ua-49264 900-800 BC P V See Torresta above.Västeråker Sheep/goat 2671±32

Rickebasta in Alsike, Raä 52

SHM 28410 Cattle

Ua-49846 790-410 BC P V – IA 1 Horse, cattle, pig found in bog.

Rickebasta in Alsike, Raä 52

SHM 28410 Horse

St-2350 720-620 BC P V/VI See above.

Knyllinge in Fröslunda, Raä 98

SHM 34715 Horse

Ua-48790 2225±35

380-200 BC IA 1/2 Horse and dog. From fordwith LBA wooden bridge.

Sätra inUppsala-Näs

UM 1140 Human

Ua-43163 2208±30

380-190 BC P 2 Human. Drainage ditch in old bed of Lake Sätrasjön.

Kv. Rudan, Fyrisån, Uppsala

MAC 183 Human

Ua-43161 2177±30

370-160 BC P 2 Human. Found at River Fyrisån, “deep in the clay very near the river”.

Knyllinge in Fröslunda, Raä 98

SHM 34715 Dog

Ua-487892017±36

150 BC – AD 70

P 3 Horse & dog. See Fröslunda above.

Tadem in Skånela, Raä 23:2

SHM dnr 5848/89 Horse

St-12270 1875±70

180 BC – AD 210

P 3 / RIA Olsson 1993; Larsson 2007, p. 248.

Torresta in Västeråker

UM 20999b Human

Ua- 492631896±32

AD 20-220 RIA B/C See Torresta above.

Stora Ullentuna in Skepptuna, Raä 327

Horse - c. AD 100 RIA B/C Estimated date from parallel find at Tadem.




Place Museum Date BP Calibrated Period Commentreference

Kyrsta in Ärentuna

Human - c. AD 150 RIA B/C Human, cattle, pig, horse, sheep/goat and dog found inwell. Eklund et al. 2007.

Gödåker in SHM 17963 - AD 100-400 RIA B/C Human, cattle and dog. Tensta Human From well, contextual date?

animal Ekholm 1925.

Rickebasta in SHM 28410 Ua-49845 AD 410-570 Mig / See Rickebasta above.Alsike, Raä 52 Horse 1564±33 Vendel

Lake Bokaren SHM Ua-48671 AD 650-810 Vendel Human, horse and pig. in Stavby 274526 / UM 1282±34 Found in wetland with

Human platform. Eklund & Hennius 2014.

Below Islandsbron MAC 179 Ua-20083 AD 680-850 Vendel Human. Found on river bridge, Fyrisån Human 1220±45 (930-940) (Viking) shore with boat & spears

during drainage. Syse 2003, p. 34.

Föret, Fyrisån, MAC 181 Ua-43160 AD 770-970 Viking Human. Found while Uppsala Human 1174±30 dredging River Fyrisån with

other humans from site MAC 177, 182.

Lake Bokaren SHM Ua-48670 AD 970-1160 Viking See Bokaren above.in Stavby 274526 / UM 1005±30

Human

Hederviken SHM 17559 Ua-42661 AD 890-1010 Viking Human and horse. Found in in Närtuna Human 1103±30 wetland, possible platform.

Hederviken SHM 17559 Ua-42659 AD 890-1020 Viking See above.in Närtuna Human 1087±30

Hederviken SHM 17559 Ua-23076 AD 890-1020 Viking Larsson 2007, p. 247.in Närtuna Human 1075±40

Hederviken SHM 17559 Ua-42660 AD 990-1150 Viking See above.in Närtuna Human 983±30

Knivsta träsk MAC 194 Ua-48741 AD 780-1020 Viking Human. Found in wetland in Knivsta Human 1103±30 with several other humans

from site MAC 192-193, 195,197.

Knivsta träsk MAC 191 Ua-43162 AD 1030-1200 Viking See above.in Knivsta Human 914±30

Lake Bokaren SHM 274526 Ua-49245 AD 1220-1380 Medieval See above.in Stavby Pig 726±30

Rickebasta in SHM 28410 Ua-49847 AD 1640-1960 Modern See above.Alsike, Raä 52 Pig 178±34


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Currently under examination

Ekeby Burehäll in Riala. Mainly cattle and sheep/goat from ford. Pers. comm. Kjell Andersson, Arkeologistik AB.

Not dated or uncertain contexts

River Örsundaån Raä 60:1 Human and animal remains from timber structure on river during in Altuna dredging (Larsson 2007, 241), not located.

River Björklingeån, - Human and animal remains from river (Lundholm 1947), not located.Lövsta in Bälinge

Knivsta/Segerstad SHM 3492 Human and animal remains from wet context, not located.in Knivsta

Lake Hallabysjön Raä 465 & Human skulls from former bog/lake.in Litslena 600

Läby bridge in Läby UM 3829 Horse bones, unclear documentation.

Kaubashuset? U11 Human remains from dredging of Fyrisån, at mouth of river near Fyrisån, Uppsala ?Kaubashuset?, not located.

Eastern shore of MAC 175 Human remains found at Tullgarns mekaniska verkstad, between clay and River Fyrisån in marl sediments, 100 feet from river, not located.Uppsala

Eastern shore of MAC 176 Human remains found at Tullgarns slakteri, 10 feet underground, River Fyrisån in Ua-43159 (1274±30) AD 670–870.Uppsala

River Fyrisån MAC 177 Human remains from dredging of Fyrisån, not located.in Uppsala

River Fyrisån MAC 180 Human remains from dredging of Fyrisån, opposite to in Uppsala Kungsängsesplanaden, not located.

River Fyrisån MAC 182 Human remains from Fyrisån across from Flustret, not located.in Uppsala

Eastern shore of MAC 184. Human remains (Syse 2003, p. 35 f), Östra Ågatan, Kv. Näktergalen,River Fyrisån in 1 & 2 uncertain context, could be wet, dry or both.Uppsala

River Fyrisån MAC 185 Human remains probably from dredging of Fyrisån, not located.in Uppsala MAC 186

Wetland in Knivsta MAC 192-3, Human remains from wetland near Knivsta church, not located.195-7

Shore of River MAC 202 Human and animal remains from Trädgårdsgatan 10, Fyrisån in Uppsala a & b (Syse 2003, p. 36), uncertain context – could be dry, wet or both.

Hospitalet, River MAC 206. Human remains interpreted as possible drownings in museum ledger, only Fyrisån, Uppsala 1-3 MAC 206.1 located.

River Fyrisån MAC 514 Human remains from dredging of Fyrisån, not located.in Uppsala


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