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SPIN UNSPUN:
UNRAVELLING CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS
AND AUDIENCE UNDERSTANDINGS OF
POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS
ELLA SIMONE CHORAZY
BBus(PR) with dist.
BCI(Media&Comm) with dist.
BCI(Hons)(Media&Comm) first class
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Digital Media Research Centre
School of Communication
Creative Industries Faculty
Queensland University of Technology
2018
i
ABSTRACT
This thesis investigates the relationship between fictional representations of political public
relations (PR) and audience understandings of political PR practices and professionals. Political
PR is an integral but often derided part of the modern media landscape in western
democracies. Politicians, journalists, and other interest groups maintain a symbiotic
relationship with “spin” that has been captured by various texts in popular culture over time.
Using a combination of qualitative methods, this project examines representations of political
PR in fictional film and television, and explores how these representations shape public
perceptions. The research shows fictional representations in film and television serve as
important social and cultural reference points for audiences in negotiating, and reflecting on,
their own lived experiences. These representations stimulate a heightened public awareness
and encourage critical consideration of political communication in contemporary society.
Themes of power, persuasion, trust, and cynicism were prevalent in both the textual analysis
and audience research. Analysis of film and television representations, in parallel with
audience research, is a pathway towards understanding the phenomenon of political PR and
its perceived place in contemporary society. This thesis contributes to broader scholarly
debates about the current state of political communication. Tensions are identified by both
industry professionals and everyday citizens about the role of political PR in creating and
shaping political discourse in our mediatised culture. Fictional representations shine a
spotlight on spin and provide accessible reference points for audiences to engage with this
otherwise invisible industry.
ii
KEY WORDS
Audience
Citizen
Democracy
Focus Group
Fiction
Film
Interview
Journalism
Media
News
Perception
Persuasion
Political Communication
Politics
Political Public Relations
Popular Culture
Power
Profession
Public Relations
Representation
Spin
Spin Doctor
Stereotype
Television
Textual Analysis
iii
STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for
an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and
belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person
except where due reference is made.
SIGNATURE:
DATE: June 2018
QUT Verified Signature
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................................................... I
KEY WORDS ...................................................................................................................................................... II
STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP ......................................................................................................... III
TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................................................................... IV
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................................. VII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................ VIII
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................................................... IX
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 1
A BRIEF BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................................................. 1
ON THE AGENDA .................................................................................................................................................... 4
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................................. 7
POSITIONING PUBLIC RELATIONS AND POLITICS ............................................................................................................. 8
Defining the Undefinable ............................................................................................................................... 8
The Public Relations R/Evolution ................................................................................................................. 11
Spin and the Public Relations Paradox ........................................................................................................ 18
Public Persuasion and Influence .................................................................................................................. 22
Power, Politics, and the Interdisciplinarity of Political PR ........................................................................... 28
PR from an Alternative Perspective ............................................................................................................. 35
REPRESENTING PUBLIC RELATIONS AND POLITICS ......................................................................................................... 35
Popular Culture as a “Cultural Touchstone” ................................................................................................ 35
Politics in Popular Culture ............................................................................................................................ 37
Public Relations in Popular Culture .............................................................................................................. 48
Public Relations in the News ........................................................................................................................ 56
Awareness and Understanding About the Unknown ................................................................................... 58
NOTES ................................................................................................................................................................ 62
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...................................................................................................................... 64
APPROACH ........................................................................................................................................................... 64
RESEARCH QUESTIONS ........................................................................................................................................... 66
METHODS ............................................................................................................................................................ 67
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Triangulation ............................................................................................................................................... 67
Why Film and Television? ............................................................................................................................ 68
Textual Analysis ........................................................................................................................................... 69
Text Selection and Sampling ........................................................................................................................ 70
Focus Groups and Interviews ....................................................................................................................... 74
Participant Recruitment and Data Collection .............................................................................................. 78
ANALYSIS ............................................................................................................................................................. 84
ETHICS, CONSENT, AND CONFIDENTIALITY .................................................................................................................. 86
CHALLENGES AND LIMITATIONS ................................................................................................................................ 87
DISCUSSION STRUCTURE ......................................................................................................................................... 91
NOTES ................................................................................................................................................................ 92
CHAPTER 4: SHINING A LIGHT IN THE SHADOWS ........................................................................................ 93
DEFINING AND DISCOVERING POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS .......................................................................................... 93
DATABASE DECONSTRUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 97
Origin and Source Material.......................................................................................................................... 97
Genre ......................................................................................................................................................... 100
Prominence and Reception ........................................................................................................................ 101
THE DICHOTOMY DILEMMA .................................................................................................................................. 106
THEMATIC NETWORK ........................................................................................................................................... 106
Professional Categories and Types of Political PR ..................................................................................... 107
Spin Doctors, Schmoozers, Saviours, Shepherds, and Sheep ..................................................................... 111
Stakeholder Relationships and Complex Choices ....................................................................................... 114
CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................................................... 116
NOTES .............................................................................................................................................................. 118
CHAPTER 5: POLITICAL PR IN FICTIONAL FILM AND TELEVISION ............................................................... 119
REPRESENTATIONS FROM THE PAST ........................................................................................................................ 119
Early Evidence ............................................................................................................................................ 120
Political Machines and Playing Dirty ......................................................................................................... 121
Candidates, Campaigns, Packaged Politics, Persuasion, and Paranoia ..................................................... 128
Shenanigans, Spin, Power, and Pragmatism ............................................................................................. 136
RECENT REPRESENTATIONS ................................................................................................................................... 146
Celebrity, Citizens, and Satirical Soothsaying ............................................................................................ 146
Authenticity and Utter Incompetence in Political Backrooms ................................................................... 156
Credibility, Cynicism, and Influence ........................................................................................................... 167
Blurred Boundaries and a Battle Between Aspirations and Apathy .......................................................... 172
CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................................................... 180
NOTES .............................................................................................................................................................. 181
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CHAPTER 6: DISTORTED REFLECTIONS OF PRACTITIONER REALITIES ......................................................... 187
Professional Definitions, Descriptions, and Self Reflection ........................................................................ 188
The Stereotype of Spin and The Problem with the Public Interest ............................................................. 200
Layers of Truth, Lies, and the Graded Grey of Political Communication ................................................... 208
The Three Pillars of Public Perceptions ...................................................................................................... 213
Fiction, Reality, and the Contribution of Popular Culture .......................................................................... 216
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................. 224
NOTES .............................................................................................................................................................. 225
CHAPTER 7: ENGAGING ENTERTAINMENT AND CRITICAL CITIZENS ........................................................... 226
When You “Don’t Know” But You Do Know ............................................................................................... 227
Everyday Perceptions of the Professionalisation Of Political PR ................................................................ 232
Implanting Ideas From Everywhere ........................................................................................................... 241
Impact, Influence, and Making Meaning from Fictional Film and TV ........................................................ 247
Critical Engagement or Corrosive Cynicism? ............................................................................................. 252
Perception is Reality and Other Perspectives ............................................................................................ 257
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................. 262
NOTES .............................................................................................................................................................. 263
CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................................... 264
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SPIN UNSPUN ....................................................................................................................... 268
THINKING FORWARD FOR THE FUTURE .................................................................................................................... 270
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................................. 273
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................................................. 299
APPENDIX A: ORIGINAL LIST OF TEXTS ..................................................................................................................... 301
APPENDIX B: REFINED LIST OF TEXTS....................................................................................................................... 359
APPENDIX C: RESEARCH PROTOCOLS ....................................................................................................................... 445
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
TABLES
Table 1: Textual Analysis Stages and Process .......................................................................... 70
Table 2: Catalogue Database Information ............................................................................... 72
Table 3: Refined Sample Selection Criteria .............................................................................. 73
Table 4: Representation Classification ..................................................................................... 74
Table 5: Focus Group and Interview Stages and Process ......................................................... 76
Table 6: Participant Screening Criteria ..................................................................................... 79
Table 7: Focus Group Participants ........................................................................................... 83
Table 8: Interview Participants ................................................................................................ 83
Table 9: Prominence of Representation Seven Point Scale ................................................... 103
Table 10: Audience Reception and Text Success Scale .......................................................... 103
FIGURES
Figure 1: Participant Education Level ....................................................................................... 89
Figure 2: Participant Political Orientation ................................................................................ 89
Figure 3: Number of Texts Per Year With Representations of Political PR .............................. 95
Figure 4: Genre Breakdown of Political PR Texts ................................................................... 101
Figure 5: Prominence and Reception of Representations of Political PR .............................. 105
Figure 6: Thematic Network Diagram ................................................................................... 108
viii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ABC – Australian Broadcasting Corporation
BBC – British Broadcasting Corporation
CIPR – Chartered Institute of Public Relations
MEP – Members of the European Parliament
MP – Member of Parliament
PM – Prime Minister
PR – public relations
PPR – political public relations
PRIA – Public Relations Institute of Australia
PRSA – Public Relations Society of America
UK – United Kingdom
US – United States
ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to acknowledge and thank all those who have been a part of this journey with me. While
this path was a little longer than expected, your enduring support and encouragement made all the
difference in keeping me on track and helping me see this through to the end. I would also like to
recognise the 63 amazing participants in this study, who generously donated their time and candidly
shared their experiences. This thesis would not have been possible without you.
Stephen Harrington. You have been with me through this from before the beginning of this marathon,
and I will be forever grateful for your patience, pragmatism, and understanding. I appreciate your
endless supply of sports metaphors and for always having my back. Your positive reassurance and sage
advice has been exemplary. Above all, you believed in me and reminded me to believe in myself, and
for that I cannot thank you enough.
Brian McNair. Your empathy, compassion, and kindness during this process knew no bounds, and
helped me keep my chin up whenever the going got tough. I am so thankful for your steadfast support
and for your willingness to talk through ideas and share your intellect. Please know how much your
supervision meant to me and I wish you could have been here for the final play of this protracted game.
Terry Flew. I am immensely grateful for your frank and fearless advice, and for your ongoing interest
in my work. Your confidence in my abilities and useful suggestions helped me over the final hurdle.
Thank you for always being up for a chat, and for coming on board at the eleventh hour to see this
through.
Wayne Murphy. Your wry wit, keen insight, and academic integrity have been an ongoing inspiration
to me. Without your encouragement I may never have started this at all, and you reminded me of the
importance of raising the bar and reaching.
My mother, Jenny. Thank you for your tolerance, serenity, and acceptance while walking beside me,
as well as the considerable time and effort you put in to providing a second set of eyes to proof and
check my drafts. Your energy and enthusiasm has been endless, and I hope you know how utterly
grateful I am.
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My father, David. Thank you for reminding me not to get stuck in an ivory tower and for always
challenging me to do better. I am also appreciative of your understanding that this process has kept
me in absentia for longer than either of us would like.
The Chorazys, the Grants, and the Morgans. I adore you all and could not ask for a better family.
I look forward to spending more time together now this chapter in my life has come to a conclusion.
Particular thanks go to: Hayley and Sam for charitably helping with little bits and pieces of this thesis,
Aunty Sue who forgave me for relinquishing my wedding duties, and to Grandma who is sorely missed.
Dearest friends and colleagues. You know who you are. I am delighted to know so many wonderful
humans. Thank you for reminding me there is so much more to life than a PhD, and for providing joyful
distractions in the form of hot chocolates, luncheons, dinner dates, movie buddies, camping trips,
island times, and international adventures. Special mentions go to: Katherine, Tim, Ruari, Stef, Kim,
Portia, Emma D, Penny, Dan, Nino, Ellen, Andrew, and Anne, who have shared this journey with me
and know firsthand what it is like; the Orara girls whose enduring friendships I continue to treasure;
and the Uni Crew who all contributed to this thesis in different ways and tactfully never questioned
why it was taking me so long.
Emma Potter-Hay. Yes, you warrant an acknowledgement all to yourself. You have been such amazing
person to share this process with. I know that I can turn to you about anything, and your honest and
empathetic counsel has kept me grounded. I am so thankful for your useful feedback, support,
thoughtfulness, and banter that made my candidature much less lonely and much more fun.
Finally, and most importantly, Michael Morgan. It is a cliché, but there are truly not enough words with
which to thank you. You have patiently provided for me emotionally, physically, and financially. You
have had unwavering confidence in me and tirelessly brought me back from breaking point. And you
have loved me, and continue to love me, despite my flaws. For all this and more I am grateful to you. I
love and appreciate everything you do for me and am so lucky to have you in my life.
“Veep gets the absurdity of our current politics exactly right. In last Sunday’s
episode, we heard the White House chief of staff respond incredulously to a
member of Congress, “You make it sound as if there’s a correlation between
what should happen and what actually happens.” That’s our discourse […] in a
nutshell. In a time of great challenge, our politics is too often pulled by some
sort of tractor beam to the realm of the absurd. The episode in which the
Meyer administration becomes embroiled in a political firestorm because they
removed the only painting by a Native American from the White House seems
ridiculous on its face. It isn’t. The Obama White House has spent much of the
last six years being attacked for removing a bust of Winston Churchill — yes, a
statue of a world leader from another country. President George W. Bush’s
White House had to answer questions about whether the president was
wearing a secret transmitter to help him in a debate. And let’s never forget the
time when, in the middle of a discussion about the unrest in Iraq and Syria,
Washington decided to focus on President Obama’s decision to wear a tan suit.
All of these could have been Veep plotlines. Sadly, they are not. Shining a light
on this makes for great comedy, but it is also a great public service.”
DANIEL PFEIFFER (2015)
FORMER WHITE HOUSE DIRECTOR OF COMMUNICATIONS
AND SENIOR ADVISOR TO BARACK OBAMA
CHAPTER 1 | PAGE 1
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
A BRIEF BACKGROUND
Fictional film and television offer audiences representations that reflect our realities, while
simultaneously providing material that feeds our discourses and shapes how we understand
the world around us. This cycle can be subtle or overt, and is continually evidenced in our
society and cultural texts. For example, in 2012 “omnishambles” was named as the Oxford
Dictionaries “Word of the Year.” The term was first used in fictional political satire The Thick
of It (2005-2012) by anti-hero and infamous spin doctor Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi) to
lambast newly appointed cabinet minister Nicola Murray (Rebecca Front) following a series of
public embarrassments. It was later adopted and further mutated by politicians and the media
around the globe as a derogatory yet humorous way to describe various political actors and
events. The definition was settled as “a situation that has been comprehensively mismanaged,
and is characterised by a string of blunders” (Oxford Dictionaries, 2012) and neatly captured
the chaos of contemporary politics. The entrance of “omnishambles” into the popular lexicon
highlights how life imitates art, and illustrates the integration of fictional texts as part of our
sense making practices. This process also works in reverse. For example, in 2016, the Word of
the Year was “post-truth,” which denotes “circumstances in which objective facts are less
influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief” (Oxford
Dictionaries, 2016). While it was not a new concept, “post-truth” entered mainstream
discourse following media coverage of the 2016 US presidential elections, as well as the Brexit
referendum, and is now widely used as part of political commentary. References to “post-
truth” have also occurred in reviews and discussions about political film and television, such
as Miss Sloane (2016) and Veep (2012-2018) (see, respectively, for example: O’Briant, 2016;
Ravenscroft, 2017). This suggests the themes depicted in these narratives echo much of the
broader social mood, and, in turn, feed back into public debate. From omnishambles to post-
truth, these connections between reality and fiction provide a framework for our
understanding of politics and communication that builds on our individual lived experiences.
CHAPTER 1 | PAGE 2
In the same period between 2012 and 2016, Australia has had four Prime Ministers (Julia
Gillard, Kevin Rudd, Tony Abbott, and Malcolm Turnbull), and witnessed the emergence and
resurgence of new and old political players (Clive Palmer, Nick Xenophon, Pauline Hanson, and
various independents have held the balance of power in minority governments). The United
Kingdom (UK) has had two Prime Ministers (David Cameron and Theresa May), as well as the
controversial election of democratic socialist Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, referendums on
Scottish Independence and Brexit, shifting power dynamics of vocal minor parties, the birth
of a new prince and princess and a royal engagement to a television celebrity. The United
States (US) has had two Presidents (Barack Obama and Donald Trump), with a long and bitterly
fought campaign in the lead up to the 2016 election, as well as the Bernie Sanders grassroots
movement, and various scandals from Hillary Clinton’s emails to Russian hacking. We have
seen the passing of historically prolific political leaders (such as Nelson Mandela, Margaret
Thatcher, Hugo Chavez, and Fidel Castro). The world has seen natural disasters (such as
Typhoon Haiyan, Hurricane Sandy, and the Nepal earthquakes), war and conflict (such as Syria,
Libya, Iraq, and Sudan), uprisings (such as the Egyptian revolution, a coup in Turkey, and the
anti-austerity movement in Greece), and terrorist attacks (such as the Westminster attacks,
Manchester Arena bombing and London Bridge attacks in the UK; the Boston Marathon
Bombings and Orlando nightclub shootings in the US; Charlie Hebdo, the Bataclan Theatre and
Bastille Day in France; and others such as the Lindt Café siege in Sydney, Australia, the Ankara
railway station bombing, the Tunisia beach shootings, and more). There have been
international crises (from Ebola and the Zika Virus, to Malaysian Airlines Flights MH370 and
MH17), and the deliberate leaking of confidential information (from the Panama Papers to the
efforts of Edward Snowden), as well as ongoing social issues (including: racism and the Black
Lives Matter campaign; gender equality; sexual assault and the Me Too movement; domestic
violence; marriage equality; climate change; refugees and others). Technology has continued
to be disruptive, particularly in the political communication space where social media has
allowed political actors and their agents to bypass traditional media and connect directly with
their constituents. These platforms have also facilitated public debate (as well as formal
democratic debate, such as Australia’s first online leaders parley between Malcolm Turnbull
and Bill Shorten hosted by Facebook and News.com.au), while enabling the propagation of
(mis-)information and the establishment of echo chambers of “alternative facts.” Our
democracies are thoroughly mediatised, and these topics, trends, and events have dominated
CHAPTER 1 | PAGE 3
our political discourse in recent years. They have already begun to filter through to our
fictional popular culture texts, and provide the contextual background for this thesis and the
participants in this research.
Behind the scenes in all these moments, political public relations (PR) has been thriving.
Whether this is a good or a bad thing largely depends on who you talk to and the day’s
headlines. The work of public relations practitioners is present in almost every facet of
contemporary communication, particularly in relation to politics. It is an integral but often
derided part of politics and the modern media landscape in western democracies. It is a mostly
unseen profession, operating discreetly to ensure public, political, and private information is
effectively controlled (where possible) and disseminated appropriately. As such, we may only
see political PR if we know where to look or what to look for. The assumption then is that for
those not bothering to look, they may not realise the role public relations plays in shaping
political communication and the public agenda. Journalists, political actors, and other interest
groups maintain a symbiotic relationship with “spin” that has been captured by various texts
in popular culture over time. This thesis examines representations of political public relations
in fictional film and television. We have seen many forms of political PR: from the spiteful
spinner Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi) in The Thick of It (2005-2012) and the “merchants of
death” (MOD) squad (Aaron Eckhart, David Koechner, and Maria Bello) in Thank You for
Smoking (2006), to ruthless lobbyist Elizabeth Sloane (Jessica Chastain) in Miss Sloane (2016)
and quick-thinking political fixer Olivia Pope (Kerry Washington) in Scandal (2012-2017).
Sometimes these narratives are played out by Hollywood’s biggest celebrities such as Ryan
Gosling and George Clooney in The Ides of March (2011) or Robert DeNiro and Dustin Hoffman
in Wag the Dog (1997). Others are local heroes, such as Australians Rob Sitch and Lachy Hulme
in The Hollowmen (2008), and Kitty Flanagan and Anthony Lehmann in Utopia (2014-present,
internationally titled Dreamland). Many representations are thought of as “good,” such as the
democratic idealism in The West Wing’s (1999-2006), and many are thought of as “bad” such
as the Machiavellian machinations in House of Cards (2013-present). Though ultimately, we
know little about the role these fictional representations play in shaping audience
understandings of public relations and its place in politics.
CHAPTER 1 | PAGE 4
ON THE AGENDA
This thesis investigates how fictional representations of political PR shine a spotlight on a
profession and practice that is otherwise unseen. It tests the hypothesis that, by facilitating
heightened public awareness, these representations stimulate critical consideration among
audiences and industries about the current state of political communication, and the role of
public relations in liberal democratic societies. By investigating fictional representations in film
and television, this project engages with and extends broader scholarly debates about the
nature of spin as an engrained part of western cultures, and the role of political public
relations in creating and shaping communication in mediated democracies. The growing area
of research that examines representations of public relations in popular culture throughout
history (see for example, Johnston, 2010b; Miller, 1999; Saltzman, 2012) indicate that
scholarly attention of these fictional accounts is warranted. Additionally, practitioners often
feel derided, complain that their work is misunderstood, and worry their profession lacks
legitimacy. Extending scholarly understanding about the role PR plays in contemporary
democracies, and how cultural representations are an index of this, enables some
reconciliation of the apparent disparity between audiences' perceptions and the lived
experience of PR practitioners. Furthermore, fictional representations of political PR provide
complex yet digestible narratives that signal the way society perceives the intersection
between PR, politics, and contemporary communication. I build on the existing body of
knowledge by exploring audience understandings of political PR, from both everyday citizens’
and industry professionals’ perspectives. Beyond this, I investigate the role of political PR in
shaping and creating communication in our mediatised world as it is viewed by audiences
through film and television texts.
While situated within the broad theoretical paradigm of media studies, this study draws from
the fields of public relations, journalism and cultural studies, film and television studies, and
political communication. It uses an interdisciplinary approach and does not subscribe to a
single conceptual framework. Qualitative research methods are employed to analyse
representations of political public relations in a selection of fictional film and television texts,
and explore audience perceptions. Texts are drawn from a range of origins; however
CHAPTER 1 | PAGE 5
Australian audiences are used as a case study to pursue this inquiry. Methods included textual
analysis, semi-structured interviews with industry practitioners, and focus groups with
everyday audiences, as well as secondary data gathering. The triangulation of methods in this
study was designed to reduce uncertainty and strengthen the evidence gathered by layering
different qualitative methods across the project in order to develop a more complex and
persuasive argument (Denzin, 2006; Flick, 2008; Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, & Sechrest,
2000).
The study used textual analysis, where the likely interpretation of the texts is sought. The aim
of the textual analysis is to consider, reason, and discuss the implications of fictional
representations of political PR in film and television for democratic societies, and how these
representations reflect and refract broader socio-cultural debates about political
communication. Interviews were conducted with political PR professionals to provide insight
on the implications of fictional representations for practitioners’ professional identities and
perceptions of their work. Audience focus groups explored everyday citizens (non-PR
professionals) understandings of political PR, and the role of fictional representations in
heightening awareness and criticality of political communication.
Findings indicated that representations of political PR in film and television are diverse and
broadly reflect ongoing debates about the role of PR in politics. Industry interviewees
questioned the negative depiction of their profession and the accuracy of fictional
representations. Practitioners conceded that while the narratives were exaggerated for
entertainment purposes, they were able to relate to fictional representations in ways that
caused them to recall and reflect on their own professional experiences. Focus group
participants identified that fictional texts offer important insights into the ways they as
individuals perceive and understand contemporary political communication. Although they
acknowledged the texts are not documentaries of real life, focus group participants indicated
fictional representations serve as important social and cultural reference points for
developing their understanding, and judiciously considering the machinations of political
public relations that often go unseen in the public eye. These representations encourage
audiences to critically evaluate and thoughtfully reflect on the nature of public relations as
part of contemporary democratic processes and the public sphere. Thus, representations in
CHAPTER 1 | PAGE 6
popular culture arguably serve to deconstruct and debunk the role of political PR in liberal
democracies, and elevate debates about the relationship between PR, politics, and the media.
Analysis of these fictional texts is important because it highlights the ways in which citizens,
in the absence of opportunities for direct experience with the phenomenon of political public
relations, may come to understand PR and politics through these texts. Furthermore, these
texts provide a site of self-reflection for practitioners, and offer a provoking platform to
promote discussion around professional practices and industry issues. This is particularly
timely research given the burgeoning state of the often “invisible” PR industry (Burton, 2007;
Cutlip, 1994), the apparent “decline” in journalism and the public sphere (Davies, 2008;
McNair, 2000; Tanner, 2011), overt political cynicism and dissatisfaction with the political
process (Cappella & Jaimieson, 1997; Corner & Pels, 2003; Phillips, 2014), and the increasing
importance of media texts to citizens negotiating their own lived experiences and socially
constructed realities in our mediatised democracy (Mazzoleni & Schulz, 1999; Strömbäck,
2008).
This thesis is structured as follows. Chapter 2 reviews the literature on the phenomenon of
political PR and the industry’s struggles to attain legitimacy in a professional context. It also
assesses existing research on representations of politics and public relations in popular
culture, and emphasises the need for interdisciplinary investigation of political PR that
considers social and cultural perspectives relative to this phenomenon. Chapter 3 establishes
the methodology and describes the process of the textual analysis, interviews, and focus
groups, conducted for this study. Chapter 4 highlights the diversity of depictions of political
PR found in fictional film and television, and provides an overview of key trends in these
representations. Chapter 5 follows on from the initial textual analysis findings, and
investigates specific representations and fictional narratives about political PR, with reference
to their historical, social, and political contexts. Chapters 6 and 7 explore the role of fictional
representations in shaping public perceptions of political PR, from the perspectives of industry
professionals and everyday citizens. Chapter 8 summarises the findings and significance of this
study, and suggests areas for future scholarly enquiry.
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 7
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Fictional representations of political public relations sit within popular culture and are
positioned at the intersection of politics, the media, and the public. As such, rather than
adopting a single conceptual or theoretical framework, this study uses an interdisciplinary
approach to bridge a number of academic fields. It is broadly situated within media studies,
and draws on literature from public relations, political communication, journalism, cultural
studies, and film and television studies. However, existing scholarly contributions are
fragmented. To overcome this, the literature review loosely applies a historical narrative
approach to draw together relevant research in terms of specific theories as well as the
contribution of specific theorists. This approach is also appropriate given this study explores
the phenomenon of political PR as it has been represented in fictional texts through history,
and how the phenomenon is understood by contemporary audiences.
This literature review is structured in two parts. I start by capturing the struggle to attain
consensus on defining public relations. It is necessary to address this, given the relative
invisibility of the industry, and because both practitioners and scholars alike have difficulty
clearly describing the profession’s precise purpose and function. The blurred boundaries of
what constitutes political PR, and public relations more broadly, colour much of the discussion
throughout this thesis. Following on from this, I outline the growth of political PR and its
importance in contemporary society and political communication. I detail some of the key
criticisms of “spin,” and explore the identity crisis being experienced by the PR industry, which
sets the foundation for examining the specific subset of political PR. In the second part of this
review, I consider the significance of popular culture as a way to contribute to audience
understanding about political PR. I review existing studies of fictional representations of both
politics and public relations, as well as how political PR has been depicted in the news media.
Overall, I found research in the area of fictional representations of political PR to be lacking,
as is consideration of audience perceptions and engagement.
I argue that fictional representations of political PR in popular culture are important because
they connect with audiences and encourage discourse about the role of public relations in
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 8
contemporary liberal democracies. However, existing research in this area is limited and does
little to contribute to broader scholarly debates about the relationship between PR, politics,
journalism, and the public, and the current state of political communication. Furthermore, I
view analysis of these texts as important because it highlights the ways in which, in the
absence of opportunities for direct experience of the phenomenon of political PR, audiences
may come to understand it through these texts. I conclude that consultation with audiences
about representations of political PR has been neglected, and that research in this area is
needed.
POSITIONING PUBLIC RELATIONS AND POLITICS
DEFINING THE UNDEFINABLE
Although there are many formal definitions of PR, the two most prevalent in the industry and
academic scholarship, that have been republished and appropriated numerous times, come
from seminal public relations scholars Grunig (2006) and Cutlip et al. (2009).1 They define PR
as a “strategic management function” (Grunig, 2006) that “establishes and maintains mutually
beneficial relationships between an organisation and the publics on whom its success or
failure depends” (Cutlip, et al., 2009). This positively framed description positions PR as a
practice that serves the public interest by facilitating mutual engagement and contributing to
informed debates on issues in society (Coombs & Holladay, 2014; Toth, Grunig, & Grunig,
2007). It is also a model espoused by PR professional associations (see for example, CIPR,
2017; PRIA, 2017; PRSA, 2017) and has clearly influenced crowd-sourced definitions, such as
the one put forward by the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA) in 2012: “Public
relations is a strategic communication process that builds mutually beneficial relationships
between organisations and their publics.”2 An earlier collaboratively developed definition was
proposed in the 1970s by practitioner and scholar Rex Harlow (1976).3 Based on 472 different
descriptions of the field put forward by 65 leading PR practitioners, Harlow’s (1976, p. 36) final
definition stated:
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Public relations is a distinctive management function which helps establish and
maintain mutual lines of communication [...] between an organisation and its
publics; involves the management of problems or issues; helps management to
keep informed on and responsive to public opinion; [and] defines and emphasises
the responsibility of management to serve the public interest.
Despite the group effort and some temporary recognition, Harlow’s (1976) lengthy
proposition did not popularly catch on. Similarly, the PRSA’s definition received considerable
criticism for being shallow, narrow, weak, and ultimately futile (see for example, Dietrich,
2012). While the need for a broadly accepted definition is widely recognised, and has been
pursued by both PR practitioners and scholars, it continues to be elusive.
The irony that, as communication professionals, PR practitioners have consistently struggled
to define and articulate what it is exactly that they do has not gone unnoticed. Many defer to
a description of their practices – such as media relations, publicity, corporate communications
(both internal and external), lobbying, and public affairs (all of which come under a multitude
of different terms as well) – as an easier way of describing their work and industry (Cutlip et
al., 2009, p. 5; Wilcox & Cameron, 2010, p. 10). Whether a description is adequate as a
definition is debateable. Defining a field or profession requires articulating a concept, and as
such, is inherently abstract and potentially value-laden. It is not the aim of this thesis to
establish a conclusive conceptualisation of PR. Rather, I argue that understanding how public
relations is represented in our cultural texts, and the social impact and influence of these
representations, is a significant step towards developing a workable and holistic professional
definition. Notably, however, such a definition would need to be contextually based and
flexible. As Harlow (1976, p. 37) asserted, the various ways in which public relations has been
defined over the course of its relatively short history are bound to the social context in which
practitioners operate. He insists that “the practice and definition of public relations [...] are
not the same today as they were yesterday, and they will be more different tomorrow than
they are today” (Harlow, 1976, p. 38).
Despite the state of flux described by Harlow in 1976, neither academic nor industry
definitions of public relations have changed significantly since then. Descriptors such as
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 10
“management function,” “mutual” communication, and “public interest” remain to this day.
Hutton (1999) argued that, while basic terminology and role descriptions are the same, the
normative attitudes of organisations (and PR practitioners) towards their publics are not. “It
might be said that public relations has evolved from ‘the public be fooled’ to ‘the public be
damned’ to ‘the public be manipulated’ to ‘the public be informed’ to ‘the public be involved
or accommodated’” (Hutton, 1999, p. 201). Indeed, the only notable advance in terms used
to define or describe public relations (from an academic or industry perspective) has been the
introduction of the word “relationship” to the majority of popular definitions. Verčič, van
Ruler, Bütschi, and Flodin (2001) suggested that, as a result of the rapid technological
advancements in which communications are increasingly complex, practitioners began to
define the interaction between an organisation and their publics as “relationships.” Growth in
the significance of public opinion challenged the adequacy of previously transient and
reactionary activities. The notion of relationship building became entrenched (Franklin,
Hogan, Langley, Mosdell, & Pill, 2009).
Hutton (1999) captured another definitional issue. Practitioners have shied away from terms
such as “persuasion” and “influence” because of their negative connotations. This, Hutton
(1999, p. 201) claimed, denies the fundamental purpose of PR and fails to capture the
everyday function of practitioners. It also abandons Edward Bernays’s4 (1955, pp. 3-4)
memorable founding definition wherein “public relations is the attempt, by information,
persuasion and adjustment, to engineer public support for an activity, cause, movement or
institution.” PR’s evolution over the last century from managing one-way messages to
managing ongoing conversations is arguably more a reflection of the industry’s adaption to
changing communication practices in society than it is about a fundamental change in the
nature of PR. The desired outcome of PR activities is still largely aligned with Bernays’s
conception – whether practitioners like it or not.
It appears that it is not so much a matter of semantics, but rather a perplexity of purpose that
is the real reason public relations practitioners and academics have failed to come to a
consensual definition of PR. Hutton (1999, p. 202) concurs, stating the lack of definition is “the
result of misunderstanding, confusion, superficiality, [and] a lack of business knowledge.” This
has resulted in the profession being blurred and absorbed by others that are more clearly
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 11
defined, such as advertising and marketing (Hutton, 1999, p. 212). Ihlen and Verhoeven (2012)
sum up the present state of affairs when they suggest it may be time to move on from a one-
size-fits-all definition, and instead seek to better understand public relations relative to its
societal context and its role in contemporary communication processes. While research and
debate in this direction is emerging, documenting the phenomenon of PR has been dominated
by descriptive approaches, ignoring analysis of the dynamic relationship between the
profession, the public, and popular culture.
THE PUBLIC RELATIONS R/EVOLUTION
Despite burgeoning growth over the twentieth century in terms of the number of
practitioners, scope of training, education and research, and the economic value of services
provided, PR has remained a mostly invisible profession. It operates as a hidden intermediary
between various stakeholders and publics (Cutlip, 1994) and fulfils a role that traditionally
requires “common sense” rather than specialised intellectual training (Wright & VanSlyke
Turk, 2007, p. 574). Cutlip’s well researched history of PR, The Unseen Power (1994), traces
the lives and work of prominent PR practitioners and reflects on how these individuals have
shaped the PR industry over time from 1900 through to the 1960s, particularly in the United
States. Importantly, he captured the opaque and unidentifiable nature of the industry,
advocating the need for formal professionalisation of public relations in terms of both
organisational positioning and practices (Cutlip, 1994). It was a call to remove the “smoke and
mirrors” from around the “smoke and mirrors,” and clearly articulate PR’s role and functions.
Bowen (2009, p. 403) and Wright and VanSlyke Turk (2007, pp. 573-574) each assert this has
not been fully achieved. Indeed, the struggle to attain a consensual definition described above
suggests the smoke and mirrors cloud may distort the profession even from itself.
L’Etang (2004) explored these issues from the perspective of the progressive
professionalisation of public relations. In her book Public relations in Britain: A history of
professional practice in the 20th century, L’Etang (2004) contextualised the evolution of the
profession within key socio-cultural, political, economic, and technological advancements
through history. L’Etang (2004) investigated how and why public relations emerged and
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 12
evolved in Britain, rather than focusing on what and when – or in Cutlip’s (1994) case, who –
as other studies have done. Drawing on interviews with practitioners, she argued that
anecdotes and critical introspection provide the perfect platform for exploring and
understanding the phenomenon of PR (L'Etang, 2004). This platform has remained
underutilised, though is gaining traction within the academic community. Notable
contributions include the advent of the specialised journal Public Relations Inquiry in 2012
(L'Etang, Edwards, Pieczka, & Xifra, 2012) that publishes peer-reviewed research with a focus
on conceptual and reflexive discussion, and edited collections such as The Routledge
Handbook of Critical Public Relations (Snow, L'Etang, McKie, & Xifra, 2016) that emphasise the
intersection between PR and critical theory. The increasingly mainstream adoption of
alternative PR text books, such as Morris and Goldsworthy’s frank and practical PR Today: The
Authoritative Guide to Public Relations (2016), also suggests the industry is ready to embrace
a more critically reflective approach to its practice. Indeed, such sources were preceded by
L’Etang’s textbook Public Relations: Concepts, Practice and Critique (2008), which detailed the
discipline’s various theoretical underpinnings and encouraged critical reflection within and
about the profession and its practices.
Like L’Etang (2004), Ewen’s PR! A social history of spin (1996) provided an alternative to
Cutlip’s (1994) study. Ewen chose to focus on the political and social backdrop to the evolution
of PR, rather than Cutlip’s orientation around public relations people, activities, and functions.
The importance of Ewen’s (1996) research rests in his documentation of practitioners and
other professionals (such as journalists and politicians) openly speaking about the work of PR,
found in non-fiction books, news media, and speeches from across the twentieth century.
While he does not explicitly use textual analysis, Ewen (1996) looked at how the industry
represents itself, and how related professions expressly talked about PR. However, Ewen’s
work did not consider representations in popular culture, such as film and television, nor did
it examine societal responses to such representations.
The considerable work of Cutlip (1994), L’Etang (2004), and Ewen (1996), sits within a much
larger body of research that explores the history of public relations, predominantly from a
North American perspective. It is widely thought that the first reference to the term “public
relations” (at least in North America) appeared in the preface of The Yearbook of Railway
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 13
Literature (1897) edited by Sir Harry Perry Robinson. Though given communication between
people and publics has been occurring for millennia, it is acknowledged that PR has much older
roots than the late nineteenth century. Public relations is commonly attributed to have been
born out of Greek and Roman rhetoric (see Jacqui L'Etang, 2006) as well as religious
propaganda distributed by the Catholic Church during the Middle Ages in an attempt to curb
the growth of Protestantism and stop the Reformation (see Tilson, 2006). As such,
MacNamara and Crawford (2010, p. 10) recommend “the history of public relations should
not be confined to the history of the term ‘public relations’.” However, there is a general
consensus that the field of PR, as it is practiced today, has its origins firmly planted at the turn
of the twentieth century (see for example, Cutlip, 1994; Ewen, 1996; Heath, 2010; Wilcox &
Cameron, 2010). Cutlip (1994, p. 1) suggested that public relations was born out of “the rise
of powerful monopolies, the concentration of wealth and power, and the rough-shod tactics
of the robber barons”5 that characterised the frenzied growth in North America’s post-Civil
War era. As these waves of progress flooded society “it became apparent to shrewd men” –
whether they were involved in private or public enterprise – “that conventional lobbying and
legislative fixing would not prove adequate” and “discerning interest groups began to see the
need to go beyond the legislator to [their] constituents to build support for or foment
opposition to the proposed legislation” (Cutlip, 1994, p. 27). It was here, Ewen (1996, pp. 34-
36) claimed, that public relations consultants emerged as specialists in tapping into the social
climate of the time, and advisors in ways for their clients to influence public opinion and shape
the public agenda. Such skills were particularly sought after in the political sphere, as political
actors pursued the subtle art of persuasion, and required assistance in managing their
communication strategies in an increasingly sophisticated media environment.
Public relations grew exponentially following the First World War (WWI), during which
governments utilised propaganda to mobilise the masses and control public opinion (Ewen,
1996, p. 174; Jacquie L'Etang, 2004, pp. 25-27). This became a catalyst for early practitioners
who were curious as to whether similar techniques could be used in peacetime in light of the
“titanic economic expansion and, subsequently, ravaging economic collapse” of the 1920s and
1930s (Ewen, 1996, p. 174). This movement was led by Edward Bernays in the US and Sir Basil
Clarke6 in the UK. Both were originally journalists, who, after stints working as political
advisors, advocated the use of persuasion through the dissemination of propaganda by
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 14
businesses seeking to influence public information and opinion (Jacquie L'Etang, 2004). Thus,
the principles of political propaganda were successfully applied to corporate communication.
Bernays was influenced by the work of Walter Lippmann7 and his seminal text Public Opinion
(1922) that assessed the functions of democratic government in light of the “cognitive
limitations” and irrationality of the masses. In his manifesto Propaganda, Bernays (1928, p.
37) argued that “the conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and
opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society.” While today’s thinkers
might find this idea inherently anti-democratic, it was a product of the zeitgeist of the early
twentieth century. The work of Harold Lasswell8 is an exception. Lasswell expressed serious
concerns about the use of propaganda and Lippmann’s idea about the manufacture of
consent, describing “the ways and means of controlling public opinion […] testifies to the
collapse of the traditional species of democratic romanticism and the rise of a dictatorial habit
of mind” (Lasswell, 1927, p. 4). L’Etang (2004, p. 12) noted that Lasswell’s concerns spread
amongst the academy and the previously “unproblematic term” propaganda became “tarred
with the brush of totalitarianism in the 1930s and then further tarnished during the Second
World War.”
Another early pioneer of PR working in the US was Ivy Lee,9 who is popularly credited as the
originator of what we now know as the press release, the PR campaign, and crisis
communication strategy (Hiebert, 1966). While the mode of these activities has changed over
time, their general function has not. Lee advocated for openness, integrity, and telling the
truth “because sooner or later the public will find out anyway. And if the public doesn't like
what you are doing, change your policies and bring them into line with what people want”
(Lee cited in Hoggan & Littlemore, 2009, p. 26). Lee’s thinking emerged in a context of
expanding democracy, increasing literacy levels, and the universal suffrage movements in the
1900s. Social elite and powerbroker thinking like “the public is damned or ignored” was
difficult to sustain; thus “the public is informed or served [...] [and] educated or respected”
became more sustainable (Van der Meiden & Fauconnier, 1994, cited in Ihlen & Verhoeven,
2012, p. 161). According to Ewen (1996, pp. 181-190) and L’Etang (2004, pp. 27-28) this shift
catalysed the rapid development of public opinion surveys and market research instruments
in the US and the UK in the 1930s, that also became particularly popular in politics. While
ostensibly a means to measure the effectiveness of democracy, Ewen (1996, pp. 187-188)
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 15
claimed it as an ironic “fairy tale” given the inherent bias in tools used to measure public
opinion and the extent to which society’s “public sentiment was being systematically
manufactured.” However, there was at least an illusion of inclusivity, where universal rights
were respected, and organisations and governments were seen to care about what the public
thought (Ewen, 1996, pp. 283-284).
The necessity of applying subtle persuasive influence on behalf of vested interests has meant
PR practitioners do not always self-identify as part of the public relations industry or one of
its various pseudonyms. Crawford and MacNamara (2012) contended that it is therefore more
prudent to track the development of public relations through evidence of its practices and
outputs, rather than its self-defined function. For example, Crawford and MacNamara (2012,
p. 47) provided a case study of Australia Day and argued that “public relations has been deeply
embedded in the social and cultural construction of ideas of nationhood [...] [and] has
performed an integral role in the way that Australia Day was established, popularised, and
commemorated, and indeed in the way that Australian identity is conceptualised and
celebrated today.” Crawford and MacNamara drew attention to shortcomings of the existing
literature when they suggested a “common orthodoxy” has been promoted by leading
scholars and thus widely adopted, but is based on “erroneous dating,” and has resulted in
“blind spot[s]” in the research in this area (Crawford & MacNamara, 2012, 56). They purport
that PR is too often studied from the “inside-out” perspective of PR practitioners (Crawford
and MacNamara, 2012). This, they argued, renders much of the research overly subjective,
and oversimplifies its history by either equating it with the celebrity of key practitioners or
tracking the evolution of particular terms (Crawford & MacNamara, 2012, p. 47). Crawford
and MacNamara (2012) propose instead, an “outside-in” approach. This is similar to the
approach used by Ewen (1996). Ewen’s analysis of the context of an issue, event, or institution
was paramount in illuminating the role and function of public relations (both past and present)
as an embeded part of society and culture. Argument for this alternative is compelling not just
for the study of PR’s phenomonological evolution, but public relations more broadly as an
industry, profession, and practice (see also Moloney, 2000, 2006; and Lamme & Russell, 2010).
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 16
As the Western world moved from the profound social and economic effects of the World
Wars to a post-industrial, service orientated economy and promotional culture, Ewen (1996)
claimed PR fulfilled an effective communicative function between organisations and their
publics. L’Etang (2004, p. 92) referred to the proliferation of public relations consultancies in
the US and the UK during this period. She argued that the growth in demand for these services
presumed PR was sufficiently established as a profession and signalled the social and
economic significance of the industry (L’Etang, 2004, p. 92). At the same time, research into
media effects and scientific persuasion flourished, which Cutlip (1995) asserted led to public
relations becoming increasingly reciprocal, mutual, sophisticated and interactive. The
popularisation of television in 1950s10 also opened up new avenues for PR. According to
Zawawi (2009, pp. 33-34), preparing and delivering content on television was (and is) not so
far removed from that of the familiar mediums of print or radio. However, Zawawi (2009, pp.
33-34) pointed out that it required practitioners to consider, for the first time, increasingly
diversified audiences, scheduling and deadline differences, as well as necessitating additional
media training and grooming of organisational spokespersons. This created additional
demand for skilled communication professionals and consultants to support political actors
and navigate the mediatised environment in which they were operating.
This was also a period of public protest and empowerment, where political actors such as
organised lobbyists and single-issue interest groups used PR tactics to get around their lack of
resources and apply pressure through a variety of communication methods (Ewen, 1996).
Freitag and Stokes (2008, p. 23) suggested that despite much scholarly research supporting
the importance of public opinion throughout the first half of the twentieth century, it took
time for democratic citizens to realise “the power of their own opinion, and especially how
that power could be coalesced and forcefully expressed.” Once they did, in the Sixties and
Seventies, people were keen to have their voices heard. The pursuit of social change in relation
to race, gender, the environment, and the management of wealth and power, pushed
governments and businesses to be more accountable and acknowledge their social
responsibility (Papadakis, 2001). It is in light of this that Ewen (1996, p. 34) noted:
In a democratic society, the interests of power and the interests of the public are
often at odds. The rise of public relations is testimony to the ways that institutions
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 17
of vested power, over the course of the twentieth century, have been compelled
to justify and package their interests in terms of the common good.
Therein lies a paradox that plagues public relations to this day. On the one hand, PR is a natural
defence for organisations attacked by criticism, and an interpreter as to the demands and
expectations of the public. On the other hand, the public and public opinion are both
malleable, and PR as the skilled manipulator cannot avoid either ethical dilemmas or charges
of social responsibility. In the political sphere, where communication is often polarising, public
relations is in a particularly difficult position as it is operating in a space steeped in power and
the “public interest” is subjective.
PR industry professional bodies such as the Public Relations Institute of Australia (PRIA),
Chartered Institute of Public Relations (CIPR) in the UK, and Public Relations Society of America
(PRSA), widely promoted the importance of social responsibility – for organisations as well as
in PR practice – from the early 1980s (L'Etang, 2004). However, globalisation and the
international acceleration towards a new digital age posed new social and economic
challenges. Intensified competition, changing technologies, ease of access to information, and
increasingly sophisticated communication methods required new approaches from
practitioners in our progressively mediatised world. This resulted in another boom for the PR
industry, which was further accelerated by the demands of the 24-hour news cycle and the
introduction of Web 2.0 and social media at the dawn of the twenty-first century. Lee (2001,
p. 309) asserted that “growth of the public relations profession in both the private and public
sector and the increasingly central role the media plays in modern society” make scholarly
research around the nature of PR and its place in liberal democracies both important and
timely.
The forgoing brief account of the PR r/evolution is consistent with Turner’s (2010, p. 208)
contention that, over time, public relations has become an increasingly integral part of the
web of society and our modern media landscape. With the contemporary emphasis placed on
the importance of reputation and brand building, and the value of collaborative
communication, organisations from across all industries employ PR practitioners to help them
cultivate their image and maximise the impact of their messages (Davis, 2002, pp. 3, 171).
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 18
Organisations rely on PR to sculpt their public identities, manage their reputations, and
develop communication strategies that target their stakeholders with engaging and
persuasive dialogue (Hobsbawm, 2010, pp. 2-4; Negrine & Papathanassopoulos, 2011, pp. 48-
50). The demand for skilled PR practitioners has been on the rise since the influential early
work of Walter Lippmann and Edward Bernays. However, over the last 30 years, the public
relations industry has expanded exponentially across the world’s advanced capitalist societies,
thriving on the professionalisation of communication in our mediatised culture (Davis, 2002,
pp. 19-22; Mazzoleni & Schulz, 1999; McNair, 2004; 2006, pp. 47, 64; Miller & Dinan, 2000,
pp. 7-8). As McNair (2000, p. 126) stated, a “combination of mass democracy and mass media
made it both possible and necessary” for the phenomenon of public relations to develop, and
it has become an engrained part of our political process and communication systems.
SPIN AND THE PUBLIC RELATIONS PARADOX
Despite the expansion and increased professionalisation of the industry and its practices, PR
“does not seem to have outgrown [its] pervasive identity crisis” (de Bussy & Wolf, 2009, p.
376; see also Henderson, 1998; White & Park, 2010). Hartley (1996, pp. 36-37) noted that the
emergence and proliferation of this new breed, of what he calls “smiling” communication
professionals, has attracted considerable scrutiny and cynicism. Critics accuse PR of being
inherently anti-democratic, emphasising the adversarial yet symbiotic relationship between
PR, the media, and power (see Burton, 2007; Dinan & Miller, 2007b; Hobsbawm, 2010; Morris
& Goldsworthy, 2008; Stauber & Rampton, 1995). Public relations is seen to be disrupting
political agency and degrading public discourse (Tanner, 2011) as PR practitioners push the
vested interests and agendas of various political actors at the public’s expense (Burton, 2007;
Mazzoleni & Schulz, 1999; Stauber & Rampton, 1995). PR is frequently accused of jeopardising
the fourth estate and, by manipulating public opinion, possessing unwarranted power in the
democratic process, thus exploiting the masses for political or economic gain (Burton, 2007;
Davies, 2008; Franklin, 1994; Mazzoleni & Schulz, 1999; Stauber & Rampton, 1995). The public
sphere is perceived to be saturated to a point where any indication of conflict is stonewalled,
and anything of importance is buried and lost under a mountain of superfluous rhetoric that
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 19
does little to inform the public (Davies, 2008; Dinan & Miller, 2007b; Louw, 2010; Stockwell,
2007). These arguments gain traction when PR practitioners either attribute the industry’s
poor reputation to the actions of unscrupulous colleagues, or shift the blame to “lazy”
journalism (Young, 2011, pp. 11-12). Morris and Goldsworthy (2008, p. 186) suggested that
“although most PR people get on cheerfully with their work, the industry can seem defensive
and unable to tell the world more about itself.” In some domains, the term “public relations”
has such severely negative connotations attached to it that organisations have publicly
disassociated themselves from engaging in any kind of PR (Morris & Goldsworthy, 2008). This
may explain why organisations distance themselves from the practice, or rarely use the term
“public relations” in a visible way, with departments and job descriptions professionally
rebranded (Brody, 1992; Penning, 2008; Sparks, 1993).
In the face of the pervasive persistence of PR – regardless of how practitioners describe
themselves – modern commentators have long adopted the descriptor “spin,” with
practitioners commonly known as “spin doctors.” These colloquial synonyms are widely used
yet rarely defined, and are often applied specifically to political PR. Common dictionary
definitions indicate, as a verb, to “spin” is to turn around quickly, or to draw out and twist
material, both of which can be abstractly applied to public relations activities. Similarly, as a
formal noun, “spin” identifies a rapid turning motion, though informally it has come to refer
to the deliberate presentation of information in a particular way. While this seems a generally
fitting description of PR, it does not capture the full extent of the public relations
phenomenon, given “spin” is not a conversation nor a relationship building activity. The
addition of the word “doctor,” when used as a noun, suggests both a masterful skill level and
a person who is able to aid, help, and fix things. Yet as a verb, to “doctor” something also
implies deception and distortion, where the practice changes or manipulates the subject in
order to fake, forge, or falsify the original for a strategic purpose.11
These have become pejorative terms, widely used by journalists and academics to describe
professionalised communication practices and the practitioners who practice them. Specter
(1992, p. 16) emphasised that in the political arena, spin doctors are “the political henchmen,
the minders and puppeteers who make their living by calling the Titanic the Love Boat” and
use spin that is simply “the blatant art of bending the truth.” Sumpter and Tankard (1994, p.
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 20
22) suggested this is justified by those in the profession who conceive truth as “relative” and
“maintain that every issue has two sides.” Sumpter and Tankard (1994) went on to argue that
spin doctors occupy an alternative communication role that goes beyond mass media
catchphrases, and is fundamentally different in its approach to that of traditional public
relations models. This difference can be positioned as one of ethical orientation, where PR
stresses being “truthful” and supporting “mutual interests,” while spin doctors abandon this
in favour of “unorthodox methods that get the job done” (Sumpter and Tankard, 1994, p. 23-
24). Bowen (2009, p. 404) claimed that PR practitioners resent the implications of the word
“spin” because they categorically do not see this as what they do, and yet, despite their
objections, “this perception now surrounds the entire industry of public relations, thus
inculcating scepticism and suspicion.” PR is loudly damned from multiple perspectives,
particularly so when it is connected to politics, thus swamping accounts that offer a balanced
or positive perspective on the role of public relations in democratic societies.
McNair (2006, p. 64) considered the perpetual “demonology of spin” and the spinners who
spin it as hardly surprising, particularly when even the industry finds it difficult to articulate –
or tries to hide – its own purpose and identity. Hutton (1999, p. 212) described the attention
given to tightening the definition of public relations, and documenting its history, as largely
desperate attempts to stop the profession “drifting rather aimlessly and in many different
directions.” He suggested the problem is that, while PR has the potential to position itself as
the leader in relationship management and communication strategy, its overlap with other
disciplines (such as advertising and marketing) and reliance on journalists and the media
industry have prevented its proper advancement (Hutton, 1999). Yet, Hutton (1999, p. 199)
claimed that PR’s identity crisis is “largely of its own making.” L’Etang (2004, p. 203)
acknowledged that practitioners’ attempts to define and professionalise PR were “an effort
to legitimate public relations in relation to its main competitor and critic – the media” which
backfired when the “response was largely to discredit the practice.” She suggested that PR
has fundamentally failed to attain social legitimacy because “the route taken to legitimate the
practice was that of the public interest, which, though appropriate in [a] public service
context, was rather more difficult to sustain in a profit-making enterprise” (L'Etang, 2004, p.
203).
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 21
Ihlen and Verhoeven (2012, p. 161) pointed out that “in the eagerness to legitimize public
relations, there is a tendency for some writers to conflate normative ideals with current
practice. However, unethical public relations practices still thrive.” Denying and avoiding PR’s
true purpose as one of strategic persuasion and influence has only fuelled the fire of critics
who suggest that the industry’s attempts to normatively define itself are simply wishful
thinking by practitioners who are seeking solace and reassurance that what they do is in fact
a good thing. Dinan and Miller (2007b, p. 11), for example, considered definitions proposed
by public relations professionals and academics to be the complete opposite of reality, where
the idea “that PR facilitates debate and deliberation, and is the hallmark of pluralist
democracy” is simply boastful “PR industry spin” to make public relations more palatable and
keep practitioners in business.
However, Ihlen and Verhoeven (2012, p. 162) and Coombs and Holladay (2012) point out that
such criticisms conveniently ignore the use of public relations by the public and for the public.
A more positive view – admittedly again from an “inside-out” perspective (see Crawford &
MacNamara, 2012) – sees PR as a practice that serves the public interest by facilitating
communication and contributing to informed debates on issues in society (Cutlip, et al., 2009;
Toth, Grunig & Grunig 2007). This ideal is advocated by PR professionals and their associations
(see for example, CIPR 2017; PRIA 2017; PRSA 2017), and is aligned with normative theories
of public communication (see for example, Christians et al., 2010). The current context of
shifting power structures and openness of access facilitated by the Internet, accompanied by
dramatic changes in communication platforms and information distribution, are conducive to
a more idealised and democratised notions of PR (see for example, Davis, 2002). Coombs and
Holladay (2007, p. 2) were also sympathetic, pointing out that “public relations offers a
mechanism for people to be involved in the marketplace of ideas” and is “designed to create
mutual engagement and benefits to society.” Whether this happens in reality is a moot point.
There is inherent merit in the notion of PR as a value-neutral tool, and as such cannot be
fundamentally bad or corrupt, despite its critics.
Strömbäck and Kiousis (2011, p. 4) capture this key dilemma in their statement that “what
public relations is and what it should be are two separate matters.” McNair (2010, p. 9)
commented that there is a “long-standing cultural schizophrenia in public attitudes” towards
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 22
communication professionals and their work, particularly in relation to public opinion. The
increased sensitivity of those in power to the importance of public opinion is, at least in part,
a result of the proliferation of mass media in the twentieth century and societies’ increased
access to a range of information sources (McNair, 2000, p. 124; 2006; Morris & Goldsworthy,
2008, pp. 152-153). McNair (2006, p. 61) argued that organisations and individual political
actors “henceforth have an incentive to ensure that they are presented favourably in the
media, and that any negative coverage is minimised.” For public relations to effectively
achieve this goal, Castells (2009) asserted it must perform two roles in the process of
communication: the active dissemination of information and the art of persuasion. The former
role is typically evaluated as “good” for liberal democracies, while the latter role is often seen
as “bad,” depending on whose interests are served by the content and nature of the
persuasion (Jackson, 2010). Thus, political PR – both as a practice and profession – is
inescapably trapped in a paradox.
PUBLIC PERSUASION AND INFLUENCE
Hoggan and Littlemore (2009, p. 25) argued that PR can be justifiably condemned for using
such arts to deceive and misguide their publics, and that this is a gross subversion of the
original purpose of persuasion:
Aristotle said more than two thousand years ago: someone who is highly trained
in rhetoric can argue any question from every angle – a skill that can be used for
good or ill. But Aristotle didn’t teach rhetoric so shysters could play the public for
fools. Rather, he was trying to make sure that people would recognise when
someone was playing with the language rather than promoting the truth. He
taught rhetoric to inoculate the public against that kind of abuse.
Persuasion’s long history has seen it positioned “at the forefront of such political debate
amongst the elite” (Jackson, 2010, p. 2). Yet, it is not inherently bad. Indeed, it is an accepted,
expected, and integral component of human communication. It is when persuasion is
associated with power, or the powerful, that it carries negative connotations implying the idea
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of undue influence and manipulation, rather than beautifully crafted rhetoric (Cialdini, 2009;
Ihlen, 2010). Furthermore, persuasion used beyond that necessary for rational, logical
argument, is seen to trivialize discourse. As Stauber and Rampton (1995, 2001) implied, PR
practices are inherently baseless and superficial, if not outright dishonest, designed only to
beseech the base levels of humanity and persuade them against their best interests. It stands
to reason, then, that to ward against this outcome, the public need to know how to recognise
PR so they can see through the spin.
Young (2011, pp. 29-30) portrayed the public as comprising – to varying degrees – highly
discerning media savvy individuals who are often sceptical of professionalised
communication, and not easily influenced by spin or indoctrinated by repeated mantras.
Indeed Bennett (2004) and Lewis, Inthorn, and Wahl-Jorgensen (2005) argued that we have
entered an era of apathy and disenchantment (though not disenfranchisement) where the
public are increasingly cynical of the democratic process, the media, and particularly
professionalised communication such as advertising, marketing, and PR. No longer perceived
as a mindless mob passively accepting whatever they are dished out as fact, instead the public
is perceived as capable of making informed decisions, provided they have access to
information and the freedom to openly deliberate (Gastil, 2008). Knowledge and
understanding of how public relations is used to shape information is important for citizens
wishing to navigate through the wealth of vested interests in contemporary societies and draw
their own conclusions about what is best for them. The role of popular culture as a reference
point for citizens is important in the way it provides a behind-the-scenes perspective from
which we can learn about the otherwise invisible practice of PR.
Historically, the public have not always been viewed in the same light as by Young (2011). A
primary concern has been that the public are easily and unwittingly manipulated, a
perspective that conceptualises PR as nothing more than propaganda. Chomsky and Herman’s
(1988, p. 2) influential study Manufacturing Consent established the “propaganda model” of
communication, wherein they asserted information is heavily “cleansed” and “censored” by
the media in an attempt to “marginalise dissent and allow the government and dominant
private interests to get their messages across to the public.” When applied to public relations,
propaganda is seen as the deliberate attempt to seduce or control public opinion through
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conscious manipulation. While openly celebrated by the likes of Lippmann (1922) and Bernays
(1928), more contemporary thought considers such overt rhetoric a corruption of the
democratic process (see for example, Michie 1998; Miller & Dinan, 2008). Living in a society
with ready access to an abundance of information is a necessary but not sufficient condition
to enable the effective exercise of political agency. Information opaquely manipulated by
public relations and homogenised by the media jeopardises that agency.
Critics such as Dinan and Miller (2007a, 2007b)12 regarded PR as a tool wielded by the powerful
to further their own interests. They suggested “modern PR was founded for this purpose and
continues to be at the cutting edge of campaigns to ensure that liberal democratic societies
do not respond to the will of the people and that vested interests prevail” (Dinan and Miller,
2007b, p. 11). Conflict between the ideological and perverse intentions of PR was described
by Turnbull (2007, p. 120) who emphasised that PR tends to blur the line between information
and propaganda. Ward (2007) asserted that this is symptomatic of our progression towards a
pervasive “PR State,” and a reflection of life in an era of the 24-hour news cycle where
governments and private enterprises battle for public opinion through the media (see also
MacDermott, 2008; Mann & Ornstein, 2000; Turnbull, 2007). McNair (2007, p. 97) argued that
this lack of separation between public and private interests has resulted in the perception that
political communication “violate[s] the normative ideal, and corrupt[s] the public sphere.”
Much of the scholarly censure of public relations is framed by Habermas’s (1989) argument
about the decline of the bourgeois public sphere and the “refeudalisation” of contemporary
democracy. Louw (2010), however, argued that the rational-critical public sphere – as
described by Habermas several decades earlier13 – no longer fits with the postmodern world
of mass media, mass information, and mass democracy: conditions which McNair (2000, p.
126) suggested were what enabled public relations to flourish. Davis (2002) argued that, for
better or for worse, we have moved towards a “public relations democracy” where PR is an
engrained function in our political, economic, and cultural processes. Ewen (1996, p. 19)
observed that we are “living in a society in which nearly every moment of human attention is
exposed to the game plans of spin doctors.” He argued the strategic activities of these
professionals impact all facets of public communication, which is notable given these are “the
windows through which we come to know our world” (Ewen, 1996, p. 20).
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Former Australian federal politician Lindsey Tanner’s book length lament, Sideshow: Dumbing
Down Democracy (2011; see also his later publication Politics with Purpose, 2012), provided
an extensive first-hand account as evidence that politics and the public sphere have been
taken over by spin, not just in Australia but also in the US and the UK from which much of the
academic literature is drawn. Tanner (2011, p. 14) viewed spin as “at the heart of the political
process” and stressed that this “sinister” phenomenon has grown in intensity and impact.
Franklin (1994) made a similar argument in his book Packaging Politics, where he blamed spin
for the oversimplification of contemporary political discourse and viewed the relationship
between the media and politics as undemocratic. Thus, PR’s dominance of political discourse
and capacity to influence the public agenda is seen as significant. Stockwell (2007, p. 130)
points out that PR experts “seek to subtly orchestrate a symbolic spectacle, [...] set the terms
of [public] debate, and rapidly adjust their policies to any changes in public sentiment.” From
this perspective, they are responsible for spinning an organisation’s or individual’s meta-
narrative which is the life-blood of a sustained and effective “permanent campaign” aimed at
attracting and maintaining public support (see also Mann & Ornstein, 2000; Stockwell, 2007,
pp. 130-132).
PR undoubtably attempts to influence public opinion and behaviour, and rhetoric and
propaganda are widely employed as part of public relations activities. However, Dinan and
Miller’s (2007a, 2007b) and Stauber and Rampton’s (1995, 2001) implication that public
relations suspends critical faculties and suppresses the expression of free will assumes PR has
a near-godly power of persuasion. Such critiques also often solely equate PR with media
relations and publicity, and conveniently ignore the plethora of other functions of public
relations such as internal relations, sponsorship and event management, community
engagement, conflict resolution, research, and more (Coombs & Holladay, 2014). However,
this is unsurprising given the most overt attempts to influence are the most visible side of
public relations, and thus the most likely to touch the lives of the wider public (de Bussy &
Wolf, 2009). Yet such claims fail to recognise the role of other gatekeepers in the media
landscape. McNair’s (2000; see also 2004, 2006) exploration of the state of journalism and
democracy, as it was at the turn of the twenty-first century, provides a useful critical
assessment here. He focused on Britain’s increasingly “mediated democracy” and the
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 26
perceived threat this poses to the public sphere, arguing that while the quantity of information
available has increased significantly, this has not necessarily been at the expense of quality.
McNair’s (2000, 2004) work provided a balanced perspective that captured the central
arguments behind both the journalistic and academic “demonology of spin” as was rife during
the years of the Blair government in the UK. He also scrutinised the relationship between
public relations and journalism and its intersection with democracy (McNair, 2000, 2006).
These tensions are central for exploring the function of public relations in our political systems
and its role in contemporary western societies.
Leigh (1947) set out the duty of the fourth estate to truth, honour, and justice as an ordained
right in which neither the state nor other interests can, or should, interfere or obstruct. Public
relations, as the spokesperson for these “other interests” as well as the state, will inevitably
be viewed by journalists as a nuisance that impedes their ability to function effectively (see
Cottle, 2003; Davies, 2008; Franklin, 1997). Despite the symbiotic relationship between
journalists and PR practitioners, the former have typically treated the latter with open
contempt and resentment. DeLorme and Fedler (2003, pp. 113-114) suggested this originates
in journalists’ perceptions “that they had a more honest, honourable, important, and altruistic
mission” and yet were “overworked, underpaid, and overwhelmed [...] [with] stress,
insecurity, and unpleasant assignments” in comparison to PR practitioners. In response, PR
practitioners and scholars can be entirely unsympathetic to such criticisms, such as Ames
(2012, p. 99) who asserted:
Journalists and PR practitioners collude on a fiction that polishes every journalist’s
public image: the fiction that the journalist’s hard work digs up the “story.” The
truth behind that fiction is that for a large percentage of stories covered in the
media, a PR practitioner has come up with the story angle and pitched it to the
journalist. PR has also provided access, background information, and even the
names of other people (sources) who have pre-agreed (with the [PR practitioner])
to take a reporter’s phone call and be quoted. [...] Journalists don’t mention their
“story godmothers” more than absolutely necessary, because their editors also
collude in the fiction of journalist-originated news coverage. No one working in
the media wants to admit that PR is setting the media’s agenda.
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The extent to which PR has become a source for stories, and the barrier it has established
between political actors and the media, reinvigorated concerns that PR is threatening
journalistic independence and raised questions about the media’s capacity to fulfil their role
as a gatekeeper and watchdog. Indeed, the intent of public relations, especially in politics, is
to set the public agenda and project the voice of particular political actors. However, given
that journalists and editors do still act as the gatekeepers to their own communication
channels, the argument that public relations has exploited the media in its so-called time of
crisis can be seen as somewhat overstated (Coombs & Holladay, 2014; Cottle, 2003; Morris &
Goldsworthy, 2008; Seitel, 2000). It is the media’s responsibility to manage and adapt to its
environmental pressures, and ultimately journalists still choose how they source, produce,
and publish news content (Curran, 2011; Schrøder & Larsen, 2011). Thus, the so-called
“decline in journalism” (see for example, Davies, 2008) cannot be entirely attributed to the
rise of public relations.
It must be pointed out that PR is often considered – by practitioners as well as those external
to the field – to be part of “the media.” However, PR practitioners are often reluctant to
outwardly acknowledge the significance of their role in setting the public agenda, except
perhaps when justifying their purpose and worth to their clients or managers (Akpabio, 2005;
Turk & Franklin, 1987; Weaver, McCombs, & Shaw, 2004). To be called out would expose their
vested interests, and consequently risk losing the discretion seen as necessary to keep the
public’s undivided attention on the subject at the centre of the story (Ames, 2012). PR
practitioners act as the contact point between political actors and the media. As such, their
ability to refuse or restrict information gives practitioners leverage when negotiating with
journalists (Burton, 2007; D. Miller & Dinan, 2008; Sallot & Johnson, 2006b). This places PR
practitioners in a powerful position in that they control access to the information that the
journalists want (Burton, 2007; D. Miller & Dinan, 2008; Sallot & Johnson, 2006b). This in turn
becomes an inevitable source of frustration and antagonism for journalists (DeLorme and
Fedler,2003). While tensions continue between public relations as the information provider
and journalism as the information distributor, the rise of citizen journalism and social media
further fractured the gatekeeping role of traditional media. News is now able to be published
almost anywhere, by almost anyone, at almost any time. Everyday members of the public can
now be both news publishers and news audiences. As a result, the balance of power has
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shifted away from those with the resources to disseminate information to those controlling
the information source. PR is powerfully positioned at this intersection between information
seekers and information sources.
POWER, POLITICS, AND THE INTERDISCIPLINARITY OF POLITICAL PR
Public relations has long been entwined with politics. Political PR however, as a distinct area
of academic enquiry, is relatively new. This delayed development is due, in part, to PR in
politics taking place under a raft of other names, such as lobbying, public affairs, government
communications, and political communication. While the term “public relations” has moved
in and out of vogue in the corporate world, its place in politics is cemented as the formal
synonym for “spin.” Given its direct association with power, political PR is arguably the most
contentious and condemned class of PR given its direct association with power. As an
academic discipline, political PR includes all public relations activities that have a political
purpose or engage political actors (Canel & Sanders, 2012). As such, it frequently overlaps with
political strategy, as well as other communication functions.
The fundamental relationship between PR and politics can be seen to stem from Lasswell’s
(1936, p. 1) notion that “politics is the study of influence and the influential” and is ultimately
about “who gets what, when, and how.” As Castells (2009) argues, this is decided through our
communication processes, media systems, and information management practices. Research
and enquiry about political PR sits at the intersection of the fields of political communication
(a sub-set of political science), public relations, and media studies. Strömbäck and Kiousis
(2011b) were the first to comprehensively scope this emerging field in their edited book
Political Public Relations: Principles and Applications. From agenda setting and election
campaigning to corporate issues management and crisis communications, Strömbäck and
Kiousis’s comprehensive volume provided an important reference point for studies in political
PR. It offered an international approach and effectively bridged previously separate disciplines
through selecting interdisciplinary content – primarily from political science and public
relations scholars – that dissects the key elements of political PR as a practice.
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In contrast to Strömbäck and Kiousis (2011b), Young’s edited book Government
Communication in Australia (2007) lacks an international outlook, and does not position itself
as specifically about public relations. Nonetheless, it provides an excellent account of the state
of political communication in Australia, which is relevant to the context of this thesis. Young
(2007a) comprehensively captured the relationship between PR and politics, and also included
accounts from the ‘outside’ perspective of media studies scholars, which was missing from
Strömbäck and Kiousis’s work. Young’s compilation identified the importance of
understanding political discourse and communication practices in order to assess the health
of any given democracy. Young (2013, pp. 99-115) also authored a chapter in Sanders and
Canel’s (2013) Government Communication Cases and Challenges, outlining the state of
government communication in Australia. The 15 international case studies presented in
Sanders and Canel’s edited collection describe the political communication structures and
processes in each of those 15 countries. Disappointingly, there is little critical comparative
analysis from either a geographic or cultural perspective. The strength of Sanders and Canel’s
collection is in its focus on the relationship between governments and their citizens – of which
political PR is a facilitator – rather than political communication more broadly.
Political communication scholars research the communication activities of governments,
political parties, politicians and other elected officials. Specific attention on the role of public
relations in these contexts is a relatively recent phenomena and largely limited to media
management tactics such as political campaigns, management, marketing, and advertising.
Jackson (2011) claimed that political PR is an “underused” tool because it is too often equated
solely with media management tactics, and its potential as a strategic management function
is ignored. Indeed, narrowly defining political PR as little more than media relations has a long
history. Before “spin” came into common vernacular, Bernays (1923) described such activities
as “press counselling,” and Lippman (1922) wrote about “press agents.” This gave rise to the
more contemporary “press secretary,” whose media-savvy and communication expertise is
demanded by political actors. Even Cutlip, who led the charge for PR’s place as part of the
executive, initially conceived government communication as primarily about the relationship
between public information officers and media reporters (see Cutlip 1976). The typical casting
of “spin doctors” as “political media advisors” (McKnight 2015, p. 114) or “political aid[s] who
[…] use the media for the benefit of the party” (Franklin et al. 2009, p. 219) maintains the
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narrowly defined “media relations” role. While many PR activities are media related, political
PR is much broader than this in that it has significant strategic, tactical and management
functions to perform. The way in which those functions are performed - particularly the
interrelationship between journalism and political PR - has implications for the function and
effectiveness of liberal democracies.
In Journalism & PR: Unpacking ‘Spin’, Stereotypes, & Media Myths, McNamara (2014, p. 214)
expressed concern that convergence between “journalism, PR, and promotion, would be
counter-productive and even catastrophic for democracies.” He argued there is a blurring of
boundaries in some sectors of our mediatised societies. Savage and Tiffen (2007, p. 92) also
questioned “the quality of democracy” given spin doctors “multipl[y] the politicians’
advantage,” yet acknowledged the “growing prominence” of spin as “an inevitable response
to the demands of contemporary politics and the media’s expanded centrality in this.” They
described the “tangled” relationship between journalists and political PR operatives as one
that is “mutually advantageous and mutually dangerous, marked by mutual dependence and
mutual vulnerability” (Savage and Tiffen 2007, p. 80; see also Blumler and Gurevitch 1995).
Indeed, McNair (2004, p. 325) asserted “an adversarial relationship between both groups is
an important safeguard against the excesses of either.” Whether this is sufficient to ensure a
balance of power between journalism and PR in the political sphere is debatable.
McNair (2004, p. 332) explained that, as “spin doctors formed an unwelcome fifth estate,” this
was seen to threaten the traditional role of the fourth estate, and resulted in a shift in
journalistic discourse away from policy and instead towards the political process itself. A
preoccupation with the political game displaced discussion of legislation and policies crucial
for ensuring an informed citizenry. Thus, “if spin corrupted authentic political discourse, the
journalism of political process betrayed the normative ideals of the fourth estate in a liberal
democracy, colluding with the spin doctors and media minders in a cosy insiders’ conspiracy
against public understanding” (McNair 2004, p. 332). There is, however, another more
welcome and possible eventuality in that the deconstruction of political PR in and by the
media helps to expose the otherwise hidden world of political communication. This
“journalistic spotlight,” or “anti-spin,” makes powerful political actors “vulnerable to public
scrutiny” and exposes the role of PR in our political and communication processes (McNair
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2004, p. 332; see also McNair 2000). This scrutiny holds the otherwise invisible spin doctors
accountable for their unelected yet prominent place in our democracies. By consequence, this
then serves “a clear public interest in alerting potential voters to the fact that political rhetoric
[is] rarely the same thing as political reality” (McNair 2004, p. 333). As Moloney (2000; 2006)
warned, citizens and consumers must remain wary of PR, and that vigilance is important to
protect the health of our liberal democracies. In both editions of his book Rethinking Public
Relations (2000; 2006), Moloney described PR as “weak propaganda” and regretted its
dominance in politics, particularly when framed as part of the broader mediatised culture
considered to be suffocating public discourse. Although he conceded PR can theoretically
coexist with a functioning democracy, Moloney (2006) emphasised the need to critically
examine this relationship, and the importance of conceptualising PR relative to
communicative equity and power distribution in civil societies.
The legitimacy of PR as a political communication tool ultimately depends on your perspective.
As McNair (2004, p. 337) pointed out “for some, PR and spin will always be the villains in a
culture of lies and propaganda, incompatible with a rational public sphere,” while for others
“the only truly rational approach is to regard public relations as part of the infrastructure of
modern political communication.” Lee’s (2008) edited edition Government Public Relations: A
Reader argued for the legitimacy and normalisation of PR as a part of government activities,
and examines both the tactical and strategic capacity of public relations. Although much
attention is still given to media relations – and indeed he advocated bypassing traditional
media gatekeepers – Lee (2008) and his contributors emphasised the importance of two-way
communication and being responsive to the public. This is framed as one of the key purposes
of government PR alongside media relations, public reporting, and outreach activities. The
collection demonstrates the benefits of building community relationships and increasing
citizen participation. However, Lee’s (2008) preoccupation with amending the perennially
poor reputation of government PR limits the discussion to the same inside-out, and at times
defensive, perspective discussed earlier in this chapter. Furthermore, it does not adequately
address the complex nature of relationships between political actors and their publics, and
the resulting ethical considerations inherent in such contexts.14
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Fisher (2014; 2015a; 2015b; 2016a; 2016b) offered an alternative perspective when she
explored the experiences of communication practitioners shifting between the traditionally
antithetical roles of journalists and political PR professionals, specifically parliamentary media
advisors. This relatively common occupational transition from the fourth to fifth estate not
only reflects the interdisciplinary nature of political PR and similarity in skillsets between the
two professions, but also creates extra ethical complexity on-the-job for journalists-turned-
spin-doctors. Fisher combined a practical and phenomenological approach and emphasised
key issues of information control, conflicts of interest and partisanship, transparency, the
malleability of truth, and the principle of the “public’s right to know.” While these issues must
be addressed by all PR professionals, those coming from a journalistic background face
additional challenges as they swing from objective observer to subjective supporter. Fisher’s
work asserted that the two roles are not ethically incompatible. She advocated for a more
nuanced appreciation of both professions that moves away from the dualistic and
oppositional approach that characterises much other research. The tensions raised by Fisher,
as reflected by practitioners, broadly reflect ongoing debates around political PR and its role
in mediatised politics and democratic societies.
Ward’s (2007) work on the “Australian PR State” mapped the institutional framework of
political PR as situated within government and the public service. He stated that its
composition was primarily ministerial “media minders,” political “media units,” and
traditional “departmental public affairs,” coordinated by a range of “integrating instruments”
aimed at managing information across the whole-of-government. “In Australia, there has also
been an emphasis on the instrumentalist role of PR, in which PR was one of the tools used by
politicians as part of their campaigns to secure, maintain, and exercise power” (Turnbull 2007,
p. 114). As Savage and Tiffen (2007, p. 83) noted “politicians, particularly those in ministerial
positions, have significantly greater power than journalists where power is measured in terms
of resources and access to knowledge and authority.” This is also true for other political actors,
particularly wealthy and established corporations, and arguably tips the power balance in
favour of political PR over journalists. As discussed earlier in this chapter, the advent of new
media has allowed political actors to circumvent traditional media and communicate directly
with their publics. While journalists’ gatekeeping functions have not completely collapsed,
there has been a substantial shift in how the political game is played.
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Today, PR is a “permanent fixture” (McKnight 2015, p. 114) in the political landscape of civil
societies. In his contextualisation of the rise of spin doctors in Australia, McKnight (2015, p.
121) questioned the capacity of the news media to remain “as a watchdog scrutinising
government action,” given that their journalistic independence is jeopardised by their
dependence on political PR. However, McKnight (2015) advocated the same proposition as
Tiffen (1989) in News and Power, where part of the problem is “news media passivity” and, as
such, part of the solution must be a proactive and deliberate separation by journalists from
the so-called spin cycle and media circus. Though, as Stockwell (2007, 138) pointed out:
The issue that remains is that spin doctors are a consequence of the ubiquity of
the mass media, not a significant cause. […] If we extract spin doctors from the
mass media, the media still remains the tool of the powerful, and there are only
limited opportunities for any alternative voices to find a gap in the media
monolith. The media is where debate occurs in mass society for better or worse
and, as the media has become more complex, spin doctors help to get opposition
and alternative messages through to the citizenry.
Given this, it is important to understand the way in which political public relations operates
outside government communications. McNair (2011, p. 151) described these political
communication practices as “pressure-group politics” that typically come from trade unions,
lobby groups and other corporate interests, as well as terrorist organisations. Public relations
activities are used here for strategic political purposes to maximise their political efficacy and
curry public agenda in their favour. Heath and Waymer (2011) portrayed the political aspects
of strategic issues management from the perspective of individuals, businesses, and other
non-government agencies. Although strategic issues management is typically framed as a
corporate function, it is also a political function; given organisations routinely take part in the
political process. Issues management can be used to achieve social legitimacy, but also as “a
tool for bending society to the will of business” (Heath and Waymer, 2011, p. 138-139). The
problem for political PR, as Heath and Waymer (2011, p. 139) pointed out, is whether such a
strategy can work “for mutual benefit and [the] alignment of interests” and ensure a “fully
functioning” society, given the competition between vested corporate (private) interests and
that of the public.
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Molleda (2011) examined the intersection of these interests from a global perspective in his
discussion of the role of PR in public diplomacy, from the perspectives of both state and non-
state political actors and organisations. This is notable given public diplomacy is more
traditionally conceptualised a governmental function, without acknowledging the power and
influence of non-government entities who are operating within the same circle. Public
relations and public diplomacy can be used by different sides to facilitate diplomatic
relationships of mutual integration rather than exploitation. As Molleda (2011, pp. 274-275)
explained, the interdependencies of international economies strengthen the power wielded
by transnational corporations, to influence or reinforce host government socioeconomic
priorities, decisions, and actions. Furthermore, corporate social responsibility efforts have
become politicised, and political PR can be conceived as affording the opportunity to address
a range of global issues and influence international discourse in the pursuit of both “individual
and collective goals” (Molleda, 2011, pp. 277-278). Corporate organisations have a range of
political agendas, and their ongoing efforts to influence political decision-making and
government policies through strategic communication makes them important political
players. The field of political PR must therefore be conceptualised as inclusive of all public
relations that have a conceivable political purpose.
In his book, Public Relations Democracy, Aeron Davis (2002) documented the expansion of
public relations and evaluated its impact on political processes and the media in modern
democratic states. Davis’s account was one of the first to approach PR from an
interdisciplinary perspective. He looked beyond traditional institutional politics to encompass
public relations in the corporate sector and other interest groups such as trade unions. Davis’s
(2002) contribution is important in that his discussion is framed around the mediatisation of
politics, and the role of PR in policy-making and power relations. In his later work, The
Mediation of Power, Davis (2007) extended this discussion by exploring how the everyday
activities of those in positions of power are shaped by, and enacted through, the media. He
offered a departure from traditional research paradigms by contextualising a critical dialogue
in case studies and interviews from a range of elite subcultures. Davis (2007, p. 10) remained
within the critical tradition however, and described his approach as “inverted political
economy” with a focus on elite sites of power “that have a more significant part in the
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economic, politico-legal and military spheres.” Davis’s (2007, p. 10) focus was on “those actors
and processes operating at the centres of political and economic power” and emphasised “the
micro and less visible forms of communication.” By investigating elite actors’ relationships
with the media, from how they perceive it to the ways they use it and consume it, Davis (2007)
argued we can build a better understanding of institutional power structures in our society.
His account also treated powerful people and practices with a degree of empathy for the
volatile and high-pressure environments that underscore sites of power. Davis’s (2002, 2007)
work was particularly valuable for providing a rare insight on the many political actors
operating within the largely inaccessible and often invisible powerful institutions in our
society. His placement of public relations at the forefront of those largely invisible,
inaccessible, and powerful institutions, supports the need for further investigation in this area.
PR FROM AN ALTERNATIVE PERSPECTIVE
There is a clear need for political public research that investigates the professionalisation of
political communication, and the nature of spin and persuasion in contemporary democracies.
In order to do this effectively it is useful to go beyond the insularity of the “inside-out” models
typically advocated by practitioners. I advocate for the adoption of a more critical perspective
that considers the phenomenon of public relations within its political, social, and cultural
context. This “outside-in” approach has begun to be embraced by scholars from various
disciplines. Examining the profession and practice of PR, and its role in politics, from
alternative angles can help us to better understand the complexities of this phenomenon.
Further to this, as practitioners have lamented that their industry is perpetually damned and
perennially misunderstood, it is worthwhile exploring where these public damnations and
supposed misunderstandings have come from.
REPRESENTING PUBLIC RELATIONS AND POLITICS
POPULAR CULTURE AS A “CULTURAL TOUCHSTONE”
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 36
Over the last decade there has been a noticeable shift in the way in which media and
communications are studied. Increasing weight has been given to research that examines the
popular content produced by the media and cultural industries. Texts, such as film, television,
books, blogs, and radio, draw on social concerns and inform (and are informed by) public
discourse. As Mukerji and Schudson (1991, p. 23) put it, these texts “can be read as a culture
thinking out loud about itself.” McKee (2001) and Bonner (2003) stressed the importance of
scholarly inquiry into popular culture texts, arguing they offer a rich commentary and critique
about our cultural dynamics and the inner-workings of society. Critical analysis of
representations within these texts, of specific people, places, pursuits, and importantly,
professions, can be an effective method for helping to better understand society (McNair,
2010). Hight (2010, p. 291) recognised that texts have “the capacity of performing acts of
critical literacy in relation to broader cultural and political life,” because they act as a readily
available “cultural touchstone[s]” for audiences. By examining texts that feature political
public relations there is an opportunity to explore not only how political PR work and workers
are represented, but also to investigate what these portrayals suggest about the role public
relations plays as part of liberal democratic societies.
Johnston (2010a, p. 1) is mindful that “we cannot generalise too liberally about how audiences
might view the industry of public relations through these [texts].” However, much of the
literature on representation suggests depictions in popular culture are “a primary source of
how the citizenry learns about a profession” (Johnston, 2010a, p. 1) and its perceived place in
society. As Wagner, Kronberger and Seifer (2002, pp. 324-325) asserted, “the less proximal a
phenomenon is to their immediate life space, the more [audiences] depend on media [texts]
and the less they can rely on personal communication” in their “individual sense-making” of
the public sphere. Wagner et al. (2002) were referring to the formation of public perceptions
about new technologies, where individuals may not have an appropriate level of scientific
knowledge to comprehend a given technology. They propose that to render such information
intelligible, the public should use popular “representation” and “common-sense” to develop
a basic understanding (Wagner et al., 2002, p. 323). This understanding is then expanded upon
through exposure to interpersonal and mass communication about the subject (see Wagner
et al., 2002, p. 323). The phenomenon of public relations is not one that everyday citizens are
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 37
likely to have direct experience with. Representations of political PR in popular culture can
thus serve as an important reference for individuals seeking to understand contemporary
political communication processes. Critical analysis of such representations, and engagement
with audiences of those representations, can potentially make a meaningful contribution to
debates about the relationship between PR, politics, society, and the media.
Interrogating public perceptions of the profession and practice of political PR, as reflected
through the contemporary cultural forms such as film and television, offers a unique
perspective. This approach has been used by scholars researching other industries and
professions, including: journalists (Cozma & Hamilton, 2009; Ehrlich, 1996, 2006, 2009; Ehrlich
& Saltzman, 2015; Good, 1989, 1998; McNair, 2010; Ness, 1997), politicians (Rollins &
O’Connor, 2003a; Coyne, 2008; Frame, 2014; Kaklamanidou & Tally, 2016), teachers (Fisher,
Harris, & Jarvis, 2008; Gerbner, 1966; Joseph, 2008), nurses and physicians (Henry, 1991;
Kalisch & Kalisch, 1984, 1986; Pfau, Mullen, & Garrow, 1995), police and other law
enforcement officials (Carlson, 1985; Dominick, 1973; Grant, 1992; Lichter & Lichter, 1983),
lawyers (Bloomfield, 1983; Greenfield, Osborn, & Robson, 2001; Grosshans, 2006; Levi, 2005;
Pfau, Mullen, Deidrich, & Garrow, 1995; Sarat & Scheingold, 2008; Spitz, 2000), and corporate
businessmen (Lee, 2002, 2004; McTague, 1979; Rubinstein, 1967; S. Thomas & Le Shay, 1992;
Watts, 1982). Rhodes and Westwood’s (2008) made a significant contribution in this space by
exploring the “critique in culture” about the world of work in their book Critical
Representations of Work and Organization in Popular Culture. Although they predominantly
draw from postmodern organisational theory, Rhodes and Westwood (2008) used a wide
range of case studies to illustrate their conception of cultural forms as having a critical and
compelling force. They emphasised the positioning of mediated popular texts as sites of
collective knowledge, reflection, and contestation, through which audiences can critically
engage with the dominant institutions in their societies. My thesis argues that similar
principles apply in the shaping public awareness of political PR and its place in liberal
democracies.
POLITICS IN POPULAR CULTURE
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 38
While representations of political PR have not previously been a topic of scholarly study, there
is a considerable body of work examining popular culture texts in related fields of politics,
journalism and – to a lesser extent – public relations. As the scope of this thesis is limited to
representations in fictional narratives, I do not address texts that fall into the categories of
infotainment or soft news. Satirical news and sketch comedy programs on television regularly
include features on politics, politicians, and the political process and, at times, include
representations of political PR and close analysis of PR techniques and strategies. However,
they provide reactionary narratives in direct response to daily current affairs, rather than
longer-form fictional narratives with sustained representations. Both forms provide valuable
contributions to the public sphere and offer audiences critical yet entertaining commentary. I
do not argue that one program is better than another, though the significance of these “new”
news and entertainment forms, have already been the subject of considerable research and
critical analysis by other scholars.
Some notable contributions in this field include: From Cronkite to Colbert: The Evolution of
Broadcast News (Baym, 2009), Entertaining Politics: Satiric Television and Political
Engagement (Jones, 2010), Australian TV News: New Forms, Functions, and Futures
(Harrington, 2013), and edited collections such as Satire TV: Politics and Comedy in the Post-
network Era (Gray, Jones, & Thompson, 2009) and News Parody and Political Satire Across the
Globe (Baym & Jones, 2013). Thus, I do not examine programs such as: in the United States,
The Daily Show with Jon Stewart (1999-2015) and with Trevor Noah (2015-present), and its
spin-offs The Colbert Report (2005-2014) and Last Week Tonight with John Oliver (2014-
present), as well as variety show Saturday Night Live (1975-present); in the United Kingdom,
That Was the Week That Was (1962-1963) and British panel shows Have I Got News for You
(1990-present), and Mock the Week (2005-present); and in Australia, The Mavis Bramston
Show (1964-1968), The Gillies Report (1984-1985), the Clarke and Dawe interviews (1989-
1997, 2013-2017), various iterations from The Chaser group since 1999 and Shaun Micallef
since 1998, and the more recent The Weekly with Charlie Pickering (2015-present).15 Instead,
the focus of this thesis is on fictional film and television that feature representations of
political public relations, and the way audiences engage with these texts.
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 39
Fictional film and television texts that focus on politics are extensive, diverse and expansive.
Giglio (2014a, p. 12; see also Sachleben & Yenerall, 2012, p. 126) estimates between five and
ten percent of films released each year “contain political messages or present political themes
that are ideological, propagandistic, historically misleading, and politically manipulative.”
Classic examples include Mr Smith Goes to Washington (1939), The Great Dictator (1940), All
the King’s Men (1949), The Manchurian Candidate (1962), Dr Strangelove (1964), The
Candidate (1972) and All the President’s Men (1976). More recent film examples include Bob
Roberts (1992), Wag the Dog (1997), Bulworth (1998), and the contemporary Frost/Nixon
(2008), Milk (2008), In the Loop (2009), and Lincoln (2012). Political television is more difficult
to quantify given the medium’s breadth and diversity. Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister (1980-
1984, 1986-1988) was one of the first, with more recent examples including Spin City (1996-
2002), The West Wing (1999-2006), The Thick of It (2005-2012) and House of Cards (2013-
present). Of course, many of these film and television texts also feature political PR
practitioners and practices (see Chapters 4 and 5). Critical analysis of representations of
politics and politicians in fictional film and television originated from within a political science
framework, though later studies emerged from media, communication, and cultural studies
traditions. The majority of this work is US-centric, though the approach and scope of the
studies vary widely. Some focus exclusively on film (see for example, Booker, 2007; Coyne,
2008; Gianos, 1999; Scott, 2011) or television (see for example, Kaklamanidou & Tally, 2016;
Lichter, Lichter & Amundson, 2000; van Zoonen & Wring, 2012) or a single text such as The
West Wing (1999-2006) (see for example, Crawley, 2006; Holbert et al., 2003; 2005; McCabe,
2012; Parry-Giles & Parry-Giles, 2006; Rollins & O’Connor, 2003b).
Genovese’s early overview study Politics and the cinema: An introduction to political films
(1986), was one of the first to question what makes a film political, and argued all films can be
considered political because of what they choose to include or omit. Together with his later
work The political film: An introduction (1998), Genovese traced the relationship between film
and politics in the United States through the twentieth century, using a selection of films to
illustrate the discussion. In contrast, Giglio (2014a) considered the intersection between the
entertainment industry and politics, addressing, for example, the use of celebrities in political
campaigns and elections, and Hollywood’s political lobbying. Giglio also examined the political
messages of Hollywood films through history, covering a range of social issues such as
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 40
censorship, war, and equality. Both Giglio’s and Genovese’s work offer accessible blends of
historical analysis and film criticism from a political science perspective. Similarly, Combs
(1990) annotated filmography American Political Movies examined political feature films from
every decade from the 1920s to 1980s in the context of the significant socio-political
movements of the period. Combs & Combs (1994) extended this work to explore film as
propaganda, providing a filmography and dialogue on firstly, films about warfare and
secondly, films dealing with political issues and the political process. They argued films are
forms of propaganda because of their impact on audience perceptions and potential to
manipulate public opinion (Combs & Combs, 1994). Haas’s edited collection Hollywood raises
political consciousness (2014)16 similarly considered the political messages of feature films,
and their capacity to have a social impact by raising public awareness through exposure to
political issues. These sentiments are echoed by Giglio and Genovese, who both also have
chapters in Haas’s 2014 book. Giglio (2014b, p. 38) captured the role of audiences in meaning
making by pointing out that a filmmaker’s purpose and political intent is almost irrelevant
given “the political character of a film may lie in the eye of the beholder rather than any
textbook definition.” This thesis extends the argument that, regardless of magic bullets and
media effects, audiences do not passively consume information. I argue, there is growing
evidence of the way in which our cultural texts have the capacity to go beyond simply
reflecting public debate and, instead, actively contribute to, or even set, the agenda.
A notable commonality between Genovese (1986; 1998), Giglio (2014a, 2014b), Combs (1990;
see also Combs & Combs 1994), and other scholars (see for example, Neve, 1992; Ross, 2011;
Ryan & Kelner, 1988), is their focus on the political content and context of the films. They
largely ignore the representation of politics or politicians.17 The second half of Haas’s (2014)
collection considered how politics is defined in film by comparing and contrasting specific films
and, in doing so, demonstrates a shift towards a representational lens. Haas, Christensen, and
Haas (2015) continue the trend with more sustained textual analysis of political messages in
film. They considered films by topic, including documentary, race, gender, and crisis, and, like
Combs (1990), organised their material by decade from the 1930s through to 2013. While such
analysis provided a clear historical context for these films, there conceptualisation of
representations of politics were widely inclusive, covering almost all social issues. In contrast,
Coyne’s book Hollywood Goes to Washington (2008) focused on the mythology, ideology and
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 41
iconography of films with narratives about North American politics, including political figures
and political life. In so doing, Coyne deliberately ignored broader social issues. He claimed that
such issues create subtexts that “undoubtedly have a pronounced political dimension and
often impact upon the arena of US politics” but that the films themselves are not “primarily
about the world of American politics” (Coyne, 2008, pp. 7-8).
Ian Scott’s overview American Politics in Hollywood Film (2011) broadly combined both
approaches, considering the relationship between Hollywood and Washington as well as how
the political landscape in the United States has been represented in films and television. In
exploring these questions, Scott integrated textual analysis of various films and organised his
discussion around different sub-genres such as campaigns, conspiracies, biopics, foreign and
domestic policy, and the ideologies of class, race, and gender as well as the notion of betrayed
values. In his discussion of “Hollywood on the campaign trail” (2011, pp. 80-113), Scott
explored the influence of Hollywood on shaping public expectations of political figures, as well
as films featuring elections and the crossover between political insiders who have become
advisors to political films. It is here that Scott (2011, p. 89-90) touches on the presence of spin
and spin-doctors and makes an interesting point that:
Each [advisor] brought their own experience and wisdom to bear on Hollywood
campaign movies and such were the composite elements working in both arenas
that it is hardly surprising the lines of reality and reconstruction have become
blurred. […] Hollywood set about articulating and re-aligning many of the
presumptions about campaigns to such an extent that when it found itself playing
catch-up to a set of notions and ideas that it had already articulated well, the
resultant movies were far less assured and much less popular. […] Revelation[s]
about imagery and character being moulded from behind the scenes and within
editing suites was, frankly, old hat by the mid-1980s.
Scott’s extended argument is that audiences are familiar enough with elections and campaign
processes, so political films must go beyond “the mundane” side of politics and appeal to
“wider values to do with truth and principles” in order to achieve success and resonance (Scott
2011, p. 90). Scott’s claim is problematic as it is made without any evidence of what everyday
audiences know and value. Nor does Scott account for the significance of contextualising such
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 42
values within the political process, and the impact this may have on citizens and their civic
literacy and engagement.
In contrast, Richardson, Parry, and Corner (2012) explored mediated politics by examining
audience responses to a selection of political texts from print and broadcast media. This large
and detailed study included focus group responses to a segment of the UK’s satirical
docudrama Miliband of Brothers (2010).18 They acknowledged both dramatic and comedic
“appropriations” from secondary broadcast genres, and the role played by other genres in the
cultural performance of politics (see Richardson et al., 2012, pp. 19-20, 38-45). However,
covering such a breadth of genres, limited Richardson et al.’s capacity to discuss fictional
entertainment, and particularly audience engagement with fictional narratives in film and
television.
If examination of audience engagement occurs on a spectrum, then at the opposite end is
Handscombe’s edited anthology Walk With Us (2016). This popular press publication offers a
collection of fan stories recounting how a specific political entertainment text – The West
Wing – changed lives. Whilst lacking critical analysis, Walk With Us offers rich anecdotal
evidence about the impact of a particular text on members of its audience. In a more scholarly
approach to The West Wing, Wodak (2009) juxtaposed the program’s representations of
politics with a critical ethnography and discourse analysis of European Parliament. She was
primarily concerned with how political identities and practices are organised and performed,
and how this is connected with the lack of public knowledge in, and transparency of, our
political process, which has, in turn, created a “so-called ‘democratic deficit’.”19 Wodak (2009)
drew on qualitative data from the everyday experiences of Members of the European
Parliament (MEP), and a case study on The West Wing. Wodak’s approach raises two issues
relevant to this thesis. Firstly, the scope and implications of comparisons between the
discursive practices of real MEPs and those of the fictional staff of a fictional US President are
necessarily limited. Second, while MEPs presumably form part of The West Wing’s audience,
Wodak’s study was not one of audience research and did not explore their engagement with
the text.
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 43
Wodak (2009) argued that investigation of the backstage of politics is essential to deconstruct
and demystify contemporary politics. Yet she concluded that fictional representations of
politics in television are overly simplistic, idealistic, sensationalised, and glamorised, and fail
to capture the complexities and challenges of the daily reality of what goes on behind the
scenes. This conclusion was coupled with her claims that the disenchantment caused by our
exclusion from the backstage practices of politics has seen us turn to fictional representations,
or what Wodak classifies as “politicotainment.” Politicotainment, according to Wodak,
became necessary to satisfy our political curiosity and desire to feel meaningfully included in
the democratic process. However, this in turn creates “a vicious circle: because so many
people are dissatisfied with politics they turn to fiction. Because the real world of politics can
never compete with an idealized version, the fiction necessarily reinforces this
dissatisfaction.” (Wodak, 2009, p. 206). What Wodak neglects here is the diverse
representations of politics in fiction. This wealth of narratives provides an array of critical
commentary and perspectives on the political process with which citizens can connect. While
some representations may amplify public cynicism or political disenchantment, others may do
the opposite. Ultimately it is individual members of the audience who process and interpret
these fictional texts relative to their own lived realities.
Using an alternative approach, van Zoonen (2007; see also 2005) investigated audience
responses to film and television series by analysing viewer comments on the Internet Movie
Database. Her focus is on the performance of the “political self” and “not so much what films
and series about politics do to people, but rather […] what do people do with these popular
accounts?” (van Zoonen, 2007, p. 531; see also 2005). Van Zoonen (2007) concluded
audiences use these texts as part of their political sense-making, and to reflect, judge,
fantasise, and understand politics. This furthered the arguments made in her book
Entertaining the Citizen (van Zoonen, 2005), that fictional characters and narratives are readily
accessible information sources about political systems that citizens can interpret and use. As
van Zoonen (2005, p. 151) pointed out:
Popular culture does have its flaws, but it needs to be acknowledged as a relevant
resource for political citizenship: a resource that produces comprehension and
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 44
respect […] [and] can make citizenship more pleasurable, more engaging, and
more inclusive.
Despite the convergence of politics and popular culture being much maligned by modernist
political thinking, van Zoonen (2005) aligned political participation with cultural participation,
and emphasised the potential for positive democratic outcomes. Sachleben & Yenerall (2012)
similarly argued that film and television texts are invaluable tools in developing citizen
understanding of politics. They promoted using popular culture to “make politics more
accessible, relevant, and […] interesting,” in light of citizens’ “apparent apathy and dangerous
cynicism” towards politics (Sachleben & Yenerall, 2012, p. 5). Although Sachleben & Yenerall
(2014) encouraged their readers to be critical, they did not present audience perspectives,
and as such share the limitations of Genovese (1998), Giglio (2014), and Combs & Combs
(2014), discussed earlier.
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 45
Scholarly focus on deconstructing the ideologies and political messages encoded in film and
television is important, and texts themselves are primary and historical sources of cultural
extrapolation. However, such approaches rarely provide evidence of the reception of these
texts by audiences, and the engagement with these texts by citizens. This is of particular
significance when content analysis of political texts demonstrates a trend towards negative
portrayals of politics. For example, Lichter, Lichter, and Amundson’s (2000, p. 102) study of
the image of government on television concluded that “prime time has rarely conveyed the
message that the public is protected by a government operating on their behalf.” The extent
to which these negative depictions contribute to the “rising public dissatisfaction with
government” (Lichter et al., 2000, p. 96) remains unknown. Scholarly attention in this area has
instead chosen to focus on the accuracy of representations of political figures and institutions.
Studies comparing the “real” with the “reel” typically conclude that the “reel” is blend of myth
and reality more symbolic of the social and political context in which a given text is produced
and released, rather than being truthfully representative (see for example, edited collections
by Rollins and O’Connor, 2003a; and Morgan, 2011). This raises concerns about how
misrepresentations colour the way audiences think about politics, and how this may influence
their civic engagement (see for example, Fielding, 2014).
Preoccupation with the accuracy of particular representations detrimentally ignores the
postmodern conception of truth as individually constructed, and the plurality of contemporary
political ideologies. Yet, evaluating accuracy has not only been a preoccupation for the study
of representations of politics, but also studies of other representations, including journalism
and PR. While accuracy is relevant, I suggest it is less important than understanding the
identity of political PR in popular culture, how this is constructed, why it has been constructed
in particular ways, and what such representation(s) may mean for audiences and political
communication in contemporary liberal democracies. There has been limited research that
looks at PR from this angle, and even less specifically about political PR. However, there has
been wide application of this approach to the related field of journalism, such as Ehrlich’s
(2004), Ehrlich and Saltzman’s (2015), and McNair’s (2010) book length publications.
In his book Journalism in The Movies, Matthew Ehrlich (2004, p. 2) treated movies about
journalism “as a distinct genre that embodies myths coloured by nostalgia” and addressed the
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 46
role these films played in reflecting and constructing American culture and apparent
perceptions about the fourth estate. While Ehrlich did not always make the reasons for his
film selection clear, the texts analysed are astutely placed in their historical context and he
provides interesting commentary on the stark dichotomies that exist in the depiction of
journalists over time. Such dichotomies were similarly identified in Brian McNair’s (2010a)
Journalists in Film, and succinctly captured by the book’s subtitle “heroes and villains.” McNair
described this as “a good tradition of love and hate,” which reflects the way journalists have
been both revered and reviled throughout history. What sets McNair’s work apart from
Ehrlich’s, is that it goes beyond a historical study of journalism through the lens of film, and
delves into past and present debates about society’s expectations and perceptions of
journalism. According to McNair (2010a, p. 19) films and film makers:
Construct an arena for debate, often very high profile, and inform the public and
the media – or remind them, if they think they know already – of what is expected
of journalists, and ask if those expectations are being met. They contribute to an
ongoing public conversation within which the role and functions of journalism are
never far away from that same public’s zone of interest and legitimate concern.
Ehrlich’s later collaboration with Joe Saltzman, in their book Heroes and Scoundrels (2015), is
similar to McNair’s approach in that they looked at how journalists have been portrayed in
popular culture across a range of media forms through history. McNair argued that PRs impact
on and relationship to journalism makes such representations important to discussions about
how we understand contemporary communication practices and professionals. To this end,
McNair even briefly covered representations of PR in popular screen texts in a chapter of
Journalists in Film (see Chapter 11: King Makers). Significantly, he noted the way PR is
represented in popular culture is an important and timely area of research that has been
largely neglected.
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 47
McNair (2010a) claimed that PRs impact on, and relationship to, journalism makes such
representations particularly important because they contribute to discussions about how we
as a society perceive and understand contemporary communication practices and the
professionals associated with this work. Compared to journalism, McNair (2010a, pp. 185-186)
argued, there are considerably fewer representations of PR in media texts:
This reflects the relative newness and cultural marginality of public relations. It
also confirms [...] a popular fascination with journalism which is absent from the
world of public relations, even though practitioners of the latter are more
numerous, better paid on average, and live lifestyles which are probably just as
glamorous. It is as if public relations is the unwelcome guest in the modern public
sphere, a necessary but unloved element of the communication process.
This explanation is apt given the demonisation of spin, though it does not fully explain the
relatively limited range of overt representations of PR. As discussed earlier in this chapter, the
PR industry’s ongoing struggle to find its place in society has been exacerbated by questions
around its legitimacy, credibility, and public visibility as a profession (see for example, Wright
& VanSlyke Turk, 2007). Thus, I argue, the dearth of fictional representations through history
may be a consequence of PR being a more discreet occupation than the widely recognised
industry and profession of journalism.
However, although there have not been as many movies about public relations as there have
been about journalism, there is a small number of studies that concentrate specifically on this
sub-genre. Lee (2001b, p. 309) predicted that, if the growth in PR coincides with increased
salience of the profession and its practices in the news media, then more representations of
public relations may arise in our cultural texts. This prediction is supported by Saltzman’s
(2012) findings, as well as preliminary research conducted for this thesis (see Chapter 4),
where I found the number of depictions of political PR in film and television in the most recent
decade were almost double that found in any other ten-year period in the twentieth century.
This suggests the “popular fascination” that McNair (2010a, p. 186) considered PR lacked, has
finally caught on. In turn, this can both lead and reinforce the public visibility of the profession.
Appendix A provides a list of almost 400 films and television series that feature political public
relations in some way. Critical analysis of these representations can contribute to debates
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 48
around the relationship between PR, politics, society, and the media. This approach offers a
perspective that is centred on an interrogation of the public perception of the industry and
those that work within it, as it is reflected and understood through the contemporary cultural
forms of film and television. The alternative is to continue the existing predominance of
unreflective demonisation of the industry, and its threat to democracy, based on anecdotal
evidence or personal prejudice. I propose we need critical analysis of representations, dealing
with the identity of political PR, why it has been constructed in particular ways, and how it is
understood by audiences.
PUBLIC RELATIONS IN POPULAR CULTURE
Although looking at the image of a profession through popular culture enjoys a long-standing
tradition, and the machinations of political public relations have been reflected in popular
culture since the early 1900s (see Chapters 4 and 5), there is little scholarly research about
how public relations is represented in these media texts. Further, there is no formal research
into how audiences perceive these portrayals. Existing research on representations of PR
varies from listing and cataloguing texts to thematic analysis of representations and
subsequent exploratory discussion. Tavcar’s (1993) short article “Public relations on the
screen” is the earliest study to focus specifically on popular depictions of PR. He proposed that
while cultural representations of PR are not as prevalent as that of other professions, they are
still worthy of note for understanding what Lambert (2011, p. 205) later called “preconceived
ideas about the field.” Tavcar (1993, p. 21) suggested that this lack of academic attention is
perhaps because public relations does not “win the screen time” that other professions enjoy,
such as doctors, lawyers, and journalists. While this may be true in a relative sense, as
discussed earlier, there is a wealth of depictions of PR in popular culture providing the
opportunity for scholarly inquiry.
Tavcar (1993, p. 21) was the first to suggest cultural representations could “add an extra flair”
to the discipline of public relations. He highlighted 17 “films to see” for all PR practitioners,
academics, and students. However, his research was purely descriptive, and provided no
analysis of the films listed, or consideration of the importance of these texts to the field. This
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 49
is a shortcoming of other studies that go little further than listing and describing
representations of public relations, and avoid any depth of discussion. Lee (2001b, 2009a) and
Ames (2010a) both took the same approach as Tavcar (1993). Lee (2001b) looked at 20 films
from the twentieth century, with a follow-up addendum in 2009 adding a further seven films
spread across 1962-2005, and focused on PR in public administration. Ames (2010a) selected
her sample of 11 texts based on films from the United States that achieved box office success
between 1996-2008, and had not previously been included in other research studies such as
from Tavcar or Lee. The brief studies by Lee and Ames simply identified and summarised
representations of PR in their selection of films, and entertained light discussion on the
general implications of this.
Continuing in the descriptive cataloguing vein are Saltzman’s (2011) audio-visual compilation
and Watson’s (2015) online reference collection. Saltzman’s (2011) resource is a compilation
of nearly 12 hours of footage spread across a dual layer three DVD set, comprising 327
different clips featuring public relations practitioners in English speaking films and television
programs over a 110 year period.20 Watson’s (2015) website lists media texts featuring public
relations, including 64 books, 47 films, 13 documentaries, and 25 TV programs.21 Watson
(2015) was not specific about the intended audience for his collection and considered it a
“living archive” of texts that can be added to as more emerge. Both resources provide useful
starting points for sourcing texts featuring PR, particularly in terms of breadth of material
identified. Neither Saltzman nor Watson provided critical analysis of the texts listed, nor have
these catalogues been subject to formal peer review, other than being compiled in
consultation with their colleagues.
Notably, Saltzman (2011) encouraged PR educators to use his resource as a teaching tool.
Using popular culture texts to engage students is not a new approach, even in the discipline
of public relations. For example, Smudde and Luecke (2005) advocated for the use of The West
Wing as a problem-based learning tool for public relations courses and suggested it be used
as illustrative support material as well as stimulus for scenario planning and analysis. PR text
books also occasionally make mention of characterisations of PR in popular culture. For
example, Morris and Goldsworthy’s PR Today (2016, pp. 17-20, 298), provides a brief note on
the contribution of film and television in shaping our understanding of PR, as well as a short
CHAPTER 2 | PAGE 50
list of texts featuring PR as part of suggested reading material. While this provides useful
teachable moments for educators and students, there is no scholarly engagement with these
representations beyond the assumption that popular culture has and does influence the
reputation and image of PR. Both Lambert (2011) and Lamme (2012) argued that
representations of PR in popular culture are most valuable to budding professionals (students)
because they give an indication of how their profession is portrayed, and provide an insight as
to how it is perceived. They also asserted that popular culture can be used to actively engage
students by encouraging them to think critically about PR practices and the ethicality of
different situations. While this may be true, Lambert’s and Lamme’s papers are pedagogically
based and focus on pitching lesson plans to PR educators. Ironically, while promoting the
studious analysis of such material, these scholars did not make such analysis themselves.
To date, there have been two substantial studies – Miller in 1999 and Saltzman in 201222 –
that examined representations of PR in popular culture. Karen Miller’s (1999) article on “PR in
film and fiction” was the first to focus solely on textual depictions of PR, analysing 51 novels
and 67 films from the United States from 1903-1995. She approached the texts from a
historical perspective and concentrated her analysis on the “misconceptions about and
stereotypes of PR that are relayed to the public through the [texts]” (Miller, 1999, p. 3).
Miller’s discussion was limited to an industry-based perspective and did not consider how
these representations act as a reference point for people – both those familiar and unfamiliar
with PR – beyond assuming that these texts do inform audience understandings. Saltzman’s
(2012) study provided a formal peer reviewed report that accompanied his 2011 audio-visual
compilation mentioned earlier. Yet he similarly ignored specific discussion regarding the effect
of representations on audiences. The breadth of Saltzman’s (2012) research is commendable.
He examined 222 films and 105 television programs from the United States and England from
1901-2011 that featured representations of public relations practitioners. Like Miller,
Saltzman then classified the results based on decade of production, gender, job titles, and
character types. Also, like Miller, Saltzman’s subsequent discussion comprises almost entirely
of examples from the texts, used to illustrate the breakdown of his classification schemas.
While this makes for rich and entertaining reading, it fails to explore “ways these
representations have influenced public knowledge and attitudes about PR” (Miller, 1999, p.
25), and the implications of these influences. Ironically, this is exactly the topic Miller originally
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and specifically encouraged future scholars to explore, yet Saltzman (2012) and other scholars
have failed to provide such comment. Furthermore, a key output from both Miller and
Saltzman was a numerical breakdown of quantitative differences in depictions over time. This
can be misleading given depictions in the texts are attributed the same value as part of a data
set, regardless of the substantiality of the portrayal. It also ignores the complexities of each
representation. A more complete analysis of the weight of a representation requires
consideration of the popularity or audience reach of the text, the depth and visibility of a given
character or theme, as well as the context in which the text was developed and produced (see
Chapters 4 and 5).
Yoon and Black (2011) took a similar approach to Miller (1999) and Saltzman (2012), and
prioritised breadth of analysis over depth of discussion. They focused exclusively on a
selection of television dramas and sitcoms screened during prime-time programming in the
US, and categorised portrayals of PR from a total of 384 episodes across 10 different shows.
Yoon and Black (2011, p. 101) concluded that “television does not define the field [of public
relations] thoroughly or explain the public relations process properly.” As with research into
representations of politics and journalism, much of the analysis of representations of PR is
focussed on whether such portrayals are accurate or realistic. With the notable exceptions of
McNair (2010) and Saltzman (2012), many scholars appear to take offence at the stereotypes
of PR used in the texts, arguing they are old, outdated, and a poor reflection of the reality of
public relations practitioners and their work. While these studies clearly identify entrenched
stereotypes about PR, the authors’ attempts to measure the texts against reality restrict their
capacity to fully engage with what these texts tell us about how public relations is understood
in – and indeed by – society. Although the “realist mode” of analysing texts is common, it
denies the legitimacy of other interpretations. Furthermore, there is an implicit judgement
that assuming these stereotypes are true is moralistically wrong or false (see McKee, 2003, p.
16). Lamenting the lack of accuracy or truthfulness of a text misses the value of what such
representations say in the context of our own socially constructed realities.
A primary motivator for existing studies in this area appears to be practitioners’ introspective
anxieties about the reputation of the profession, and how representations might (mis)inform
the public about PR. For example, Yoon and Black (2011, pp. 101-102) raised the concern that
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existing depictions may result in public misconceptions that “put public relations in a tricky
position” because:
It is considered something with a huge impact but whose process nobody knows
and understands. If unaddressed, these inaccurate impressions may limit the field
to only certain characteristics in the minds of employers, the media and the public.
Moreover, they may influence the types of students entering the profession and
even inhibit public relations practitioners from being taken seriously in their jobs.
This preoccupation with the accuracy of portrayals is understandable, given the inside-out
perspective and bias of much PR research, as discussed earlier in this chapter, as well as the
long-suffering professionalization efforts of the industry to establish its credibility and
purpose. Miller (1999, p. 22) pointed out that “negative characterisations, embellished with
the zeal of poetic license, are disheartening at best and malicious at worst.” Tavcar (1993, p.
21) even recommended that some of the films he reviewed “shouldn’t be watched after a
tough day in the PR trenches.” This suggests that many of the popular culture depictions of PR
strike an uncomfortable chord with practitioners. Yet, Tilson (2003, p. 13) celebrated the
“wonderful life” of PR practitioners in his short article about PR in Hollywood, describing how
PR people are involved with movie production and promotion. Miller (1999, p. 22) reasoned
that “many film and fiction representations of occupations and professions are negative,
simply because conflicts and tensions make the most interesting storylines.” As Ehrlich (2004,
p. 2) put it, fictional texts “‘think’ about those things differently from the way professional
groups do; […] sometimes they present unflattering depictions that contradict the way
professionals see themselves, even if the depictions sometimes have validity.” This suggests
there is a blurring of artistic devices and authentic popular perceptions that results in a range
of representations differing in depiction and perspective. The same concerns raised by
scholars in relation to the (mis)representation of politics are present here too. However,
rather than worrying about how such misrepresentation might affect citizens’ civic
engagement, the emphasis is instead placed on the PR industry’s image and reputation.
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There is consensus in the existing literature about how PR has been represented in popular
culture: there is a dominance of white male PR practitioners, a prominence of media relations
roles, publicity, and image consultancy suggesting these are the central function of PR, and an
apparent negativity of most depictions. Building on Miller’s (1999) study, Tsetsura, Bentley,
and Newcomb (2015) examined 10 films released between 2000 and 2010. They concluded
that despite there being some positive portrayals of public relations, these contemporary
texts are dominated by negative stereotypes (Tsetsura et al., 2015). This finding is contrary to
other studies (see Ames, 2010a; Johnston, 2010b; Saltzman, 2012) which found the image of
the PR practitioner has improved since the mid-1990s, and representations of PR practices are
becoming more nuanced. However, as the gauge for “improvement” appears to be
predominantly based on the increase in frequency of “positive” depictions of PR, this
conclusion is dependent on how a “positive” depiction is defined by the researcher. For
example, Saltzman (2012, p. 8) classified characters “trying to do the right thing, but often
frustrated by the system [...] [and] skilled, but often unhappy with their jobs, unfulfilled, upset,
discontented, tired, irritated, disturbed by either the profession or their particular situation
or life in general” as positive. While skilful practitioners who try to do the right thing are
unambiguously a positive representation, a character that is unhappy or disturbed – often as
a result of their work in PR, or life situation as a result of their PR career – is arguably not. Lack
of consistency in the literature in classifications of “positive” and “negative” is problematic.
Saltzman (2012) adapted his character classification codes from Miller’s original study, as did
Ames (2010a). Miller (1999, p. 10-11) originally used “unhappy with their jobs” as a descriptor
for her “unfulfilled” character archetype, which – in contrast to Saltzman – she classified as a
negative representation. She described this archetype as depicting “unfulfilled practitioners
[who] are skilled at what they do but unhappy with their jobs; they are gloomy, hacks, mopes,
tired, and discontented” (Miller, 1999, p. 10), and suggested a career in PR offers little reward
for these characters. Saltzman acknowledged conclusions can differ as a result of variation in
interpretation between researchers. He noted that “sometimes the difference between
positive and negative labels can be so small that it is possible, depending on the sensitivity
and experience of the analyst, for an individual characterization to be labelled either way”
(1999, p. 9). Nevertheless, the difference between labels here does not seem so small as to
be insignificant. The conclusion that representations of PR practitioners have become more
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positive over time is debatable, given the subjectivity of content coding. Furthermore, defining
what constitutes a negative or positive portrayal is contentious. For example, Tsetsura et al.
(2015) asserted “public relations is still portrayed more negatively than positively” and
assumed both “conflicted” and “cynical” archetypes to be “negative”. However, they did not
explain why a fictional practitioner who is “conflicted” or “cynical” is necessarily “negative”.
Tsetsura et al. did acknowledge that some representations may display elements of other
archetypes, though they did not address how these blended depictions challenge the
boundaries of their own definitions. Thus, it is not always practical to classify representations
as “good” or “bad” or “positive” or “negative” given the complexities of each character and
theme. Instead, a less value laden trait-based classification method within which elements of
each character’s behaviour, lifestyle, and actions are assessed may be more meaningful and
reliable. Classification methods should also enable an evaluation of what can be taught, learnt,
and understood about PR as a result of watching these representations. This is something that
scholars have either not seen as important, or has been perceived as out of scope.
The limited scope of existing studies is often given as a rationale for superficial analysis. Many
authors provide wide-ranging recommendations for further in-depth research and leave it to
others to implement their recommendations (see Lee, 2001, p. 311; 2009, p. 161; Miller, 1999,
p. 24; Saltzman, 2012, p. 42). Johnston (2010a, 2010b), Ames (2010b), and Fitch (2015), have
begun to progress the field by trading the breadth of their investigations for depth. In her
conference paper “A history of public relations on screen,” Johnston (2010b) expanded on
Miller’s (1999) original work and investigated representations of PR from a more
comprehensive historical perspective. Her analysis focused on a selection of 19 of the 124
total texts she reviewed “in order to track changes in representations” over time, and
paralleled these with developments in public relations throughout history.23 Unlike other
studies that have simply quantified changes, Johnston used a historical framework to provide
discussion about how depictions of public relations have evolved. She concluded that
representations have progressed with our social and cultural norms as well as with those of
the PR profession itself. By concentrating her discussion on a smaller sample of texts, Johnston
was able to explore how these representations reflect the perceived role of PR in society, and
in what ways they may have shaped the industry’s cultural and professional identity. This
makes Johnston’s study notable and sets her work apart from her predecessors. A published
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article “Girls on screen” (Johnston, 2010a) followed from her conference paper, narrowing its
focus further by using feminist theory to look specifically at depictions of female PR
practitioners in popular culture. Although her sample of six films and four TV series is small,
this works in Johnston’s favour as she has the scope to go beyond simply describing depictions.
In so doing, Johnston (2010a, p. 13) presented an insightful discussion about how
representations in these texts both illustrate and reinforce “the systematic problems faced by
women [in PR].”
Like Johnston, Ames’s (2010b) work is also a departure from the typical descriptive approach
to representations of PR. In her article “Queer eye for the PR guy in American films 1937-
2009,” Ames used queer theory and the notion of performative gender roles to analyse 11
texts featuring PR practitioners who were either openly or implicitly homosexual. Despite
research questions focused on representations of PR in the selected films, her results and the
discussion are grounded in broader debates about screen censorship and the changes in how
homosexuality has been portrayed in popular culture. Ames (2010b) went beyond basic
analysis and contributed to broader debates about sexuality in culture, and the implications
of such depictions for audiences. Fitch’s (2015) case study of HBO’s True Blood is another
departure from more conservative breadth-oriented research approaches. Interestingly, Fitch
(2015) focused on the American Vampire League’s campaign to pass the Vampire Rights
Amendment. While this can be connected to representations of political PR, it was not framed
by Fitch as such. Instead, Fitch conducted deep analysis from a postfeminist framework
focussing on specific characters and a particular sub-plot within the text. In so doing, Fitch
(2015) situated this popular representation of PR within the topical issues of gender, and
thereby engaged in a more sophisticated discussion about PR’s normative ideals.
Viewing texts through specific lenses provides interesting perspectives on a given text’s
purpose or meaning. However, analysis and discussion conducted through a particular lens
risks producing an insular reading of the text that is not necessarily translatable between one
audience and the next. For example, Ames’s (2010b, p. 113) analysis of a selection of films
was conducted with a “queer eye.” She emphasised that “one needs to watch [the film/s] with
one’s ‘gaydar’ turned up to super-sensitive” because a character’s “gayness” was often
disguised and thus would pass unnoticed by most of the audience (Ames, 2010b, p. 114).
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While this interpretive paradigm is valuable within the discipline of gender studies, it does not
necessarily lend itself to discussion of a text’s likely meaning as it requires additional sensitivity
to a particular perspective. This thesis seeks both breadth and depth when exploring
representations of political PR, by examining a diversity of texts as well as their specific
contexts and individual depictions, and does not adopt a specific conceptual framework or
theoretical lens in its analytic approach.
PUBLIC RELATIONS IN THE NEWS
Returning to the preoccupation with how accurately PR has been depicted through time, it is
necessary to consider studies that analyse how PR has been presented in the news media.
Indeed, the majority of research investigating representations of PR in popular culture has
sprung out of this context. Jo (2003, p. 401) argued “analysis of news stories containing the
term public relations can shed light not only on how public relations is portrayed in the news
media but also on how it is understood in a society.” Although this thesis addresses fictional
representations of political PR in popular culture, I acknowledge the role of representations
in news media. Both play a part in constructing public understanding about public relations,
and both continue to feed the narratives about the role of PR in politics and its purpose in our
society.
Bishop’s (1988) short article “What newspapers say about public relations” was the first to
investigate portrayals of PR in the news media.24 His content analysis sampled three well-
known regional American newspapers in the month of June 1987. Bishop’s (1988) key finding,
that public relations is typically equated with “publicity,” has held true for later studies as well.
Spicer (1993) extended Bishop’s initial study, analysing a convenience sample of 84 print
articles collected over a five-year period from 1988-1992. Spicer (1993, p. 47) openly stated
that his research was conducted in response to “twenty years of research [that] indicates [...]
journalists hold a negative, often antagonistic attitude, towards the public relations field and
public relations practitioners.” He wanted to assess “how those attitudes influence[d]”
(Spicer, 1993, p. 47) the way public relations was reported. Spicer used content analysis to
identify the connotative associations of the term “public relations” and other like terms. He
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found seven themes associated with public relations: “distraction,” “disaster,” “challenge,”
“hype,” “war,” “schmooze,” and lacking in substance (labelled by Spicer as “merely”).
Subsequent studies built on Spicer’s work. Keenan (1996) adopted the themes identified by
Spicer and conducted a census on the frequency and type of PR depictions covered in evening
news broadcasts on three major American TV networks from 1980-1995. Spicer and Keenan’s
work inspired Henderson’s (1998) development of a taxonomy of connotative meanings of
“public relations” from 100 different popular press articles published between 1995-1996. Jo
(2003) then built on both Henderson’s and Spicer’s efforts by looking at the meanings and
connotations of “public relations” in 303 stories from print and televised news in the period
1998-2001.
Aside from consolidating Bishop’s (1988) finding that PR and publicity are synonymously
depicted in news reporting, Spicer (1993), Keenan (1996), Henderson (1998), and Jo (2003)
found that the majority of references to public relations had negative connotations. The
typical negative connotations were that PR deliberately “deceives” and provides “damage
control.” This is quite different to the earlier research of Bishop which concluded that public
relations was generally portrayed neutrally. Sampling distortion arising from the use of three
regional newspapers in a single month may explain Bishop’s contrary finding. Describing the
negative connotations, Spicer (1993, pp. 59-60) stated that the terms used to describe PR in
print media “indicate, if not a flagrant disregard for the truth, a willingness to engage in
communication activities to hide or obscure [information].” These studies expressed concern
that misconceptions about PR are perpetuated in, and by, the media and stem from a lack of
real understanding of what public relations is and what PR practitioners do. In a sense, this
argument brings the debate full circle, back to the idea that, unless we can learn from direct
experience, it is through popular media that we can be, and very often are, taught about a
particular profession or industry function.
In an attempt to identify the historical origins of PR’s negative portrayal in the news, Penning
(2008) conducted a content analysis of PR as portrayed in the 1920s issues of The New York
Times and Time. He concluded that negative treatment of PR in the media may be an enduring
legacy from “the decade when ‘public relations’ was emerging as a common term, [which] was
also an era when media responsibility and public opinion were hot topics” (Penning, 2008, p.
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355). Penning’s postulation could, in part, explain the apparently continuing hostile
relationship between journalists and PR practitioners across the twentieth century. Regardless
of the origins of journalistic antagonism and negative reporting, Spicer (1993), Keenan (1996),
Henderson (1998), and Jo (2003) all imply that negative representations automatically
translate to negative public perceptions. However, this remains largely untested. White and
Park’s (2010) study is one of the few to engage with the public regarding their perceptions of
PR. They conducted a random sample telephone survey of 455 respondents that suggested
the public perceptions of PR are more balanced than previously thought. While PR was still
associated with “publicity, media relations, and an attempt to advance an organisation’s own
agenda,” respondents ultimately viewed public relations as a necessary function that
“benefits society by providing information” (White & Park, 2010, p. 323). White and Park’s
results are important not only because they challenge assumptions made by other studies,
but also because they hint at the capacity of audiences to be nuanced and critical about the
role and practice of public relations. Further research that engages directly with people – the
audiences of news media and popular culture texts – is essential to properly understand how
public relations, or in the case of this study, political PR, is perceived as part of our liberal
democratic systems and understood in and by western societies.
AWARENESS AND UNDERSTANDING ABOUT THE UNKNOWN
The existing literature does not account for the role of fictional representations in shaping
audience understanding and public perceptions about political PR. There is also a need for
research that examines representations of political PR, given the contentious nature of spin
and the current state of political communication. Analysis of these representations is
necessary to better explore contextual debates about the place of public relations in
contemporary democracies, and how fictional narratives may contribute to audience
understandings of political PR practitioners and their practices. Johnston (2010b, p. 190)
suggested “looking at, talking about, and analysing film can feed into our collective
understanding” about PR. However, her agenda was inward looking as it aimed to “inform a
profession about how it was seen to have developed over 80 plus years” (Johnston, 2010b, p.
193) through the lens of film and television. This is arguably appropriate given most research
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on representations of PR is situated within the public relations literature. Though alternative
theoretical paradigms could be usefully employed in order to further explore this topic,
particularly because of PR’s close intersection with other communication and cultural
disciplines. It is here that McNair’s approach in Journalists in Film (2010) is an important
exemplar. McNair treated textual representations as worthy of analysis in their own right, and
as a reflection and driving force of public debate. In this thesis, I position fictional
representations as platforms for engaging, challenging, and advancing public narratives, whilst
examining how audiences use these representations as points of reference to negotiate the
world around them. Popular cultural texts also provide a valuable “outside-in” perspective on
public relations and politics, as understood by society, that is lacking in current research.
Fictional representations serve as important social and cultural indexes for audiences
contemplating their own lived experiences. McNair (2010, p. 19) emphasised that cultural
forms, such as film and television, are significant in “facilitating public debate [...] by inserting
into the public sphere another kind of knowledge, comprising fact, interpretation, and
comment.” Hight (2010, p. 291) argued that texts generate “layered forms of engagement for
audiences, providing narratives which can be enjoyed for their own sake […] and degrees of
intertextual commentary on the fact-fiction forms which they appropriate.” Gray (2006)
asserted that representations in texts invite viewers to reflect on elements of society as they
have observed it, both as audiences of the texts and citizens of the public sphere.
Representations of political PR serve to deconstruct and debunk the role of public relations in
politics, the media, and society, and as such, call on audiences to reflect and rethink popular
debates about the nature of professional and political communication in the twenty first
century. Analysis of these texts is important because it highlights the ways in which we, as
audiences, may come to understand the phenomenon of political PR through these texts, as
they have the capacity to act as a sense-making frame of reference.
Popular culture texts expose interpretations and sets of assumptions that teach audiences
about political public relations, from which they can then build their own understanding.
Given that PR (in politics and elsewhere) operates behind the scenes, and that practitioners
claim it is a seriously misunderstood profession (see for example, Coombs & Holladay, 2014),
popular cultural representations assume added significance for informing audiences about
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this communication apparatus. Indeed, these texts may be the only means by which the
viewer comes to know political PR. Somewhat ironically, the importance of understanding
how political communication operates may be because of the filtering, spinning, and control
of information, as exercised by political actors, their political PR agents, and the media.
Knowledge of these processes hones citizens’ sense-making practices and puts citizens in the
best position to see beyond the polished surface of political discourse and professionalised
communication. In this sense, textual representations crack open the facade of the “smiling
professionals” (Hartley, 1992, p. 121) to expose the inner mechanisms of the political PR
machine as it functions in our democracy. In turn, audiences are potentially encouraged to
critically evaluate the role of political public relations in the real world beyond the texts.
Harrington (2010, p. 122) stressed that the importance of Gray’s (2006) concept of critical
intertextuality is that texts can “help to build, or perhaps re-build, a kind of public sphere.”
Through this, citizens are then able to better “make sense of their world” (Dahlgren, 1995, p.
53), and the forces at work within it, such as the phenomenon of political PR. It is thus a
foundation of this thesis that fictional representations may play a very real role in heightening
critical awareness of public relations, and its role in politics, amongst audiences.
The existing literature suggests the public relations for public relations is not good, and it is
even worse in the political sphere. As established in this chapter, political PR professionals
attract denigration and relentless scrutiny on a number of fronts. The professionalisation of
political communication, and the image and role of spin, has significant implications for the
perceived integrity of the contemporary liberal democratic state. Studying representations of
political PR is a legitimate means to enhance our understanding of the phenomenon itself and
its place in our democracies. While a body of work devoted to discussion and analysis of
representations of PR is growing, no research to date has focussed exclusively on the role of
public relations in society as it is perceived by audiences, nor has there been specific attention
on representations of political PR.
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Popular media depictions offer valuable insight about social perceptions of public relations,
and provide an alternative angle from which to engage in debates about the role of PR in
contemporary politics and society. However, existing scholarship in this area is either
predominantly descriptive or focused on the accuracy and realism of the representations.
Current studies provide limited insight as to how popular media texts contribute to people’s
perceptions of PR. There is need for research that investigates the relationship between
fictional representations and audience and industry understandings of public relations,
particularly in relation to politics. This is significant given democratic health is premised on an
informed citizenry, yet the phenomenon of political PR if often confused and concealed.
Audience research is necessary to collect rich data that will afford analysis of the extent to
which audiences and industries are informed about political PR by and through popular
representations. Such data enables investigation as to whether popular culture
representations stimulate a heightened sense of awareness and encourage critical
consideration of political public relations as it operates in the world today. This public
awareness and individual criticality is important given the current contested state of political
communication, and questions around how well citizens are being served by our mediatised
democracies.
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NOTES
1 The citations given provide access to recent use of the definitions in work published by the original authors. 2 The PRSA launched the “Public Relations Defined” campaign in an attempt to “modernise the definition of public relations” for the “new era” of public relations (see PRSA, 2012). The initiative took place from November 2011 to March 2012, with an open invitation to practitioners and PRSA industry partners to put forward submissions and suggestions for a new definition. Following collaboration, commentary, and further research the PRSA held a public vote in February 2012 to select the final definition. 3 Rex F. Harlow (19 June 1892 – 16 April 1993) was an eminent public relations pioneer and academic who, throughout his long career, published over 50 books, encouraged the tertiary teaching of public relations at American universities (notably Stanford), founded the American Council on Public Relations in 1939, and started the monthly Public Relations Journal in 1945 (Cutlip et al., 2009). 4 Austrian born, North American raised Edward Bernays (22 November 1891 – 9 March 1995) was the nephew of renowned neurologist and psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud (Ewen, 1996). Bernays was named one of the most influential people of the twentieth century by Life magazine and is well known for his work on propaganda and public opinion (Cutlip, 1994; Ewen, 1996). 5 The so-called “robber barons” refers to a (un-associated) group of prolific nineteenth century American businessmen who were renowned for their greed, exploitation, deception, and violence in their pursuit of wealth and economic power. Although Freitag and Stokes (2008, pp. 20-21) identify that some historians have defended the robber barons, individuals commonly considered members of this group include railroad colossus William Henry Vanderbilt I (8 May 1821 – 8 December 1885), oil tycoon John D. Rockefeller (8 July 1839 – 23 May 1937), trader and real estate mogul John Jacob Astor (17 July 1763 – 29 March 1848), financier and developer Jay Gould (27 May 1836 – 2 December 1892), and banker John Pierpont (J.P.) Morgan (17 April 1837 0 31 March 1913). 6 Sir Basil Clarke (12 August 1879 – 12 December 1947) was a British journalist who worked as a wartime correspondent and government communications advisor before establishing one of the first public relations agencies in the UK, Editorial Services, in 1924 (Clarke, 1969). He also introduced the first code of ethics for British PR practitioners in his “Little White Book” published in the 1920s (L'Etang, 2004, pp. 146-147). 7 Walter Lippmann (23 September 1889 – 14 December 1974) was an American philosopher, public intellectual, political advisor, and Pulitzer Prize winning journalist (in 1958 and 1962 for his column “Today and Tomorrow”) (Steel, 2008). He is best known for his work on political science and public opinion, as well as coining the term “the Cold War” (Steel, 2008). 8 Harold Lasswell (13 February 1902 – 18 December 1978) was a prominent American innovator in the social sciences, particularly in the areas of political science and communications theory. 9 Ivy Lee (16 July 1877 – 9 November 1934) is best known for his work as an advisor to the Rockefeller family, as well as a number of other high profile clients, and together with George Parker formed the third PR firm in the US, Parker and Lee in 1905 (Cutlip, 1994; Hiebert, 1966). While arguably as successful and significant in his contribution to the PR profession as Edward Bernays, Lee’s reputation was permanently tainted, the year before his death, when in 1933 the US Government commenced an investigation into his involvement with the German Dye Trust (also known as I.G.Farben, who Lee had taken on as a client in 1929) and his attempts to build relations between the US and Nazi Germany (see also Hainsworth, 1987; Hoggan & Littlemore, 2009, p. 27). 10 Although television had technically been commercially available since the late 1920s, it wasn’t until the 1950s that it became widespread and recognised as the main mass communication medium for Western audiences (Fisher & Fisher, 1996; Hilmes & Jacobs, 2003). Regular commercial television programming began in the UK in 1936 (ceased between September 1939 – June 1946), the US in 1948, and Australia in 1956 (Fisher & Fisher, 1996; Hilmes & Jacobs, 2003). 11 The origins of the term “spin doctor” are discussed further in Chapter 4. 12 Such a stance is hardly surprising given Dinan and Miller are the founding members of Spinwatch (2011), a UK-based non-profit website devoted to monitoring the activities of political PR, though the purpose they propose is contrary to the intentions promoted by PR professionals themselves. 13 Habermas originally published Habilitationsschrift Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit:Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft in his native German in 1962, while the English translation The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society was not formally published until 1989. Although the public sphere as it exists today is not necessarily as Habermas conceived it,
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his work is still widely considered the foundation of contemporary theory associated with the idea of the public sphere. 14 Garnett and Sigler (2008) provide a chapter on “ethical issues for government managers” in Lee’s (2008) work, however this is centred on the relationship between communication and productivity in public administration, rather than ethical dilemmas commonly encountered in and by political PR. 15 For The Chaser, see for example, The Chaser’s War on Everything (2006-2009), The Election Chaser (2001), CNNNN (2002-2003), The Chaser Decides (2004, 2007), Yes We Canberra! (2010), The Hamster Wheel (2011), The Chaser’s Media Circus (2014-2015), or The Chaser’s Election Desk (2016). For Micallef, see for example, The Micallef P(r)ogram(me) (1998-2001), Newstopia (2007-2008) and Mad as Hell (2012-present). 16 This publication was prompted by the non-profit Political Film Society, which was founded by Haas in 1986, and works to recognise films that raise political issues, and their capacity to contribute to civic awareness. The Society publishes fortnightly reviews on its website that are reprinted on the IMDb, and are focused on given films’ political meaning and insights. 17 See Ross’s book Hollywood Left and Right (2011) for a detailed analysis of the film industry’s political ideology and intertwined relationship with politics. Ross notably refutes the common perception of a left-wing Hollywood, arguing that the industry tends to shift between both liberalism and conservatism based on what is contextually popular at any given time in history. 18 Miliband of Brothers (2010), first aired on digital television channel More4, satirised the lives and careers of British brothers and politicians Ed and David Miliband, who were competing for the Labour leadership in 2010. The show included interviews and interactions with a number of friends, family, and colleagues who played themselves, giving it a surreal element, and, as Richardson, Parry, & Corner (2012, pp. 111-114) found, confused some audiences. 19For more on the “democratic deficit” see Norris (2011). 20 Saltzman’s DVD collection is only available to associates of the Image of the Journalist in Popular Culture project, a research group based at the School for Communication and Journalism at the University of Southern California (Annenberg). Saltzman’s (2012) article “The image of the public relations practitioner in movies and television, 1901-2011” was published in a special edition of The Image of the Journalist in Popular Culture Journal the following year and provides a summary and discussion of the research project that the DVD was a product of. “Public relations” and “PR” are also searchable categories within the extensive Image of the Journalist in Popular Culture online database (available at http://ijpc.org/page/introdatabase.htm), an ongoing project which currently contains over 82,000 entries about popular culture texts that feature journalists, PR practitioners, and the news media. 21 Watson’s initial list of texts featuring representations of PR was developed over several years in consultation with his colleagues. It was originally posted to his personal blog DummySpit (now titled FiftyOneZeroOne, though still located at http://dummyspit.wordpress.com), before being moved to a separate blog (PRDepiction at http://prdepiction.wordpress.com) in 2011 in order to maintain the growing list of texts in a manageable format. An associated Twitter account (@PRDepiction) was created in 2015. In 2016, Cheryl Ann Lambert took over management of the PRDepiction blog from founder Tom Watson, though I have continued to attribute the site to Watson in citations throughout this thesis. 22 Saltzman’s (2012) article was published in the middle of the author’s first year of candidature. While there was some overlap between Saltzman’s research and this thesis – particularly in relation to the development of the Appendix C, and the classification of representations in the texts – the differences in approach, methods, and outcomes of this project were deemed substantial enough to make only minimal changes to the project’s approach and direction. 23Of the 19 texts she focused on, Johnston looked at multiple versions of two texts – A Star is Born (1937, 1954, 1976) and Miracle on 34th Street (1947, 1994) – as well as 14 other films. 24 Earlier studies such as Aronoff (1975) deal with the relationship between public relations and the news media, though Bishop’s (1988) study was the earliest identified by this author that specifically examines how PR is portrayed in the news.
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CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
This chapter outlines the thesis methodology, including the research questions, sampling
processes, data collection methods, and approach to analysis. It also identifies the research
ethics and limitations. This qualitative study used textual analysis, focus groups, and
interviews. Detailed research protocols are provided in the Appendix. The research aimed to
explore fictional representations of political PR in film and television, and the role these
representations play in shaping audience perceptions and understandings.
APPROACH
Existing studies on fictional representation of public relations have used informal content
analysis to categorise and quantify types of representation in popular culture texts including
film, television, and fiction (see Johnston, 2010b; Miller, 1999; Saltzman, 2012). However, to
date, there has been little research that extends beyond description and initial analysis, and
there has been no published research that looks specifically at representations of political PR.
Furthermore, existing studies have largely taken what Crawford and MacNamara (2012) called
an “inside-out” approach, where representations are examined from the subjective
perspective of PR practitioners. Thus, existing research has tended to focus on types of PR
practitioners as a key thematic difference, while the purpose, function, and practices of public
relations – as represented in the texts – has been largely ignored. Audience responses to
representations of PR in popular culture have also been neglected, and the relationship
“between audience exposure to these media portrayals and [audiences’] perceptions of the
profession” (Yoon and Black, 2011, p. 103) has not been established in current research.
This study investigated key gaps in the existing literature by taking an “outside-in” approach
(see Crawford & MacNamara, 2012) to political public relations by firmly contextualising the
industry, its practitioners, and its practices, and investigating it from a social and cultural
perspective. Lee (2004, p. 157) posited that popular culture “has the power to depict and then
influence the image of a particular topic, institution, profession or endeavour.” Johnston
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(2010a, p. 1), and others (Miller, 1999; Saltzman, 2012), agreed that “media depictions
(including film and television) are a primary source of how the citizenry learns about a
profession” and its (perceived) place in society. However, Johnston was mindful that “we
cannot generalise too liberally about how audiences might view the industry of public
relations through these films and television shows” (Johnston, 2010a, p. 1). By using methods
that engaged directly with audiences, rather than relying on methods that only produce
informed assertions about them (see Hansen, Cottle, Negrine, & Newbold, 1998) I hoped to
overcome such limitations.
By conducting a qualitative study with audiences, this project explored how audiences
understand political PR, and the role of fictional representations in shaping this
understanding. Specifically, it investigated whether popular culture texts, specifically fictional
film and television, encourage audiences to critically consider the role of political public
relations in democratic processes and media systems. As such, this thesis considered the
relationship between public relations, politics, and the media in contemporary western
societies, and intersects with notions of citizenship, democracy, public opinion, and the public
sphere in light of our increasingly mediatised culture. I argue that fictional representations in
popular culture serve as important social and cultural reference points for audiences in
negotiating, and reflecting on, their own lived experiences. This is significant for political PR
given popular culture shines a spotlight on what is otherwise an unseen yet powerful practice
and profession. Thus, fictional representations offer a way to deconstruct and debunk the role
and function of PR in liberal democracies. As an entertaining eye-opener, audiences are
encouraged to critically consider contemporary political communication and evaluate
whether they as citizens are being served by the current system.
While situated within the broad theoretical framework of media studies, this study draws from
the fields of political communication, public relations, film and television studies, journalism,
and cultural studies. My methodological approach was influenced by both critical theory and
constructivism, though cannot be exclusively classified as either. Critical theory underpinned
my examination of the historical structures of political public relations as well as the concept
of power, relative to political communication, in society. Constructivism was the basis for my
emphasis on the importance of socio-cultural contexts, lived experiences, and socially
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constructed realities (see Lincoln, Lynham, & Guba, 2011). Denzin and Lincoln (2011, p. 93)
asserted that “resistance against attempts to impose a single [paradigmatic] definition over
the entire project” is increasingly common given contemporary research projects can rarely
“be contained within a single framework.” Indeed, they encouraged researchers to be
“interpretive-bricoleur[s]” given we are living in “an age of emancipation, [with] freedom from
the confines of a single regime of truth, [and] emancipation from seeing the world in one
colour” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011, p. 95). Thus, this thesis adopts an interdisciplinary approach
to explore how political PR has been represented in fictional film and television, and
investigate how these fictional representations impact, inform, and influence audiences.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
My research hypothesis was that fictional representations of political PR in popular culture
stimulate a heightened public awareness and encourage critical consideration of political
communication professionals and their practices in contemporary society. In order to
investigate this hypothesis, I explored two primary research questions:
▪ How is political public relations represented in popular culture texts, specifically fictional
film and television?
▪ How do fictional representations of political PR in film and television contribute to
contemporary Australian audience understandings of political public relations?
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METHODS
This project applied qualitative research methods to firstly, examine representations of
political PR in film and television and secondly, explore the relationship between these
representations and how everyday audiences and industry professionals understand public
relations and its role in mediated democracies. Qualitative methods are designed to explore
the social construction of reality (Brennen, 2013, p. 4) and investigate the reasons behind a
given phenomenon, that is, the why and how, rather than the what, where, and when that is
the focus of quantitative studies (Creswell, 2009). The research methods used in this study
were: textual analysis, focus groups, and in-depth semi-structured interviews.25
TRIANGULATION
The combination of research methods in this study is what Denzin (2006) called “between-
method” triangulation. This strategy was designed to gather complementary accounts from
diverse perspectives in order to produce a rich body of data from which one might credibly
“infer the possible reasons, intentions, causes, and purposes that lie behind actors in a given
phenomena” (Cohen & Manion, 2007, p. 411; see also Denzin, 2006). Neuman (2011, p. 165)
also advocated for triangulated studies, claiming they tend “to be richer and more
comprehensive” than other studies. The rigour of such inquiry is enhanced by building on the
“complementary strengths” of individual methods, and the accuracy and validity is improved
by providing multiple viewpoints on a single topic (Neuman, 2011, pp. 163-164). Although
triangulation is a branch of mixed-method research design, it does not necessitate the use of
both qualitative and quantitative methods (Neuman, 2011). Instead the emphasis is placed on
selecting the most appropriate research techniques (methods) to respond to the research
questions (Denzin, 2006). Flick (2008, p. 47) identified triangulation as a useful approach when
the research considers different perspectives in response to a given issue or problem. In this
case, the phenomenon of political PR is examined from the perspective of different audience
groups – both industry professionals and everyday citizens – as well as through the way it is
represented in fictional film and television.
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The combination of different qualitative methods used across this project was designed to, as
Flick (2007, p. 66; see also Flick, 2008) recommended, extend and expand discussion of the
topic and capture the issue from a number of perspectives. Textual analysis is a method that
views texts as residual evidence of cultural meaning-making that can be critically interrogated
to make educated guesses about how people make sense of the world (Hartley, 1992). This
study sought to analyse the “likely” interpretation (see McKee, 2003) of representations of
political PR in texts, with the aim to explore, reason, and debate the implications of these
representations for society. Focus groups with everyday audiences (specifically with
participants who are not PR professionals) were used to reflect and elaborate on these
interpretations through discussion, as well as provide a forum to negotiate more diverse
interpretations of particular cultural representations. Lunt and Livingstone (1996, p. 96)
identified this sundry dialogue and collaborative debate about meaning among participants
as a key advantage of focus groups. The audience research also provided primary anecdotal
evidence of how cultural representations may inform public understandings and perceptions
of political PR. In-depth, semi-structured interviews with political PR professionals provided
an alternative perspective on these fictional representations. Importantly, these interviews
offered valuable insight about the lived experience of industry practitioners and their
reflections on the reality of working in political communications, which otherwise takes place
behind the scenes. The collective data generated by these triangulated methods enabled
investigation of the research questions and evaluation of the hypothesis.
WHY FILM AND TELEVISION?
McNair (2010, p. 5) considered popular culture texts “not only as cultural artefacts worthy of
analysis in themselves, but as accessible points of departure for jumping into debates about
[topical issues] in the twenty-first century.” He argued that films in particular “are the site of
substantive critique, not just of the workings of power in capitalism, but of the media [...] [and]
contain sophisticated, often radical critiques of how the media work, and of how they relate
to political and financial power” (McNair, 2010, p. 18). The critiques offered by media-makers,
in this case “movie-makers,” and the texts they produce can be characterised as occupying
“educational,” “celebratory,” “regulatory,” and “defensive” spaces as part of the cultural
fabric of our societies (McNair, 2010, p. 16). This characterisation of the roles movies and their
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makers play in contributing to the public sphere can also be usefully applied to other cultural
forms – such as television – because all media texts, regardless of their form, are “documents
of society’s ongoing engagement with key cultural and political institutions” (McNair, 2010, p.
16). As arguably the most widely used mass media in the world, TV commands considerable
influence as a source of news, entertainment, and information (Flew & Harrington, 2010, p.
155). McKee (2001) and Bonner (2003) both emphasised the importance of scholarly inquiry
into the content and programs on television, suggesting that such texts offer a rich
commentary, and often critique, about society’s dynamics and cultural practices. Hight (2010)
and Wagner et al. (2002) recognised that television offers a familiar reference point for
audiences to draw from as they interpret different social, cultural, and political facets of their
lives. Representations of political PR in media texts are thus construed as collective critical
explorations of what political PR stands for in society. This study aimed to critically analyse
these narratives in order to explicate how they are linked to broader debates about the nature
of political public relations, as a profession and a practice, and the role of professional(ised)
political communication in increasingly mediatised environments. By examining film and
television that feature political public relations there was also an opportunity to explore not
only how political PR work and workers are represented, but also to investigate how audiences
perceive these portrayals in light of their understanding of the role political communication
plays as part of liberal democratic societies.
TEXTUAL ANALYSIS
Hornig-Priest (2010, p. 108) and Hansen et al. (1998, p. 95) (95) contended that traditional
content analysis lends itself towards quantitative outputs, despite commonly being described
as a qualitative method. Qualitative studies of content typically use discourse analysis, textual
analysis, or rhetorical analysis. Each is a broadly similar yet distinct analytic technique (Hornig-
Priest, 2010, p. 109). Although the terms are often used imprecisely and interchangeably
across disciplines, and they are not mutually exclusive techniques, there is a subtle difference
in analytic focus and perspective. The interrelationship between texts, discourse, and rhetoric
mean that it is rare to study one without touching on the others, particularly in
interdisciplinary inquiries. At its most basic, textual analysis is simply making “an educated
guess at some of the most likely interpretations that might be made of [a given] text” (McKee,
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2003, p1). The “educated guess” must be based on reasonable inferences from the text, and
able to withstand the interrogation of other readers coming from different perspectives.
Further along the spectrum of academic rigour, critical textual analysis applies a critical frame
that shifts the focus from the content and latent meaning of a text, to the ways in which the
content is presented, its encoded and decoded meaning (see Hall, 1980), and, importantly, its
contextual significance in terms of “the way the text becomes meaningful in the public sphere”
(Mitra & Cohen, 1999, p. 181). The development of critical textual analysis as an extension of
textual analysis parallels the way in which critical discourse analysis (see Fairclough, 1992,
2003; van Dijk, 1993) is a more focused version of discourse analysis that incorporates critical
theory. By “making the text central” to the analysis “questions about the content of the text
can be supplemented with questions about 'how' the text presents information” and what it
says about societal understandings and cultural practices (Mitra & Cohen, 1999, p. 181,
emphasis added). Critical textual analysis does not dismiss the content and latent meaning of
a text, but rather considers the content and meaning as it is related to the text’s “textuality”
and audiences (Mitra & Cohen, 1999, pp. 181-182). This method enabled analysis of how
political public relations is represented in film and television – not just what these
representations are – from which I was able to analyse how these representations contribute
to audiences’ socially constructed understandings.
TEXT SELECTION AND SAMPLING
Textual analysis was used to identify how political public relations, as a profession and as a
practice, is represented in film and television texts. This research involved four stages as
outlined in Table 1.
TABLE 1: TEXTUAL ANALYSIS STAGES AND PROCESS
STAGE PROCESS
1 Source, review, and compile texts featuring representations of political PR.
Build and refine catalogue database featuring texts and key information.
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2 Conduct preliminary analysis of compiled texts. Refine catalogue database.
Categorise complex data.
3 Select key texts for further analysis. Conduct further analysis of selected texts.
Organise data into networked themes.
4 Source available additional data. Refine analysis.
During Stage 1, an initial convenience sample was sourced, comprising of all English speaking,
popularly available film and television texts from 1901 to 2013 that were identified as
containing representation/s of political PR. The initial sample in Stage 1 was primarily collected
using own knowledge and referrals from colleagues in the first instance (as advocated by
Miller, 1999; Johnston, 2010b; Saltzman, 2012; and Watson, 2015), from which it was then
further expanded using key word searches of existing catalogues and online databases.
Notable secondary sources included the Internet Movie Database (IMDb, n.d.) and the Image
of the Journalist in Popular Culture Online Database (IJPC, n.d.). Discussion of texts in other
research, such as Saltzman (2012), Watson (2015), and Johnston (2010b), was also considered
when refining the sample. The resulting preliminary catalogue listed the basic data (see Table
2) of nearly 400 texts (see Appendix A) that was gathered and cross-referenced from existing
secondary information and reference sources. Throughout the duration of this project (2012-
2017), I continued to be watchful for new and additional texts featuring representations of
political PR. These texts were added to the original database (see Appendix A) as they arose
in order to maximise the currency of this research.
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TABLE 2: CATALOGUE DATABASE INFORMATION
BASIC DATA GATHERED COMPLEX DATA GENERATED
Text title, type, year of production, and
length/duration Representation type/category and summary
Bibliographical details for the creative team
Level of representation prominence and detail
(prominence/significance/extent of the representation
of political PR)
Country of origin, release/broadcast information,
and reception Identified theme/s (keywords)
Genre (as this thesis is concerned with fictional
representations, documentaries were not included) Contextual notes
Original source material
Additional notes, such as recognition by scholars
(whether the text has been previously studied or
recommended in existing literature) or relevant
audience commentary (on digital platforms about a
specific representation)
During Stage 2, from the sample collected in Stage 1, the original catalogue was reviewed and
a total of 201 texts were selected for preliminary analysis. Additional complex data was
gathered during this stage (see Table 2) and a refined catalogue of texts was developed (see
Appendix B). Texts were selected based on accessibility, that is, they were readily available for
viewing, and according to additional criteria presented in Table 3.26 Texts were selected on a
“best fit” principle across the criteria so as to ensure the sample selected was “purposive” and
“flexible,” with range and diversity as appropriate to this study (see Flick, 2007, p. 26). These
criteria were also used to select sample texts for screening and discussion stimulus during the
focus groups and interviews.
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TABLE 3: REFINED SAMPLE SELECTION CRITERIA
CRITERIA DESCRIPTION
Currency
What year was the text was produced/released? Priority will be given to contemporary
texts from the 1980s onwards as these are logically the texts present-day audiences will
recognise and identify with. Exceptions will be made for historically significant texts.
Prominence
How prominent is the representation of political PR in the text? Priority will be given to
texts that have significant representations, where political PR (either practitioners or
practices or both) is a key feature of the plot.
Locality
What is the primary geographical and cultural context of the text? What is the primary
language of the text? Priority will be given to texts that are (or have been) readily
available to Australian audiences, and are presented in English.27
Theme What type of representation/s of political PR is featured in the text? Which theme/s can
be associated with this text?28
Popularity How popular was/is the text with audience? Priority will be given to texts deemed to
have the widest audience exposure and/or high critical rating.
Contribution Has the text been studied previously?29
Following preliminary selection, all film and television texts in the refined catalogue were
viewed in detail and further analysis was conducted (Stages 3 and 4). This generated more
detailed information about how political PR was represented in the texts and expanded the
original data gathered during preliminary analysis. Representations of political public relations
included the profession, the practice, and its practitioners. These were defined in a similar
way as Saltzman’s (2012) study and are presented in Table 4. This information was then used
during further analysis (Stages 3 and 4) and informed the discussion presented throughout
this thesis. The process of analysis conducted during Stages 3 and 4 is discussed later in this
chapter (see Analysis).
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TABLE 4: REPRESENTATION CLASSIFICATION
CLASSIFICATION DEFINITION
Practitioner
Characters who have a political purpose or work in a political context and self-identify or
are identified (by other characters) as public relations practitioners/professionals. This
also includes terminology such as publicist, press agent, PR man/woman/officer,
communications director/manager, media consultant, public affairs/information officer,
image consultant, crisis consultant etc.
Practice
The performance of recognizable political public relations practices, processes, and
functions. This includes, but is not limited to, activities such as managing relations
between publics/stakeholders, strategic communication and campaign planning, handling
media relations and publicity, giving professional advice on image/reputation
management of political actors, crisis management etc.
Profession
The working environment in which practitioners practice, as well as instances where
political public relations (practitioners and/or practices) is discussed by others (non-
practitioners) or thematically integrated as part of a text’s overarching narrative.
FOCUS GROUPS AND INTERVIEWS
Research has the capacity to “dissect the details of [...] the way people engage with media
content, and the implications [this has] for the experience of citizenship and public life”
(Nightingale, 2011, p. 1). While we, as audiences, do not expect media texts to “mirror reality,”
these cultural forms “refract back a sense of reality that speaks to different people in different
ways” (Bird, 2003, 115). Given the largely unseen and often confused identity of the industry,
this study argues that representations in popular culture play an important role in informing
audience understandings, and shaping the social identity, of political PR. I adopted Bird’s
(2003, p. 116, emphasis added) approach in that this study is “not about how specific
‘audiences’ respond to specific images” – in this instance, images (representations) of political
public relations in film and television – “but rather an attempt to explore how people
construct their notions of reality [...] through mediated images.” As such, this thesis looked at
the relationship between these representations and their audiences, and considered what this
relationship tells us about how political PR is perceived and understood in and by society.
Hansen et al. (1998, p. 257) contended that investigating how audiences interpret meaning
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and why they make sense of their own realities in a particular way requires the use of
qualitative research methods such as focus groups and interviews.
Focus groups and interviews were used in this study to investigate how contemporary fictional
representations in film and television contribute to audience understandings about the role,
identity, and reputation of political public relations in society. As the public audiences for
these texts comprise both PR practitioners and non-PR practitioners, two separate methods,
participant pools and protocols were used (see Appendix C). This was necessary given the
different perspective, awareness, experience, and understanding these two groups bring to
discussions, and so as not to impose the ideas of one group on the other. It was also important
that all participants felt able to speak freely without being or feeling judged.
Focus groups were conducted with non-PR audiences as these “everyday” citizens are best
placed to provide insight about how fictional representations contribute to their
understanding of political PR in the absence of regular, direct lived experiences. Furthermore,
focus groups “allow the researcher to observe how audiences make sense of media through
conversation and interaction with each other” (Hansen et al., 1998, p. 258). Non-PR individuals
also comprise the typical audience base for the film and television texts analysed in this thesis.
As such, the focus group data added weight and complexity to the assumptions produced by
my textual analysis regarding the preferred reading and “likely interpretation” (see McKee,
2003) of these representations of political PR. These everyday citizens also offer perspectives
that are aligned with an “outside-in” approach (as discussed previously: see Crawford &
MacNamara, 2012) to examining political PR.
Political PR practitioners are, of course, also part of the collective public audience for these
texts. Indeed, such practitioners are the individuals most likely to be sensitive to political PR
representations given their insider knowledge, professional self-interest and familiar skill set.
It was thus important to include the perspective of political PR practitioners as part of the
“audience” of these texts when examining the hypothesis and research questions of this
thesis. Interviews with industry practitioners were conducted to further inform the study and
enrich the analysis by providing a more traditional “inside-out” perspective that
complemented the “outside-in” approach adopted in the focus groups, by giving voice to
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internal industry perspectives. These interviews were “in-depth,” which Rapley (2004, p. 15,
emphasis in original) described as “where interviewees are specifically encouraged, by
questions and other verbal and non-verbal methods, to produce elaborated and detailed
answers.” This was an important step towards fully appreciating how political PR practitioners
read these texts and engaged with the fictional narratives about their profession.
The data gathered in the interviews and focus groups was designed to assess the lived realities
of both PR and non-PR audiences. This approach provided multiple perspectives from which
to consider the fictional representations of political PR that this thesis sought to explore, and
the role of these representations in audiences’ critical engagement with contemporary
political communication and democratic processes. These two methods required similar
methodological processes, across four stages, as outlined in Table 5.
TABLE 5: FOCUS GROUP AND INTERVIEW STAGES AND PROCESS
STAGE PROCESS
1 Develop focus group and interview protocols and question sets. Confirm stimulus text selection and
availability. Request ethical clearance.
2 Informally recruit participants for pilot testing. Conduct pilot tests of focus groups and interviews.
Refine protocols and question sets.
3 Recruit participants and schedule focus groups and interviews. Conduct focus groups and
interviews. Transcribe data.
4 Organise and analyse data gathered.
The focus group and interview protocols and question sets are provided in the Appendix C.
This details the specific processes with regards to how the focus groups and interviews were
conducted. Both the focus groups and interviews were designed to be semi-structured. The
sample questions were therefore only intended as a working guide and prompt during the
sessions. This semi-structured approach was useful for gaining cultural knowledge and an
understanding of participants’ “working world[s]” (Daymon & Holloway, 2011, p. 222). It was
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particularly suitable for exploratory research, such as this, which does not benefit from a
stringent agenda (Morgan, 1997, pp. 40-43). Flexible and open questioning enabled ideas and
opinions to be divulged organically, and minimised potential bias by avoiding leading
questions designed to produce a specific response (see Brennen, 2013, pp. 127-128). It also
gave participants the freedom to raise and discuss aspects of the topic that I had not
anticipated when developing the question set. As the interviews and focus groups were not
intended to be directly comparable, it was appropriate to “allow for greater flexibility” in both
their form and structure (Minichiello, Aroni & Hays, 2008, p. 51). Protocols were developed
“without fixed wording or fixed ordering of questions” so as to illicit “a more valid explanation
of the informant’s perceptions and constructions of reality” (Minichiello et al., 2008, p. 51).
Adherence to general focal points ensured the purpose of the data collection was maintained
(see Daymon & Holloway, 2011; Hansen et al., 1998).
The question sets were structured with graded levels of cognitive complexity (see Krueger and
Casey, 2015; Lunt and Livingstone, 1996). Initial questions were designed to explore
participants’ knowledge and comprehension of political PR, while later questions encouraged
application and analysis. Participants synthesised and evaluated ideas and concepts without
prompting, thus questions of this nature were not necessary. Both the focus groups and
interviews were structured like a “funnel” which made it “possible to hear the participants’
own perspectives in the early part of each discussion […] as well as their responses to the
researcher’s specific interests in the later part of the discussion” (Morgan, 1997, p. 41). Such
an approach tended to keep discussion dynamic because it minimised participant and
conversation fatigue (Daymon & Holloway, 2011, pp. 247-249; Hornig-Priest, 2010, p. 108).
Selected video clips were shown periodically during the sessions to stimulate discussion. These
were screened on TV via DVD during focus groups and on a laptop during interviews. The
context of each clip was briefly explained to participants before screening. Specific scenes
were chosen based on the criteria in Table 2, with preference given for prominence, theme,
and popularity. I aimed to provide participants with a range of representations of political PR,
to showcase different depictions and ensure the choice of texts screened did not unduly
influence the discussion. Selected clips are detailed in Appendix C. While these clips provided
talking points for participants, they were not intended to guide discussion, in that set
questions around specific representations were not used. This was important to validate
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audience interpretations and responses as their own, and to avoid leading participants with
my own reading of the texts as the researcher. The open nature of the questions also afforded
participants the opportunity to draw on other texts with which they were familiar, and beyond
those screened as stimulus. Participants fluidly engaged with the characters, context,
narrative, and other elements of specific texts, as discussions moved freely between the
practice and profession of political PR, and its place and purpose in society. Fictional
representations became reference points, and were frequently used as examples, as
audiences explained how they understood political PR, and evaluated its role in contemporary
democracies.
PARTICIPANT RECRUITMENT AND DATA COLLECTION
This study used purposive sampling, where participants were selected based on the project’s
purpose. As the goal of this research was to provide insight and understanding, rather than
representative proof or truth, it was not necessary – and may even have been
counterproductive – to use random sampling (Daymon & Holloway, 2011, pp. 212-217;
Morgan, 1997, p. 35). Daymon and Holloway (2011, p. 212) and Brennen (2013) stated
purposive sampling is where the aim of the research is fitted to the criteria for sample
selection. For this study, participants lived experiences (relative to political PR) were the key
criteria for participant selection (see Table 6). The only difference between criteria for
participation in the focus groups versus the interviews was requisite industry experience for
the latter. While demographic diversity across the sample was desirable, it was not deemed
essential to the purpose of the study. My aim was to achieve a largely heterogeneous sample
composition – excepting essential prior textual knowledge – so as to achieve a range of
respondents’ viewpoints.
CHAPTER 3 | Page 79
TABLE 6: PARTICIPANT SCREENING CRITERIA
PURPOSE CRITERIA DESCRIPTION
LIV
ED E
XP
ERIE
NC
E
Occupation/Industry
Focus Group
Participants
Current occupation and industry.
Must not have worked/studied in PR, political
communication, or the media. Other related fields to be
assessed on an individual basis.30
Industry
Interviewees
Description of professional background and level of
experience working in political PR. Do not need to be
currently working in political PR to participate.
Prior Knowledge
Focus Group
Participants
Self-assessment of personal cultural consumption choices,
media literacy, and understanding of PR.
Industry
Interviewees
Self-assessment of personal cultural consumption choices,
and own-opinion on “everyday” citizens’ media literacy and
understanding of PR.
All
Participants
Must have seen and be able to recall at least one text from
the list provided (though they did not have to have
recognised or identified this as having representation/s of
political PR).*
DEM
OG
RA
PH
IC D
ETA
ILS
Age Age of the participant.
Gender Gender of the participant.
Education Highest level of education obtained and in what field of study.
Nationality
Must be permanently residing in Australia at the time of data collection, so as
to be classified as part of the “Australian audience” used as a frame for this
study.
Political Orientation** Self-identified level of political engagement and political orientation on a
spectrum of left-to-right (including left, centre left, centre, centre right, right).
*The list provided was a simplified version of the refined catalogue database of film and television texts
featuring representations of political PR (see Appendix C).
**Although political orientation is not a typical “demographic,” it has been grouped here for convenience, as it
was not an element of “lived-experience” essential to the purpose of this study.
CHAPTER 3 | Page 80
Participants were recruited using the snowball technique (also called “chain referral”), which
is common in purposive sampling (Bloor Frankland, Thomas & Robson, 2002, pp. 31-33;
Daymon & Holloway, 2011, p. 215). An email with project information and a call to participate
was sent to the researcher’s existing social networks, with a further request to pass the
information on to individuals in their own networks who may also be interested in
participating, and so on. In some instances, particularly the industry interviews, I was provided
with referrals to contact other prospective participants directly, either by email or through the
professional networking site LinkedIn. Willing participants were informally screened, prior to
selection, according to the criteria outlined in Table 6. Although screening made the
recruitment process more challenging in terms of limiting the pool of participants, Flick (2007)
contends it is ultimately more effective as participants most suited to participate in the study
are selected.
While heterogeneity was pursued for the overall participant sample, each focus group
emphasised the relationship between participants. Daymon and Holloway (2011) insisted that
focus group composition is essential to producing useful data, as interactions within the group
can determine its success or failure. To this end, there are many benefits of attracting
participants who are known to one another. Morrison (2003, p. 116) indicated participants
are more likely to find the experience enjoyable and thus engage in natural and authentic
dialogue, which echoes Morgan’s (1997, pp. 35, 38) assertion that such groups are more likely
to “generate meaningful discussions.” As we construct our own realities through our lived
experiences, and since film and television viewing is often a shared activity, recruiting from
within participants’ existing social networks is valuable. Furthermore, these are the people
with whom audience members would likely disclose and negotiate their understanding of a
particular text in the first place.
Following initial participant screening by telephone or email, focus groups were established
comprising of an initial respondent who was originally approached by the researcher, and a
group of individuals who were invited to participate by the initial respondent (or, in some
cases, another member of the group). Focus groups were scheduled for a time and place that
suited the participant groups (typically the home of the initial respondent). This minimised
participant displacement, enhanced their comfort, and kept the environment relaxed so as to
CHAPTER 3 | Page 81
be more conducive to open and productive conversation and interaction (Hansen et al., 1998,
pp. 271-272; Morgan & Scannell, 1998, pp. 58-59). This approach was also applied during the
industry interviews, as I encouraged participants to choose a time and place for their
interviews that would be both convenient and comfortable for them. It was necessary to
conduct interviews with individual practitioners, in order to respect practitioner privacy and
ensure interviewees felt safe to confidentially discuss sensitive information about their
profession.
While interviews were conducted one-on-one, deciding the appropriate number of
participants in a single focus group was less straightforward. Hansen et al.’s (1998, pp. 268-
270) review of key audience studies from the 1980s and 1990s indicated group sizes should
usually fall between four and ten, though can “vary considerably – from as few as two people
to as many as twenty-five” and they insisted “there is no single right answer.” Small groups
risk being less representative, and are more challenging to maintain lively discussion, while
large groups are more difficult to moderate and keep focused (Bloor et al., 2002; Daymon &
Holloway, 2011; Hansen et al., 1998; Morgan, 1997). Both are susceptible to group dynamics,
with participants in small groups potentially feeling interrogated by the moderator, and
participants in large groups potentially lacking confidence or feeling marginalised (Bloor et al.,
2002; Daymon & Holloway, 2011; Hansen et al., 1998; Morgan, 1997). The consensus on an
optimal number appears to be between six to eight participants (Bloor et al., 2002; Daymon
& Holloway, 2011; Hansen et al., 1998; Morgan, 1997). However, an important advantage of
working with small groups is that there is more opportunity for all participants to fully express
their ideas and opinions. Thus, I elected to use smaller group sizes (see Table 7) in the hope of
yielding data with greater depth. Small groups were also more manageable given participants
played “host” to the focus group conducted in their homes.
The total number of focus groups and interviews conducted was determined by my
assessment of the point at which data “saturation” (see Glaser & Strauss, 1967) had been
achieved. This approach has been used by other studies, such as Livingstone and Lunt (1994,
p. 181), where the number “was determined by continuing until comments and patterns
began to repeat and little new material was generated.”31 I ceased recruiting once saturation
within my sample had been reached. At that time, my study included a total of 63 participants
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across ten focus groups and eighteen interviews.32 There were 32 female and 31 male
participants, with ages ranging from 19 to 70. Focus groups ranged in size from three to six
participants and in duration from 2 to 3 hours. All industry interviews were conducted in-
person at a place of the interviewee’s choosing, and ranged in duration from 1 to 1.5 hours.
Each focus group and interview was audio-recorded, yielding a total of fifty hours of digital
recording. These digital audio files were then individually transcribed by me in their entirety;
producing over 350,000 words of transcription.33
Although transcription was completed progressively, data analysis did not commence until
after all focus groups and interviews had been conducted. Tables 7 and 8 provide a summary
of participants involved in the project, with all participants assigned a pseudonym to ensure
their anonymity. Other participant information collected included demographics details and a
lived experience summary according to the criteria in Table 6. This data was informally
requested during recruitment and used for screening purposes, before being formally
collected during the focus group and interview preliminaries. After signing their consent form,
participants were asked to complete a brief questionnaire (see Appendix C) to capture this
data. This helped to identify potential bias in the sample, and gave me a better understanding
of my participants.
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TABLE 7: FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANTS
FOCUS GROUP DETAILS
Number of groups: 10 Number of participants: 45 Male: 22 | Female: 23 Age range: 19-70 years | Average age: 35 years Focus group duration: 2-3 hours per group Average duration: 153 minutes Location: Participants’ homes
GROUP PSEUDONYM AGE GENDER
1
Carrie* 28 FEMALE
Beth 26 FEMALE
Gavin 26 MALE
2
Joan* 22 FEMALE
Frank 21 MALE
Sonja 20 FEMALE
Shane 21 MALE
3
Carl* 48 MALE
Lisa 52 FEMALE
Vincent 53 MALE
Sally 46 FEMALE
Julie 54 FEMALE
4
Joel* 21 MALE
Justin 19 MALE
Nathan 22 MALE
Neil 24 MALE
Wayne 21 MALE
5
Amy* 28 FEMALE
Belle 27 FEMALE
Jenny 27 FEMALE
Naomi 27 FEMALE
6
Sid* 26 MALE
Sharon 28 FEMALE
Marcus 28 MALE
Nigel 28 MALE
Max 27 MALE
7
Ben* 27 MALE
Henry 27 MALE
Joseph 25 MALE
Susan 26 FEMALE
Natalie 25 FEMALE
8
Emily* 25 FEMALE
Rachel 25 FEMALE
Sandra 25 FEMALE
Malcolm 27 MALE
9
Jill* 61 FEMALE
Roger 67 MALE
Ruth 63 FEMALE
Jason 63 MALE
Pamela 68 FEMALE
Jeremy 70 MALE
10
Colin* 39 MALE
Tiffany 45 FEMALE
Chloe 37 FEMALE
Joy 39 FEMALE
*denotes the focus group participant originally
approached by the researcher
TABLE 8: INTERVIEW PARTICIPANTS
INTERVIEW DETAILS
Total number of interviewees: 18 Total male: 9 | Total female: 9 Age range: 26-58 years | Average age: 43 years Interview duration: 1-1.5 hours per interview Average duration: 81 minutes Location: Interviewee’s choice (workplace, home, or other mutually agreed space)
NUMBER PSEUDONYM AGE GENDER
1 Greta 26 FEMALE
2 Rita 26 FEMALE
3 Laura 49 FEMALE
4 Daniel 30 MALE
5 Richard 60 MALE
6 Isaac 48 MALE
7 Paige 30 FEMALE
8 Scott 53 MALE
9 Alice 42 FEMALE
10 Eric 44 MALE
11 George 58 MALE
12 Cathy 46 FEMALE
13 Martin 49 MALE
14 Kate 28 FEMALE
15 Nancy 56 FEMALE
16 Trevor 31 MALE
17 Doug 50 MALE
18 Jane 51 FEMALE
CHAPTER 3 | Page 84
ANALYSIS
Hansen et al. (1998, p. 91) insist that it is necessary to use a consistent and systematic
approach, such as coding, when analysing content in qualitative studies in order to produce
comprehensive and rigorous data. However, Larsen (1991, p. 122, italics in original) noted a
unique strength of textual analysis is that it examines texts as “meaningful whole[s].” This, he
argued, overcomes the “inadequacies” produced by coding because such attempts “to
establish the meaning of texts by breaking them down into [...] units [...] in fact destroy[s] the
very object they are supposed to be studying” (Larsen, 1991, pp. 121-122).34 Vorderer and
Groeben (1992) indicated that this is a perennial conflict between social science and
humanistic approaches to research, and one that is particularly fraught in multidisciplinary
methods, such as content analysis, and, as they note, types of audience research. Using an
inductive approach to analysis, as opposed to a reductive or deductive approach, provides a
balance between conducting consistent, systematic analysis to obtain rigour, and respect for
the text’s holistic and contextualised meanings to retain authenticity (Hornig-Priest, 2010, p.
109; Daymon & Holloway, 2011, p. 309; see also Thomas, 2006; and Mitra & Cohen, 1999).
This applies to the film and television texts as well as the focus group and interview data,
where the transcripts are the texts under analysis.
The textual analysis of the film and TV texts listed in the refined catalogue database (see
Appendix B) took place over three phases. As outlined by Stuart Hall35 (1975, p. 15), these
well-established phases required first, taking a “preliminary soak” in the text to become
familiar with it (Phase One), then performing a “close reading” (Phase Two), before finally
interpreting and contextualising the findings (Phase Three). Phase One was completed during
preliminary analysis (see Text Selection & Sampling), and contextual information gathered
therein was later used in Phase Three. Phase Two involved additional viewings of the texts
where the verbal, visual, technical and contextual content of relevant to representations of
political PR were documented. All films listed were watched at least twice, though selective
discretion was used when watching the listed television series. Some series were watched in
their entirety, while others were only watched in part, provided a clear and consistent
representation was present. Phase Three involved the organisation and analysis of close
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reading notes from each text. The aim was not to deconstruct this information further, but
rather to identify recurring representations and themes relating to political PR. In order to
provide structure to the textual analysis, a thematic network was developed using the
approach described by Attride-Stirling (2001), where information is organised according to
coherent and salient themes as they emerged, rather than attempting to fit data into
predetermined categories. As advocated by Attride-Stirling (2001, pp. 388-389), related data
was collapsed into themes at three levels: global, organising, and basic themes. This structure
is similar to traditional macro, meso, and micro levels of analysis. A network for each of the
representation classifications (see Table 4), denoting themes established during the textual
analysis, was produced (see Chapter 4, Figure 6). The information yielded in this phase of the
study provided a framework for investigating the reception and understanding of such
representations by audiences.
The focus group and interview transcription produced textual data that were then analysed.
Stewart et al. (2007, p. 109) suggested that while “a simple descriptive narrative is quite
appropriate and often all that is necessary,” focus group and interview data traditionally lends
itself to in-depth analysis. However, Hansen et al. (1998, pp. 278-279) stressed the importance
of balancing the search for topical information (as related to the research questions) with
openness to unanticipated ideas during the analysis. As such, the focus of the analysis here
was on identifying similarities, differences, patterns and thematic trends within participant
dialogue and interview responses contained in the transcripts. Unlike Phase Three of the
textual analysis, coding was necessary, because of the size of the data set, and appropriate,
given that the “textuality” of the content in this instance was less important. Qualitative data
analysis software NVivo 10 was used to store, retrieve, and organise the data during the
analytic process. I used an inductive approach to coding, which Thomas (2006) claimed is a
simple approach that produces comprehensive and reliable results. Rather than having
predetermined coding categories, the transcripts were analysed with an open frame where
themes were coded as they emerged, and the coding categories remained flexible in terms of
hierarchy, structure, and description, throughout the analysis. The transcripts were read
multiple times, and coding continued until no new categories were needed, suggesting the
data had been exhausted and all major themes were identified (Thomas, 2006). I organically
interpreted the data and focused on whole comments, direct question responses, discussion,
CHAPTER 3 | Page 86
and participant interaction, rather than sentence structures, conversation deconstruction, or
word frequencies and distributions. Thomas (2006, p. 240) noted “inevitably, the findings are
shaped by the assumptions and experiences of the evaluators conducting the study […] [and]
for findings to be usable, the evaluator must make decisions about what is more important
and less important in the data.” Such decisions were guided by the hypothesis of this thesis
and purpose of this study to ensure the research remained focused. While hypothesis testing
is typically used in deductive investigations, an inductive approach was appropriate for this
study given the exploratory nature of the inquiry and that the hypothesis is speculative and
empirical. Findings emerged progressively throughout the analysis and helped elucidate how
audiences come to know and understand political public relations, what practitioners think
about the way they are presented on screen, and what role fictional representations in film
and television play in informing audience – both expert and everyday – perspectives and
understandings about political communication in contemporary society.
ETHICS, CONSENT, AND CONFIDENTIALITY
This project was granted ethical clearance by Queensland University of Technology’s
University Human Research Ethics Committee (Approval Number 1400000148) as a low-to-
negligible risk study. Although this thesis deals with controversial subject matter at times, it
did not seek to obtain sensitive or private information from participants. All participants were
provided with an information pack and consent form via email prior to their involvement in a
focus group or interview. On the day of their involvement, participants were verbally briefed
about the project and provided with hard copies of the information pack and consent form
for them to sign prior to participation. All participants in the study were anonymised and
assigned pseudonyms to protect their identities.36
It may have been advantageous to be able to identify the industry interviewees, given their
status as experts may lend their opinions extra weight or credibility. I was privileged to
interview some individuals who could be classified as “elites” in that they are, as Kvale (2007,
p. 70) described, “leaders or experts” and “people who are usually in powerful positions.”
CHAPTER 3 | Page 87
However, as interviewees were approached by referral, and not deliberately targeted for their
specific expertise (beyond having a professional background in political PR), elite status, or
level of experience, seeking consent to disclose their identities was not necessary for the
purpose of this research. Furthermore, as Wroblewski and Leitner (2009, 244) suggest,
providing anonymity “may also contribute to increasing the interviewee’s willingness to
cooperate since fears of undesirable consequences are reduced.”
Anonymising all participants also enabled me to simplify participant consent and avoided
issues of confidentiality involved in transcript approval and comment attribution. There were
some instances, during the industry interviews, where interviewees spoke “off-the-record.”
These moments were not sought nor encouraged, and were freely divulged in confidence to
the researcher. While these instances were included in the original digital audio files (so as to
not disrupt the file recording), such instances and any related discussion were removed from
the original transcription and were not included in the data analysis. With the exception of
the original audio recordings and participant consent forms, all other research data, records,
and materials have had any identifying information removed.
CHALLENGES AND LIMITATIONS
I encountered a number of challenges in conducting this research. I was aware that the skill
of the researcher in collecting data can impact on the success of the research (Bloor et al.,
2002; Stewart, Shamdasani, & Rook, 2007). According to Bloor et al. (2002) and Stewart et al.
(2007), common problems when conducting focus groups and interviews include: attempts to
control the discussion, posing leading questions, failure to encourage inclusivity or reduce
participant inhibitions, and over identification with participants. “The ideal relationship of the
facilitator to her group members, is that of a background figure, not a foreground figure”
(Bloor et al., 2002, 49). I endeavoured to play this role, and was mindful of these issues
throughout the process, which, as suggested by Stewart et al. (2007), may have been sufficient
to avoid such potential pitfalls. A brief pilot study was also conducted, including two interviews
and a focus group with five participants, after ethical clearance was obtained. This was a
CHAPTER 3 | Page 88
helpful process to develop my skills in these methods and to trial and refine the protocols and
question sets used in the research.
Two additional challenges arose during the project and should be noted. The first required
relaxation of the participant screening criteria (see Table 6) so as to optimise participant
recruitment. I initially had some difficulties in attracting groups wholly comprised of “suitable”
respondents. I amended the original criteria to include non-citizens permanently residing in
Australia,37 and to allow some focus group participants to have worked in occupations or
industries that may typically have direct contact with political communication professionals.
“Related fields” were deemed acceptable for 5 participants who might have otherwise been
disqualified. Their occupation or industry was not closely associated with public relations or
politics, and they did not consider themselves to have direct experience with political PR
professionals or practices. This was the case for five participants including: a former graphic
designer working in administration; a digital producer working for an advertising agency; and
three marketing professionals working in tourism, search engine optimisation (SEO), and
consumer research respectively.
The second challenge involved sample bias in terms of political orientation and education
level. The majority of my 63 participants, had completed at least some tertiary study (see
Figure 1) and there was a higher prevalence of self-reported “left-wing” political orientations
than “right-wing” (see Figure 2). Although a heterogeneous sample was desirable, it was not
practical to pursue an equal spread of all demographics and experiences, nor was it assumed
the small sample size would be statistically representative of the broader population. Bias was
therefore unavoidable given the scale and approach of the study, as well as the inherent
difficulties in recruiting participants with certain characteristics in light of the insularity of
social networks. Education levels and political ideologies were not a focus of this research, nor
were differences in these demographic criteria expected to influence the study’s outcomes.
However, it was possible these differences were associated with differences in participant’s
readings of the texts. Thus, this information was primarily collected in the interests of
academic rigour and as a safeguard against concerns regarding sample bias. It provided me
with a better understanding of participants’ backgrounds and perspectives, and was a pre-
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emptive measure that could be used to cross-check participant responses and demographics,
had the data indicated notable differences.
FIGURE 1: PARTICIPANT EDUCATION LEVEL
FIGURE 2: PARTICIPANT POLITICAL ORIENTATION
Despite the inherent skew in education and political orientation, this did not appear to have
notable impact on participant responses. That is, themes that emerged during analysis were
not clearly correlated with these characteristics, and data saturation was still achieved despite
this potential bias. Although political commentary was inevitably present during the focus
groups and interviews, this was typically generalised. In instances where it was specific to a
10 8 30 6 7 2
PARTICIPANT EDUCATION LEVEL
High School Incomplete Undergraduate
Bachelors Some Postgraduate
Masters PhD
15 12 22 9 5
PARTICIPANT POLITICAL ORIENTATION
Left Centre Left Centre Centre Right Right
CHAPTER 3 | Page 90
particular political actor or ideology, such comments tended to be an aside in the course of
the discussion, rather than a difference in participants’ readings of a text, or their
understanding of political PR.38 As for participant’s education levels, while a tertiary educated
individual may read a text differently to a non-tertiary educated individual, it is arrogant to
assume they necessarily read it more critically. Education levels may shift an individual’s
perspective, but so can many other elements of our diverse lived experiences. This thesis
seeks to examine such experiences to better understand how we come to know of and about
political PR, particularly through the lens of popular culture. Furthermore, due to the
exploratory and reflective nature of the research, the relative diversity of the sample was
considered satisfactory, and each individual participant still fit the profile of an adult
“Australian audience” given their residency and prior consumption of film and television
featuring representations of political PR.
Given all research is conducted with finite resources, and there is no perfect method, it is
important to remain methodologically aware and acknowledge the limits of this study, so it is
clear what the study is/does and what it is/does not (see Brennen, 2013). The standard
limitation of interpretive qualitative research is that the data cannot be easily quantified to
determine how representative the findings are of a broader population, nor is the sample size
appropriate for this (Brennen, 2013, p. 7). However, since qualitative research is inherently
speculative, it is not intended to produce statistically generalizable results (Schrøder, 1999, p.
44). This study does not attempt to measure representations in media texts to see how
accurately they reflect reality, nor does it try to quantify similarities and differences in
audience perceptions. Instead, I sought to explore the ways political PR has been represented
in fictional film and television, how audiences of these texts understand political PR, and the
role of fictional representations in shaping these understandings.
I acknowledge that each individual makes sense of their own reality and that there is not a
single correct or accurate perspective or interpretation of a given representation or text.39 On
this, I argue the significance of such fictional representations for audiences – as both expert
and everyday citizens – can be, in part, attributed to the way the profession and practice of
public relations is predominantly conducted out of the public eye. The methodology I adopted
was designed to help me understand the common themes and inherent assumptions in
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fictional representations of political PR, the contribution these representations make to our
lived experiences, and the critical relationship between these representations and their
audiences. The triangulation of methods in this study was designed to strengthen evidence by
layering different yet complementary methods and samples across the project that provide
multiple perspectives. Such an approach was intended to enable development of a complex
and persuasive argument to support or refute my hypothesis.
DISCUSSION STRUCTURE
The following chapters discuss the research findings, and consider implications for the way
political PR has been represented in fictional texts, and how it is understood by audiences.
Chapter 4 summarises and categorises fictional representations of political PR, while Chapter
5 explores specific texts relative to their historical context. Chapters 6 and 7 present key
observations from the industry interviews and everyday audience focus groups. These
chapters explore how different audiences understand political PR, and the role of fictional
representations in informing and influencing social perceptions. Notably, the findings indicate
audiences use fictional representations in film and television to reflect on their own lived
experience, and critically engage with debates about the nature of spin and the current state
of political communication. Chapter 8 identifies the significance of this and provides
recommendations for future research.
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NOTES
25 The focus groups and interviews were conducted with different audience groups. Focus groups participants were “everyday citizens,” while interviewees were individuals with a professional background in political PR. This method is defined as “industry interviews” at times throughout the thesis for the sake of convenience. 26 Some texts included in the original database (see Appendix A) are exceptions to these criteria, as the criteria were not strictly applied during initial text collation. While the criteria were useful for appropriately scoping the research, such application did exclude some texts with prominent representations of political PR such as the critically acclaimed Danish political drama Borgen (2010-2013), from inclusion in the refined list of texts. 27 Due to the dominance of North American texts in the original sample it was not expected that it would be realistic to include an even spread of in-depth analysis from Australia, the UK, and the US, however locality was still a consideration in sample selection.] 28 When selecting the texts for screening during focus groups and interviews, priority was given to texts that were the best reflection (most representative) of a particular theme, or provided interesting points of discussion. The selected texts aimed to provide a balance of representations from across the refined sample. 29 When selecting the texts for screening during focus groups and interviews, priority was given to texts that have not received prior academic attention in an effort to further expand the area of scholarship. For example, while The West Wing contains considerable representations of political PR, it has received critical attention elsewhere (see for example, McCabe, 2012; Handscombe, 2016). 30 Some related fields were deemed acceptable, provided the participant did not self-identify their occupation or industry being associated with public relations or politics. This was the case for five participants (see Limitations). 31 Livingstone & Lunt’s (1994) study had a total of sixty-nine participants across twelve focus groups. 32 This does not include an additional seven participants involved in pilot testing. Two individual interviews and a focus group of five participants were conducted to assist in the development of the interview and focus group protocols. Participants were aware they were participating in a pilot phase of the study. Although ethical clearance had been obtained and pilot study participants gave consent, this data was not formally recorded or transcribed, and thus has not been included in the sample or analysis presented in this thesis. 33 During the interviews there were some instances where interviewees spoke “off-the-record.” These instances and any related discussion were removed from the transcripts prior to analysis. 34 Larsen (1991, p. 121) acknowledged that this argument was first made in 1953 by German sociologist and critical theorist Siegfried Kracauer in his publication “The challenge of qualitative content analysis” (see also Brennen, 2013, p. 194). 35 The late cultural theorist Stuart Hall was one of the main advocates of reception theory, now commonly referred to as audience reception in communication models, and its use in media and communication studies. Hall developed the encoding/decoding model which has been widely adopted and applied beyond traditional cultural studies disciplines. 36 During the closing remarks of one interview I inadvertently revealed the identity of another interviewee to the participant. After realising my indiscretion, and alerting my supervisors, I immediately contacted the interviewee whose anonymity my disclosure had jeopardised. I explained the situation and apologised for compromising her confidential involvement in the study. The interviewee was gracious in accepting my apology, and I greatly appreciate her willingness to still allow the data from her interview to be used. This was a learning experience for me as a researcher to be warier of the risks of accidental disclosures during relaxed and informal dialogue. 37 Of the 63 participants, 58 identified as Australian citizens. The others all resided permanently in Australia at the time of data collection, and included a New Zealand citizen, a Sri Lankan citizen, two Canadian citizens, and a dual national with US/Australian citizenship. 38 In hindsight, it may have been more useful to frame the political orientation of participants around the Australian political context, with reference to specific political parties, rather than the abstract traditional spectrum of left and right, where one participants self-placement on this spectrum may differ widely from another’s even if their voting preferences are the same. Although this would not have changed the outcome of this research, it would have made for a clearer understanding of the sample. 39 This can be considered similar to what McKee (2003, 10) describes as a “poststructuralist” approach to analysis in that “we make sense of the reality that we live through our cultures, […] [and] no single representation of reality can be the only true one, or the only accurate one.”
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 93
CHAPTER 4: SHINING A LIGHT IN THE SHADOWS
This chapter provides an overview of how political PR is represented in fictional film and
television. It organises and describes the findings from the textual analysis and highlights the
challenges in defining and categorising fictional representations. Overall, there has been a
growth in fictional representations of political PR. Film and television featuring political PR
comes from a range of sources and genres. The texts vary in prominence and reception, from
Hollywood blockbusters and high-end TV series, to cult independent films and obscure
telemovies. Analysis was thematic, though representations were not classified as positive or
negative. Instead, coding focused on popular portrayals and professional categories of
political PR commonly depicted in the texts. Similarities across different fictional narratives
are discussed, and underlying issues relating to the role of political PR in mediated
democracies are identified.
DEFINING AND DISCOVERING POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS
In 2015, as part of PR Week’s annual “Global Power Book” (see Harrington, 2015), high profile
industry practitioners were asked to name their favourite fictional PR character. The entire
top five were from branches of political PR: First, Malcolm Tucker (Director of
Communications for the UK Government in The Thick of It, played by Peter Capaldi); second,
C.J. Cregg (White House Press Secretary, and later Chief of Staff in The West Wing, played by
Allison Janney); third, Nick Naylor (lobbyist, spokesman, and Vice President for the Academy
of Tobacco Studies in Thank You For Smoking, played by Aaron Eckhart); fourth Olivia Pope
(Washington “fixer,” crisis consultant, and former White House Communications Director in
Scandal, played by Kerry Washington); and fifth, Conrad Brean (spin doctor and “Mr Fix-it” in
Wag the Dog, played by Robert DeNiro). This suggests that amongst industry professionals,
the most notable – and often notorious – representations of public relations come from
political contexts.
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 94
This study identified 371 texts that feature representations of political public relations in some
form (see Appendix A). This included 225 films, 83 TV series, 26 TV mini-series, and 37 TV
movies. The majority originated from the United States, though some texts came from the
United Kingdom, Europe, and Canada, as well as Australia and other countries around the
world. The texts are diverse in terms of their genres, themes, source material, and audience
popularity (see Appendices A & B). However, the availability of these texts, accessibility to
Australian audiences, and the prominence of political PR, varied widely. The original database
of texts was narrowed to focus on 201 texts (142 films, 28 TV series, 17 mini-series, and 7 TV
movies), and included only those that were readily available for viewing to Australian
audiences (see Appendix B). A reduced list of 100 texts was provided for participant reference
during the focus groups and interviews (see Appendix C). Participants were asked to rank their
familiarity with each text on the list, and “the list” was occasionally referenced in transcribed
quotes.
There has been an overall growth in texts featuring representations of political PR over time
(see Figure 3). Though this may in part be a reflection of the growth in film and television being
produced, it notably parallels the increasingly overt operation of political PR and its
dominance in the media landscape. A turning point in the cultural salience of political PR
occurred in the 1980s, coinciding with the popularisation of the phrase “spin doctor.” Tiffen
(2004) identified the earliest printed reference to the term as from The New York Times in
October 1984, as part of a description of the aftermath of a televised debate between US
presidential candidates Ronald Reagan and Walter Mondale. The original article states:
Seconds after the Reagan-Mondale debate ends, a bazaar will suddenly
materialise in the press room. [...] A dozen men in good suits and women in silk
dresses will circulate smoothly among the reporters, spouting confident opinions.
They won't be just press agents trying to impart a favourable spin to a routine
press release. They'll be the Spin Doctors, senior advisers to the candidates, and
they’ll be playing for very high stakes. How well they do their work could be as
important as how well the candidates do theirs. (The New York Times, 1984, p. 40)
Although the presence of such spin doctors in the political arena pre-dates the description
above, the burgeoning media commentary in the eighties and nineties highlighted the swelling
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 95
prevalence and power of political communication professionals. Journalistic preoccupation
with spin continued to intensify in response to the aggressive media management of the
Clinton and later Bush Governments in the US and the Blair Government in the UK. The
fascination with this phenomenon spread to our cultural texts, and became a focal point on
our screens, from TV shows such as Spin City (1996-2002) and The West Wing (1999-2006), to
films like Bob Roberts (1992), Wag the Dog (1997), and Primary Colors (1998). The practice of
political PR is adopted by characters in a variety of roles, while individual practitioners operate
alongside existing familiar professions that are traditionally more visible, such as politicians
and journalists. Fictional representations of political PR have not supplanted that of other
professions (and such comparison is beyond the scope of this study), rather, they have
emerged as a necessary element in narratives about media, politics, and government. Thus,
as both the practice and profession have become permanent fixtures in our mediated
democracies, so too have they been incorporated in popular culture as subjects in our fictional
texts.
FIGURE 3: NUMBER OF TEXTS PER YEAR WITH REPRESENTATIONS OF POLITICAL PR
The representations themselves vary in obviousness and clarity, as well as how they depict
PPR practitioners and practices, and their role in democratic society. Although scholars have
traced trends in the representation of politics, and, to a lesser extent, representations of
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
19
01
19
39
19
43
19
46
19
48
19
53
19
56
19
58
19
61
19
64
19
66
19
68
19
70
19
72
19
74
19
76
19
78
19
80
19
82
19
84
19
86
19
88
19
90
19
92
19
94
19
96
19
98
20
00
20
02
20
04
20
06
20
08
20
10
20
12
20
14
20
16
Number of texts per year with representations of political PR
Films TV Combined Total
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 96
public relations, in film and television through history, representations specifically of political
PR are less easy to follow. This is, in part, due to the activities of public relations being found
under many different guises. For example, this thesis equates the labels of “spin” and “spin
doctor” with public relations given such terms are assumed to form an integral part of
everyday citizens understanding of PR, as well as being broadly attributed to political
communication. For example, Karl Rove was described in the press as the main “spin doctor”
for the Bush administration despite his formal titles at the time being Senior Advisor (2000-
2007) and Deputy Chief of Staff (2004-2007). In these roles at the White House, according to
his own website bio, “he oversaw the Offices of Strategic Initiatives, Political Affairs, Public
Liaison, and Intergovernmental Affairs and was Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy, coordinating
the White House policy-making process” (Rove, 2017). While not all of Rove’s activities would
fall in the category of PR, the functions of his position required him to regularly engage in
political public relations. Thus, it was not possible to identify representations of political PR
practitioners in fictional texts based on their title or job description. Instead, it was necessary
to consider the overall role and function of individual characters, as well as the practices and
activities depicted in the texts, during analysis.
This was challenging in that the ubiquitous nature of PR sees it connected to many broad social
themes, such as persuasion, influence, public opinion, media power, and more. These themes
and related activities are conceivably PR, though not necessarily clear in their representation
of it as a profession or a practice. For example, boutique PR consultancy Jones-Dilworth40
published an article on “The Top 10 [fictional] Public Relations Characters.” While there are
some obvious inclusions, and overlap with the Global Power Book’s favourites, their decision
to include the likes of Tom Sawyer (from The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn), Willy Wonka
(from Willy Wonka and the Chocolate Factory), and Dom Cobb (from Inception) was puzzling.41
Although the list was not specifically about political PR, these characters are removed from
what would be considered a typical definition of public relations, and have not been included
in other research on representations of PR in popular culture (see for example, Saltzman,
2012; Miller, 1999). Yet Jones-Dilworth’s list includes justifications such as Tom Sawyer’s
“healthy imagination and propensity for storytelling,” Willy Wonka’s “showmanship” and
“messaging,” and Cobb’s ability to “quietly influence the emotions of other people” as why
they recognise them as “badass,” “great,” and “beautiful” PR (respectively). That the industry
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conceptualise their own work in this way – admittedly with a light-hearted tone – is important
to note. Such diversity in understanding, and subjectivity in interpretation, makes it unrealistic
to ever provide a definitive list on representations of public relations in popular culture.
Furthermore, any analysis of such material is inherently subjective, and emergent themes and
categories are not absolute. This thesis sought the most likely interpretation of the texts being
analysed. As such, I assumed that where I have plainly observed political PR in fictional film
and TV, others may also be similarly observant.
DATABASE DECONSTRUCTION
ORIGIN AND SOURCE MATERIAL
Film and television texts analysed as part of this thesis came from a range of different
countries. Two thirds of the texts originated from the United States of America. Of the
remaining third, just over half came from the United Kingdom, with the other half comprising
texts from Europe, Canada, and Australia. As a result, there is a dominance of North American
representations of political PR in the data. However, as Australian audiences are exposed to a
significant amount of imported film and television content, this was not considered a
limitation of the analysis. While some interviewees and participants did note elements of
specific fictional representations of political PR that appeared to them as culturally distinct,
this was not a common theme. These discussions typically centred on particular instances,
such as a difference between the Australian and American political system, for example,
compulsory voting in Australia or the presidential primary election process in the US. Thus,
these were tangential to the main discussion, and were not considered to notably influence
individual’s perceptions of political PR, or practitioners’ experiences.
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Texts featuring representations of political PR originated from a range of sources. Over forty
per cent were identified as original screenplays derived from novel concepts. Well known
examples include The West Wing (though this was built off the back of Aaron Sorkin’s success
with his 1995 film The American President) and Parks and Recreation (co-created by writers
from the BBC and US versions of The Office). Approximately thirty-five percent were either
based on, or adapted from, existing source material such as a book or other text. Popular
examples include: House of Cards (both the BBC miniseries and the Netflix series are adaptions
of Michael Dobbs’s original 1989 novel) and The Martian (based on Andy Weir’s 2011 novel
by the same name). The remaining twenty-five percent were inspired by real events or “true
stories.” Memorable examples include The King’s Speech (a biopic about King George VI’s
success at overcoming his speech impediment) and The Iron Lady (a dramatization of the
career of Margaret Thatcher). It should be noted that there were often interrelationships in
the origins of different texts. For example, The Thick of It and Veep were both created by
Armando Iannucci and are stylistically similar, though there is no overlap between the
characters and the settings are culturally and politically distinct. In turn, The Thick of It was
considered the twenty-first century response to Yes Minister. Furthermore, while some texts
were officially “original” concepts, the scripts and specific narratives were often inspired by
real events. For example, Scandal is an original screenplay, though the protagonist Olivia Pope
(Kerry Washington) is inspired by the professional experiences of crisis management
consultant Judy Smith, and Smith serves as an advisor and co-executive producer for Scandal.
Although audiences may not always be aware of the source material behind a particular
fictional narrative about political PR, this information was useful in understanding the
intertextuality of particular representations.
Themes about spin and the power of political communication have been recycled through
history. They recur as fresh – but not new – ideas in original screenplays, as well as evolutions
carried on from other source material from which given texts are based, adapted, or inspired.
We can observe this directly when considering the modern remakes of classics, such as Robert
Penn Warren’s Pulitzer Prize winning novel All the King’s Men (1946). The story about an
idealistic and ambitious man who rises to power and transforms into a charismatic but cunning
politician, corrupted by his circumstance and ego, is one for the ages. In this case, the plot is
set in the 1930s and follows the evolution of Willie Stark from impassioned country lawyer to
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 99
immoral back-country governor. All the King’s Men has become a centrepiece in American
political fiction, and although Warren claimed the book was “never intended to be a book
about politics,” it is widely recognised that Stark’s character and trajectory parallels that of
controversial former Louisiana governor and senator Huey Long.42 Though, as Scott (2006)
points out, Stark’s “resemblance to more recent political figures, from Bill Clinton to Lyndon
B. Johnson to Hugo Chavez” is also apparent, with his “high political intelligence, unbridled
appetite [for power] and vengeful eagerness” all considered essential traits in the current (and
past) political class. Standing beside Stark are: nonchalant former reporter and researcher,
turned morally detached political aide (and narrator of the story) Jack Burden; the obsequious
political operative and manipulative lobbyist (and later Lieutenant-Governor and Stark’s
successor) Tiny Duffy; and Stark’s insecure but aspiring secretary and jealous lover, turned
acerbic campaign assistant and political strategist Sadie Burke. As with many of the texts,
these characters, while never attached to the title of “public relations” nevertheless perform
PR functions and are prominent players in the game of politics, power, and people. The
intelligent and aristocratic Burden, who becomes Stark’s right-hand-man, is entirely
unambitious and somewhat aimless – a curiosity in most political contexts, and even more so
given his privileged background – yet is successfully put to purpose. In the absence of his own
agency, Burden takes direction from Stark and becomes integral in managing the Governor’s
relationship with the press, as well as using his research skills to dig up dirt on Stark’s
enemies.43 The role of Jack Burden remains as relevant today as it was when initially
conceived, and we see contemporary forms of the characters from All the King’s Men crop up
in both fiction and non-fiction.
However, as cultural producers compete for audiences spoilt with choice, the retelling of tales
as old as time needs to be carefully considered and constructed for the present if they are to
connect well with the public. All the King’s Men was initially adapted into an Academy Award
winning film in 1949 (directed by Robert Rossen),44 then reproduced for television in 1958 (by
NBC’s The Kraft Theatre, directed by Sidney Lumet) and 1971 (by Soviet production company
Byelorussian TV), and again for film in 2006 (directed by Steven Zaillian), with an all-star cast
including Sean Penn (as Stark), Jude Law (as Burden), James Gandolfini (as Tiny Duffy), Patricia
Clarkson (as Sadie), as well as Kate Winslet, Mark Ruffalo, and Anthony Hopkins. Turan (2006)
notes Zaillian’s film captured the original novel’s core and has the same “lost in time” quality
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 100
that, despite now being treated as a period piece,45 gives it a striking contemporary relevance
by embracing a “moral seriousness” and posing “classic questions” – such as whether the ends
justify the means – for which society still has no collective answer, and thus should
theoretically still be intrigued by. Yet the 2006 film was a box office flop, and, although it
generated initial Oscar buzz, was almost universally panned by critics on release. Scott (2006)
argued that while “the sweaty, sinewy tale of corrupted idealism and moral decay” makes for
a perfect “prestige picture,” its political insight and moralising “is unconvincing […] because
current sensibilities are unlikely to be shocked by misbehaviour in high office,” as we have
become accustomed to such conduct. Thus, the heart of All the King’s Men and other texts
that echo age-old themes found in other source material may still strike a chord with
audiences. However, such recycled content needs to be appropriately contextualised in line
with the present public mood and put forth in a way that will entertain its audiences if it is to
be effectively engaging en-masse.
GENRE
Representations of political PR can be found across a range of genres, usually within a political
narrative, though at times these may only be in the periphery. For example, Kevin Smith’s
2004 comedy-drama film Jersey Girl stars Ben Affleck as Ollie Trinke, a former hot-shot
publicist in the entertainment industry who is blacklisted after trashing his client during a press
conference, and is forced to take a low-level civil servant job to care for his young daughter.
When Trinke steps up to speak at a town-hall meeting and succeeds in winning over the local
community’s support for a new public works project he is compelled to return to work in
public relations. While there are elements of government communication and advocacy here,
they are only a minimal part of the overall narrative, and this text would not fall into the sub-
genre of a political comedy or political drama.
Figure 4 shows the breakdown of different genres across the original database of texts.46
Dramas are the most prevalent, with prominent representations of political PR found in films
such as Power (1983), True Colors (1991), The Ides of March (2011), Our Brand Is Crisis (2015),
and Miss Sloane (2016), and in TV series such as The West Wing and House of Cards. Comedies
and satires are also in abundance, from the heart-warming Dave (1993) and light sitcom Spin
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 101
City (1996-2002), to the acute intelligence of Thank You for Smoking (2006) and crudeness of
The Campaign (2012). Many texts overlap more than a single genre however, and weave
various conventions throughout their narratives. For example Primary Colors (1998) can be
classified as a drama and comedy (and arguably satire), given it contains elements of both.47
On political thrillers, Fielding (2014, pp. 242-243) noted their continued popularity “for if
commissioning editors feared viewers found politics boring, [this genre] promised to give
them vivid storylines with lots of explosions while also indulging the by-now endemic view
that the country’s political class formed part of a vast conspiracy against the public.”48 Indeed,
the recycling of content in contemporary adaptions of older political thrillers, such as All The
King’s Men (1949, 2006), The Manchurian Candidate (1962, 2004), and the more recent mini-
series A Very British Coup (1988) with its adaption Secret State (2012), is indicative of our
collective conspiratorial anxieties around power and control. Other thrillers such as The
Contender (2000) and The Ghost Writer (2010) also feed into these themes, with additional
emphasis on secrets, lies, and the lengths individuals are willing to go in pursuit of their own
interests. It is clear that representations of political PR can be found across genres, and, as a
phenomenon under the spotlight, it has been treated in a variety of ways.
FIGURE 4: GENRE BREAKDOWN OF POLITICAL PR TEXTS
PROMINENCE AND RECEPTION
Drama29%
Thriller11%
Action9%
Sci-Fi5%
Crime4%
Other2%
Biopic8%
History8%
Satire9%
Comedy12%
Romance3%
Genre Breakdown
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 102
During the textual analysis phase of this research, the prominence of political PR in each text
was rated on a seven-point scale from Very Low (where there is little obvious evidence of
political PR, though the text’s narrative may connect it to related social themes) through to
Very High (where political PR is clearly apparent as a main character and/or major plot device).
For example, The Campaign (2012) and The Ides of March (2011) are both rated “Very High”
because of their prominent representation of political PR. Whereas Independence Day (1996)
and District 9 (2009) are both rated “Low,” denoting that political PR is not directly evident,
but is connected through subsidiary themes within the main narrative. This scale is defined in
Table 9.
Of all the texts in the refined database (see Appendix B), close to half had High or Very High
levels of prominence. These texts are significant for this study, because they form clear, visible
representations of a profession and practice, which typically strives to remain invisible.
However, a high level of prominence does not necessarily lead to audience familiarity. For
example, other texts featuring prominent representations of political PR have not enjoyed the
recognition of texts like The Ides of March or The Campaign. Lesser known texts such as Power
(1986, starring Richard Gere), Casino Jack (2010, starring Kevin Spacey), Knife Fight (2012,
starring Rob Lowe), Our Brand Is Crisis (2015, starring Sandra Bullock and Billy Bob Thornton),
and Commander in Chief (2005-2006, starring Geena Davis and Donald Sutherland) failed to
attract substantial audiences despite their prominent star-power.
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TABLE 9: PROMINENCE OF REPRESENTATION SEVEN POINT SCALE
SCALE RATING DESCRIPTOR
7 Very High Political PR is very clear and apparent. The text features political PR practitioners as
a main character/s and/or political PR practices as a major plot device.
6 High
Political PR is clearly apparent. The text features political PR practitioners as a
distinct/recurring character/s and/or political PR practices as a plot device or
theme.
5 Medium–
High
Political PR is apparent. The text features political PR practitioners as a supporting
character/s and/or political PR practices contribute to plot devices or subsidiary
themes.
4 Medium
Political PR is apparent, though the representation may not be clearly identified as
“public relations” (or alternative like terms) or the representation is only
brief/fleeting. The text features characters who perform political PR functions
and/or subsidiary themes that are directly connected to political PR practice.
3 Low–
Medium
Political PR is present, though the representation may not be directly apparent. The
text is connected to political PR through subsidiary characters who may perform
political PR functions off-screen or only appear in the background, and/or
subsidiary themes that are broadly/loosely connected to political PR practice.
2 Low
Political PR may be present, though the representation is minimal. The text can
only be loosely connected to political PR through subsidiary characters, subsidiary
themes, or subsidiary moments.
1 Very Low Political PR is not present, and is only connected to the text through subsidiary
themes.
TABLE 10: AUDIENCE RECEPTION AND TEXT SUCCESS SCALE
AGGREGATE
SCORE* RATING DESCRIPTOR
>65% Positive A large majority of positive reviews and ratings.
45-65% Mixed A mix of positive and negative reviews and ratings.
<45% Negative A large majority of negative reviews and ratings.
*Review aggregate on ratings websites Rotten Tomatoes, Metacritic, and IMDb. Where available, both audience
and critical scores were taken into account.49
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As an additional measure of a text’s prominence and audience popularity, its level of success
was rated during the textual analysis as Positive, Mixed, or Negative. This was a way of gauging
how the text was received by audiences. Ratings were based on an aggregate of the scores
the text received from users and critics on ratings websites Rotten Tomatoes, Metacritic, and
IMDb (see Table 10). Across the whole original database, two-thirds of the texts were received
positively by audiences, and this proportion was similar regardless of representational
prominence. This suggests that, as a whole, there are numerous fictional film and television
texts that feature political PR, that continue to be widely popular with audiences. Figure 5
shows the prominence of representations of political PR and the texts’ reception with
audiences of the 201 texts in the refined list of texts.
It was also necessary to consider the reach of each text, as a further indicator of the text’s
popularity as well as its potential breadth of impact. It was originally intended that this should
include measures that factored in box office results and viewership data. However, data was
not consistently available for TV viewership, and when obtainable, this often did not reflect
series that were re-run or syndicated. The original broadcast channel was recorded in lieu of
this, and consideration was given to the number of seasons commissioned. Local box office
takings for Australian audiences were also not available, so the US data was recorded, though
this was not adjusted for inflation. Due to not all information being available or consistent, it
was not practical to use this data during the analysis, however there were identifiable parallels
between some texts and how recognisable there were among participants in this study.
Blockbusters such as Independence Day (1996), The Hunger Games franchise (2012-2015),
Hancock (2008), and other superhero films all fared well commercially, as did critically
successful films such as Argo (2012), The King’s Speech (2010), and V for Vendetta (2005). The
majority of participants in this study indicated they had seen and could recall these texts.
Other films popular with participants, where over half of the participants indicated they had
seen the film and could recall it, included Thank You for Smoking, The Iron Lady, and The
Queen. Although higher earning films did not always have “high” prominent representations
of political PR, subtle references to political communication and related themes are still worth
noting for several reasons. First, these representations still contribute to the make-up of
fictional narratives about political PR and are part of our cultural fabric. Second, as political PR
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 105
comes under many different names, it is necessary to consider non-literal instances that are
evident in the texts. Finally, as the ways audiences classify PR in politics was unknown during
text selection, it was prudent to include texts that had potentially notable representations of
political PR and then observe whether audiences made similar connections. In addition to this,
there was a particularly strong direct display of political PR in TV series. The longevity and
distribution of programs such as Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister (1980-1988), Spin City
(1996-2002), The West Wing (1999-2006), Parks and Recreation (2009-2015), as well as the
prominent continuation of Veep (2012-present), Scandal (2012-present), and House of Cards
(2013-present), is another indicator of a strong audience base for fictional texts featuring
political PR. Over half of the participants (both industry practitioners and everyday citizens)
had seen Yes Minister / Yes Prime Minister, close to half had seen The West Wing and House
of Cards, and over a quarter were familiar with Spin City, Parks & Recreation, and Veep.50
FIGURE 5: PROMINENCE AND RECEPTION OF REPRESENTATIONS OF POLITICAL PR
1114 13
2016
21
42
3
7
3
11
3
11
11
1
2
1
4
2
4
1
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Very Low Low Low Medium Medium Medium High High Very High
Prominence & Reception
Positive Mixed Negative
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 106
THE DICHOTOMY DILEMMA
Previous research on public relations in popular culture has emphasised the dichotomy (or
binary opposition) between good and bad representations. This thesis has not sought to do
this in a quantifiable way for political PR, given the inherently subjective nature of such
classifications. However, participants in this study often evaluated specific representations in
these terms, and similarly perceived the overall picture painted about political PR in fictional
film and television as either positive or negative. It cannot be ignored that such dichotomies
are a natural discussion point for audiences. As a useful sense-making and comparative
practice they are part of audiences negotiating their lived experiences and the way they
understand and relate to the role of political PR in society. However, what was particularly
apparent from participant responses was the way political PR resides in a world of grey rather
than black and white. The practices and practitioners represented in these texts do not fit
easily into single boxes of good or evil. Instead they exist on a continuum, where placement is
variable and dependent on the personal perspective, logic, and ethical reasoning of individual
audience members. Thus, I have not used these dichotomies as a way of classifying the film
and television texts analysed in this research.
THEMATIC NETWORK
While this study does not attempt to reach a conclusive definition of political public relations,
it does explore how political PR is represented in film and television, how these
representations are perceived, and the role these representations play in audience
understanding about political communication. During the textual analysis phase of the
research, a thematic network was developed to conceptualise how political PR is represented
across the texts in the refined database (see Appendix B). Two global themes emerged that
were useful in managing the data: professional categories/types and popular portrayals.
These were then further broken down into organising themes and basic themes (see Figure
6). Key words noted during the textual analysis phase of this research were used to assist the
analysis process and in development of the thematic network.
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 107
The following sections of this chapter provide a summary of these themes, with discussion
extended in Chapter 5. While this network was useful in mapping the different types of
representations of political PR within the texts, it was not used to structure the discussion of
these fictional narratives (see Chapter 5). Instead, the discussion relevant to the textual
analysis and representations of political PR is explored in a loose chronological order. This was
necessary in order to better contextualise specific representations, and ground the discussion
in trends taking place in the socio-cultural and political environment at its time of production
and release.
PROFESSIONAL CATEGORIES AND TYPES OF POLITICAL PR
Four categories emerged during the textual analysis that were useful in organising the
different professional types of political PR depicted in the texts. These are represented in the
thematic network (see Figure 6), and comprise the following:
▪ “government” PR, where characters are employed in public service and responsible for
government communication and stakeholder relations on both a domestic and
international level;
▪ “campaign” PR, where the main responsibility is to manage image, reputation,
relationships, and communications for politicians and political parties;
▪ “martial” PR, which includes public information and communication practices in the
service of the military, intelligence agencies, and police force; and
▪ “advocacy” PR, where lobbyists, activists, and other forms of advocacy groups seek to
influence or change legislation or attempt to curry political favour.
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FIGURE 6: THEMATIC NETWORK DIAGRAM
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 109
These are not discrete categories. Multiple roles and functions are the norm. In over three
quarters of the film and TV series analysed for this thesis, political PR characters functioned in
more than one category. This suggests that, while there are different types of political PR, the
profession is integrated across different political contexts. Characters in the texts either
fulfilled different functions, or different situations involved different stakeholder groups and
necessitated practitioners to move fluidly across roles. In TV series there is ample screen time
and evolving narratives, and it was common for the texts to provide representations of
political PR from across all four professional categories. This also occurred in some films. For
example, in Salmon Fishing in the Yemen (2011) the UK Prime Minister’s cunning Press
Secretary Patricia Maxwell (Kristin Scott Thomas) spins a “fundamentally unfeasible”
environmental leisure project, bankrolled by an enigmatic Yemeni sheikh, as a “feel good”
international relations exercise designed to boost her boss’s image, despite resistance from
the British bureaucracy and fishing community and local Yemeni radicals. The project is
complicated by the disappearance of the sheikh’s advisor Harriet Chetwode-Talbot’s (Emily
Blunt) new soldier boyfriend during combat in the Middle East. However, Maxwell manages
to take all this in her stride and use what she can to the Prime Minister’s advantage, including
staging a surprise reunion between Harriet and her lost-then-found beloved. In this film we
see a blend of different political PR “types” with a variety of intentions and purposes that echo
the way public relations is difficult to definitively categorise or describe.
Of the four categories, two thirds of the texts were classified as depicting either “government”
and/or “campaign” PR, making such representations the most common. This is in part because
many of the narratives in the texts are centred on elections and campaigns, and thus, this is
where many visible representations of political PR can be found. As many of the activities of
campaigning involve managing relationships with stakeholders and the information exchange
between stakeholders and the public, I treated campaigning and campaign staff as political
PR. Thus, campaign managers, political strategists, and other members of the expanded
political class who contribute to the professionalisation of political communication, also
contribute to the make-up of political PR. Given the ”permanent campaign” approach of much
political communication, privately employed staff, who are first and foremost accountable to
their client, and work for politicians and political parties in PR outside of the election cycle,
were also included in the campaign category. This contrasts with “government” PR, where
CHAPTER 4 | PAGE 110
practitioners typically have more secure employment within a public or civil service
department or bureaucratic office and are thus theoretically more involved in serving the
public interest. For example, in The Thick of It, special advisors Glen Cullen (James Smith) and
Ollie Reeder (Chris Addison) serve the interests of their Minister and their “side” (political
party). In contrast, the communications director for the Department of Social Affairs and
Citizenship, Terri Coverley (Joanna Scanlan), is largely independent of the Minister and elected
government as she is an employee of Her Majesty’s Civil Service. As such, the elected
government’s reputation is secondary to the reputation of the department, and the Minister’s
interests are secondary to the notion of the public interest. Terri frequently reminds Glen and
Ollie about her job security which causes bitterness and frustration, particularly following the
reshuffle in Season 3 when Nicola Murray (Rebecca Front) replaces Hugh Abbot (Chris
Langham) as Minister. Glen and Ollie are compelled to cajole their way into the new minister’s
favour in order to keep their jobs, and thus have a vested interest in Nicola Murray’s and the
government’s popularity to ensure they remain employed.
The other two categories, “advocacy” and “martial” PR, diverge from what may commonly be
seen as political PR in that they are not exclusive to government bodies or politicians. They
do, however, involve public relations that is employed for political purposes and by political
actors. The category of advocacy comprised: corporate PR, where key stakeholders of private
enterprises are governments and politicians; lobbying, where PR practitioners seek to
influence legislators and public opinion; and activism, where PR is used by groups in pursuit
of socio-political change. The fictional representation of political PR in Thank You for Smoking
is the most prominent and recognisable example of this type, which follows the career and
relationships of Big Tobacco spokesman Nick Naylor (Aaron Eckhart). The category of martial
comprised: military, where PR is employed as part of the armed forces, or in government
working with the military; intelligence, where PR is employed by intelligence agencies; and
policing, where PR is part of the communicative arm of law enforcement. While these three
types could be classified under the “government” category, I separated it for two reasons.
First, the quantity of representations classified as these types warranted an independent
category. Second, the three types in the military category are strongly connected by shared
issues around for the public interest, information control, propaganda, truth, and
transparency. Nonetheless, there was diversity in how this category was represented. For
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example, films like In The Loop and Wag the Dog are about war (or the “appearance” of war)
but rarely show conflict, while texts like Flags of our Fathers (2006), Fair Game (2010), and
Blue Bloods (2010-present), all have action-based storylines where forms of political PR are
present but secondary to the main drivers of the narratives.
SPIN DOCTORS, SCHMOOZERS, SAVIOURS, SHEPHERDS, AND SHEEP
A composite character reflecting the stereotypical depiction of a political PR practitioner in
film and television would be a middle aged white male wearing a suit who is ambitious,
smooth, quick witted, and moderately attractive. However, there remains considerable
diversity across individual representations of political PR, and the way political PR “people”
are represented in the texts. Some similarities include their lifestyles and the working
environment, while differences are more significant in the individual demographics,
personalities, and purposes of fictional practitioners.
The lifestyle and industry environment associated with political PR on screen is portrayed as
fast-paced, high-pressure, and addictive. This often has implications for fictional practitioners
as they become sleep-deprived work-a-holics who are consumed by their jobs and have
perpetually poor work/life balance. This, in turn, has implications for their personal
relationships, and frequently results in intimate relationships being developed between
colleagues, such as Stephen Meyers (Ryan Gosling) and Molly Stearns (Evan Rachel Wood) in
The Ides of March, or the failure of relationships when they are formed with industry
“outsiders” who do not understand the demands of a political PR role, such as Will Hayes
(Ryan Reynolds) and his string of failed relationships in Definitely, Maybe. The working
environment is often depicted as a high-stakes game of skill and strategy where practitioners
are constantly trying to outwit and outplay one another. Here, experience counts for just as
much as resources, and being willing to get your hands dirty is expected, such as the covert
and illegal tactics used by the cutthroat yet effective lobbyist Elizabeth Sloane (Jessica
Chastain) in Miss Sloane, or the wily and vengeful smear campaigns run by Jane Bodine
(Sandra Bullock) and Pat Candy (Billy Bob Thornton) in Our Brand Is Crisis. These operatives
work tirelessly behind the scenes in unobtrusive backrooms in pursuit of a particular agenda
or under instruction from the political elite. The lifestyle is both glamourous and gritty,
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underpinned by the allure of power. They rub shoulders with the powerful, and hold power
themselves, always seeking more of this “drug.” In these endeavours, political PR practitioners
can seem like they are soulless, schmoozers, and scoundrels, climbing the greasy pole by
whatever means necessary, or they can be idealistic saviours seeking to do “good” and serve
the public interest.
Individual practitioners ranged from angry, aggressive, and abusive bullies, to clever, creative,
and charismatic champions. Indeed, they are often remarkable individuals, though they are
very human in their weaknesses and imperfections. That these characters are flawed made
these representations of political PR professionals more relatable to both everyday and expert
audiences (see Chapters 6 and 7). Some have striking looks and impeccable fashion sense,
while others are plain and average, easily blending into the background and remaining
unobtrusive. There is a diversity of age, race, and gender, though a proclivity towards
representations of middle aged Caucasian males. Given the demographic skew of most
mainstream entertainment this is unsurprising. However, it is worth noting some characters
broke the “old white men” mould. For example, Kerry Washington plays Olivia Pope, the
protagonist in Scandal. Although this Shonda Rhimes series has a tendency towards
melodrama, Pope is still a strong, successful, intelligent, independent, measured, black,
female character who has been praised as a positive role model as well as a trendsetter. The
political context in which many of these fictional narratives are positioned make for a typically
male dominated discourse, which often sees women painted as ballbusters who adopt
masculine traits in order to survive. While this may be problematic, it is a far cry from the “PR
bunnies” and “pink ghetto” stereotypes that much of the non-political PR industry is subjected
to (this stereotype in turn is often blamed on the likes of Samantha Jones (Kim Cattrall) from
Sex and the City).51 Gender was also an indicator of the sort of political PR position a character
would play. Most prominent female representations were press secretaries or media officers,
while men tended to be political advisors, chiefs of staff, campaign managers, and lobbyists.
Of course, Olivia Pope – who heads her own crisis management consultancy – is not the only
exception to this gender typing. Other examples of prominent female characters in high level
political PR positions that exercise strategic and executive authority include Amy Brookheimer
(Anna Chlumsky) as Selena Meyer’s (Julia Louis-Dreyfus) committed chief of staff in Veep,
“Calamity” Jane Bodine (Sandra Bullock) as a bitter and battle-hardened political consultant
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in Our Brand Is Crisis, and Elizabeth Sloane (Jessica Chastain) as a ruthless lobbyist in Miss
Sloane.
The titles tied to fictional characters in political PR roles are diverse, and often not officially
specified within a given text. Thus, they are more easily classified based on the work they do
and their purpose. Broadly there are two types of characters: shepherds and sheep. Political
PR practitioners are either leaders, who have authority and decision-making powers, or
followers, who are the “shit-kickers” and technicians responsible for executing orders from
above. Many characters also fall between the two as they work their way up the career ladder.
The “shepherds” operate at management level and are typically directors, consultants, and
senior strategists. The “spin doctor” stereotype is typically found in these positions, and able
to enforce their will on those below to do their bidding, such as Malcolm Tucker (Peter
Capaldi) in The Thick of It, or Josh Lyman (Bradley Whitford) and Toby Ziegler (Richard Schiff)
in The West Wing. The “sheep” serve support functions such as aides, assistants, junior
advisors, press secretaries, speech-writers, spokespeople, and other mechanical rather than
strategic roles. Many of these are minor or subsidiary characters, as those with primary roles
tend to oscillate between leading and following depending on the context. For example,
Veep‘s Amy Brookheimer (Anna Chlumsky) is Chief of Staff (and later campaign manager) to
Vice President Selina Meyer (Julia Louis-Dreyfus) and thus has the capacity to direct others to
do her bidding. Yet Amy is often directed to do the bidding of others either on orders from
Selina, or at the behest of her colleagues, even when she outranks them. She credits herself
as a "trouble-shooter, problem-solver, issue-mediator, doubt-remover, conscience-examiner,
thought-thinker and all-round everything-doer", reflecting the ubiquitous skillset of
professionals in political PR roles.52
Regardless of practitioners’ titles, there are similarities in the way the purpose of political PR
is represented in fictional film and television. Characters most typically depicted are middle-
(wo)men who act as a filter between political actors and their stakeholders. This is significant
given this is a function of public relations where the profession is least publicly visible.
Operating as an unseen filter adds an extra – some would argue, unnecessary – layer that
complicates information access and transparency for citizens in democratic systems.
Narratives in popular culture that bring this function out of the shadows and into the light help
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to raise public awareness about the way this filter works. Other representations of political PR
show its function as being involved in and responsible for: media management, information
control, and agenda setting; persuasion, propaganda, and public manipulation; opinion polls,
popularity measures, and policy development; lobbying, fundraising, and sponsorship; and
management of an individual or organisation’s reputation, image, and legacy. The
interconnectivity and prominence of these themes across political PR practice parallels the
ongoing debates around contemporary political communication.
STAKEHOLDER RELATIONSHIPS AND COMPLEX CHOICES
Fictional representations of political PR in film and television suggest practitioners have a
variety of relationships with internal and external stakeholders. The most common
stakeholders were: candidates, politicians, and political parties; government departments and
bureaucracy; military and intelligence operatives; lobbyists and activist groups; journalists and
the media; and the general public. Key stakeholders varied according to the particular
representations’ dominant professional category, and there was overlap here when building
the thematic network around popular portrayals. However, when considering the external
relationships entwined with political PR, it was also notable the way these stakeholders were
framed in the fictional narratives. For example, the “public” were more commonly referred to
as either “voters” or the “community.” This is significant for the way that it positions political
PR. Treating the public as “voters” is dehumanising and characterises them as numbers which
casts political PR as preoccupied with winning or losing in a context where politics is a
competitive game. In contrast, referring to the public as a “community” signifies a willingness
to engage and a pursuit of the public interest. Interestingly, political PR in the texts rarely
conceptualised the public as “citizens.” This absence is curious. Given it is a more empowered
and individual descriptor for the body politic that evokes democratic authority, I speculate it
is passed over in favour of more collective terminology that denies this and targets the general
public en-masse.
The other significant external stakeholder whose relationship with political PR is commonly
depicted in the texts is the media. This relationship is consistently portrayed as tense and
adversarial, yet symbiotic and mutually dependent. It is a relationship that is pervasively
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incorporated into all issues raised by these fictional narratives and intrinsically tied to debates
about the health of our democracy. This aspect of political PR representations can be analysed
in a multitude of ways – some of which will be explored in later chapters of this thesis – though
ultimately comes back to two key questions: where does the balance of power lie between
political PR and journalism? And, is it the hacks or the flacks that are responsible for the
“dumbing down” of democracy? The fictional narratives examined here do not offer a
conclusive or consistent verdict in response to these questions. However, they do ask the
questions themselves, reflecting these as ongoing issues and encouraging critical engagement
with these ideas.
The representations in fictional film and television are nuanced and complex in the way they
depict the profession, practice, and purpose of political PR. Practitioners are portrayed as
constantly confronting multiple professional challenges, such as: incompetent politicians and
ineffective bureaucracy; exercising ethical flexibility and having a personal moral compass;
doing dirty work and being employed to ‘fix’ and ‘cover up’ crises; and the appropriateness
and extent of spin, where ‘truth’ is relative and distraction, deception, tricking, cheating, and
lying, are all inevitable parts of the political game. For some fictional practitioners the dilemma
of where to draw the line on these issues is characterised as a genuine struggle, while others
use the ends to justify the means. In the texts, these choices dictated the tools and activities
used by practitioners to achieve their ends. However, the choices practitioners made about
their practice were never black and white. This reinforces my decision to avoid using
dichotomies, because the complexity of these fictional representations extends beyond
simple binary opposition.
Similarly, the challenges for political PR that are reflected in popular culture do not have
simple answers. The fictional narratives in film and television speak to a number of ongoing
debates about the role and function of political PR in modern-day democracies. These debates
are broadly associated with the concepts of power and information control. Relative to power,
key issues include, though were not limited to, the part PR plays in: agenda setting and vested
interests; policy development; populism; machine politics; permanent campaigns; and the
public interest. These are typically higher order issues that are conflated with politics and the
state of democracy, and then connected back to public cynicism and citizen disconnect. More
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specifically pertaining to political PR were issues related to information control, which
included, though were not limited to: truth; trust; transparency; freedom of information;
leaks; insiders, outsiders, and access to “the loop”; and the challenges and opportunities
presented by the new media age. Many of these issues are also intimately connected to
political cynicism – something that was particularly evident in the focus groups – and the
operation of political PR as an invisible “communications conduit” that shapes our information
and messages in unseen ways. It should be noted that the relationship political PR has with
the fourth estate bridges both the concepts of power and information control, and is an
integral stakeholder in these debates. These concepts are discussed in the following chapters
relative to the chronological progression of fictional representations of political PR. They are
then considered more generally in Chapters 6 and 7 in the context of how practitioners and
everyday citizens use fictional representations to explore and critically engage with these
issues.
CONCLUSION
Of the 201 texts analysed (see Appendix B), many do not specifically depict the term “public
relations.” This terminology was too limiting to explore the phenomenon of political PR from
an outside perspective. The diversity of names under which “PR” is known, and the variable
job titles of practitioners, made it important for this textual analysis to consider depictions of
political public relations more widely. As such, the profession and practice as it is represented
in fictional texts, is conceptualised in a number of different ways. Due to the subjectivity of
interpretation, it was useful to avoid categorising representations exclusively based on
terminology or dichotomy. Instead, representations were organised inductively as salient
themes emerged, and were broadly classified in groups of professional types of political PR,
and popular portrayals of the profession and its practice (see Figure 6). These categories, and
the similarities and differences between representations, were discussed in this chapter.
Similarities across the texts suggest PR is understood as operating within a high-stakes
environment as an intermediary between political actors and their stakeholders. This
positions political PR as central to debates around power and information control. However,
the findings suggested representations are nuanced, which reflects the complex nature and
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operation of political PR. Furthermore, the notable increase in frequency of portrayals through
history, indicated that the visibility of political PR in fictional film and television has paralleled
the growth of the industry. How these representations are reflective of their historical context,
and the recycling of tensions around political communication relative to the health of western
democratic societies, is discussed in Chapter 5.
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NOTES
40 In their company overview, Jones-Dilworth Inc. (2017) state, “we are often told to “stop calling yourselves a PR firm” because of equal expertise in other areas. In truth we don’t call ourselves a PR firm, but we’re comfortable with the moniker as a way of anchoring any conversation. We come from PR and we love PR. PR always exists at or near the top of the marketing stack for any innovative new company, for good reason. And if in the end we leave PR in a better place than we found it, we will have done our part.” 41 Overlap includes: Nick Naylor (played by Aaron Eckhart in Thank You for Smoking), Conrad Brean (played by Robert DeNiro in Wag the Dog), and C.J. Cregg (played by Allison Janney in The West Wing). 42 Huey Pierce Long, Jr. was a Democrat and outspoken populist who championed wealth redistribution and public works programs. He was a controversial politician whose critics were concerned he would become a tyrant. Long was assassinated in 1935 shortly after announcing he would run for president. 43 There is some irony here that Jack’s investigations (at Willie’s insistence) ultimately turn-up incriminating information about Judge Irwin, who has been like a father to Jack (and is later discovered to be his biological father). Although Jack withholds the information from Willie, he is disillusioned by his discovery, and after it is revealed Judge Irwin commits suicide which results in Jack experiencing considerable guilt. 44 All the King’s Men (1949) was nominated for seven Oscars, and won for three: Best Picture, Best Actor (Broderick Crawford as Willie Stark) and Best Supporting Actress (Mercedes McCambridge as Sadie Burke). In 2001 the film was selected for preservation in the United States National Film Registry because of its perceived cultural significance, despite differing from the original storyline of Robert Penn Warren’s Pulitzer Prize winning novel. Despite the success of the film, director Robert Rossen’s career was patchy in the years that followed as he found himself on Hollywood’s blacklist, because of his American Communist Party membership from 1937-1947. 45 Although the book is set in the 1930s, the 2006 film is set two decades later in the 1950s – further supporting the way the original novel is “a work that is both of its time and outside it” (Turan, 2006). 46Differences in genre distribution across both text datasets (see Appendices A & B) were minimal. The only notable difference was a higher prevalence of satire from the 1980s onwards (in the refined list). 47 Primary Colors is classified by IMDb as both a comedy and a drama, though not a satire. 48 Pagination varies between online and print sources. See pp. 186-187 for online and pp. 242-243 print 49 In instances where a text was not rated on these sites, either an alternative site was used, or an assumption was made based on critical reviews and online user comments about the specific text. 50 At the time of interviews and focus group data collection, Scandal was not available on free-to-air television or for streaming in Australia. In 2015, Scandal was made available for streaming on Presto, and has since been broadcast on free-to-air Channel Seven. 51 The character of Samantha Jones was freely discussed by some focus groups and interview participants in this study, and is also referenced in industry blogs, as a prominent public relations stereotype. I have addressed this specifically elsewhere (see Chorazy and Harrington, 2017). 52 This description comes from the HBO character description, and is not actually quoted in the series (see HBO, 2017). However, Chlumsky has similarly referred to her character in this way (see for example, Duncan, 2014).
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CHAPTER 5: POLITICAL PR IN FICTIONAL FILM AND TELEVISION
This Chapter examines notable fictional representations of political PR in film and television,
and discusses how they reflect broader debates about the role of public relations in politics,
and the nature of political communication. Where relevant, the discussion positions the texts
within their original social and political context. The chapter is structured in two parts. The
first considers representations from the “past,” such as Frank Capra’s classic Mr Smith Goes
to Washington (1939), Robert Redford’s critically acclaimed The Candidate (1972), and
popular British sitcom Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister (1980-1988). The second considers
more recent representations and focuses on texts from the 1990s to present day, including
films such as Wag the Dog (1997), Bulworth (1998), and Primary Colors (1998), and TV shows
such as Veep (2012-present), Scandal (2012-2017), and House of Cards (2013-present). There
were many outstanding representations of political PR worthy of inclusion, and analysed as
part of this thesis, that are not discussed as examples in the following chapters. Exemplar texts
were selected on the basis that they best illustrated trends in fictional representations of
political PR. The repetition of themes throughout history – power, corruption, persuasion,
mediatisation, trust, cynicism – positions political PR as a significant force that can either help
or hinder the health of our liberal democratic system. By thrusting political PR into the
spotlight, these fictional narratives offer audiences accessible and entertaining ways to
engage with ongoing debates about the state of contemporary political communication.
REPRESENTATIONS FROM THE PAST
This section explores historical representations of political PR on screen from the early 1900s
to the 1980s. Fictional representations discussed are loosely chronologically organised and,
where relevant, contextualised by the socio-cultural environment and political climate of the
period in which they originated. The discussion engages with themes found in twentieth
century fictional narratives about political PR including machine politics and political
corruption, campaign styles and the packaging of politics, the nature of persuasion, and the
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pursuit of power. I argue that, despite their historical context, these themes echo
contemporary and prevailing public concerns surrounding the intersection of PR, politics, and
the media.
EARLY EVIDENCE
Public relations have been represented in popular culture since the turn of the twentieth
century. Saltzman (2012) identified the cinematic Terrible Teddy, the Grizzly King (1901) as the
first instance of PR –indeed, political PR – in film. Theodore (Teddy) Roosevelt was known for
his athleticism and enthusiasm for publicity, and had, at the time, been talked-up in the press
and political advertising as having heroically killed “packs of wild beasts” (Neve, 2011). This
short 61-second silent film depicts Roosevelt’s “press agent” and “photographer” recording
then-Vice-President-elect Teddy hunting in the woods and proudly killing and skinning a wild
beast (in the form of a housecat) for promotional purposes. It is also recognised as the first
known instance of political satire in American film, prefaced by popular satirical cartoons in
newspapers of the day (see Musser, 1991, pp. 162-167). However, Terrible Teddy is unlikely
to be engrained in the cultural consciousness of society at large, given the film is
incomprehensible to modern audiences without an explanation of its context.53
Nevertheless, many texts featured on our screens throughout history – some equally obscure,
some prominent – include representations of political PR at work. Saltzman (2012) recognised
The Great Man Votes in 1939 as the first feature length film to portray political PR.54 This was
an adaptation of Gordon Malherbe Hillman’s 1933 short story of the same name and focuses
on one man’s deciding vote in a mayoral election. Political PR man Charles Dale (William
Demarest) turns “the Great Man” – an otherwise derelict professor – Gregory Vance (John
Barrymore) into a household name, while he is courted by both sides of politics attempting to
induce his vote. The plot bears considerable similarities to the 2008 comedy-drama film Swing
Vote, starring Kevin Costner. Although The Great Man Votes is not acknowledged as a source,
Swing Vote provides a modernised version of the same dilemma, and comes equipped with
crafty and contemporary campaign managers in the form of Martin Fox (Stanley Tucci) and
Art Crumb (Nathan Lane). While neither The Great Man Votes nor Swing Vote were
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particularly successful films, the parallel between the two becomes significant when
considering the shared topical interest and philosophical underpinnings of the two texts,
despite an almost eighty-year gap between their developments. Given how both politics and
PR have permeated the different levels of our society and economy, it is logical these elements
would also appear in our cultural texts. These appearances also reflect what McNair (2010, p.
4) calls the “prevailing cultural zeitgeist” of our time. It is thus unsurprising that we find so
many films and television series based on or inspired by other cultural texts, when they are all
driven by ideological issues and contentious concerns running in a steady undercurrent
through our society. Not only do such thought-provoking-problems make for rich
entertainment, but these texts are born from, and tap into, the mood and movements of our
society where they are contextualised “in relation to a cultural history which, if never quite
repeating the same thing twice, seems to recycle social anxieties […] [and] emotions shared
by previous generations” (McNair 2010, p. 4). The recurrence, then, of political public relations
within these texts and other narratives, is evidence of the ongoing contention about the role
and nature of PR in contemporary politics and democratic society.
POLITICAL MACHINES AND PLAYING DIRTY
Frank Capra’s classic comedy-drama Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939) is a prominent
representation of PR in politics from early cinema. The core themes of the film – citizenship,
civic rights, patriotism, power, political corruption, censorship, and propaganda – were
strongly present as underlying social concerns during the 1930’s. This was a time when
American ideals were threatened by the Great Depression, and, in the minds of many, the
spread of communist and fascist anti-democratic political ideologies. Box office, critical
reception and award success, indicate Capra accurately tapped into the public mood at home
and internationally.55 Capra successfully balanced the film’s criticism of crooked politicians,
the power (and manipulation) of the press, and political machinations with patriotic
sentiment, heroic redemption, and democratic idealism that is at once both apolitical and
moralistic. The film’s legacy inspired more contemporary texts such as Eddie Murphy’s The
Distinguished Gentleman (1992) and a direct parody in The Simpson’s episode “Mr. Lisa Goes
to Washington” (Episode 2, Season 3),56 and has remained relevant to audiences in
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transcending the politics of the era and engaging in the perennial battle between integrity and
corruption.
In line with Capra’s penchant for populism and morality tales Mr. Smith is a timeless “David
versus Goliath” battle centred on the notion abuse of power and the capacity of individuals to
make a difference. Goliath is embodied by the wealthy, dominant, and corrupt political boss
James “Jim” Taylor (Edward Arnold) who sets out to “smash” David, in this case the newly
appointed (and unknowingly “honorary stooge”) Senator Jefferson Smith (James Stewart),
after Smith rebuffs Taylor’s attempts to bribe and threaten him. The taciturn and imposing
Taylor runs a political (PR) machine from behind the scenes that extends beyond party lines
and traditional political factions. With the help of his enforcers and front-men he
simultaneously controls politicians, the press, and big businesses through a combination of
manipulation, intimidation, publicity and slander. Taylor’s powerful presence as an
intimidating intermediary in the political process, and in particular his use of the media to
serve his interests and influence public opinion, solidify him as a strong representation of
political PR, despite never being directly associated with “public relations.” Taylor is a true
king-maker who takes an “ends justifies the means” approach and rebukes anyone who
challenges him or his methods.
The presence of such powerful backroom figures in our cultural texts suggests a public
wariness about the roles of unelected figures in our democratic systems. Transparency had
been lost in an age of increasingly sophisticated political machines where elected officials
became the marionettes of unseen political bosses who pulled the strings with invisible hands
from positions out of the public eye (see for example, Gosnell, 1933; 1968). Gosnell (1933, pp.
21-22) identified organisations like the infamous Tammany Hall as having established power
structures that “brings to mind a political feudalism with ruthless bosses, grafting
officeholders, gangster politicians, election crooks, and unscrupulous lawyers and business
men who combine to manipulate the confused and apathetic voters by special favors [sic],
fraud, and force.”57 This backdrop informed Mr. Smith as well as other cultural texts,
particularly from the United States in the first half of the twentieth century, such as All the
King’s Men (1949). It also evolved to consider other forms of political machines such as those
already identified by Gosnell (1933, p. 22) as “group[s] of dangerous radicals who have used
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demagogic methods and the prestige of public office to mislead the voters.” Here we see
evidence of popular culture texts feeding back into public discourse about our political
systems and power structures – conversations which continue to be channelled today and
ones from which political PR is forever entangled.
The extent of Taylor’s influence in Mr. Smith extends beyond political institutions to
incorporate the media. The press is generally portrayed in the film as dominated by Taylor,
who controls their narrative with either money or force.58 We see this plainly throughout the
film, and particularly after the incorruptible Jefferson Smith indicates his intentions to oppose
the Willet Creek dam project and expose Taylor’s political grafting. As Smith starts to filibuster
– a tactic orchestrated by his intelligent but cynical aide Clarissa Saunders (Jean Arthur) –
Senator Paine (Claude Rains) worries “He [Smith] can raise public opinion against us - if any
part of this sticks...,” yet Taylor angrily insists:
James Taylor: Aah, he'll never get started. I'll make public opinion out there within five hours! I've done it all my life. I'll blacken this punk so that he'll – you leave public opinion to me. […] Line up all the papers in the State! Don’t print a word of what Smith says – not a word of any news story coming out of Washington! Understand? Defend the machine. […] Start protests coming. Wires. Buy up every minute you can on every two-watt radio station in the State. Keep ‘em spouting against Smith! […] Stop your presses – yank out the stories you got in ‘em now and get going – get that whole State moving!”
While this reflects an assumption that audiences passively receive information, and public
opinion is swayed by whatever is published in the press, it also highlights Taylor’s desperation
to cling to power and protect the system that served him well. The 1930s marked a period of
change where the heyday of political bosses and machine politics began to wane. Various
legislative, administrative, and technological changes, coupled with a more fractured and
mobile public, eroded their social base and function – yet the systemic problems and power
struggles entrenched in our political systems remain the same.
Capra’s exploration of the clash between idealism and corruption extends beyond Mr. Smith,
in his film State of the Union (1948).59 Here we move on from seeing PR’s hand in governance
to its role in elections and candidate image making. Adapted from the 1946 Pulitzer Prize
winning play of the same name,60 State of the Union is a comedy-drama that follows wealthy
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industrialist Grant Matthews’s (Spencer Tracy) campaign for president at the urging of his
ambitious lover, power-hungry media mogul Kay Thorndyke (Angela Landsbury) and
opportunistic political strategist Jim Conover (Adolphe Menjou), with the help of the cynical
yet pragmatic reporter turned campaign manager Spike McManus (Van Johnson). Like Mr.
Smith, the specific term “public relations” is not part of the film’s vernacular, however “spin,”
“rhetoric,” “publicity,” and other related terms are employed along with the idea of winning
votes through popular appeal and saying what people want to hear instead of what one
actually believes.
Matthews is initially reluctant to run for the Republican nomination, being unhappy with the
broken promises of both parties and wary of backroom political dealings. Early in the film, he
argues over this with Jim Conover and Kay Thorndyke:
Grant Matthews: “Instead of trying to pull the country together, [you] are helping to pull it apart, just to get votes. To labour, you promise higher wages and lower prices. To business, higher prices and lower wages. To the rich, you say: ‘let’s cut taxes.’ To the poor: ‘soak the rich.’ To the veterans: ‘cheaper housing.’ To the builders: ‘uncontrolled prices.’ There’s no halo around my head, Mr. Conover, but that’s what keeps men like me out of politics.
Yet Conover and Thorndyke use this position against him. Both insist this is the “ideal political
platform” from which to launch his campaign because from their perspective, “the only way
to correct those evils is to get into politics.” Pitching anti-establishment candidates is nothing
new and has seen both success and failure at elections. The important element here is
Matthews calling out the approach of saying and doing anything to get elected, while alluding
to the idea of “winning at any cost.” Although responsibility for the political adoption of this
approach cannot be shouldered solely by PR it does lead the shape and style of candidates
and political communication and is therefore indelibly connected. Thus, public relations can
be seen as part of the problem that is hamstringing the political system and electing politicians
who are more interested in power than integrity.
Conover and Thorndyke eventually talk Matthews round and bring Spike McManus on board
to manage the campaign. In the closing scenes, the campaign is due to broadcast a nationwide
“fireside chat” in a final pitch to the American public. The fear instilled by Conover and
Thorndyke, and inadvertently reinforced by McManus’s political cynicism, is that Matthews
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may not win the nomination. This fear has been the catalyst for Mathews to progressively
trade his principles for the lure of power throughout the film. Yet this sacrifice proves too
much, and Matthews finally breaks. He goes on to broadcast the “truth” to the nation, despite
the best efforts of his campaign team to curtail his speech.
Grant Matthews [speaking out and broadcasting to the nation]: I had the right idea when I started to talk to you people of America. The idea that you voters, you farmers, you businessmen, you working men, you ordinary citizens of whatever party are not the selfish scum that venal politicians make you out to be. […] But I lost faith in you. I lost faith in myself. I was afraid I wouldn't become president. I forgot that the one thing you've got to do is speak your piece no matter what. So, with the help of this gang of parasites, I convinced myself that the way to be elected was to play down to your lowest common denominator instead of up to your highest. […] My whole campaign was a fraud. This is no simple fireside broadcast paid for by your dollars and dimes. This is an elaborately staged professional affair. I have spent $200,000 in exploitation and publicity on "Matthews for President" campaigns. I thought I could hijack the Republican nomination. I became an Al Capone of politics, but I forgot one thing. I forgot how quickly the Americans smell out the double dealers and the crooks.
The accusations here are firmly laid at the feet of Conover, Thorndyke, and McManus, and all
other members of the political establishment, for corroding the democratic system. By
association, the blame for this decay is also levelled at public relations, whose integration into
the world of politics has promoted the professionalisation of political communication and the
strategic management of candidates and their campaigns. State of the Union delves into the
backroom politics of electioneering and party structures which would have been illuminating
and insightful at the time. Such practices are now commonplace, and the film functions as
evidence of political history repeating itself.
Across his body of work, Capra’s films ultimately deal with redemption and the sentiment that
good will win over evil. This morally simplistic approach is responded to in later films such as
Gore Vidal’s The Best Man (1964).61 The Best Man offers less inspiration, and less of Capra’s
saccharine melodrama, preferring instead an astute blend of thoughtfulness and ruthlessness
that aptly captures the grey reality of politics. The film depicts two disparate candidates,
William Russell (Henry Fonda) and Joe Cantwell (Cliff Robertson), seeking the endorsement of
shrewd former US president Art Hockstader (Lee Tracy) on the day of their party’s national
convention. Vidal’s sardonic scepticism about politics is apparent in the political complexity of
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characters with neither man a paragon or villain, and neither man necessarily better.62 Political
PR is strongly present in this film through the candidates’ campaign managers, Dick Jensen
(Kevin McCarthy) and Don Cantwell (Gene Raymond), though the players of power and
influence have shifted. In both State of the Union and Mr. Smith it is the unelected individuals
who play at political puppeteers, while in The Best Man we see a shift back towards the
politicians pulling the strings. Campaign managers Dick and Don are agreeable, witty, loyal,
and entirely subservient to their respective candidates. Their roles are as the right-hand men
who hover in the background. They are responsible for handling journalists, supervising public
interactions, overseeing the campaign schedule, acting as chaperones, digging dirt, and
becoming supportive sounding boards when needed. However, even though they are the first
people the candidates call upon for advice, and seem to have a bag full of political tricks, they
are removed from any decision making or control. The politicians face their moral conundrums
alone. For example, when Russell’s aides present him with scandalous information about his
opponent Cantwell, he objects to using smear tactics and is torn over what to do:
William Russell: This is exactly the sort of thing I went into politics to stop. All the business of gossip instead of issues. Personalities instead of policies. We’ve got enough on Cantwell’s public life to defeat him, without going into his private life, which is nobody’s business! […] I’m not being righteous, and I do want to win, but how can I in any conscience use a thing like this, even against Cantwell? […]
Art Hockstader: If you don’t start to fight you are finished! Now, I am here to tell you this: that power is not a toy we give to good children, it’s a weapon, and the strong man takes it and he uses it, and if you don’t go down there and beat Joe Cantwell to the floor with this very dirty stick, then you’ve got no business in this big league. Because if you don’t fight, this job is not for you and it never will be.
During this scene, campaign manager Dick acts as a lackey for Hockstader while providing
solidarity with Russell through silent exchanges and, confirming with a single look, that while
he would encourage using the information against Cantwell, he will support Russell’s decision
regardless. Russell’s inability to stomach such tactics ultimately loses him Hockstader’s
backing as his “divided conscience” is viewed as weak and incompatible with political
leadership. Earlier in the film, when Cantwell’s campaign manager and brother Don – who has
clear parallels to “Ruthless Robert” (Bobby) Kennedy – illegally obtains documentation to use
against Russell, Cantwell has no hesitations about discrediting his opponents through
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blackmail or rumour mongering. His wholehearted belief – and one that is shared by both
campaign managers – that the ends justify the means is in direct contrast with the approach
of his opponent Russell. Where Capra’s characters were propelled by their integrity or
redeemed by their conscience, these motivations do not win the day in Vidal’s The Best Man.
In both films, political PR is portrayed as an integral part of the “means to the end,” yet it is
crucial what those means are. This consensus is reflected in Hockstader’s comment to
Cantwell that “There are no ends, only means [and] what matters is how you do things.” Thus,
there is a consistent representation that PR is responsible for doing the dirty work,
encouraging a burgeoning association of public relations with the less palatable practices of
politics. These films depict the political process overall as having an inherent, and seemingly
unavoidable dark side, with PR undeniably, inextricably implicated in the creation of that dark
side, by its definitive and ongoing association.
Despite the clear presence of PR in politics shown in the early films of Capra and Vidal, the
Sweet Smell of Success (1957) becomes an important text here for two reasons.63 First, while
press agents and publicity are portrayed as common place in the entertainment industry, an
early scene suggests politicians are unconnected with such business. When successful national
columnist JJ Hunsecker (Burt Lancaster) meets with Senator Harvey Walker (William Forrest),
there is no representative to intervene or act as a filter between the journalist and the
politician which suggests a more direct relationship between these professions. When their
dinner is interrupted by ambitious New York City “press agent” Sidney Falco (Tony Curtis),
Senator Walker mistakes Falco for an actor because of his “pretty face” – a mistake that
Hunsecker is quick to correct:
JJ Hunsecker: Mr Falco, let it be said at once, is a man of 40 faces, not one. None too pretty, and all deceptive. You see that grin? That's the "charming street urchin" face. It's part of his helpless act. He throws himself upon your mercy. He's got a half dozen faces for the ladies. But the one I like, the really cute one, is the "quick, dependable chap". Nothing he won't do for you in a pinch. So he says. Mr Falco, whom I did not invite to sit at this table tonight, is a hungry press agent and fully up to all the tricks of his very slimy trade.
Sweet Smell of Success does not at all paint a flattering picture of PR. Falco’s office is officially
and neutrally described as handling client “publicity.” Falco’s work is however, denigratingly
labelled a “dirty job” and he is called a “liar,” “snoop,” “dog,” “rascal,” “touchy,” “immoral,”
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“deceptive,” “ice-cream face,” and a “cookie full of arsenic” with “the scruples of a guinea pig
and morals of a gangster.”64 We see him involved in “blackmail,” “moral twilight,” “bribery,”
“dirty little smear[s],” and speaking in a way that is compared to pouring “syrup […] over
waffles” because “it’s a publicity man’s nature to be a liar.” Sidney himself openly admits “I’m
no hero – I’m nice to people where it pays me to be nice” and believes “it’s a man’s nature to
go out and hustle and get the things he wants.” Other characters are told to “watch out” and
are warned away from associating with him, including Senator Walker. Hunsecker explains to
Walker that Falco’s life and livelihood revolves around “dig[ging] up scandal about prominent
people and shovel[ling] it thin among columnists who will give them space.” Senator Walker’s
unfamiliarity with people like Sidney Falco is at odds with other texts that have PR firmly
established and ingrained in the fabric of our political system.
Although the Senator’s role in the film is minor, and Falco himself is not seen to be engaging
in PR for political purposes (his clients are predominantly club owners, musicians, and other
performers), there is the implication that because politicians are public figures, they are just
as threatened by press agents looking to sell a story (either true or false), and journalists
looking to publish gossip and gags, as any other celebrity. In this scene, and others, Hunsecker
attempts to take the moral high ground and plays down the press’s dependence on PR people
like Falco. Although there are elements of symbiosis in their relationship, in Sweet Smell of
Success, it is the journalists who hold the balance of power. PR practitioners are left at the
bottom of the pecking order to squabble amongst themselves and fight for titbits of
information that can then be fed upwards to the press in the hope of publicity – good or bad.
Or, in Falco’s case, in the absence of real news, fabricating stories and either blackmailing or
bribing journalists to get them published. It is then clients – politicians and others – who are
left at the mercy of the resultant publicity and grateful for any PR professional willing and able
to spin bad stories in a more positive way.
CANDIDATES, CAMPAIGNS, PACKAGED POLITICS, PERSUASION, AND PARANOIA
Fictional narratives about politics – much less political communication – rarely featured in
early television. One of few programs to do so was the political process drama Slattery’s
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People (1964-1965). It came with the tag line, narrated in the credits, “democracy is a very
bad form of government, but I ask you never to forget it – all the others are so much worse,”
and focused on the day-to-day activities of state-level government. Political PR featured
throughout the series. Individuals performing PR functions were typically working under the
monikers of political “aide” or “secretary.” Some episodes also featured political PR in the
form of lobbyists, and portrayed their attempt to influence the legislative process, as well as
the cost (both economic and personal) of political campaigning.65 The show’s star, Richard
Crenna, claimed Slattery’s significance was that it “[gave] viewers valuable insight” on the
political process and “their duties as citizens” in a democratic society (Crenna cited in Robert,
2012). While the series was critically acclaimed and well received by the political class, it failed
to attract a mainstream audience base. Arguably, despite its noble intentions, Slattery likely
suffered from an overt seriousness and loquaciousness, as well as lagging behind public
perceptions of politics that had long transcended into political pessimism.
As the popularity of television grew exponentially in the 1950s, communication mediums
shifted and impacted political campaigning. The Last Hurrah (1958) contrasts the final
campaign of Frank Skeffington (Spencer Tracy), a powerful big-hearted mayor from New
England, with that of his inexperienced but attractive opponent Kevin McCluskey (Charles B.
Fitzsimons). John Gorman (Pat O’Brien), as Skeffington’s campaign strategist and political
boss, supports the mayor’s ends-justify-the-means approach. Machine politics and the
necessity of political compromise is more positively portrayed than that in Mr. Smith discussed
earlier. There is a distinctly rose-coloured lens through which Skeffington’s political machine
is depicted, while mediatised politics – where public relations has more clearly carved its name
– is the new evil to be watched. This is something both State of the Union and The Best Man
presage, though without specifically skewering television. In The Last Hurrah, Gorman and
other members of Skeffington’s inner circle advocated for the merits of old-fashioned
grassroots campaigning, while McCluskey, with the backing of media baron Amos Force (John
Carradine) and banker Norman Cass (Basil Rathbone), symbolised the new age of staged
political stunts, TV advertising, and politics as a professional production. The key message is
driven home at the end of the film when the superficial McCluskey defeats the sentimental
Skeffington. It is “a sign of things to come” (Sachleben & Yenerall, 2012, p. 127) with style
replacing substance in “an indictment of contemporary media-created politicians” (Giglio,
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2014, p. 121). Although the film was not a commercial success, the theme endures, and the
degradation of political communication persists as an ongoing concern debated by scholars,
journalists, and the public.
While foreshadowed in films like The Last Hurrah, the broader implications of this shift in
political communication are neatly captured in the 1972 critically acclaimed film The
Candidate. The plot follows charismatic legal-aid lawyer Bill McKay (Robert Redford) who is
convinced to run for the Senate by Democratic strategist Marvin Lucas (Peter Boyle) on the
basis that, while he has no chance of winning, it is an opportunity to spread his progressive
ideas. The fast-paced narrative plays out from a backroom perspective, the authenticity of
which was undoubtedly informed by scriptwriter Jeremy Larner’s experience as Eugene
McCarthy’s principal speechwriter during his 1968 presidential election campaign.66 The
Candidate offers a detailed depiction of then-contemporary (though not that far removed
from present day) political communication that saw Lucas and his campaign team manage
McKay’s coaching, staging, image, media preparation, public appearances, advertisements,
polling, and policy platforms. It is a fast-paced environment where the daily schedule is altered
based on the best prospects for media coverage and photo opportunities.
Much like in State of the Union, throughout the campaign, Lucas subtly runs the show and
manoeuvres McKay into positions where he feels he has to compromise his ideals to make a
credible impression and conform to the expediencies of running for political office. Lucas’s
motivation is established early in the film - - money and perks - not political passion. His actions
in simply doing his job are juxtaposed with his candidate McKay who “has something he
believes in.” The two men are engaged in a silent struggle over who is making decisions and
in control of the campaign throughout the film. There is a turning point that tips the balance
in Lucas’s favour when McKay’s polling numbers pick up, and his Republican opponent Senator
Crocker Jarmon (Don Porter) agrees to a televised public debate, which McKay has been
angling for since the start of the campaign. Lucas is permitted to manage the debate, but
McKay’s inner conflict bubbles to the surface. Although McKay begins by responding with the
answers pre-prepared by his campaign team, he goes off-script in his closing statement and
the debate descends into chaos. Lucas meanwhile takes this all in his stride and continues to
mould McKay’s public appearance into that of a consummate statesman. Thus, the film
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demonstrates the significant role and influence of professionals like Lucas in election
campaigns, while also raising broader questions about the changing nature of political
communication in light of the appearance oriented medium of television.
In The Candidate, there is considerable conflation of advertising, marketing, and PR, and these
are all incorporated under the banner of political communication. The integrated nature of
such strategies, as they are presented in film and television, does not lend itself to the
academic and professional distinctions these disciplines have created - particularly from the
perspective of the everyday citizens. Indeed, The Candidate gives the sense that they are one
and the same: all are activities that work towards Lucas’s common goals of “exposure” and
“persuasion.” Or as Lucas puts it to McKay: “The point is, you’re showing your face, that’s what
we have to sell first” – much to McKay’s dismay. Constituents became consumers and
candidates became products, as the same market research used by businesses was adopted
into the political realm. This approach is at the heart of the film. The practice of political
communication functions as a meta-character that carries all the individuals along in its
current as it sweeps through the election cycle. Lucas and the campaign team are consistent
advocates for using contemporary methods, yet their pitfalls are neatly captured halfway
through, with a “Commentary” clip from veteran journalist Howard K. Smith (playing himself)
who is reporting on McKay’s campaign:
Howard K. Smith: A television commercial is a way of selling a product. A candidate's bid for votes is supposed to be a higher order of expression with moral implications for the kind of people we are and the kind we want to become. But increasingly in this country, candidates are merging the two: selling themselves like an underarm deodorant in commercials just long enough to pound in some mindless slogan that cheapens candidate and voter alike. But in the California Senate race, young Bill McKay was different. He conspicuously rejected the machine-type politics by which his father won office and fame, and ran a campaign refreshing in frankness and directness. But now, with only a month to go, McKay's ways have visibly changed. Those early hard statements of his are turning into mush. Specific policies dissolve into old generalities. The Madison Avenue commercial has become his stand point means of persuasion. The voters are being asked to choose McKay the way they choose a detergent. Socko salesmanship – no moral considerations involved. Once again, it appears, virtue seems too great a strain for the long haul of the campaign.
Smith’s observation is swallowed up by the rest of the political press, and the voting public
readily buy the lines and image put together by the campaign team – that McKay offers “A
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Better Way.” The more concessions McKay makes, the more his popularity grows, and by the
end of the film McKay pulls off an upset victory against the favoured Republican incumbent.
While Lucas and the campaign staff are jubilant in celebrating their victory, McKay is left
feeling lost, knowing he has sold his soul for the success. Marvin Lucas symbolised the entry
of packaged politics and professionalised political communication, at the expense of political
substance and integrity.
In the complex world of politics attracting the majority vote necessitates compromise and
finding a middle ground. Candidates are increasingly positioned from centrist and populist
platforms. Political PR is integral in promoting these platforms to the public, but the political
class’s preoccupation with getting elected, staying elected, and potentially compromising
their beliefs in to achieve this creates an underlying problem. Even though political PR plays a
role in reinforcing this cycle, it is often absolved from the start given it occupies a more neutral
ideological position. It is thus notably McKay’s morality, and not Lucas’s, that we as an
audience question. Despite demonstrating moments of resentment and a sense of betrayal
towards Lucas, McKay must shoulder the personal responsibility for the ideological sacrifices
he made during the campaign. As for Lucas, he did his job and did it well. If we are going to be
offended by Lucas’s practice, we are better to direct our anger at the system he is part of,
rather than the character as an individual.
This speaks to an ongoing debate about the nature of persuasion in politics, and when and
where it is acceptably employed. The Candidate takes a sceptical view of the propagandistic
nature of political campaigns, and hinges much of this on the advent of television. TV has
afforded many opportunities to expand the reach of political messages, and offers more than
ever before as a medium heavy in visual imagery. Though, the fact remains, that the human
capacity to influence and be influenced is as old as time. While representations in film and
television certainly seem to yearn for the politics of yesteryear I am somewhat in doubt over
the existence of a ‘golden age’ of political communication. Persuasion, regardless of the
medium through which it is employed, only remains socially acceptable when it is driven by
ideological purity, in the same way that we do not mind sales and promotion for products and
services that are considered worthwhile. This then leaves us to question why it is that we as
citizens have apparently allowed ourselves – as Howard K. Smith’s soliloquy suggests – to be
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“cheapened,” and sold on image rather than ideals. Acerbically, McKay started out in The
Candidate with a strong ideology that ultimately failed to engage his audience. Thus, the film
is as critical of us as democratic citizens as it is of electioneering in the TV era. McKay’s
campaign team initially describe his “raw” appeal as “a guy with guts” who offers “something
new” in contrast with his “smooth” and “staged” opponent Crocker Jarmon – though this
seems more of a slick attempt to keep McKay on side and stroke his ego. As this approach fails
to resonate with enough voters, little by little McKay’s original “edge” is eroded and he is
polished to resemble “a politician” (as his father proudly declares at the end of the film). This
was a reflection of research in the ‘60s that argued voter decision making was based on
partisanship and candidate image rather than issues. Whether or not this is or was ever the
case, it flags the concern that if political actors “believe the route to victory is by projection of
images and cultivation of styles rather than by advocacy of policies to cope with the problems
of the country, they will project images and cultivate styles to the neglect of the substance of
politics [and] they will abdicate their prime function in a democratic system" (Key, 1966, p. 6).
Political PR continues to play a crucial role in the careful crafting of a candidate’s image, and
expertly exploits our tendency to vote with our heart rather than our head. There exists a
concern reflected in our popular culture texts that society has been duped by sophisticated
communication professionals successfully plying their craft on behalf of clients. This concern,
however, fails to credit individuals for their capacity to critically engage in political discourse.
Key (1966, pp. 7-8) challenged the reigning paradigm of treating voters as fools in his book The
Responsible Electorate, arguing:
In American presidential campaigns of recent decades, the portrait of the
American electorate that develops from the data is not one of an electorate
straitjacketed by social determinants or moved by subconscious urges triggered
by devilishly skilful propagandists. It is rather one of an electorate moved by
concern about central and relevant questions of public policy, of governmental
performance, and of executive personality.
Key also emphasised the way many voters “switch” (also known as “swing”) between parties
and preferences over time based on policy platforms and performance satisfaction. This does
not negate the significance of political communication in its capacity to persuade, or the
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impact of PR in the professionalisation of politics. However, it does encourage us to think more
positively about the electorates’ capacity for decision making and harks back to the faith in
everyday people found in Capra’s films.
Despite public cynicism about contemporary politics, citizens are arguably not only engaging
with topical issues, but are in fact seeing through the veil of spin shrouding contemporary
political communication. Partly, I argue, this is because film and television reveals and
deconstructs these backroom processes. We increasingly crave candidates built on ideological
conviction – or at least those who can construct an authentic appearance of it – and have also
experienced somewhat of a falling-out with the traditional statesman persona. The archetypal
image of a politician has come to be seen by contemporary western societies as incompatible
with having conviction and symbolises the continuance of the status quo. This civil
dissatisfaction comes in the face of ongoing social unrest, international upheaval, and
accusations of ineffectual governments.
As a result, there has been a rise in candidates who are “rougher around the edges” and
embody the anti-politician. While such personas are often just as artfully constructed and
media managed, they appear more removed from the political establishment and thus offer
an alternative both refreshing and symbolic of change. Hillary Clinton’s loss to Donald Trump
in the 2016 US Presidential election is a high-profile example of this. Certainly, this victory is
shot through with irony given Trump’s catchcry to “make American great again” is a verbatim
repetition of the slogan used a quarter of a century earlier by Ronald Reagan in his 1980
presidential campaign. Although it was Carter that had originally run on an anti-establishment
platform in the 1976 Presidential Election, he lost in a landslide to Reagan in 1980. As Haas,
Christensen, and Haas (2015, p. 194) observe, international audiences “found it hard to
understand how America could prefer a second- rate actor like Ronald Reagan to Jimmy
Carter, but for many Americans Reagan represented optimism and hope over Carter’s
pessimism and malaise.” Reagan’s positive rhetoric was and is a common approach in election
campaigns and aims to evoke powerful nationalistic imagery that attempts to inspire an
uninspired populace by “point[ing] us toward the rediscovery or recovery of something we
have lost but will regain” (Combs, 1990, p. 111). Prior to Reagan’s election however, popular
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culture texts from the Sixties and Seventies rejected such narratives, choosing instead to
interrogate them and play to the public’s cynicism and disenchantment.
As post-WWII prosperity began to wane, and civil rights issues gained momentum, society
began to question our political power structures and the legitimacy of our establishments.
Clear representations of political PR from fictional texts at this time tended to be cynical, such
as in The Candidate or Robert Altman’s satirical musical Nashville (1975), where John Triplette
(Michael Murphy), an arrogant out-of-town political consultant and manipulative campaign
organiser, is tasked with drumming up publicity for a presidential campaign. More broadly,
the political film and television from this period replaced Pax Americana optimism with
suspicion, paranoia, and contempt.67 Although this may have started with McCarthyism and
have been somewhat of a backlash against the Hollywood blacklist, it was further fuelled by
various sentiments surrounding the Cold War (particularly the Cuban Missile Crisis and the
threat of a nuclear apocalypse) and Vietnam War, as well as political conspiracies and scandals
exacerbated by leaders such as US President Richard Nixon and British Prime Minister Harold
Wilson who themselves had a tendency towards paranoid politics. As Combs (1990, p. 111-
112) pointed out:
Movies are willing to probe aspects of society and politics that many would prefer
to remain untreated and unrevealed, and that as time goes on they have
repeatedly focused their aesthetic imagination on the downward trends and
changes of […] political culture. […] [The] political trends in the movies from the
Sixties on […] support the view that America is an empire in slow but sure decline
from the apex of its power […] [and] capture a popular climate of hopelessness.
Such pessimism was not confined to the US or filmmaking. British television in the 1970s
heralded a number of dystopian thrillers that spoke to public anxiety about power,
transparency, and information control. UK based series including The Guardians (1971), The
Donati Conspiracy (1973) and its sequel State of Emergency (1975), and 1990 (1977-1978), all
carried strong anti-government sentiments and themes of oppression and conspiracy. Haas,
Christensen, and Haas (2015, p. 176) identify this theme of “political paranoia” as being
characterised by individuals and society as we know it being “overwhelmed” and “destroyed
by the system.” Much is made in texts from this period about deception, freedom of
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information, and the role of faceless individuals in our political and economic processes. Thus,
it is perhaps fitting that political PR is ostensibly absent from many of these texts, residing only
as a conceptual presence. While connected thematically, political PR is not explicitly depicted
in characters or activities, and sits in the background, implicitly tied to the practice of
information control. Paradoxically, faith in the media however is largely restored, with power
and corruption attributed to the political elite rather than the political press. Films like Three
Days of Condor (1975), All the President’s Men (1976) and The China Syndrome (1979) convey
the notion of journalistic integrity and present a fourth estate that is functioning effectively to
speak truth to power.68 In turn, the role of PR in politics can be seen as largely neutralised,
aside from the concerns raised in films like The Candidate about public susceptibility to
propaganda and the dumbing down of democracy.
SHENANIGANS, SPIN, POWER, AND PRAGMATISM
Both Lee (2001) and Saltzman (2012) identified multiple film and television texts from the
1980s that featured representations of political PR. This period also featured prominent
portrayals from a number of different genres and perspectives, alluding to the way PR was
becoming an integral and powerful player in political contexts. However, such characters and
activities are still rarely described as “public relations,” and instead representations through
this period engaged more broadly with the nature of political communication as an essential
part of our political structures. Two prominent and award-winning television series, Benson
(1979-1986) in the US and Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister (1980-1984, 1986-1988) in the
UK, provided ongoing social commentary about the unseen political process that audiences
are not privy to. Unlike Slattery’s People‘s serious narrative and niche audience in the Sixties,
these two series poked fun at the political actors participating in the backstage circus of
mediatised politics, and enjoyed long-running success.
Emmy award winning sitcom Benson (1979-1986) is set in the mansion of Governor Gatling
(James Noble), the series protagonist is Benson DuBois (Robert Guillaume), a smart and sharp
African-American who is initially appointed to run the bumbling Governor’s household
affairs.69 Benson’s astute observations see him become a confidante and advisor to Gatling,
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and he quickly moves up in the world, eventually running for Governor against Gatling in the
final season. Political life functions as the context for each episode’s plot. PR practice often
sets the scene for the characters comic interactions including dinner parties, telethons, public
appearances and photo shoots, bill negotiations, campaigns, conventions, elections. Benson
frequently clashes with the Governor’s pompous chief of staff Clayton Endicott III (René
Auberjonois, seasons 2-7; alternative character John Taylor played by Lewis J. Stadlen in
Season 1), and scatterbrained press secretary Pete Downey (Ethan Phillips, seasons 2-6) over
what they see as Benson’s interference. Endicott’s arrogance and Downey’s ineptitude tends
to create more problems than they solve. It is Benson’s foresight and quick-thinking that
typically keeps the Governor out of trouble. Benson performs many strategic and tactical PR
functions to avert a crisis or save the day. Overall, the portrayal of political PR across the series
is one of generally well-intentioned actions – albeit self-interested in Endicott’s case – that are
part and parcel of the political process. It is interesting that most of the characters come from
other professional backgrounds. For example, Benson was a butler and Clayton was a lawyer.
Thus, representations in Benson hold to the ubiquitous nature of the skills needed to engage
in political PR, though also obfuscates what public relation is and is not.
The BBC’s consummate political satire Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister (1980-1984, 1986-
1988) perpetuates the opacity and ambiguity of political PR. Running for a total of thirty-eight
episodes, the series was premised on the institutional power struggle between the
government and the civil service, and the difficulties around legislative decision making and
departmental change in an environment fraught with self-serving biases and backstabbing.
The narrative is driven by the combative working relationship and tête-à-têtes between the
indecisive and vain Minister for Administrative Affairs (and later Prime Minister) Jim Hacker
(Paul Eddington), his beguiling and duplicitous Permanent Secretary Sir Humphrey Appleby
(Nigel Hawthorne), and pedantry confidante Principal Private Secretary Bernard Woolley
(Derek Fowlds). Each of these characters are flawed and self-interested, convinced their own
actions are in pursuit of the greater good, provided such action is aligned with their career
advancement. Most scenes take place in private offices and members clubs, and provide an
inside look at government manoeuvrings, made relatable through their expression of
everyday office politics. Connecting fictional shenanigans with the happenings of government
in the real world enhanced the show’s sense of authenticity.70
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Yes Minister / Yes Prime Minister was considered ground-breaking in its depiction of the
symbiosis between executive government and the bureaucracy and the revelation that the
civil service had more control over running the country than our elected representatives.
Political neutrality was not the issue as Yes Minister was careful to avoid being seen as
partisan. Instead, the show exposed issues of power in policy development and decision
making. Much as Hacker might prefer otherwise, Appleby and his colleagues do not see their
roles as simply doing the bidding of politicians. Indeed, quite the opposite: Ministers are to do
the bidding of the civil service, and certainly must not threaten departmental size or scope.
This is outlined in “The Right to Know” (Yes Minister, Series One, Episode Six), as Sir Humphrey
and Bernard discuss how much information about their department the Minister should have
access to:
Sir Humphrey: Bernard, a Minister has three functions. First as an advocate, making the Department's actions seem plausible to Parliament and the public he is in fact our public relations man. Second, he is our man in Westminster, steering our legislation through parliament. And third, he is our bread-winner – he has to fight in Cabinet for the money we need to run our department. But he is not here to review departmental procedures.
Rather than “our public relations man” being a collective reference to the public or the
government, Sir Humphrey is referring to himself and his civil service colleagues. The firm
belief that Hacker should represent them, rather than represent the people or the
government, indicates Sir Humphrey’s presumed authority over the department and the
Ministry. This authority is easily enforced when department staff write Hacker’s speeches and
talking points, release statements on his behalf, and provide ostensibly impartial policy advice
that may be “frank and fearless” though is rarely without an ulterior motive. Although Hacker
is not currently campaigning for re-election, policies that are “vote-winners” are always given
priority. Thus, the Department knows anything “quick, simple, popular, [and] cheap” will be
favoured over proposals that are “complicated, lengthy, expensive, controversial, […] [or]
courageous” and pitch their pet projects accordingly (Sir Humphrey and Sir Frank in
conversation with Bernard in “The Right to Know”). This subversion of the democratic norm is
significant in that it highlights the extent of influence that unelected individuals have over our
elected officials. Although Sir Humphrey’s position may not be classified as part of political PR,
his strategic efforts frequently involve the application of public relations tactics, and political
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communication is represented in Yes Minister as rhetoric crafted to persuade other political
actors and dupe the unwitting public.
Sir Humphrey’s description of Hacker and his fellow parliamentarians as public relations men
is also significant in other ways. Anyone who is a spokesperson or public figure is assumed to
be fundamentally engaged in PR. Other than associating PR with advocacy, this broad
application contributes to confusion about what public relations is. In Yes Minister, Hacker,
obsessed with his popularity and publicity, is acutely conscious of the press, and, along with
Sir Humphrey and Bernard, entirely comfortable with the concept of spin. While none of the
main protagonists hold traditional public relations positions, they assertively seek to turn
negatives into positives and pursue favourable news coverage, while routinely side-stepping
journalistic enquiry and attempting to distract from anything that could make them or the
government look bad in the eyes of the public. Hacker explains his approach to the media to
Bernard in the episode “Official Secrets” (Yes Prime Minister, Series Two, Episode Two):
Jim Hacker: This is how you deal with questions. If you have nothing to say, say nothing. Better still, have something to say and say it, no matter what they ask. Pay no attention to the question. Just make your own statement. If they ask the question again, you say, "That's not the question" or "I think the real question is..." and then you make another statement of your own.
This strategy is often apparent when watching real politicians being interviewed in our
everyday life. Hacker’s blatant admission reinforces an understanding of this as a deliberate
practice. Yes Minister implies such skills, and a raft of others identified by Sir Humphrey in “A
Question of Loyalty” (Yes Minister, Series Two, Episode Seven), are the natural domain of all
politicians, rather than the result of specific media training:
Sir Humphrey: You have a considerable talent for making things unintelligible, Minister. […] I mean that as a compliment, I assure you. Blurring issues is one of the basic Ministerial skills.
Jim Hacker: Oh, what are the others?
Sir Humphrey: Delaying decisions, dodging questions, juggling figures, bending facts and concealing errors.
Sir Humphrey implies that mastery of such skills is the essence of all successful political actors.
Thus, the nature of spin is portrayed as an inherent component in political environments,
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rather than confined to a particular profession. There are more recognisable PR roles, such as
Hacker’s enthusiastic press secretary Bill Pritchard (Anthony Carrick).71 In “Official Secrets”
(Yes Prime Minister, Series Two, Episode Two) after a number of deliberate leaks and gaffes,
and with the imminent publication of a damning political memoir, an exasperated Hacker calls
a crisis meeting where his staff propose the following strategy:
Bill Pritchard: May I suggest, that instead of trying to butter up the press, we distract them – let’s give them a story.
Jim Hacker: Such as?
Bill Pritchard: Start a war, that sort of thing!
Jim Hacker: Start a war?!
Bernard Woolley: Only a small war.
Sir Humphrey: Um, if I might intervene – even a small war would be overkill. Why don’t you expel 76 Soviet diplomats? That’s always been our practice when we wish to ensure the press lose interest in something.72
Jim Hacker: I can’t do that.
Bill Pritchard: Great headline: “Government cracks down on red spy ring.” Very patriotic.
Sir Humphrey: It must be a story that nobody can disprove.
Bill Pritchard: And which will be believed even if it’s denied.
Aside from diplomatic expulsion having a long-established historical precedence, or the way
wars monopolise media attention, the point here is the lengths these individuals are willing
to go to win the day. Although their job titles may not refer to public relations, they are
spinners all, preferencing personal political gain over the interests of citizens at large.
The star-studded though little-known film Power (1986) delivered a clearer depiction of
political public relations. The film provided an exposé of backroom politics and the powerful
masters of the dark arts. It was moodier and more cinematically slick than The Candidate,
though presented similar themes of media manipulation, packaged politics, and spin, with
added emphasis on vested interests, corporate power, and political corruption. Pete St. John
(Richard Gere) is an experienced and ruthless media consultant for hire who is motivated by
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money and willing to exploit anyone and everything for success. He is the mastermind for
multiple campaigns and leads a frantic but organised existence as he energetically coaches his
clients through press conferences, polls, and TV commercials, while maintaining complete
control of their image, life, and the coordination of “every piece of information […] to make
sure it fits.” St. John doesn’t flinch at turning Machiavellian tricks to serve his purposes, though
his approach is questioned by his ex-wife, political reporter, Ellen Freeman (Julie Christie), and
his aging, alcoholic former mentor Wilfred Buckley (Gene Hackman), who is a much more
principled consultant and only offers his services to causes he believes in. After St. John is
commissioned to work on the campaign of a wealthy private businessman Jerome Cade (J. T.
Walsh) who wants to win a vacant senate seat in Ohio, he runs into conflict with Arnold Billings
(Denzel Washington). Billings is a cold and calculating lobbyist, ostensibly head of the PR firm
hired by Cade, who acts as a stealthy intermediary between Cade and the vested interests of
an Arab oil consortium.
In Power political PR practitioners are brilliant individuals, driven by ambition, leading
glamorous lives, and able to wield powerful influence. They are good at their jobs and work
hard to bring their clients success, while being rewarded for their wizardry with a hefty pay
packet. There is nothing inherently bad or wrong with this, yet those motivated by money and
power are often condemned as unprincipled and immoral. It is interesting then that the
political PR practitioners in The Candidate are more endearing and we accept their working
logic as simply fitting in with the system. In contrast, Power condemns St. John and we have
little sympathy for his predicament. I suggest the reason for this lies in how the characters are
drawn relative to one another. In Power, Buckley acts as a foil to St. John’s excess, and provides
the image of what a political PR practitioner can/should/could be. Although Buckley doesn’t
enjoy the same success as St. John, he has stayed true to his convictions. There is no equivalent
contrast in The Candidate, which collectively depicts the campaign staff in the same way, and
it is the candidate McKay who must compromise his morals in order to win. In Power, St. John
has already sacrificed his convictions. Although St. John’s conscience eventually causes him to
question the depths to which he is willing to stoop, we are less forgiving as this only occurs
after Billings had relentlessly intimidated him and Cade’s motivations were revealed.
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Both Power and The Candidate provide a valuable window revealing happenings behind-the-
scenes of our power structures and political communication practices. Each reveal something
different. The Candidate skewered the impact of television on political communication and
the superficiality of politics. Power depicted the influence wielded by invisible interests who
make puppets out of our elected officials. Released in the mid-Eighties, at the height of big
business and capitalist excess, Power was arguably all the more important for this context.
However, Power did not enjoy the critical or commercial success of The Candidate, and has
largely faded into film obscurity. It received mixed reviews and is admittedly not without its
problems: it doesn’t know whether it is satire, serious drama, or thriller, some of the subplots
are incomplete, and the characters of St. John and Billings are both underdeveloped. There is
also a lack of balance between cynicism and idealism needed to establish a consistent tone,
and there is no subtlety in the dialogue which gives the film a sanctimonious air. Nonetheless,
I suggest that the key messages of Power came both too early and too late, and this timing
undermined its potential for commercial success. With the election of Margaret Thatcher’s
Conservative Party in the UK in 1979 and Ronald Reagan as President of the United States in
1980, the Eighties saw the growth of free market economics, global capitalism, a return to
traditional values, and a strong sense of individualism.73 While backlash against the vested
interests of big business was nothing new, Power’s scathing treatment of St. John’s decision
to choose affluence and success over hard-luck honesty likely failed to resonate with more
hedonistic citizens caught up in the celebration of ambition, narcissism, and greed that
characterised much of the decade.74 In contrast, Power’s other core message, about the
detrimental democratic impact of the professionalisation of political communication and
mediatisation of politics, was lost because it offered nothing new as audiences were already
familiar with and disillusioned by the spin doctors polishing and selling candidates to the
public.
The emerging prominence of political PR through the 1980s was rounded out by two
miniseries: critically acclaimed British political thriller A Very British Coup (1988), and cult US
campaign mockumentary Tanner ’88 (1988). Based on the 1982 novel by former journalist and
British Labour politician Chris Mullin, A Very British Coup became an award winning TV
adaption that was successfully syndicated worldwide.75 Mullin originally wrote the book in the
wake of ongoing rumours about the British Establishment’s attempts to destabilise and
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overthrow Harold Wilson’s government and its anti-American sentiment in the 1970s, and
when the (then) current Thatcher government was being challenged in the polls by the Labour
Party, in which savvy democratic socialist Tony Benn had emerged as a prominent political
figure.76 Set in the (then) near future of the early 1990s, Coup centres on canny left-wing trade
unionist Harry Perkins (Ray McAnally) becomes Prime Minister of the UK in a landslide election
that followed from widely publicised political corruption and disillusionment with the long-
reigning conservative party. Fred Thompson (Keith Allen), a former investigative journalist,
recently released from prison for refusing to reveal his sources, is employed as Perkins’s press
secretary and personal spy. Thompson becomes indispensable as a researcher, source and
strategist in fighting back against the Establishment conspirators. He controls the information
flows around Perkins with strategies ranging from total blockages to deliberate leaks and
official releases. Given the political context from which Coup came out of, Thompson’s control
of information was thus a plausible scenario.
Texts like Coup saw a return to the political paranoia prevalent in film and television from the
previous decade, though they adopted a more critical view of the fourth estate and returned
to portrayals of gutter reporting that seek scandals over substance. Throughout the series,
Murdoch-esque media barons and other business interests collude with rival partisan
members of British intelligence and the civil service on a covert campaign designed to
personally and publicly intimidate and undermine Perkins, and bring down his radical
government. Despite Perkins being democratically elected and thus holding a popular public
mandate, these vested interests are prepared to ignore the will of the people. Perkins
opponents believe such treason to be justified as the only way to return the UK to “sanity”
and the pre-Perkins status quo. This subverted the usual depiction that politicians will
compromise their beliefs for power. Instead it showed us a more sinister shift towards well-
intentioned politicians being thwarted by invisible forces with ulterior motives, and
discredited by trumped-up stories spun into scandals. While Perkins, with the support of the
astute Thompson, can fight for integrity, it is an uphill battle the outcome of which the series
leaves ambiguous. In Coup, much like in Yes Minister, the power is not with our elected
officials, nor is it with political PR – instead it lies within the Establishment, which are revealed
as the upper echelons of our intelligence agencies, civil service, and media empires. These
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structures are bursting with political actors who apply political PR tactics to achieve their ends,
though are rarely depicted in what would be considered a typical public relations role.
Tanner ‘88 followed the primary campaign of progressive politician and former state
representative Jack Tanner (Michael Murphy) in his hapless bid to secure the Democratic
presidential nomination. Screened in the lead up to the 1988 US presidential election, it is a
partially improvised satirical documentary that aimed to be, as described by director Robert
Altman, “educational” by “disclosing a process that people are generally not aware of”
(Altman cited in Harmetz, 1988). While not the first to provide a behind-the-scenes look at
campaign processes, the hallmark of the series became its blend of fiction and reality. Told
from a number of perspectives, including campaign staff, news reporters, and volunteers,
Tanner ‘88 also featured footage and improvisations at real events, as well as appearances by
real politicians, pundits, and other figures associated with the 1988 election. This approach
was designed to create verisimilitude. As series creator Garry Trudeau put it, he sought to “let
the audience feel they're eavesdropping, to create a sense of authenticity by observing the
process, [and] to follow campaign culture in all its tribal rites” (Trudeau cited in Harmetz,
1988). Much like McKay in The Candidate, Tanner is likeable, well intentioned, and has a strong
sense of decency. But he is politically naïve and struggles to maintain his integrity throughout
the campaign as his staffers spin his image and actions to match his slogan “For Real.” Tanner’s
hard-hitting, chain-smoking, power-suit-wearing campaign manager T.J. Cavanaugh (Pamela
Reed) encourages him to run a more aggressive campaign. Here political PR is represented as
a pugnacious profession, driving the rough and tumble attitude of the political arena where
politicians then battle it out in public and for the people’s popularity, while they are picked
over by reptilian reporters. As history demands, Tanner is defeated by actual nominee Michael
Dukakis. In the aftermath, Tanner stares, lost, into the abyss, just like McKay at the end of The
Candidate, wondering what to do next.77 Tanner ‘88 was broadcast to mixed reviews, though
its popularity has grown over time, as has its legacy of genre hybridisation and political insight.
As Stevens (2004) observes, the film is not “about one man's fake candidacy, nor even about
the "real" '88 election, but about the […] political process and its reliance on the media to
court an increasingly fickle electorate” to the point where democracy has become a farce.
However, Tanner ‘88’s representation of political communication is not as cynical or bleak as
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The Candidate or Power. Notably it embraced realpolitik, showing political PR practitioners
and their practices as pragmatic rather than amoral.
Fictional representations of political PR in the 1980s, as well as earlier throughout the
twentieth century, are diverse. Regardless of the morality or pragmatism that guides
practitioners and their practices on screen, the overarching narrative suggests policies and
governance consistently run second to public opinion and media management. The increasing
mediatisation of politics through this period is shown to have created a ripe environment in
which public relations has come into its element. These texts create a sense that political
control – at least when it comes to navigating the media-saturated political terrain – rests
firmly in the hands of the spin doctors.
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RECENT REPRESENTATIONS
This section explores how political PR has been represented in fictional film and television
from the 1990s onwards. Representations continue to be steeped in their historical and social
context. As with the first half of this chapter, these fictional narratives reflect broader public
anxieties and cultural concerns about the relationship between PR, politics, and the media,
and the challenges liberal democracies have faced during a period of rapid change. The higher
frequency of texts in which political PR is portrayed (as identified in Chapter 4) parallels the
growth of public relations and the professionalisation of political communication, as well as
the rise of the spin doctor as a recognisable player in the political sphere. I argue this more
recent era has been characterised by more cynical and satirical representations, which are
indicative of public frustrations with our current democratic and political systems.
CELEBRITY, CITIZENS, AND SATIRICAL SOOTHSAYING
Through the 1990s a wealth of films used political satire to critique contemporary political
communication and question the (dys)functionality of our modern mediatised democracies.
Key examples include Bob Roberts (1992), Wag the Dog (1997), Primary Colors (1998), and
Bulworth (1998).78 Many of the themes from these texts centre on the celebritisation of
politics and rise of populism, and the sophisticated and expedient use of media management
by political PR professionals to manipulate the public. The proliferation of such themes in light
of Bill Clinton’s charismatic, populist and media-savvy leadership gave the texts political
currency. Their credence continues to be renewed with the campaign and election of other
high profile and often controversial political actors such as George W. Bush and Donald Trump.
The 1992 American-British satirical mockumentary Bob Roberts followed the Senate campaign
of charismatic, corrupt conservative celebrity Bob Roberts (Tim Robbins). In a style that recalls
Tanner ’88,79 Roberts is an arrogant “millionaire businessman, fencing enthusiast, [and]
recording artist” with no political experience. With the help of his manipulative campaign
managers Chet MacGregor (Ray Wise) and Lukas Hart III (Alan Rickman), Roberts ruthlessly
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capitalises on his celebrity to win office and further his vested interests. At face value, the film
can be taken as another ideological commentary on the left-right divide, responding to the
opportunism and ‘greed-is-good’ mantra of the previous decade. However, the core message
of this satire is rather different. Bob Roberts exposes the nature of democracies where we are
unwittingly manipulated by spin to vote for personality over policy and style over substance.
Using a former (fictional) folk singer as its lead, Bob Roberts inverts the iconography of Bob
Dylan and the authenticity of grassroots movements to lambast the power of entertainment
in appealing to the hot-blooded emotions of the masses. While Roberts cynically uses his
celebrity in his run for office, he is enabled and encouraged in this approach by Hart and
MacGregor who strategically coordinate Roberts’ activities. They use deliberate
misrepresentation of evidence and entire fabrications to skilfully engineer both pro-active and
re-active attacks on their liberal opponent, incumbent Senator Brickely Paiste (Gore Vidal), to
curry public favour. The film prefigured the post-factual, post-truth democracy that we now
find ourselves in, with Bob Roberts finding new relevance in the rise of Donald Trump. The
divisive rhetoric and demagogic candidacy depicted in the film is eerily prophetic of Trump’s
candidacy in the 2016 election – from the celebritised, populist, and patriotic sentiments, right
down to accusations of dodgy business dealings, his fanatic cult following, violent rallies, an
over-stated assassination attempt, and America-first philosophy. Parallels can be also be
drawn with portrayals of the media. In both Bob Roberts and present-day reality, the media
are alternately appalled and enthralled by the spectacle that is political campaigning, and both
bemused and amused by the campaigner’s successful election. Similarly, rabid supporters of
the candidate and the president are mistrustful of the news media, while the popular press’s
proclivity for scandal-obsessed, ratings-driven stories makes them easy targets to be taken
advantage of by a bevy of sly spin doctors.
The spin doctors in the lighter satire of Primary Colors (1998) are represented as committed
true believers playing political “hardball,” lending their talents to people and causes they
deem worthy. Based on Joe Klein’s then anonymously published popular novel Primary Colors:
A Novel of Politics (1996), and using elements of farce and irony, both the film and book are a
thinly veiled roman à clef for Bill Clinton’s 1992 presidential campaign.80 Although Primary
Colors touches on the personalised politics and cult of celebrity that Clinton built around
himself, it is primarily about individuals, in the complex and competitive world of politics,
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balancing flaws and weaknesses against morals and principles. It is Governor Jack Stanton’s
(John Travolta) vibrant staffers who are front and centre in the film as they deal with Stanton’s
foibles and follies on the presidential campaign trail through the Democratic primaries. The
depiction here of political PR professionals is diverse: idealistic advisor and campaign manager
Henry Burton (Adrian Lester), dogged damage-control specialist and former chief of staff Libby
Holden (Kathy Bates), vulgar strategist Richard Jemmons (Billy Bob Thornton), buoyant
campaign chair Howard Ferguson (Paul Guilfoyle), and savvy spokeswoman Daisy Green
(Maura Tierney).81 The portrayal of spin is mostly sympathetic, and cognisant of its essential
place in contemporary political communication. The activities of Stanton’s staffers are both
offensive and defensive. Political communication is portrayed as a persistent professional
game in which the most wily and aggressive team wins. By the end of the film Stanton is poised
to win the nomination, yet Henry is disillusioned and plans to leave the campaign claiming he
no longer feels “comfortable” about “this line of work.” However, Stanton refuses to accept
his resignation and pleads with him to stay:
Gov. Jack Stanton: This is hardball. Now are you telling me you only just discovered this, and you don’t have the stomach for it? […] We have the opportunity to make the most of it, to do it the right way. You know as well as I do that there are plenty of people in this game who don't think that way. They're willing to sell their souls, crawl through sewers, lie to people, divide them, play on their worst fears, for nothing. Just for the prize.
Henry Burton: I don't care. I'm sorry, but I'm not comparing the players. I don't like the game. […]
Gov. Jack Stanton: In the end Henry, who can do this better than me? Think about it. […] We can do incredible things – we can change this whole country. We’re going to win this thing, and when we do, we’re going to make history. […] Look me in the eye Henry and tell me you don’t want to be part of it.
This is an appeal to the audience as much as Henry, with Stanton asking us to overlook his
personal failings and focus on his political prospects. The irony is that Stanton and his ilk are
prepared to play dirty during the campaign, because they believe they can make a positive
difference once in a position of power. Here political PR stands at the ready, waiting to make
the strategic moves to win the day. Stanton’s final appeal to Henry that he “can’t do it”
without him stresses the dependence of political actors on political PR professionals, and the
significant role public relations plays not only in the success or failure of political campaigns,
but continuing in government as well. This also echoes the themes from earlier texts, though
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there is a key difference in that it is campaign manager Henry who faces a professional
dilemma as he is expected to sacrifice his morals in order to be competitive in the political
context in which he is operating.
In Wag the Dog (1997) it is once again the spin doctors who take the spotlight. From the
idiomatic title to the final sobering credits, the film encapsulates how public and media
attention can be deliberately diverted by unseen operatives to control the political agenda, it
is the spin doctors who once again take the spotlight.82 The opening sequence introduces us
to the consummate “Mr Fix-It,” Conrad Brean (Robert De Niro), who is brought into the White
House by Communications Director Winifred Aimes (Anne Heche) after the President is
embroiled in sexual misconduct allegations ten days out from the election. In an effort to
distract the media and dominate coverage at least until after the election, Brean hires
Hollywood producer Stanley Motss (Dustin Hoffman) to stage “the appearance of a war.” With
all involved in the charade sworn to secrecy on pain of death, the fictional conflict becomes a
fully-fledged production. Guided by Brean’s strategic genius and Motss’s creative flair, the
unsuspecting public are sold everything from falsified footage of the fictional conflict shot
against a green screen, to patriotic theme songs, slogans, and merchandise. Brean explains to
Motss why this will work during their first meeting:
Conrad Brean: We remember the slogans, we can't even remember the fucking wars. You know why? That's show business. That's why we're here. Naked girl covered in Napalm. 'V for Victory'. Five Marines raising the flag, Mt. Suribachi. You remember the picture 50 years from now, you'll have forgotten the war. The Gulf War, smart bomb falling down the chimney, twenty-five missions a day, a hundred days. One video of one bomb Mr Motss. The American people bought that war. War is showbusiness. […]
Stanley Motss: They gotta know at some point, you know, the public.
Conrad Brean: They gotta know? Stan, get with it. Who killed Kennedy? I read the first draft of the Warren Report, said he was killed by a drunk driver. You watched the Gulf War – what did you see, day after day? The one smart bomb falling down the chimney. The truth? I was in the building when we shot that shot – we shot it in a studio, Falls Church, Virginia. One-tenth scale model of a building.
Stanley Motss: Is that true?
Conrad Brean: How the fuck do we know? You take my point?
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Brean’s decision to use Motss alludes not only to the way contemporary political
communication has taken on a Hollywood-esque production value, but the way that wars can
be manufactured and sold to the public through carefully orchestrated propaganda packages
as a perverse form of entertainment. PR professionals like Brean are able to take full
advantage of a fourth estate that is more concerned with ratings and readership than
interrogating truth and accountability, and they plan their strategies accordingly. The power
of spin is also evident in that no one on the outside is in a position to question the information
provided because we have no way of telling fact from fiction. Those on the inside are thus able
to collude and use spin to concoct messages that suit their agenda, while the public are none
the wiser.
Wag the Dog was loosely based on Larry Beinhart’s 1993 novel American Hero that speculated
George H. W. Bush’s Operation Desert Storm was a gambit to generate patriotic sentiment
that would favour him in the 1992 Presidential Election. A decade earlier had witnessed the
resurgence of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s popularity and re-election following
the artfully choreographed Falklands War in 1982. While Beinhart’s novel is technically a
conspiracy theory, the role of pseudo-events as a political communication tactic is well
established (see for example, Boorstin, 1961; Baudrillard, 1995). In relation to Wag the Dog
specifically, critics have pointed out the film’s strong historical precedence:
The over touted American invasion of the Caribbean island of Grenada during the
Reagan administration looks clearly, in retrospect, like a ploy to distract the public
from the deaths of twenty-four marines in a Beirut terrorist attack [and] in their
DVD commentary, the producers of the film cite such precedents as […] D. W.
Griffith’s staging of World War I battle sequences for public consumption, and the
[…] Nazi and Soviet filmmakers in the 1920s and 1930s. (Keyishian, 2003, pp. 168-
169)
Comparisons between the film and subsequent political events have been frequently drawn.
Wag the Dog opened a month before the Lewinsky scandal broke. Parallels between the
narrative and reality were heightened when Clinton launched a strike on al-Qaeda in
Afghanistan and Sudan the day Monica Lewinsky was due to make her second grand jury
appearance, and only 72 hours after admitting to the affair publicly (Baum, 2006, pp. 1-3). The
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bombing was part of Operation Infinite Reach, and Perl (1998) asserted it was the first pre-
emptive strike by the US against a violent non-state actor. The Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory
attack was particularly contentious. Media commentators and numerous political actors
publicly accused Clinton of deliberately attempting to create a diversion, which was
exacerbated after Clinton’s reasoning that the Sudanese factory was manufacturing chemical
weapons was found to be false (Baum, 2006, pp. 1-3; Coll, 2005, p. 412). While the truth about
Monica-gate eventually came out, and questions were raised about the motivations behind
certain military operations, it is curious that we never learn whether the scandalous
allegations against the President in Wag the Dog are true. Though, as Brean points out at the
start of the film “What difference does it make if it’s true? It’s a story – they’re gonna run with
it.” This is a reflection on the Fourth Estate’s preference for scandal over substance, as well as
an observation on the capacity of PR to exploit the diminished value of fact and opt for fiction
if and when it suits their purpose.
The pinnacle of Wag the Dog’s prophetic capacity was the Iraq War. The threat of weapons of
mass destruction (WMD) played into the post 9/11 War on Terror campaign so that the Bush
administration’s rhetoric for the invasion of Iraq was widely accepted.83 The press were so
caught up in covering the war, few stopped to question its truth or rationale. Scott McClellan,
Bush’s White House Press Secretary from 2003-2006, conceded retrospectively in his
autobiographical bestseller What Happened (2008) that the Bush administration used the Iraq
War as part of their overall “permanent campaign”84 approach to governance.
Bush and his White House were engaging in a carefully orchestrated campaign to
shape and manipulate sources of public approval to our advantage, […] Our lack
of candor and honesty in making the case for war […] further distorted and
obscured a more nuanced reality. Another cycle of deception would cloud the
public’s ability to see larger, underlying important truths […] and through it all, the
media [served] as complicit enablers. […] The White House knew the national
media would cover its arguments for war even if the underlying evidence was a
little shakey. […] And the public is generally inclined to believe what the White
House says, or at least give it the benefit of the doubt until the watchdog media
proves it is unreliable. (McClellan, 2008, pp. 223-224)
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The strategy was initially successful, both domestically and internationally. Bush was re-
elected in 2004, as was John Howard in Australia (also 2004), and Tony Blair in the UK in 2005,
together comprising three of the five leaders of the Iraq War coalition force. Over time,
questions were raised. It became increasingly apparent that the evidence for the WMD
justification was largely specious. Media coverage and public mood eventually turned against
both the War and its associated political leaders. However, the politics of fear and perpetual
government spin around the war had obfuscated so much information that it became
impossible for the public to know what was true, let alone hold governments to account. This
was exacerbated by the failings of the fourth estate who “served as lapdogs rather than
watchdogs” and valued “access and cozy relationships with senior officials above the search
for truth” (Plame Wilson & Wilson, 2013). The health of western democracies hinges on a
reliably informed public who are able to make rational decisions. Wartime propaganda is
carefully orchestrated by political communication professionals to bypass rational processes
by tugging at our heartstrings. Information is manoeuvred so it becomes a spectacle in and of
itself, overshadowing everything else. Despite presciently depicting this throughout the film,
Wag the Dog’s fictional narrative seems weak when compared to the sophisticated spinning
of the Clinton-come-Bush era. Furthermore, despite opening our eyes as audiences to what
may be taking place behind the scenes, we were still slow to catch on when confronted with
a similar scenario in real life. Indeed, so masterful was the political spin of the Bush
administration that even in hindsight, despite a catalogue of books and official reports
detailing the ways the public was misled about Iraq, as well as the declassification of
documents and information released by Wikileaks, over a third of Americans still believe the
WMD myth. There is also a deep irony in original criticisms of Wag the Dog as too farfetched.
Take for example on an old forum about the film where user al_bundy (see DVDTalk, 2007)
stated “I liked Wag the Dog, but I thought it was too overboard. The modern news media
would tear the fake war story apart in a minute.” Other formal reviewers offered similar
sentiments, yet the fictional narrative’s aura of plausibility has only grown with time.
The adage “don’t believe everything you hear” (or see, or read) is widely accepted as is the
need to question our information sources. Yet cognitive dissonance is aversive, and thus we
tend to believe what we want to believe and choose our media accordingly. Audiences are
certainly able to tell the difference between the fictional narratives on film and television, and
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the reality of our everyday lives. However, sorting, relative to our understanding, what is true
or false in our political discourse is more fraught. There is a prevailing public sentiment – also
reflected by participants in this study – that we cannot trust our political actors, or the media,
to be honest, particularly when there are rafts of unseen political PR professionals selecting
and shaping the information we receive. Controversial cult-hit Bulworth presents a rebellion
against the distortions and omissions of politics. In Bulworth, all politicians are assumed to be
both engaged in continuous spin cycles that quietly conceal the truth, and beholden to big
business that puts profits before people. Warren Beatty wrote, directed, and starred in this
frantically paced film about liberal Senator Jay Billington Bulworth (Beatty), who has sold out
his progressive ideas for political success in a capitalist democracy.85 After becoming
increasingly disillusioned with his career compromises and sham marriage, Bulworth, feeling
weary of life, revolted by his hollow campaign slogan, and the lies he has spun to voters, hires
a hit-man to kill him while he is running for re-election. With only days left to live Bulworth
realises he has nothing to lose and, thus liberated, finds a new joie de vivre in black culture
and hip hop. He begins to speak truth to power, much to the chagrin of his cocaine-snorting,
toady campaign manager and chief of staff Dennis Murphy (Oliver Platt) and the bemusement
of contrary underling Bill Feldman (Joshua Malina). Ditching Murphy’s scripts and going rogue,
Bulworth uses his remaining public appearances to unleash an unfiltered torrent of raw
honesty that radically critiques capitalism and American society. A highly-strung Murphy,
convinced his career is being ruined by Bulworth’s antics, angrily confronts him:
Dennis Murphy: Senator, if you’re having a problem, I think that now would be a good time to talk about it sir.
Jay Bulworth: What is it exactly you’re concerned about Murphy?
Dennis Murphy: I’m concerned that you told 300 people in a black church that they were not a factor, and never would be, as long as we remain in the pocket of the insurance lobby. I’m concerned that you went to a fundraiser in Beverley Hills and told various leaders of the entertainment industry that they make a lousy product – and also since many of them happen to be Jewish you decided the prudent thing to do would be to mock their Jewish paranoia. I’m concerned that we are in an after-hours club in Compton, on the eve of the most important event of the campaign swing, and god knows how much illegal activity is taking place, and you’re smoking marijuana. Now senator, I work for you. You call the shots. But I can do my job so much better if you will just simply tell me, what is this new strategy?!
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Bulworth refuses to elaborate, and an exasperated Murphy is left to blindly follow the
Senator’s lead in the hope of salvaging his campaign. While the media initially denounce
Bulworth’s behaviour as “contemptuous” they are drawn to his provocative statements.
Despite Murphy’s attempts to prevent further outrageous incidents, the public quickly begin
to lap up this candid new approach and Bulworth’s approval ratings begin to soar. In turn, the
media catch on that Bulworth is hot-property. Larry King (guest starring as himself) insists
Bulworth appear on his show because he is “on a roll! They want someone like this. People
are sick and tired of all this baloney.” Murphy then also realises the tide has turned and he
begins to back his candidate’s actions, even if he is resentfully in the dark as to what Bulworth
will do next.
Baker (2013) stated Obama “talked longingly of ‘going Bulworth’” when discussing with staff
his frustrations about the limitations of political office.86 Campaign advisor and Obama’s
former chief strategist David Axelrod explained this desire: “It’s probably cathartic just to say
it. But the reality is that while you want to be truthful, you want to be straightforward, you
also want to be practical about whatever you’re saying” (Axelrod cited in Baker, 2013). Our
politicians’ frustrations – that they are hamstrung by a side-show-styled, story-driven media
and unable to meet the public’s lofty expectations because of the pragmatic reality of
governance – are understandable insofar as they are sincere. Axelrod’s “practical” is
supposedly incompatible with plain spoken truth. The conclusion we can draw from such
statements, that is also reflected across fictional representations from this period and beyond,
is that political communication is removed from saying what you mean and meaning what you
say, and instead is about telling people what they want to hear. Whether this is because the
political elite believe the public cannot handle the truth, or that our political representatives
have been convinced by their spin doctors that the truth will not win them votes, there are
still clear consequences for us as citizens. Bulworth’s scathing commentary on the state of our
democracy continues to ring true, and encourages us to critically consider the relationship
between politics and the media and whether society is being effectively served by either.
Perhaps the public have been yearning for a Bulworthian leader, though there is irony in
Trump’s election, and that he has drawn comparisons with Bulworth (see for example,
Atkinson, 2016; Rich, 2015).87 At the start of the film, and at the tipping point for his mental
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snap, Bulworth maddeningly repeats his campaign catchcry “we stand at the doorstep of a
new millennium.” Trump echoed a directly comparable line during his inauguration speech in
2017: “we stand at the birth of a new millennium.” The reinvigorated, uninhibited Bulworth
cast himself as the anti-establishment, plain-speaking candidate, who was unafraid to be
divisive and “real,” and this point of difference saw voters flock to him in droves. Trump’s
seductive quality was similar, having crafted an image as an honest-everyman that endeared
him to his supporters. However, Bulworth and Trump come from opposing ends of the political
spectrum, and Trump’s “truths” have been routinely called out as lies by his opponents, and
the media have repeatedly shown his administration to be just as dishonest as any other (if
not more so). Trump’s response has been to continually cast doubt on the media’s credibility
and integrity. He routinely calls traditional news outlets “fake news” and “the enemy of the
people” (see for example, Daniel, 2017). This rhetoric has in turn been picked up and used by
his followers to explain away any criticisms of the administration. Trump’s blacklisting of
mainstream media outlets, and favouring of unfiltered social media and niche news
organisations aligned with his agenda, is ushering in a new era of political communication
where politicians and their staffers are able to bypass traditional news sources to broadcast
their messages to the public. Although Bulworth predates online media, the narrative places
a strong emphasis on personalised political communication and the importance of having
direct contact with constituents, which parallels Trump’s circumvention and shunning of
traditional journalism.
When it comes to spin doctors, Bulworth treats them more as a by-product of our current
mediatised political system. Unlike in Bob Roberts and Wag the Dog, where political PR calls
the shots, or Primary Colors where it is a core part of a political team, in Bulworth political PR
is shown to have little independent power and exists only to serve and support its clients.
Characters like Murphy are depicted as opportunistic, self-serving, insincere, and changeable,
implying the public are faced with a shifting floor and are thus unsure of where they, or their
elected representatives, stand. Thus, it is by association that spin too comes to be blamed for
obscuring truth and perpetuating ineffective policies that rarely serve the public interest.
Assuming politics continues to be politics, where the establishment pursue power and profit
over the public interest, the challenge for society, then, is perhaps as Cosgrove (2012, p. 5)
stated, when discussing Wag the Dog, “There will never be a lack of shameless, venal, not-
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very-bright politicians, […] the trick is to not let their shameless, venal, far-smarter handlers
play us for fools.” However, the texts from the 1990s also characterise the public as a mindless
mass who are more easily persuaded by rhetoric steeped in emotional rather than logical
appeals. Only a few outspoken individuals in the narratives are willing and able to resist the
manipulation of their opinions and lives, and intervene to protect the interests of the masses.
By bringing this to our attention, these narratives encourage us to be more sceptical of our
political candidates and elected representatives, and to look below the surface of what we are
being told by politicians, political PR and the media. Indeed, as the rabid reporter Bugs Raplin
(Giancarlo Esposito) points out in Bob Roberts:
Bugs Raplin: Corporations and big businesses that own the networks, major newspapers, they won’t tell you the truth. It’s not in their interests to tell you the truth – it’s too dangerous to them. If you want the truth in this country, you have to seek it out. You must be vigilante, unrelenting, uncompromising.
The responsibility then for uncovering the “truth” falls to us as individuals, though this is an
immensely difficult task for everyday citizens, pressed for time, provided with
(mis)information, and positioned within a political system that operates privately behind
closed and often locked doors. In this context, Trump-esque political communication is highly
effective, and has seen society shift to a post-factual state, where facts and truth matter less
than fiction, lies, and entertainment. Blame for the current state of democracy can be cast any
and every which way depending on your perspective. Bulworth and Bob Roberts are critical on
all fronts: the public for being wilfully ignorant, selfish and preoccupied with being entertained
instead of informed; the media for failing to speak truth to power or effectively fulfil their
function as the fourth estate; and the politicians for being owned by vested interest and
pussyfooted on policy.88
AUTHENTICITY AND UTTER INCOMPETENCE IN POLITICAL BACKROOMS
The turn of the century ushered in new wave of fictional political satire that found its home
on free-to-air television. Although preceded by Yes Minister in the UK, and the lighter US
sitcom Spin City (1996-2002), these twenty first century texts are characterised by strong
cynicism about our democratic system and feature prominent representations of political PR.
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They are heavy with depictions of unbridled ambition, contextualised within egomaniacal
governments and bungling bureaucracies drowning in the incompetence of vainglorious
politicians, pompous department heads, and idiosyncratic staff, all who have a preoccupation
with spin. Exemplified by Armando Iannucci’s The Thick of It (2005-2012) and US adaption
Veep (2012-present), other texts in this vein also include: Absolute Power (2003-2005),89
Twenty Twelve (2012), and W1A (2014-present) in the UK; The Games (1998, 2000), The
Hollowmen (2008) and Utopia (2014-2015) in Australia; and Parks and Recreation (2009-2015)
in the US.
In the context of this new wave, it is worth noting that the 2013 television revival of the BBC’s
timeless series Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister failed. Despite being popularly demanded
for years prior to its production, especially in the wake of nostalgia that followed the deaths
of original stars Paul Eddington and Nigel Hawthorne, and coming off the back of the
successful West End theatre production, critics decried the new series as out of touch. In his
review, White (2012) noted that while there was “lots of material […] for Yes, Minister's
guiding principle, the gentle satire on a governing system in which elected politicians are
outmanoeuvred by their more worldly, unelected officials, […] we live in harsher times.” With
resounding public cynicism about politics, and a society still adjusting to a changing media
environment, the remake lacked the teeth of the original and had “nothing new or relevant
to say about modern politics” (Seale, 2013) that hadn’t already been said elsewhere.
Furthermore, it paled in the face of the more biting contemporary political satire audiences
have become accustomed to, such as The Thick of It. Creator Iannucci had publicly championed
the need for a twenty-first century version of Yes Minister, and was commissioned by BBC4 to
make a low budget political satire, from which The Thick of It was born. It is thus somewhat
paradoxical that the success of The Thick of It underlay the failure of Yes Minister’s revival.
Even though The Thick of It never reached the audience saturation of its unofficial
predecessor, it was well received in the UK, and provided the ground work for a successful
spin-off feature film In The Loop (2009) that then drove renewed interest in the series. This
saw broadcast of the third and fourth seasons of The Thick of It switch from the highbrow
backwater BBC Four to the mainstream alternative BBC Two, as well as the publication of a
tie-in book “The Missing DoSAC Files” (2010), a mobile app, and a weekly column in The
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Guardian in the lead-up to the UK general election in 2010. Iannucci also went on to develop
the popular and critically acclaimed US derivative Veep for HBO, though not without a
disastrous first attempt in 2007 where the initial pilot failed to be picked up.90 The
connectedness of this content suggests popular representations of political PR can be reborn
in different textual forms, in some ways echoing the ubiquitous spread of spin through our
society. The success of The Thick of It and Veep also suggests that themes about the state of
our political communication are both timely and relevant for Western audiences.
A common thread in recent televised fictional political satire is a focus on political staffers and
bureaucrats, rather than elected representatives. Previously spin doctors played second
fiddle. Indeed, of the nine twenty-first century TV texts cited earlier, only Veep has a politician
as its central protagonist. While The Thick of It also features certain politicians, the spotlight
is firmly on their swamp of staffers. Politicians are rarely or never seen in other texts such as
Working Dog’s The Hollowmen. The central characters in The Hollowmen are described as the
anonymous “power behind the power” who “wield enormous [unseen] influence” in
government, and are “unafraid” and “uncompromising” because they are “unelected” and
thus unaccountable to the public (Australian Broadcasting Corporation 2008). Director Rob
Sitch (who also co-wrote, co-produced, and starred in the show) said The Hollowmen evolved
from over a decade of observation and research around the idea that, while democracies
publicly elect Members of Parliament (MPs), the power brokers and political machinery
behind these representatives remain largely invisible:
[What] we kept pointing out as we plotted the idea was how removed from power
someone like that [Ministers] had become. [...] The points we were wanting to
make kept gravitating towards the prime minister’s office and, in a way, away from
elected officials. [...] Politics has become so efficient and professional in so many
ways [...] it’s run more like a corporation – a CEO, a board, and lots of [stakeholder]
feedback. (Sitch quoted in Idato 2008, 4).
The professionalisation of democratic politics, and indeed politicians, has been and continues
to be, a concern in academic circles (see for example, Louw, 2010).91 This is reflected in our
contemporary political satires, where there is a deep cynicism toward contemporary political
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processes and the communication strategies used in liberal democracies. Iannucci (2007, p.
ix) too, had earlier described this situation:
Today, a minister surrounds him- or herself not with administrators but advisors –
close political allies or specialists brought in above the departmental staff, who
guide the minister through every waking moment, advising on how well a policy
might play with a particular electoral group or selection of the media. The advisors
are there not just to help formulate policy, but to make sure policy is subtly
tweaked or drastically changed if it’s in any danger of getting a bad press. [...]
Media coverage has such a dominant hold over political life that appearance can
often take greater precedence over substance. (Iannucci 2007, ix).
Here senior political staffers, and those political personnel formerly engaged in ‘public affairs’,
have increasingly taken on the functions of political public relations as part of their job
(Strömbäck and Kiousis 2011, pp. 10-12). Grunig’s (2006) definition of PR as a “strategic
management function” is being realised. Public relations in the political sphere has become a
priority enforced from the top down. Unseen political operatives perform public relations at
every level, from policy development and poll analysis to relationship management and
strategic communication. Thus, the fictional spin doctors in these texts are not confined to
traditional media relations or communications director roles, for the aides and advisors are
seen to have become spinners too (Price 2011; Kerr 2008). However, framing policy
development from a public relations perspective risks giving more attention to how a policy
will play out in the media than how it will change the lives of its citizens. In a polarized political
system, public opinion polling invariably results in policies gravitating towards the status quo.
Maintaining the status quo is inconsistent with social progress and change, providing fuel for
more political satire.
Iannucci (2007, p. xi) boasted The Thick of It has a strong “authenticity about it” because it
was filmed in chronological sequence and relied on improvisation of the script to amplify its
realism. This styling has seen it likened to popular mockumentary The Office (2001-2003) and
its focus on government staffers also saw it likened to US sitcom Spin City (1996-2002).
However, in its early seasons, it was more consistently branded as a layered satire where Yes
Minister meets The Larry Sanders Show (1992-1998), before establishing a reputation in its
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own right. The Thick of It is set in the impoverished backrooms of the British government, and
each episode revolves around the daily activities of the Secretary of State for the Department
of Social Affairs and Citizenship (DoSAC). The Minister – first the hapless Hugh Abbot (Chris
Langham), then naive Nicola Murray (Rebecca Front) – and his/her team of advisors – the
emasculated Glenn Cullen (James Smith), ingratiating Ollie Reader (Chris Addison), and stickler
Terri Coverley (Joanna Scanlan) – are constantly harried by the Government’s (later
Opposition’s) abusive Director of Communications Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi), who
serves as the The Thick of It’s protagonist. Although the character of Malcolm Tucker is
popularly thought to be based on Tony Blair’s Director of Communications Alastair Campbell,
Capaldi has consistently claimed that he drew his inspiration from bull-headed Hollywood
producer Harvey Weinstein (Wardrop, 2012).92 Malcolm, who Ollie suggests styles himself as
a “thin, white Mugabe” (Season 3, Episode 1), is well known for his profanities, is feared by all
who know him, and rules both ministers and staffers with an iron fist, beholden only to the
(unseen) Prime Minister. For example, when Nicola Murray is first introduced as the newly
appointed DoSAC Minister, the political hierarchies are quickly established in the short space
of a single episode (see Season 3, Episode 1). Malcolm insists she throw out her fancy office
chair because “People don’t like their politicians to be comfortable. They don’t like you having
expenses, they don’t like you being paid, they’d rather you lived in a fucking cave.” She is
ordered to go halfway across the country for a photo opportunity as part of publicity for a by-
election, and when glumly realising “I don’t really have any choice do I?” Malcolm sarcastically
responds “Of course you have a choice. You can decide exactly how you say yes.” And when
Nicola is in trouble with the press on her first day, her attempts to establish some boundaries
are unsympathetically rebuffed:
Nicola Murray: Let's get this clear. My family is off limits. All right? This job is not going to get anywhere near my husband and my kids. It just doesn't.
Malcolm Tucker: Of course it fucking does. As per the wee barcode and the serial number under your right armpit, you are now built and owned by the state. And you are under the spotlight 24 hours a day, darling! You know what you are? You're a fucking human dartboard. […] You are now being scrutinised for what you wear, what you say, for your hair, your shoes, your fucking earrings, your fucking cleavage and your dress, which, by the way, is way too loud.
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While ostensibly a warning about the inevitability of personal attacks public figures face as
part of political news, this is a clear statement that power has shifted from our politicians to
the media and an unseen army of unelected advisors. The creators of our contemporary
political satires thus expose the battle for control over everyday information flows.
The first two seasons of The Thick of It depicted the balance of power firmly in Malcolm’s
favour, as he terrified journalists and called in favours from editors, to ensure his message was
the only message being publicised. As the series moved forward, this balance shifted back to
favour the fourth estate. The tipping point for this was in part a reflection of The Thick of It‘s
narrative, where the government was on the brink of election defeat and thus their control
was being progressively eroded. However, it also spoke to the push back from the UK press
post-New Labour, and the subsequent change in media relations with transition to the
Conservative Party’s government. Thus, the approach evident in The Thick of It goes from
journalists being bullied and intimidated to regaining their role as gatekeepers. Malcolm’s
approach to media relations subsequently becomes more about harm-minimisation and crisis
control than necessarily enforcing a particular agenda. For example, when Nicola accidentally
lets slip a major DoSAC blunder to Marianne (Zoe Telford), a freelance journalist for The Daily
Mail, Malcolm’s attempts to frighten Marianne fail. He then regroups and uses the incident to
assert his authority over the one thing he can still control – Nicola:
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Malcolm Tucker: I just wanted to say to you by way of introductory remarks that I'm extremely miffed about today's events. And in my quest to try and make you understand the level of my unhappiness, I'm likely to use an awful lot of what we would call ‘violent sexual imagery,’ and I just wanted to check that neither of you would be terribly offended by that.
Nicola Murray: I could actually do without the theatrics, I think, Malcolm.
Malcolm Tucker: Enough! E-fucking-nough. You need to learn to shut your fucking cave, right? Today, you have laid your first big fat egg of solid fuck. You took the data loss media strategy and you ate it with a lump of E. Coli. And then you sprayed it out of your arse at 300 miles per hour. […] You got on the record and off the record fucking mixed up! […]
Nicola Murray: Okay, I messed up, right? I messed up. But I will from now on listen to every bit of advice you give me. Yeah, I'll go on Question Time wearing a push-up bra and a fez. Yeah, I'll do the hustings on stilts if that is what you tell me the strategy is, because you know about that stuff, Malcolm. I know that. […]
Malcolm Tucker: The [Daily] Mail have the motherlode on this, right? So that means that there is a way through this for us, but it entails you, my dear, eating a complete concrete mixer full of humble pie.
(Season 3, Episode 2)
Malcolm’s control extends beyond the Minister’s media relations, daily activities, and
appearance, right through to her policy proposals. For example, when Nicola suggests a social
mobility program that champions everyday heroes (as “fourth sector pathfinders”), he is quick
to instruct Glenn and Ollie on how to approach the topic while Nicola is out of earshot:
Malcolm Tucker: It's the whole deserving and undeserving poor argument again, though, isn't it? It's the chavs and chav-nots. Right Pinky and fucking Perky, listen, this fourth sector thing, right? It's fucking mad. She's mad. She's like Tom Cruise's favourite fucking brush, right? But the great thing about it is: it's free. So, you two, I want you to rub your dicks together and get some fucking energy going in here. I don't care whether you inject yourself with stem cells or put cocaine in your fucking Fruit Corners, just get on with something.
(Season 3, Episode 4)
It is clear from this that the policy itself is inconsequential, and instead of developing
substantive initiatives, the focus is on whether something can be spun effectively to make the
government look like it is governing. Although it is originally Nicola’s flawed policy idea, the
appeal to Malcolm is it has elements that can be successfully sold to the public. Positioning
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political PR as a strategic management function is consistent with a legitimate role in policy
development. Problems only arise when policy is evaluated based on its PR potential, rather
than societal merit. Depictions of this in The Thick of It speak to arguments around the
superficiality of politics, where politics can be made to look and sound good by political PR
professionals, but ultimately do little to improve the lives of citizens.
Veep, the American adaptation of The Thick of It, premiered in 2012 and provided a US
perspective on political PR. Political commentator and Obama’s former Communications
Director and Senior Advisor Daniel Pfeiffer (2015) claimed that of all the US political shows,
“Veep is the most authentic because it understands the three most important things about
life in Washington: the humanity, the banality, and the absurdity. […] It dissects D.C. with a
finely honed satirical scalpel.” Parker (2015) agreed that of “the new spate of political shows,”
Veep “best captures life inside the nation’s capital” because its themes parallel reality:
Aides and operatives may flock to Washington for lofty ideals, but their days
quickly begin to resemble an episode of the show — largely powerless people
basking in the shadow of power, scrambling and bumbling about, trying to stave
off crises and grow their personal ‘brand,’ while, yes, occasionally, accomplishing
what they came here to do.
Veep revolves around the trials and tribulations of Vice President Selina Meyer (Julia Louis-
Dreyfuss) and her staff, as they attempt to build her political legacy in the dog-eat-dog world
of Washington politics. Although Selina is snappy and narcissistic, she is well supported by the
team: loyal, self-sacrificing chief of staff and resilient campaign manager Amy Brookheimer
(Anna Chlumsky); stale, lazy and depressed communications director Mike McLintock (Matt
Walsh); cocky, charming, and ambitious strategist Dan Egan (Reid Scott); eccentric and
fawning personal aide and devoted bagman Gary Walsh (Tony Hale); and hardy, organised
personal secretary Sue Wilson (Sufe Bradshaw). Unlike The Thick of It where the unelected
Malcolm Tucker reigns supreme, Selina is largely calling the shots and the Veep staffers spend
their days at her beck-and-call. A perpetual state of befuddled crisis permeates daily
operations. There is ineptitude in abundance, strangely coupled yet contrasted with quick wit
and wry intelligence. The characters blame, bully, and bicker like petty children as they are
caught up in a chaotic cycle of venality, sycophancy, and self-interest. The media and the
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elected representatives alike give more attention to facile and fatuous details than to any real
policy or problems. Every episode of Veep features political PR in some way. We see it action
through press conferences, public appearances, and talking points, to backgrounding, social
media monitoring, and opinion poll analysis. Strategic political communication is depicted as
the unofficial force governing over the administrations’ actions, and it is represented as a
primary driver in political decision making.
Despite the pervasiveness of PR in our political sphere, the spin doctors in these texts are
often depicted as the voice of reason. They are responsible for keeping a lid on the shallow,
venal, ridiculousness seen sprouting from various political actors, though this often hinges on
wanting to ensure their own job security through the politician’s re-election. Whether it is
campaign manager Mitch (Jason Sudeikis) attempting to talk Congressman Cam Brady (Will
Ferrell) out of releasing a pornographic advertisement about his opponent’s wife in The
Campaign, or political advisor Murph (Lachy Hulme) in The Hollowmen trying to make sense
of the Prime Minister’s staff’s plan to put terrorism back on the public agenda to boost the
Government in the polls, these characters bring moments of sanity to an otherwise absurd
situation.93 As such, these characters cast an indictment on our political actors – particularly
politicians – because they act as a foil that highlights the extent of idiocy and madness
entrenched in our chaotic political environment. While political communication is considered
part of this, fictional narratives do not always imply it is the reason our political and media
systems are the way that they are.
Like Pfeiffer (2015) and Parker (2015), Rothkopf (2015) ranked Veep from an insiders’
perspective as the most accurate, authentic, entertaining, and quality television about US
Politics. He declared its depictions of the daily happenings as “more of less as it really is,” even
in its more outrageous moments:
Whenever you think the show is at its most absurd, trust me, Washington insiders
are thinking it rings true. […] All that is more real than what you read in the
newspaper in the sense that so much of that is spun and framed and built on a
foundation of bullshit and slathered in layers of whitewash that you can’t actually
believe the news you read anyway. (Rothkopf, 2015)
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The authenticity and pervasiveness of representations of political communication in fictional
texts are demonstrated when life imitates pre-existing art. Such an example occurred in March
2016 when Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and other Government Ministers used
the soundbite friendly buzzwords “continuity and change.” The phrase peppered almost every
media interview as Turnbull et al. endeavoured to distance themselves from their former
leader Tony Abbott, and reposition both the party and the government. Almost a year earlier,
in Season 4 of Veep, Selina’s election campaign slogan “continuity with change” was almost
identical. The press and social media sphere were quick to make these connections. Twitter
went into overdrive: Louis-Dreyfus tweeted “I am dumbstruck”; fellow actor Timothy Simons
thanked Turnbull for the free publicity; and executive producer and scriptwriter Simon
Blackwell shared a tweet by fellow producer Frank Rich with the comment “In [Season 4] of
Veep we came up with the most meaningless election slogan we could think of. Now [it has
been] adopted by Australian PM.” Even citizens unfamiliar with the program, saw the slogan
deconstructed in the mainstream news. About originally coming up with the phrase, Blackwell
went on to say:
We needed it to be hollow and oxymoronic, to say absolutely nothing but seem to
have depth and meaning. […] It did make me laugh a lot when I saw that the
Australian PM’s people had been on the same mental journey and come up with
the same meaningless phrase. (Blackwell cited by Hunt, 2016)
The “continuity and change” slogan stuck with the Government for several days before being
abandoned in light of the Veep connection and the mockery made on social media. This
incident highlighted the shallow, superficial nature of our political discourse, and called out a
sitting Prime Minister. Although this unintentional parallel between reality and fiction may
not have had a lasting impact on the Turnbull Government, it did serve to draw public
attention to the banality and meaninglessness of much of our political communication.
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The parallels between fact and satirical fiction have become so frequent and distinct that
Iannucci (2016) said, he “wouldn’t write The Thick of It now [because] politics already feels
fictional enough.” He blames this on the way politics has become a performance, where
creative spin doctors are hired to school politicians in the way to act, and stated “we’re left
watching an entertainment rather than participating in affairs of the state” so “rather than
joke about it, I’d sooner urge people to change it” (Iannucci, 2016). Iannucci’s apparent
disillusionment is at odds with the very value of programs like Veep and The Thick of It in that
fiction can often speak more truth to power than fact. This is what Iannucci originally set out
to do, with The Thick of It providing a scathing critique on New Labour’s approach to
government, and Veep taking shots at both sides with Presidential style politics in a league of
their own. To assume such texts are no longer significant for audiences ignores the way in
which fictional narratives can push the boundaries and go beyond traditional news. Producers
and writers of fictional texts are not limited by journalistic constraints, yet are effectively able
to appeal to the viral quality of social media. The entertainment value of film and television
maximises audience accessibility while still encouraging serious thought. Lay audiences may
not be able to reliably evaluate the accuracy and authenticity of a program. However, fictional
narratives can resonate in a way that either reinforces existing beliefs or encourages critical
reflection to deepen our understanding. This raises the possibility of a third outcome: cynical
texts may further entrench political cynicism and thereby exacerbate a deliberate disconnect
from democratic processes that are perceived as futile. I argue this is not sufficient risk to
cease producing such texts, even if they treat serious issues lightly. Fictional narratives about
political communication provide insight into the behind the scenes processes and practices of
government. In turn, these texts serve to develop the critical capacity of audiences in terms
of assessing and analysing the information we receive, and help us to see through spin and
dissect political communication. While this may encourage a healthy scepticism of political
discourse put forward in the media and directly by political actors (or via their PR conduits),
audiences are better positioned to challenge rhetoric and collectively call out or hold to
account components of the system that may be damaging to democracy.
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CREDIBILITY, CYNICISM, AND INFLUENCE
While political satire, such as The Thick of It and Veep, depict governments as being about
stuff-ups and ineptitude, with spin as both the solution to and consequence of this, political
PR is also found in contemporary high-end television drama. Here, rather than
dysfunctionality and incompetence, some fictional narratives enter a much darker space of
diabolical power.94 The runaway success of Netflix’s House of Cards (2013-present) is a
testament to how quality source material, underpinned by ongoing social concerns or
philosophical conundrums, can be successfully applied across time and place. Though such
material often originates in the personal experiences of those working on or advising the
production, Netflix’s version came from the BBC’s original award winning trilogy from two
decades earlier, The House of Cards (1990, 1993, 1995), which was itself an adaption of
Michael Dobbs’ bestselling political thrillers (1989, 1992, 1994).95 The novels were inspired by
Shakespeare’s Richard III and Macbeth,96 as well as Dobb’s own experience as a speechwriter,
special advisor, political operative, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during the
Thatcher Government, and who was once described by The Guardian as “Westminster’s baby-
faced hitman” (McClintock, 2014; Chakelian, 2015; Dobbs, 2015; Grice, 2016). While Dobbs
was a writer for the BBC series and is an executive producer of the Netflix series,97 Beau
Willimon is credited as the creator of the latest iteration. Coming off his 2008 play Farragut
North (named after the D.C. Metro station in the centre of Washington’s lobbyist district), and
its critically acclaimed cinematic adaption The Ides of March (2011), Willimon was brought on
board by David Fincher who had already signed on as director and executive producer of
Netflix’s House of Cards.98 However, the success of Willimon’s previous work came about in
part because of the verisimilitude he was able to establish from his experience working as a
press aide and political staffer on various senate and presidential campaigns in the US. These
experiences “forever shaped” Willimon’s philosophy and aroused a fascination with the
complex nature of power, that is pinned to the (black) heart of House of Cards (Sternbergh,
2014).99 In his role as showrunner, Willimon was meticulous about accuracy, through the
rendering of particulars in both the script and production. He was “perpetually, even
obsessively, interested in all the details” and especially “felt compelled to point out” instances
where they weren’t “arranged that way in real life,” such as the correct positioning of the
stanchions in front of a lectern, used to cordon off the press corps during a public statement,
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or that the fictional House whip’s office “is a nearly exact replica of the actual House whip’s
office, down to such details as the height of the light switches” (Sternbergh, 2014). This first-
hand working knowledge of what goes on behind the scenes is essential to a text’s
authenticity, and ground works of fiction in reality. Not only does this give pause to critics
seeking to lambast the text as inaccurate or unrealistic, it also establishes credibility with the
audience – both the experts who would notice the details, and those of the everyday who
might not know the difference but appreciate when someone can speak from experience that
then builds trust.
Both television versions of House of Cards were critically acclaimed, have won a slew of
awards, and have garnered a dedicated and diverse global fan base. The original adaption
became one of the BBC’s best-selling series (Dobbs, 2015), and Netflix’s House of Cards was
routinely touted as their most talked-about series and most successful original content.100 The
first season generated considerable buzz prior to release in 2013, initially propelled by its star
power (particularly Kevin Spacey – prior to his fall from grace – and David Fincher) and
promotion as Netflix’s flagship original programming, chatter about House of Cards continued.
Talk turned to how its fictions echoed reality and the plot and characters became common
references for both audiences and the media as they drew their own parallels. Much of this is
evidenced on social media, where the show developed a strong presence. It has been
referenced and talked about by celebrities and the political elite, including Barack Obama,101
while its affiliated (and non-affiliated) accounts on Facebook and Twitter have a life of their
own and dabble in commentary about real-world political events. The official House of Cards
Twitter has memorably trolled Donald Trump, David Cameron, and Malcolm Turnbull,102 to
name a few. The ominous teaser trailer and release date for Season 5 was strategically
dropped online during Trump’s inauguration, with the tagline “we make the terror” and the
image of an upside-down flag waving against a stormy sky set to an eerie choir of children’s
voices pledging their allegiance.103 Having built a legacy and large audience base, Netflix’s
House of Cards is not just the drug of choice of political junkies, but has enjoyed a popular
appreciation among everyday audiences. The scale of its success is limited so long as Netflix
remains a niche subscription service, rather than mainstream broadcaster. For example,
House of Cards does not attract the same viewership as other fictional programs such as CBS’s
NCIS (2003-present) (see Thompson, 2014; Rothkopf 2015). However, House of Cards has
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been a catalyst for much popular discussion about the world of politics – both real and fictional
– and by default, discussion about political communication and the role of spin doctors in our
society. Given the show depicts political PR as coming straight out of Machiavelli’s playbook,
the tone and treatment of it as a profession and practice is damning, though one that is
thoroughly at home in our dysfunctional democracy. For us as an audience the outlook House
of Cards provides is bleak, and we are left to cynically comfort ourselves that this is fiction,
while not being entirely confident in where the real truth lies.
Works of fiction, or indeed any text, are only ever blended reproductions of their creators’
truths, yet, how we interpret them depends on our own lived experience. Speaking of his
original books and the first series, Dobbs claimed “I had to take reality and water it down.
Politics is outrageous, it’s ridiculous. We do things that you couldn’t possibly get away with in
a work of fiction” (Dobbs cited in Chakelian, 2015).104 It is unlikely he is speaking tongue-in-
cheek given what was once popularly considered impossible routinely becomes entirely
possible. Indeed, as Dobbs (2016) has gone on to point out:
Perhaps it was always [this] way. I remember as a 15-year-old being given a copy
of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar. […] Here was the greatest man on earth, the most
noble Roman of all, who was stabbed, hacked and bled to death on the steps of
his own Capitol, murdered by his best mates. Almost two thousand years later it
was Maggie Thatcher’s turn, dragged out of Downing Street in tears with friendly
daggers front and back. Now [Washington] DC and Boris [Johnson].105 Treachery
is timeless. […] The lessons of history are remarkably consistent, only the means
of killing a man have changed.
Such “killing” can result from a numbers game in a coup for power, or be played out in the
press, with a ruined reputation just as effective at stopping someone in their tracks. House of
Cards features both metaphorical and literal killings. For the Netflix adaption, Willimon
substantially evolved the original story and created an independent narrative that had the
depth to carry through a longer form series.106 The original British anti-hero Francis Urquhart
(Ian Richardson) was replaced with a modern American equivalent, Frank Underwood (Kevin
Spacey), and the backrooms of Westminster swapped for the political systems of Washington,
though the chilling cold-heartedness and relentless quest for power remains untouched. The
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murders in House of Cards are dispassionately justified by Frank: “For those of us climbing to
the top of the food chain, there can be no mercy. There is but one rule: hunt or be hunted”
(Season 2, Episode 1). This do-whatever-it-takes course of action also sees power and
influence curbed and controlled through the killing of stories and careers, sometimes quietly
under duress and sometimes dramatically played out in public through the media.107 The
Machiavellian machinations of House of Cards characters are thus aligned with the ‘dark arts’,
and the realm of spin is conflated with politics at large.
While the novels had a serious bent that echoed Dobbs conservative values and his belief in
the nobility of politics, the TV series took a more darkly comic turn. The text is as devastatingly
effective in its ability to be enthralling as it is to be abhorrent. This worked just as well for
audiences in the 1990s as it does now. A perpetually cynical attitude towards politics perhaps
helped some viewers to engage, but House of Cards is as much about its characters as it is
about its context. As Willimon commented:
One of the things that I thought was so fantastic about the English original is it
didn’t require that you be a political expert in order to enjoy it. We wanted to take
that same approach – it doesn’t leave you by the side of the road as the political
freight train rolls on past. (Willimon cited in Chakelian, 2015)
Both Dobbs and Willimon have credited the success of House of Cards to its emphasis on
personal as well as political chaos, which makes it relatable in the same way that Yes Minister
conveyed office politics and personalities recognisable beyond the specific institutions in
which they happened to be situated. At their core, these texts are about “what people do with
and to each other” and “the dark arts [that] stem from when people make too much of a
compromise, and where power becomes the most important thing” (Dobbs cited in East,
2016). In House of Cards, this approach is made more transparent by the use of asides that
break down the fourth wall and connect directly with the audience. Harking back to
Shakespearean soliloquies, the asides serve to grab our attention and intrigue by giving us
direct insight into what the characters are thinking, feeling, and planning, as if we the audience
are their confidante. This “vital subtext” is particularly important because, as Rothkopf (2015)
points out, it lets us “know how politicians work” when traditionally “they seldom say what
they really are thinking.” The asides from Urquhart and Underwood can sometimes be as
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subtle as a single sidelong look, yet they provide significant, provocative, and an often-
humorous meta-commentary. Importantly, they welcome us as an audience along for the ride
as complicit accomplices. By being invited to be part of the club we become insiders rather
than outsiders to the action. Through this shared perspective we are encouraged to root for,
and identify with, Urquhart and Underwood in spite of any more moral misgivings we may
have. In revealing their motivations, it is clear that both Underwood and Urquhart are immoral
by choice, rather than circumstance. They display a ruthlessness in the game of government
that is unsurpassed, diabolical, and devoid of humanity. This very ruthlessness is essential for
their role as kingmakers. Indeed, the characters in House of Cards manage to get things done.
Votes are whipped and bills are passed with a seductive elegance, though always with a
consciousness of how action, inaction, and reaction will be communicated to, and perceived
by, voters. Even on occasions when the political accomplishments may be of dubious public
merit, governance is still taking place. This is a welcome respite from other representations
that show politics as so shambolically caught up in spin that it has become an absurd
ouroboros.
The narrative in House of Cards is driven by its characters – their ambition, individual
weakness, wickedness, exploitation, and the all-consuming pursuit of power – rather than
institutional structures or policy processes. Thus, the core themes of House of Cards are
relatable beyond their immediate context and translate well across cultures. Representations
of political PR are tangled together with these themes, and spin is shown to be an integral
element in the characters’ activities, as well as a mandatory skill acquired in their professional
pursuits. Although it is Frank, and to a lesser extent his steely wife Claire (Robin Wright), who
masterminds the strategy and calls the shots, there is an abundance of other characters in
House of Cards who perform traditional PR roles. From the contemporary adaption some
examples include: Doug Stamper (Michael Kelly – Seasons 1 – present),108 a recovering
alcoholic and Frank’s dedicated chief of staff who is also his stony, sinister enforcer and right
hand man; Seth Grayson (Derek Cecil – Seasons 2 – present), Frank’s calculating press
secretary who blackmailed Claire to get his job; and Remy Danton (Mahershala Ali – Seasons
1-4), a smooth corporate lobbyist, and Frank’s former communications director, who is
apolitical and prefers money over power. Although they have few redeeming features, and
are cast entirely unsympathetically, audiences will inevitably have moments of sympathy for
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these individuals in their moments of pain, and rejoice more in their successes than relish their
defeats. Should audiences associate such personalities with those of individuals who work in
and around politics, then we potentially have a problem for democracy. Given the
fundamental principles of democracy include fairness and equality, democracy is then
decaying in House of Cards as the characters are neither fair nor equal, nor do they embody
ideals beyond a lust for power. The state of democracy and political communication is called
into question, particularly when plot devices throughout the series have reflected our political
realities. Ultimately, the rich commentary offered by House of Cards contains a coherent and
sinister thread: the system is broken, and we are on the brink of anarchy.
BLURRED BOUNDARIES AND A BATTLE BETWEEN ASPIRATIONS AND APATHY
Aaron Sorkin’s classic The West Wing (1999-2006) set the standard for premium political
drama.109 Spurred by the popular success of Sorkin’s 1995 film The American President
(directed by Rob Reiner), the series was initially developed from unused portions of the film’s
script, and drew on the experience of a large number of former White House staffers
employed as consultants and writers.110 Much like House of Cards, The West Wing has high
production values and the narrative is driven by its characters; however it is starkly contrasted
with the bleakness of House of Cards, instead providing an aspirational and sentimental
fantasy of what politics could or should be. Making political progress and achieving change is
still depicted as a furious and frustrating uphill battle, in which political PR is integral, though
the outcomes are much more consistently optimistic.
The West Wing initially focused on the senior staff in the President’s office, including:
optimistic, organised Deputy White House Communications Director Sam Seaborn (Rob
Lowe); smart, cocky Deputy Chief of Staff Josh Lyman (Bradley Whitford); kind, calm Chief of
Staff Leo McGarry (John Spencer); sharp, assertive Press Secretary C.J. Cregg (Allison Janney);
and dour, idealist Communications Director Toby Ziegler (Richard Schiff). Sorkin had originally
wanted to showcase the unsung staffers and their role in policy development and political
communication, with President Josiah “Jed” Bartlet (Martin Sheen) only part of the large
ensemble cast. However, as Bartlet’s popularity grew (largely pinned on Sheen’s
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performance), the narrative increasingly centred on the President’s decision making and he
became the main protagonist. Despite this, the White House staffers continued to play leading
roles, and representations of PR prominent throughout the series, as all the staffers perform
PR functions in various capacities. However, in The West Wing’s entire 7 seasons, the full term
“public relations” is only used once. This instance is in the episode “Celestial Navigation”
(Season 1, Episode 15), after Josh gives a disastrous press briefing while filling in for C.J., as
Leo’s lead-in to Josh’s confessional during a meeting with President Bartlet:
Jed Bartlet: I'm tired, I'm cranky, and my wife's in Argentina. Let's get this over with. What?
Leo McGarry: Mr. President, we experienced a few public relations – what's the word...?
Toby Ziegler: Catastrophes?
Leo McGarry:…Incidents in the few hours you were away last night.
Although this is not the only time “incidents” happen in The West Wing, it is notably the only
reference to “public relations.” We routinely see the characters engaged in media relations,
image building and publicity, crisis management, information control, stakeholder
engagement, election campaigning, and other activities. We are also privy to the technical
level of tactics involved in the execution of these activities, such as speechwriting, media
monitoring, press conferences and releases, leaks, political briefings, strategic planning, and
research. Despite rarely being referred to as such, in The West Wing, PR serves as the provider
of public information, and liaison between government, the media, and other stakeholders.
However, The West Wing’s depiction of PR blurs its boundaries as policy development and
personal power plays are integrated with PR functions. Representations of political PR are
similarly coalesced and amalgamated in other texts.
What exactly constitutes public relations can be unclear. There are few defined boundaries in
fictional representations about what is, and is not, public relations. PR is ascribed with multiple
titles, further confusing the issue. Shonda Rhimes’ pot-boiling political drama Scandal (2012-
present) provides a good example. Protagonist Olivia Pope (Kerry Washington) is a former
political aide and White House Communications Director and Washington’s best “fixer.” She
leaves public service behind to start a D.C. based crisis management firm, Olivia Pope &
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Associates, which specialises in politics and government.111 The majority of her employees
come from legal backgrounds, but work instead as “gladiators in suits.” They are tasked with
averting disasters, damage control, and spinning watershed moments. Confusion ensues, as
Sepinwall (2012) admitted in his review:
To be perfectly honest, after watching four episodes of “Scandal,” I’m not 100
percent clear on what it is that Olivia and her team (most of them fellow lawyers
who don’t practice law) do, nor on exactly what the show is. I’m also not entirely
sure that it matters. “Scandal” is a good example of what a show is about being
far less important than how it’s about it […] it’s a set-up for a bunch of well-
dressed, charismatic actors to stride the corridors of power speaking quickly and
trying to solve impossible problems.
Olivia’s work in Scandal is depicted as complex, challenging, and demanding, where strategic
foresight is the key to finding a solution. The character of Olivia was inspired by Judy Smith, a
discreet crisis management consultant with a law degree who was Special Assistant and
Deputy Press Secretary to President George H. W. Bush. Smith has described her work as a
political-fixer as being about "understand[ing] the problem, the issue and the landscape. It's
almost like a chess game. You want to stay several steps ahead and anticipate someone else's
position." (Smith cited in McDowell, 2012). Smith is credited as one of Scandal’s co-executive
producers and serves as an advisor to the show, though up until Scandal thrust her into the
spotlight she had kept a determinedly low profile, despite assisting with high profile clients
such as Monica Lewinsky and BP after the Deepwater Horizon oil spill. In an interview with
Kerry Washington, McDowell (2012) noted that prior to Scandal, Google searches returned
little information about Judy Smith because “maintaining a low profile is essential to her
trade.” McDowell (2012) described Smith’s deliberate strategy:
There were no interviews and rarely even media mention of the public relations
powerhouse. “That told me a lot of what I needed to know about how she did her
job so well, which was to be invisible and make things happen quietly," says [Kerry]
Washington. Discreet, sometimes downright stealthy, Smith has built her
reputation […] by operating in the shadows of the events and people whose public
relations nightmares she navigates.
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Despite Scandal’s dramatic narrative, Smith’s approach has clearly informed the way the
profession and practice of PR is represented. Secrets are kept, clients are protected at all costs,
and there is a strong theme regarding redemption and how PR can be used to facilitate this,
at least in terms of one’s public image. Though as the seasons progressed, Olivia’s moral
compass became increasingly erratic, and the “white hat” she continually brags about in
Season 1 – a symbol of her good intentions – becomes blackened and bloodstained. While she
is still depicted as a hero fighting the good fight, she is power hungry, merciless to her
enemies, and her ethics are based on an ends-justify-the-means mantra. This driven,
consequentialist approach allows us to empathise with Olivia as Scandal’s protagonist, though
raises questions around the grey – and often dark – area political public relations operates in.
This approach is represented consistently across the texts analysed in this study as being
essential to effective PR, as are the qualities of resilience and hard-work. Indeed, Tucker
(2012) puts some of Judy Smith’s success down to having built a reputation “for being honest,
straightforward and willing to work marathon hours,” and being able to roll with the punches
during the “blood sport […] in the briefing room.” These are qualities shared by the characters
in Scandal as well as The West Wing staffers, and emphasised by the rapid pacing of both
shows. In The West Wing, the main cast are unequivocally represented as hard-working,
honourable, and assertive, and possessing of a strong belief in the Bartlet administration, as
well as respect for the democratic political system. Their flaws and mistakes are not denied,
but are instead played out in a context of well-meaning and good intention. Indeed, a common
trait and challenge for portrayals of many political PR characters is the way they are married
to their jobs, often by choice. They allow their career orientation to consume their identity
and dominate their life. This almost invariably results in blending business with pleasure, and
developing private relationships – ranging from platonic friendships to romantic affairs – with
their colleagues. This is also the premise behind Scandal, where Olivia struggles to untangle
her professional and personal relationships, and is unable to keep all her secrets out of the
spotlight. Sepinwall (2012) points out that in both series “the personal and the professional
are so connected as to be indistinguishable” and thus political public relations is cast in this
light.
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While this makes for compelling drama, the inability to separate these dynamics creates an
all-or-nothing atmosphere that defines political PR as a demanding practice and a profession
with little work-life balance. An uncompromisingly dedicated work-ethic seems inescapable in
political PR as represented in texts like Scandal and The West Wing. Even those who are
unhappy in their chosen profession still put in the long hours, albeit with a tendency to skive
off when they think they can get away with it, such as Veep‘s Mike McLintock who pretends
to have a dog to get out of work. According to Matt Walsh, who plays Mike, this idea came
from a political staffer:
That's based on an actual White House staffer that I met, who created a fictional
dog to get out of work. Because those people don't sleep. They are completely
sleep deprived. So that fake dog lets him go home, just to get time away from the
job. At least it worked for a while. [Laughs.] It's a good excuse, until the jig is up.
(Walsh cited in Vineyard, 2012)
The question then becomes about why anyone would choose to go into such a profession. The
answer appears to be either “to serve and improve a country that they love” (Pfeiffer, 2015),
which we see in The West Wing and Scandal, or in ambitious pursuit of power and self-
interest, such as we see in House of Cards and Veep. Or perhaps it is because the role of
political PR practitioner is one that is close to the seat of power, potentially contributing to
the greater good, though without needing to take the seat itself. For the few representations
that do not fit these motivations, the characters tend to have less developed backstories, and
often seem to have stumbled into political PR positions by chance rather than concerted
career decision making. These characters are often apolitical, and have demonstrably less
devotion to their profession. The implication here is that individuals from all backgrounds
wind up working as political PR practitioners because their skills are generic and transferrable.
Regardless of the motivations for seeking such roles, a life outside of work seems reserved for
those who care less about their career advancement.
Aside from Bartlet’s aggressive foreign policy, The West Wing’s liberal fantasy offered
audiences an alternative during a time when the political reality of the Clinton and Bush
administrations left much to be desired. The show was criticised for its openly left-leaning
position, though was commended for its ‘realistic’ depiction of the hard work and dedication
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of staffers on both sides who get into politics for ‘the right reasons’. It became sexy to work
in politics, or be a policy wonk, by imbuing it “with cultural cachet” and romanticising what
was otherwise “a historically uncool career” (Weiner, 2012). In this respect, Lawrence (2006)
suggests The West Wing was like “a seven-year ad for public service,” that in hindsight was
clearly effective, as Weiner (2012) notes:
The West Wing has inspired a new generation with its vision of a Washington
brimming with lofty ideals. Six years after the series finale, the Sorkinzation of
politics is still under way. […] you might think the series never ended, given the
currency it still seems to enjoy in Washington, the frequency with which it comes
up in D.C. conversations and is quoted or referenced on political blogs. In part this
is because the smart, nerdy – they might prefer “precocious” – kids who grew up
in the early part of the last decade worshipping the cool, technocratic charm of
Sorkin’s characters have today matured into the young policy prodigies and press
operatives who advise, brief, and excuse the behavior of the most powerful people
in the country.
Even for audiences not dreaming of a career in political backrooms, The West Wing gave
people something to believe in, and they revelled in the aspirations laid out by the show and
its characters. The political climate has changed considerably in the decade since The West
Wing. Had the show been first broadcast now, I speculate that the prevailing public cynicism
would have written it off, not just as preachy and patronising, but also unrealistic in the way
it depicted democracy as functional, when there are concerns democracy may be failing.
Indeed, these criticisms were similarly applied to Sorkin’s more recent television venture The
Newsroom (2012-2014). Still classed as a political drama, and utilising the same conventions
as The West Wing, Sorkin applies his high-minded idealism to the fourth estate. The series is
set behind-the-scenes at (the fictional) Atlantis Cable News, where hot-tempered anchor Will
McAvoy (Jeff Daniels) and plucky executive producer MacKenzie McHale (Emily Mortimer) are
attempting to “reclaim journalism as an honourable profession [with] a nightly newscast that
informs the debate worthy of a great nation“ (MacKenzie in her pitch to Will, Season 1,
Episode 1). Political PR was routinely tied in to The Newsroom’s narrative in peripheral roles
as sources, spokespeople, and information filters. The first season capitalised heavily on then-
recent real events to construct its episodic plot points. It dealt with classic struggles between
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reporters and producers: timeliness versus accuracy, ratings versus quality of output, and how
to classify news value. The second and third seasons dealt with more meta-level journalistic
issues such as false reporting and retractions, citizen journalism and social media, leaks and
whistleblowing. These were – and continue to be – pressing topics for the state of our media,
though, disappointingly, The Newsroom ultimately missed the pragmatic and capitalist reality
of doing journalism in the twenty-first century.
Former Clinton aide Dee Dee Myers said, getting “to take things that happened to me and
change the ending a bit” was one of the best things about being a consultant on The West
Wing (Myers cited in Lawrence, 2006). In the case of The Newsroom, the premise of rewriting
history as it should have been became, according to critics, “smug” and “insufferable” from a
cast of “blowhard,” “patronising” characters. Perhaps it became problematic when hope for
a better future was replaced with the collective hopelessness that has followed from the War
on Terror and the Global Financial Crisis. Sorkin’s texts point out all the problems in our
political and media systems while failing to offer practical solutions. Instead of challenging our
current power structures, the texts accept them on the basis that if only the right people held
power, a better society will prevail. The key then, as The West Wing and The Newsroom
suggest, lies in individuals choosing to do the right thing, though what is right and what is
wrong is a matter of perspective. As Saraiya (2014) puts it, The Newsroom is “a perfect
example of the unique form of condescension that can only come from individuals wholly
convinced that their way is the right way.” By consequence, as a viewer “if you agree, what
you’re seeing are heroes at work; if you don’t, you’re seeing a caricature of the enemy”
(Saraiya, 2014). Indeed, Sorkin has been derided for his apparent superiority complex, much
like his fans who accuse anyone of not liking Sorkin’s work are simply “too stupid to get it.”112
The need for citizens to be informed is a cornerstone on which healthy democracies are built.
However, advocating for an informed public is challenging because it implies the public must
otherwise be stupid. Not that this is something Sorkin has shied away from. For example, in
the opening scene of The Newsroom, Will delivers a scathing diatribe in a moment of
frustration when responding to an audience question at a university lecture:
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Will McAvoy: None of this is the fault of a twenty-year-old college student, but you are none the less, without a doubt, a member of the worst, period, generation, period, ever, period. So, when you ask what makes America the greatest country in the world, I don’t know what the fuck you’re talking about. […] It sure used to be. We stood up for what was right. We fought for moral reasons, we passed laws, struck down laws, for moral reasons. […] We reached for the stars. Acted like men. We inspired to intelligence – we didn’t belittle it – it didn’t make us feel inferior. […] We were able to be all these things and do all these things because we were informed by great men – men who were revered. First gap in solving any problem is recognising there is one. America is not the greatest country in the world anymore. (Season 1, Episode 1)113
This speech went viral in both the show’s world and the real world, working as an effective
promotional tool and feeding into public debate. Apart from the mild generational warfare
against Millennials,114 this open challenge to a widely held patriotic sentiment crossed party
lines and recalled Capra-esque sentiment that individuals can make a difference if they have
integrity, a nobility of purpose, and the courage to stay their course. Sorkin presented a vision
of a renewed and righteous fourth estate, coloured with rose tinted nostalgia and optimistic
idealism, and conveniently ignored the public’s prevailing mistrust of the media and other
elite institutions. The Newsroom was, for many audiences, too far removed from reality as
society increasingly worries that the pillars of democracy are crumbling and we as individuals
are impotent in the face of it. Yet it is questionable whether there has ever been a golden age
of democracy – or a “Greatest Generation” (Raine, 2012; see also Brokaw, 1998) – that has
somewhere been lost. Sorkin’s work continues to contribute to political discourse and, as his
“Great Man” archetype Will pointed out, the “first gap in solving any problem is recognising
there is one.” As such, the choice to shine a spotlight on what goes on behind-the-scenes –
where public relations continues to be a persuasive and pervasive presence – is significant for
both industry insiders and public outsiders. For insiders it encourages self-reflection and
aspiration. For citizens it gives a window of insight into an otherwise concealed world that
wields both power and influence.
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CONCLUSION
This chapter discussed a selection of fictional representations of political PR from film and
television in the twentieth and twenty-first century. The representations explored broadly
reflect key issues associated with political PR, such as power, persuasion, and political
cynicism, which have persisted through history. The recurrence of these themes is indicative
of how public relations is understood to be imbedded at the intersection of our political and
media systems. Such fictional narratives are evidence of our cultural meaning making, and
contribute to stereotypes and social perceptions of political PR. These texts mirror ongoing
tensions within the political process and public consternation with the current state of political
communication. In the following chapters I argue the significance of these fictional
representations is the way they highlight the often-unseen role of political PR. By showcasing
the profession and practice, these texts provide audiences with insights that encourages them
to reflect on their own lived experiences and critically engage with notions of spin, and its
place in liberal democracies.
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NOTES
53 Brian Neve provides an insightful discussion on how Theodore Roosevelt’s life and career where the first to be “chronicled on a significant scale by motion picture companies” (2011, p. 65), and includes a deconstruction of Terrible Teddy (1901). 54 Saltzman (2012) identifies an earlier silent film The Goose Woman (1925) as featuring a press agent for the police, which can arguably be classified as political PR according to the definition provided in this thesis, however Saltzman’s study does not include the film in its “Government-Politics” category. 55 The film was banned in Germany, Italy, Spain, and the USSR (under the control of Hitler, Mussolini, Franco, and Stalin respectively), though it received international success elsewhere. It was added to the United States National Film Registry in 1989 for its cultural and historical significance. 56 “Mr. Lisa Goes to Washington” originally aired in September, 1991, and is considered one of The Simpsons’s “Best Of” episodes because of its astute political observations. 57 Tammany Hall, also known as the Tammany Society, was founded in 1786 and became a political machine for the Democratic Party, particularly in controlling New York politics, nominations, and patronage for almost two centuries until ongoing opposition from the Roosevelt family and other reform-minded Democrats from the 1930s-1960s reduced their influence until they ceased to exist. Martin Scorsese’s epic period drama Gangs of New York (2002) prominently featured Tammany Hall and the corrupt empire of influential politician William “Boss” Tweed (Jim Broadbent) against the backdrop of mass immigration and the Civil War in 1860s New York. 58 Smith’s late father was a local newspaper publisher who is esteemed for his heroic struggle against political corruption and devotion to the public interest. 59 Capra’s other works, such as earlier film Mr. Deeds Goes to Town (1936) and the later Meet John Doe (1941), also carry this theme. 60 It has been widely suggested that the events of Russel Crouse and Howard Lindsay’s play – and particularly the character of Grant Matthews – were inspired by Wendell Wilkie, a lawyer and businessman, as well as former Democrat turned Republican, who successfully secured the Republican presidential nomination in 1940 after emerging as a dark-horse candidate. 61 Gore Vidal wrote the screenplay for The Best Man as an adaptation of his award-winning 1960 stage play of the same name. The film was directed by Franklin J. Schaffner, though Frank Capra was originally tied to the film. Lee Tracy reprised his role as Art Hockstader from the stage for the screen and was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor. 62 Russell is a charming liberal intellectual and a man of conscience, but he is indecisive and a philanderer who is estranged from his wife and previously suffered difficulties with his mental health. Cantwell is a slick and opportunistic conservative demagogue, willing to say and do whatever it takes to win, but comes from humble beginnings and is a patriotic ‘man of the people’. Although Gore Vidal was openly a progressive liberal and Democrat, The Best Man is largely apolitical and does not identify party lines or particular ideologies of the candidates. 63 Although Sweet Smell of Success was not a box office success, it was critically well received, and its popularity has grown over time. It was selected for preservation in the US National Film Registry in 1993, and is often ranked on lists of the “Greatest Movies of All Time.” 64 This last remark is also applied to JJ Hunsecker, when rival columnist Leo Batha (Lawrence Dobkin) publicly takes Falco to task in the middle of a restaurant: “This man is trying to hold a gun to my head. […] I can’t let this man blackmail me. He wants me to print a dirty little smear item in exchange for keeping his mount shut. […] Your friend, Hunsecker – you tell him for me he's a disgrace to his profession. Never mind about my bilious private life. I run a decent, responsible column. That's the way it stays. Your man prints anything! Use any spice to pepper up his daily garbage. You tell him I said so. Tell him that, like yourself, he's got the scruples of a guinea pig and the morals of a gangster.” 65 In Season 1, Johnny Ramos (Paul Geary) plays James Slattery’s (Richard Crenna) primary aide, and B.J. Clawson (Maxine Stuart) is his secretary. In Season 2, Wendy Wendkoski (Francine York) is Slattery’s secretary and Mike Valera (Alejandro Rey) is his assistant. For lobbying, see the characters of Della Murphy (played by Sally Kellerman) in “Question: What are You Doing Out There, Waldo?,”(Episode 5) and Harry Colby (Phillip Abbott) in “Question: What is Honor, What is Death?.” For the cost of campaigning, see “Question: Is Democracy Too Expensive This Year” (Episode 20). 66 Further to this, Haas, Christensen, and Haas (2015, p. 171) point out that not only did “The Candidate uncannily anticipated the career of California governor Edmund G. “Jerry” Brown,” the film was based on “the
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1970 campaign of John Tunney, a Kennedyesque senator from California. Several incidents in the film were drawn from the Tunney campaign, and the senator was allowed to okay the script.” 67 From the 1960s, see for example, The Manchurian Candidate (1962); Dr Strangelove (1964); Medium Cool (1969). For the 1970s, see for example, The Parallax View (1974); Three Days of Condor (1975); All the President’s Men (1976); The China Syndrome (1979). 68 There were exceptions to this, particularly with satires such as: Network (1976), which condemns both the media industry and corporate interests, and the public is assumed to be gullible and passive; and Being There (1979), which sees a simple-minded gardener unable to tell the difference between reality and television, who is then mistaken for a wealthy and educated businessman and embraced as a national political pundit. 69 Benson was a spin-off from Soap (1977-1981), a primetime serial comedy that parodied daytime soap operas and melodramas. Although it was considered controversial at the time due to its depiction of sex and infidelity, post-cancellation analysis and reviews have celebrated Soap as a timeless comedy. 70 The creators of Yes Minister, Jonathan Lynn and Anthony Jay were secretly informed by inside sources Baroness Marcia Falkender (private secretary and head of political office to Prime Minister Harold Wilson) and Baron Bernard Donoughue (senior policy advisor and head of policy for both the Wilson and Callaghan governments). Falkender and Donoughue were Downing Street stalwarts in the 1960s and 1970s and acted as consultants to the series throughout its production and checked scripts and plot outlines for authenticity. Political memoirs and other published accounts, such as Richard Crossman’s diaries from his time as a Labour Cabinet minister, also provided source material for the series. 71 See also Hacker’s special advisors, the crusading Frank Weisel (Neil Fitzwilliam, Series One) and practical Dorothy Wainwright (Deborah Norton, Yes, Prime Minister). In the stage play and 2013 television revival, we are also introduced to the twenty-first century equivalent of Dorothy Wainwright: Claire Sutton (Emily Joyce and Charlotte Lucas on stage, Zoe Telford on screen) is Hacker’s attractive and intelligent special advisor and head of policy. Sutton plays a more prominent role than Wainwright and is adept at spin. 72 In 1971 the Heath Government expelled 105 Soviet diplomats on espionage charges as part of a clearing operation after a KGB agent defected and revealed information about infiltration and sabotage to Britain’s security services and Foreign Office. This practice was a common tactic during the Cold War, and is one that continues today as part of a country’s diplomatic arsenal. As such it is usually seen as symbolic, however the decision was unprecedented in size and remains “the single biggest action taken against Moscow by any western government” (see Norton-Taylor, 2007). 73 Australia however retained more moderate governments (albeit from different parties) with Malcolm Fraser followed by Bob Hawke, both following Keynesian economic principles and supporting relatively progressive social policies. 74 Released at a similar time as Power (1986), though after the stock market crash in 1987, Oliver Stone’s Wall Street (1987) is an example of an anti-capitalist film from the same time that received popular success partly because it was easily read as pro-capitalist. While Stone did not intend for the film to be ambiguous in this way, the fact remained that instead of being cautioned about the excess of ambition and greed, audiences struggled to see what was wrong with the industry and lifestyles portrayed in the film, and took Gordon Gekko’s (Michael Douglas) “Greed is good” philosophy literally. Although it also received mixed reviews at the time, the film enjoyed renewed interest in the 1990s with the abundance of insider trading scandals, and has since developed a cult following, however this is by both pro and anti-capitalists. As co-writer Stanley Weiser stated on reflection about the film “I never could have imagined […] that the core message of ‘Wall Street’ […] would be so misunderstood by so many. […] As the years have gone by, it's heartening to see how popular the film has remained. But what I find strange and oddly disturbing is that Gordon Gekko has been mythologized and elevated from the role of villain to that of hero. […] After so many encounters with Gekko admirers or wannabes, I wish I could go back and rewrite the greed line” (Weiser, 2008). 75 A pre-Blair Alastair Campbell worked as an advisor on the original television adaption. Another mini-series, Secret State (2012), was also loosely adapted from the book. 76 Burton cites Benn himself as commenting “on the sinister inertia in the British social and political system, claiming: ‘As a minister, I experienced the power of industrialists and bankers to get their way by use of the crudest form of economic pressure, even blackmail, […] [and] these lessons led me to the conclusion that the UK is only superficially governed by MPs and the voters who elect them.” (Burton, 2016, p. 414). 77 In Tanner’s case it is either use the momentum of his grassroots campaign to run as an Independent, which T.J. wholeheartedly supports, or endorse Dukakis at the urging of Dukakis’s (fictional) deputy campaign manager Joanna Buckley (Wendy Crewson), who also happens to be Tanner’s girlfriend/fiancé 78 Additional relevant examples include: A Distinguished Gentleman (1992), Canadian Bacon (1995), Mars Attacks! (1996), Spin City (1996-2002), Dick (1999), and Election (1999). A Distinguished Gentleman was
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prefaced on corrupt politicians and lobbying, and the notion that the public is being conned by our farcical democratic system. Canadian Bacon encourages the US President to start a cold war against Canada in order to boost his popularity. Mars Attacks! comically follows the responses of various characters to an alien invasion, from the indecisive and pacifying President to his hot-headed and excitable advisors. Spin City centres on the Deputy Mayor of New York and his staff as they run the local government. Dick parodies the Watergate scandal. Election was an adaption of Tom Perrotta’s 1998 novel of the same name, and the narrative uses a high school election for student body president as a metaphor for the1992 US Presidential Elections which served as Perrotta’s inspiration. 79 Rob Reiner’s This is Spinal Tap (1984) is widely considered to be the definitive film in contemporary mockumentary and its popularisation as a genre. 80 Further to this, Hayden (2002, p. 107-108) points out “the line between fiction and reality was blurred throughout production of [Primary Colors]” because both “screenwriter Elaine May and director Mike Nichols had campaigned for Clinton in 1992” and a number of the actors were personal friends of the Clintons. 81 These characters are considered to correlate with the following real-life individuals: Henry Burton (George Stephanopoulos), Libby Holden (composite of Betsey Wright and Vince Foster), Richard Jemmons (James Carville), Howard Ferguson (Harold Ickes, Jr.), and Daisy Green (composite of Mandy Grunwald and Dee Dee Myers). Though as Hayden (2002, p. 107) notes “If the book was primarily a work of fiction, many real-life people who resembled its characters did not think so” which lent a surreal quality to Primary Colors. 82 The idiom ‘to wag the dog’ comes from the joke "Why does a dog wag its tail? Because a dog is smarter than its tail. If the tail was smarter, the tail would wag the dog." And describes events where something of lesser importance assumes greater significance than something of greater importance. 83 The New York Times bestseller “Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War” (2006) by veteran journalists Michael Isikoff and David Corn provides a well-researched behind-the-scenes account of how and why the Bush administration invaded Iraq. 84 Ornstein and Mann explore this concept at length in their edited book The Permanent Campaign and Its Future (2000), with Elmer, Langlois, and McKelvey capturing how the concept has evolved with the advent of social media in their book The permanent campaign: new media, new politics (2012). 85 Beatty sought help on the film’s script from a team of writers, including Elaine May (of Primary Colors fame) and Aaron Sorkin. 86 Baker’s (2013) article in The New York Times was published near the start of Obama’s second term, when his administration was facing controversy over the handling of terrorist attacks in Benghazi (including the death of J. Christopher Stevens, then US Ambassador to Libya), the Department of Justice seizing journalists phone records, and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) targeting the tea party. The anecdote was picked up and repeated by multiple media outlets. The Washington Post even went so far as to publish a fictional press conference script of “If Obama went Bulworth, here’s what he’d say” (Klein, 2013), that was developed in consultation with former Obama staffers. Pointedly, Klein speculates Obama would say, “this town is obsessed with conflict and political advantage and not with real problems. We worry about the wrong things so much that we don’t even have time to talk to the American people or each other about the right things. […] I let myself care what’s written on op-ed pages and what’s said on cable news. I read this stuff and I get mad. And every moment I spend doing that is a moment when I’m getting further and further away from real peoples’ problems.” 87 Trump even echoed Bulworth during his inauguration speech, with the line “we stand at the birth of a new millennium” (Trump). The comparable line “we stand at the doorstep of a new millennium” is Bulworth’s campaign catchcry, maddeningly repeated at the start of the film, and the tipping point for his mental snap. 88 Bulworth’s new found muse Nina (Halle Berry) illuminates the problem with contemporary political leadership as one that is “purely cultural” in that in addition to the “monopoly of the media” we have “a consumer culture that’s based on self-gratification and you’re not likely to have a population that wants leadership that calls for self-sacrifice.” 89 Absolute Power is an exception in terms of context, as it is set in PR consulting firm Prentiss McCabe that specialises in “government-media relations.” The program started on BBC Radio in 2000 and ran for twenty-two thirty-minute episodes. It was originally a spin-off to Mark Tavener’s 1989 novel In The Red, which introduced us to the characters of Charles Prentis and Martin McCabe. In the Red is a black comedy and murder-mystery set in the media, political, and financial industries, and was adapted for both radio (1995, 1997-1999) and television (1998). 90 In the Loop carried over the characters of Malcolm Tucker, Jamie McDonald and Sam Cassidy from The Thick of It, though many of the series’ cast worked on the film playing new roles. A number of actors in the film also went on to play similar characters in Veep. Iannucci served as showrunner for the first four seasons of Veep
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before deciding to “fire” himself in order to return to London, and was replaced by Julia Louis-Dreyfus’s former Seinfeld colleague David Mandel after Iannucci felt it was a “sign” that they shared “similar thoughts” about the future direction of the series (Iannucci cited in Lambe, 2015). 91 It is unsurprising that the issue was picked up by Working Dog, who are well known for ‘high modern’ media criticism in satirical television, and according to the producers, The Hollowmen exposed the emptiness of contemporary politics, and gave political spin doctors the same treatment Frontline gave to commercial current affairs (McManus 2008; Idato 2008; Ellis 2008; Blundell 2008). 92Capaldi’s assertion regarding his inspiration for Tucker was made prior to the Weinstein sexual abuse scandal, though his inspiration is easy to see, given Weinstein’s intimidating and aggressive reputation was well known. Weinstein has also been the source for a number of other memorable characters including Les Grossman (played by Tom Cruise) in the 2008 film Tropic Thunder and recurring Entourage (2004-2011) character Harvey Weingard (played by the late Maury Chaykin). Furthermore, a career transition from Hollywood producer to Communications Director isn’t implausible given a producer’s diversity of skillsets and experience is likely to be highly advantageous to any political operative. It is also not without precedence, for example, the late Sir James Gordon Reece who was a British journalist turned television producer turned PR consultant, turned political strategist for Margaret Thatcher. Reece worked closely with Thatcher during the 1979 General Election, and continued as an advisor until she lost the Conservative Party leadership in 1990. 93These scenes were both used as stimulus during interviews and focus groups. 94 See for example, other 21st century texts: V for Vendetta (2005), State of Play (2009), Casino Jack (2010), Secret State (2012), Broken City (2013), Designated Survivor (2016-present). 95 The trilogy by Andrew Davies comprises of a total of 12 episodes across three mini-series – The House of Cards (1990), To Play the King (1993), and The Final Cut (1995) – each based on Michael Dobb’s trilogy of political thrillers, each by the same name. 96 The late Ian Richardson who starred as Francis Urquhart in the The House of Cards Trilogy was originally a stage actor who played several Shakespearean leads, including Richard III. Kevin Spacey had also just finished an international stage tour as Richard III before he began filming the first series of Netflix’s House of Cards (see Youngs, 2007). 97 Dobbs is currently working with Borgen creator Adam Price on a new political drama based in Westminster. 98 Farragut North was originally inspired by his work on former Governor Howard Dean’s 2004 campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. The film Ides of March was a critical success, directed by George Clooney, and starring Clooney, with Ryan Gosling, Evan Rachel Wood, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Paul Giamatti, Marisa Tomei, and Jeffrey Wright, and was nominated for multiple awards including the Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay in 2012. 99 Sternbergh’s (2014) interview with Willimon reveals he was particularly impacted by the “Dean Scream” incident that heralded the collapse of Howard Dean’s presidential campaign in 2003. Willimon, who worked on the campaign, and saw firsthand the failure of the campaign “to respond in an effectively aggressive way,” continues to be intrigued by “how to respond to a moment of public embarrassment and media distortion, how to counter, and outflank, the people who are trying to define, and defeat, you” because such decisions are “the sort of thing Francis Underwood is thinking about all the time.” (Willimon cited in Sternbergh, 2014). 100While Netflix is notorious for keeping their viewership data private – claiming “measuring success by audience size is meaningless” and that it is inconsistent with their business model as a subscription service (Sweney, 2014) – House of Cards was toppled by Orange is the New Black (2013 – present) as Netflix’s most watched original series after its release in mid-2013 (Ha, 2013). 101 There was much made by the media of Obama’s comment during an interview with Ellen DeGeneres in 2014 that he was a fan of House of Cards (HOC), with the then-President (or rather the social media team that manages his Twitter account) having tweeted a request for “No spoilers” on 13 February, the day before the release of the second season. However, this had been preceded by Kevin Spacey starring in a HOC parody video to launch the White House Correspondent’s Dinner in 2013, and Obama had joked “I wish things were [as] ruthlessly efficient” as Frank Underwood, while praising the series during a meeting with tech industry CEOs (Miller, 2013). More recently in 2015 a video of Obama’s best impersonation of Frank Underwood was spliced into the White House’s regular “West Wing Week” (2010-2016) webisode (available on YouTube, iTunes, and previously The White House website), to mark both April Fools Day and the fifth anniversary of the production. 102 On Twitter, in 2016, the official House of Cards memorably trolled the following “real” political actors: Donald Trump after the final election count on 19 December 2016, tweeting “I forgot how much I miss being whip,” having already tweeted earlier on 9 December 2016 “But the fun was just getting started” after Rudy Giuliani removed himself from consideration as part of Trump’s administration; David Cameron, twice on 8 April 2016, after his offshore tax dodging became breaking news, tweeting “The road to power is paved with
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hypocrisy and causalities” and posting a gif of one of Frank’s withering direct addresses in response to a tweet from Cameron’s account; and Malcolm Turnbull, on 21 March 2016, after he recalled Parliament and threatened a double dissolution election, where they tweeted “@TurnbullMalcolm I admire your methodology, Prime Minister. If you don’t like how the table is set, turn over the table.” 103 The inverted flag has been part of Netflix’s House of Cards branding since its inception, though as a symbol it is widely recognised to stand for distress. The trailer “either struck viewers as an audacious commentary on the events transpiring on the Capitol steps or a disrespectful rebuke [and] their take depended upon which side of the political spectrum they inhabited.” (McFarland, 2017). The tagline was foreshadowed in the final episode of Season 4, after Frank has publicly declared war, and witnesses a hostage execution at the hands of “ICO” extremists while sitting alongside Claire. In a direct address he says “That’s right, we don’t submit to terror. We make the terror,” as both he and Claire (breaking the fourth wall for the first time in the series) stare back at the audience. 104 Dobbs has repeated this opinion elsewhere, such as “I used to think writing was easy. Writing House of Cards 29 years ago, I'd simply take the reality of Westminster and water it down a little in order to make it credible. But no amount of hosing can wash this much blood off the walls.” (Dobbs, 2016) and “Basic Rule: To write political fiction, take reality, then water it down in order to make it credible.” (Dobbs, 2009) and “I don’t often have to look around too far for inspiration [...] but sometimes I have to water the truth down.” (East, 2016). 105 This refers to both the contentious US presidential election, which Dobbs has said, “Donald Trump will inspire writers for a very long time” (Dobbs cited in East, 2016), as well as Johnson’s post-Brexit political assassination by his allies in the Conservative Party (despite having successfully headed the Leave campaign) that thwarted any hope he had of replacing David Cameron as leader and Prime Minister. Shortly after the publication of Dobbs’ (2016) article in The Telegraph, newly appointed British Prime Minister Theresa May controversially nominated Johnson as the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. 106 Willimon served as showrunner for the first four seasons of House of Cards, but stepped down from the series in 2016 to focus on other creative work as well as campaign against the Trump administration in the US. 107 In the wake of multiple sexual assault allegations against Spacey, there is a sad dramatic irony here that runs twofold. First, Spacey has been publicly blacklisted and received a trial by media following the accusations, much like that which Spacey’s character Frank Underwood subjected his political opponents to. Spacey exacerbated the situation when he chose to publicly come out as gay for the first time in the same announcement where he apologised to Anthony Rapp for his behaviour. Second, the manipulative and abusive (and occasionally homoerotic) Underwood is given an additional sinister layer, knowing what Spacey himself has been accused of. 108 In the BBC’s House of Cards Doug Stamper’s equivalent is Roger O'Neill (Miles Anderson), the Conservative party's cocaine snorting PR consultant who is used as a tool by Francis Urquhart (Ian Richardson) to do his dirty work. 109 Sorkin’s blend of expository and banter-based dialogue, and The West Wing’s “walk-and-talk” shots became signatures of the show and established television conventions. 110 There are several parallels between the film and series, particularly with style of dialogue and policy elements. Furthermore, in The American President, Martin Sheen had played White House Chief of Staff A.J. MacInerney to President Andrew Shepherd (Michael Douglas). This casting is interesting in retrospect given the similarities in appearance and presence of Sheen and Douglas, and because during an argument between the characters in the film President Shepherd questions why his best friend A. J. has never run for political office. President Bartlet is also best friends with his Chief of Staff Leo McGarry in The West Wing. In the film Michael J. Fox also plays Lewis Rothschild, one of the President’s policy advisors, before his turn as New York’s Deputy Mayor and resident spin doctor Mike Flaherty in ABC’s Spin City (1996-2000). The film has been notably plagiarised in political speeches (for example, by Australia’s Anthony Albanese in 2012 and the US’s Ted Cruz in 2016), and used to draw contrast between the relative ease of fictional governance and the challenges for real administrations (see for example, Obama’s speech at the 2013 White House Correspondents’ Dinner). 111 Scandal was created by Shonda Rhimes, of Grey’s Anatomy (2005-present) fame. The medical drama is one of the longest-running scripted US primetime television series, and focuses on the complicated relationships between medical staff at a fictional Seattle hospital. Rhimes applied the same formula and approach when developing Scandal, and was initially launched off the back of Grey’s Anatomy in the following broadcast timeslot, presumably to capitalise on audience crossover. Scandal itself has also found itself in television history for its ethnically diverse cast and post-racial characterisation of Olivia Pope, though as the protagonist Pope’s character also fills the typical network void of a complex, educated, African-American female lead (see Vega, 2013).
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112 While this was a common response to critics of The West Wing, it became a popular reason to justify the flop of Sorkin’s program Studio 60 on the Sunset Strip (2006-2007). 113The opening speech echoes Howard Beale’s (Peter Finch) memorable “mad as hell” rant in Sidney Lumet’s black comedy Network (1976). The title of Shaun Micallef’s Mad as Hell (2012-present) satirical news program pays homage to this. 114It is a running joke that Aaron Sorkin is an “old man” who “hates the internet” and is not on social media (see for example, Lyons, 2011; Shoard, 2011; Lawson, 2014; Brody, 2015; Finger, 2015), thus it is ironic that he has been the screenwriter for critically acclaimed technology films The Social Network (2010) and Steve Jobs (2015). This attitude has been evident since the Lemon Lyman incident in The West Wing when Josh discovers the internet (or rather, online chat specifically) and C.J. explains “the people on these sites, they’re the cast of One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest” (see “The US Poet Laureate,” Season 3, Episode 16).
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CHAPTER 6: DISTORTED REFLECTIONS OF PRACTITIONER REALITIES
This chapter discusses how political PR practitioners view fictional representations of their
profession and practice in film and television. Findings show industry interviewees were mixed
in the way they personally defined political PR and its purpose, as well as how they responded
to specific representations. However, it was consistently evidenced that practitioners used
these fictional narratives to reflect on their own professional experiences, and critically
engage with the role and function of PR in politics. Practitioners acknowledged that political
PR operates in a “grey” area, and representations in popular culture shine a spotlight on
tensions within the profession and its practice. They contested the stereotype of spin and the
notion of truth and the public interest, though reflected critical engagement on these issues
is driven by a combination of fictional representations, traditional media, and public
education. While interviewees shared a respect for the intelligence of voters and the general
public, they also felt everyday audiences had a poor understanding of political PR. Participants
attributed this partly to the hidden nature of the profession, and partly to the way, they felt,
fictional film and television has mis-represented their work. Interviewees expressed
frustration with what they saw as being an incomplete portrayal of their profession. They felt
the nuances of their work often failed to be captured, and that they were too regularly
pilloried as the root cause of political cynicism. They dismissed representations as
entertaining, but distorted and exaggerated, which they felt resulted in the power and
influence of political PR being overstated. However, interviewees still found representations
of their profession and practice in film and television to be relatable. They used fictional
narratives as sites of self-reflection to critically consider the work and environment they are
involved in, and as evidence to challenge and validate their own professional identity.
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PROFESSIONAL DEFINITIONS, DESCRIPTIONS, AND SELF REFLECTION
To examine how political PR practitioners relate to fictional representations of their profession
and practice, it was necessary to explore how they described their work, and its role and
function in contemporary society. This is important for three reasons. First, as established in
Chapter 2, public relations has a “pervasive identity crisis” (de Bussy & Wolf, 2009). There is
conflict over what political PR should be and what it is, and even practitioners struggle to agree
on what it is that they do. Further to this, “political public relations” as an academic discipline
is relatively new and is still in the process of constructing its identity (see for example,
Strömbäck & Kiousis, 2011). Second, although the terms “spin” and “spin doctor” are not
exclusively applied to political PR, it is clear that PR’s place in the political process has been
particularly controversial. Third, given that much of how we interpret the world around us
comes from our own personal experiences, it is necessary to understand how practitioners
define and conceptualise the work they do. Thus, understanding practitioner perspectives was
useful to establish a frame of reference for their reactions to, and reflections on, fictional
representations, as well as their speculation as to how everyday audiences may read such
texts.
When I asked industry practitioners how they define public relations, they often hesitated
before responding. While this may have been partly due to interviewees feeling “put on the
spot,” that this question consistently gave interviewees pause suggests the articulation of
“public relations” is difficult. Thus, the difficulties in both defining and understanding the field
are not limited to everyday audiences nor scholarly debate. Isaac, a state government senior
media advisor with nearly thirty years’ experience, highlighted part of the problem: “Gee it’s
a broad industry isn’t it? And I guess it’s morphed a bit and certainly the lines have become
blurred in terms of, you know, what’s straight PR.” Indeed, the integrated nature of PR as a
function under the professional communications umbrella has seen its disciplinary distinction
blurred, despite ongoing academic attempts to separate the practice of PR from its sibling
disciplines of advertising and marketing (see for example, Fitch, 2016, pp 1-28; Hutton, 2001;
Broom, Lauzen & Tucker, 1001; Harlow, 1976). This has been further accelerated by the
increasing demand for integrated communication campaigns, as well as the advent of social
media, both of which require the use of multidisciplinary skills and tactics (see for example,
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Wright & Hinson, 2017). Many fictional representations span different disciplines of
communication with little distinction, and political PR practitioners portrayed in these texts
perform functions that are aligned academically with other areas. For example, when
interviewee Greta was discussing The Hollowmen, she described how it portrays PR as “more
than just press releases – you can see how it intersects with advertising, marketing, [and]
management.” In differentiating the discipline of PR from advertising, interviewees identified
PR’s focus on “free” media and long-term strategy over paid media and short-term outputs.
However, they acknowledged there was overlap in the skills and tactics employed by
communication professionals, particularly between PR and marketing. While the difference
here is often described as marketing’s focus being on selling products, while PR’s focus is on
building relationships, the mixed responsibility in the owned media space – such as
management of websites, blogs, and social media profiles – has blurred the boundaries
between them.
After due consideration, interviewees consistently described public relations as strategic
communication designed to engage target audiences with specific messages. This broadly
aligns with industry and academic definitions of the field (see Chapter 2). Indeed, the
professionalisation of PR as a discipline has emphasised the need for it to hold a permanent
place at the strategic management level, or, as one interviewee described it, the importance
of having a seat in “the boardroom.” Fictional characters are often positioned in powerful,
high-level roles, which may explain why representations of political PR are often conflated
with all elements of political strategy and extend beyond those associated with
communication. Public relations was widely considered by my interviewees to have a “vital,”
“integral,” “critical,” and “extremely important” function in the political process. Experienced
political consultant Laura described “communications” as “the lifeblood for politics” and
democratic societies. In terms of its primary function, practitioners described the role of PR in
politics as being part of the support and advisory staff to political actors, with responsibility
for communication strategy and media relations, as well as ensuring “people are kept in the
loop and everyone is on the same page” (Daniel). As political contexts have accelerated,
political actors who have neither the time nor communications expertise have increasingly
relied on PR professionals to fill this gap and manage their messages, reputation, and
relationships. This has created an additional, largely invisible, layer between political actors
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and the public or media. Although this layer may be seen to inhibit democratic ideals, it is
nevertheless a practical necessity in our present system of democracy.115
Aside from strategic leadership, participants emphasised the need to have a good working
relationship with the media, and a desire to make information more accessible and “raise
awareness” through exposure. Raising awareness is often considered a trap in this regard,
because it is not something that you can easily measure, and is instead only an assumed
outcome of a campaign. This is problematic when part of PR’s professionalisation has been
conceived as ensuring PR outputs are quantifiable. Though as interviewee Trevor pointed out
“if what we do [as practitioners] didn’t make a difference, or have some sort of impact, then
why are we still doing it?” Similarly, another interviewee noted
JANE: I think a lot of what PR people do is just planting a seed, getting an idea out there, and people might pick it up or they might not, but it's there and if you create the right conditions that idea will grow, and I guess inspire change.
This is pertinent when considered in relation to the way audiences develop ideas about public
relations, and its role in politics. Fictional narratives in film and television texts can similarly
act as the seeds that grow ideas in the minds of their audiences. Thus, by alerting audiences
to the profession and practice of political PR, representations in popular culture can provide
the foundations for building our understanding.
Several interviewees described operating “on the premise of the vomit factor,” which Isaac
succinctly described as “when you’re so sick of saying something that you feel like vomiting
then somebody might be hearing it just for the very first time.” In many ways, this approach
is more aligned with marketing since it emphasises selling a message over facilitating
relationships with the public. However, it fits with what interviewees saw as the overall value
in their profession as that of being skilled communicators who could give a “voice” to their
client or employer and “help” them “to be heard.” This is frequently reflected in fictional
narratives about political PR, where practitioners are shown to aide their employers or clients
in effectively communicating their message. Communication expertise and guidance extends
across all communication types, from verbal and written to non-verbal and visual. Interviewee
Daniel explained how all the different elements need to work together, or else they can
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distract from the core message. He elaborated on this when describing Margaret Thatcher’s
makeover in The Iron Lady:
DANIEL: [PR] is about helping them [political actors] give authentic expression to themselves in a way that makes people feel comfortable with them. […] So, when you are doing superficial stuff, like making over their image, […] it’s about removing distractions and giving people a new way of looking at them. […] If the bad tie is who you are and that’s part of your charm then you’ve actually got to own that. But usually it isn’t, and this stuff, it ends up being unintentional and it’s just getting in the way of people connecting with you and I think they did a good job of showing that [in The Iron Lady]. So, you know, the pearls meant something, so you keep the pearls, but if you don’t give a fuck about your hair why not have it in a way that means more people will listen to what you have to say?
This description captures the delicate balancing act of political PR, where practitioners must
weigh authenticity with subtle symbolism to find the most favourable combination. Where
Daniel drew on this scene, others referenced the opening scene from The Adjustment Bureau
(2011), where Congressman David Norris (Matt Damon) is inspired to deliver a candid
concession speech after an intriguing encounter with a mysterious woman (Emily Blunt):
David Norris: We had a rule in my neighbourhood. When you got in a fight, it wasn't whether or not you got knocked down, it's what you do when you get back up. And I came here to tell you tonight, that I will get back up. [long pause] It's bullshit. We didn't have that saying in my neighbourhood. It's just one of those phrases that had some traction with the focus group and so we kept using it, but it's not true. […] This isn't even my tie. This tie was selected for me by a group of specialists in Tenafly, New Jersey who chose it over 56 other ties we tested. […] My shoes – you know, shiny shoes, we associate with high-priced lawyers and bankers. If you want to get a working man's vote, you need to scuff up your shoes a little bit. But you can't scuff them up so much that you alienate the lawyers and the bankers because you need them to pay for the specialists back in Tenafly. So, what is the proper scuffing amount? Do you know we actually paid a consultant [USD]$7,300 – [turns to advisor side of stage] was it $7,300, Charlie? – $7,300, for a consultant to tell us that this [holds up shoe] is the perfect amount of scuffing.
Breaking from the refined script and drawing attention to the backroom artificery shocks
David’s team of diligent advisors but is wildly well-received by the press and public. This
monologue skewers the problem with authenticity in contemporary political communication.
Skilled spin doctors carefully craft a political actor’s image to maximise public appeal, though
in doing so they risk eroding the original substance needed to connect with citizens. Other
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texts like The Candidate (1972) and Primary Colors (1998) paint the public as being easily
duped by polished puppets and unaware of the triviality of contemporary political
communication. However, the scene above, and other texts such as Bulworth (1998), suggests
citizens will reject this overt professionalisation when offered alternative political actors who
are prepared to break free from the traditional mould. What is shared here is the portrayal of
political PR as an invisible intermediary that has the potential to simultaneously help and
hinder in its facilitation of a connection between political actors and the public.
Public relations is being depicted and understood as skilled in constructing all types of
communication in ways that will be effectively focused, and appropriately targeted, so it will
be heard or seen by its intended audiences. However, the balancing act continues between
ensuring the impact and reach of your message according to the “vomit principle,” and
disengaging audiences through repetition and superficiality. Everyday audiences
demonstrated an awareness of this as well, though they typically felt the power of persuasion
overwhelmed rational debate. For example, focus group participants were wryly amused by
Nick Naylor’s aggressive rhetoric in Thank You for Smoking, and this frequently prompted
further debate regarding contemporary political communication:
JOEL: I liked how easily he [Nick Naylor] changed the focus of attention. […] That’s a big part of political PR – changing someone’s smear campaign against you and making the public forget about it or adopt something catchier, I guess. And we can see that in the case of, like, the “ditch the witch” slogan. That was very persuasive, and it was really the biggest part of how the Liberal Party won the last election [in 2013] – not through better policies but through better advertising.
NEIL: […] I thought part of what really won them their campaign was that they had so many of those little sound bite things […] and they probably had a much better PR team. They had that ability to maintain this continuous negative approach to politics that, coming up to the campaign, they didn’t have any policies, they didn’t have a budget, they didn’t have anything, they just talked shit for four years or more and it worked.
JOEL: Yeah, yeah. Like their attitude was slogans and that like “we’ve got to stop the boats.” But then they didn’t elaborate on how they’re going to stop the boats.
NEIL: Exactly. It was all just meaningless spin – and they won anyway.
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This dialogue is insightful for several reasons. First it demonstrates the way audiences use
fictional narratives to explore their own lived realities, such as Joel’s and Neil’s experiences of
the Australian Federal Election in 2013. This is discussed further throughout this, and the
following, chapters. Second, it highlights the lack of clarity between the different disciplines
within political communication, particularly Joel’s comment as he describes slogans and
campaign strategies as “advertising.” This ambiguity was frequently raised by focus group
participants, who indicated that, for people outside the industry (like themselves), it was
confusing and difficult to understand the distinctions between advertising, marketing, and
public relations. While practitioners were less frustrated by this, such perceptions signal the
way spin has become a convenient collective term for audiences to describe all forms of
contemporary political communication. From the “spin control” propagated by Nick Naylor,
to the sound bites and slogans peddled by our elected representatives, audiences are better
positioned to see through such tactics as a result of such narratives in our fictional texts.
The final issue raised by Joel and Neil’s discussion is their open cynicism regarding the current
state of political communication. Such exasperation was broadly and consistently exhibited by
the majority of both focus group and interview participants across this study. Alice, a
communications and event manager in the public service, similarly considered the preference
for slogans and soundbites, and viewed this as one of the key challenges for political PR:
ALICE: We’ve seen the rise of the three-word slogan and how everything has to be able to be told in a hundred-and-forty characters. […] I think that’s the real challenge, […] that inability to get a message through in any way that gives it a depth. […] I mean you can’t sell complex tax reform in a hundred-and-forty characters. […] It just has become harder and harder to get people to stop and listen long enough to actually hear the complex argument. […] The whole three-word slogan thing, I don’t think that's the way we want to go, but it’s increasingly the way we do go.
This is a likely consequence from the combination of audiences’ reduced attention spans, the
rapid-paced media environment, and hollow populist policies, though knowing this does little
to create change. Alice reluctantly concedes to the professional and public context in which
she is operating, though it is clear she struggles to justify this approach. Sloganeering and
message repetition have been mercilessly mocked by media commentators as well as in
fictional montages. One such example is The Campaign’s opening montage where Cam Brady’s
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(Will Ferrell) election slogan “taking care of business” and description of various constituent
groups as “this nation’s backbone” are repeated ad nauseam. This humorous depiction
highlights the ongoing concern that contemporary political communication and our
democratic discourse has been reduced to spin that grabs our attention but is shallow beneath
the surface. Such narratives simultaneously challenge PR professionals to reflect on whether
their current practices are effective in serving their purposes, while encouraging audiences to
demand more in terms of information substance and communication quality.
Echoing the lifestyle and industry environment depicted in fictional narratives, as discussed in
Chapter 4, interviewees agreed that political PR operates in a complex and contested
environment that is constantly evolving, frequently chaotic, and very fast-paced. As such “PR
in politics requires a certain type of person” (Richard) who is “resilient and robust” and has “a
thick hide” (Laura) to be able to keep up and roll with the political punches, like Nick Naylor in
Thank You For Smoking, or Elizabeth Sloane in Miss Sloane. Interviewees commonly described
the types of people who work well in political PR as “passionate and committed,” “switched
on,” “intelligent” and “confident,” though equally acknowledged that such a career suits
individuals who are “hard-nosed,” “arrogant,” “aggressive,” and sometimes “assholes.” As
Cathy points out:
CATHY: I think the nature of the job means that people are going to behave in less than desirable ways when they’re under stress. I mean that’s the nature of stress, and because I think a lot of people drink a lot, and there’s all those sorts of things that go along with it. They don’t see their families, you know, they’re tired, they’re full on jobs, it’s craziness, it’s travelling all the time. So, they induce bad behaviour.
The long hours, hard work, and “crazy” nature described by Cathy is something that is
repeatedly reflected in popular culture texts, from The Thick of It and Veep to The West Wing
and House of Cards, suggesting it is a well-established dynamic and culture that is accepted –
and at times even embraced – by practitioners, both real and fictional.
Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi) from The Thick of It generated animated comment amongst
interviewees, who admitted they had encountered individuals like Tucker in their working
lives. Tucker embodies all the qualities suggested by interviewees as necessary for a successful
political PR career. Interviewees also drew parallels to Alastair Campbell and John McTernan,
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and many recounted their own experiences with abusive, bullying colleagues when reflecting
on the infamous Tucker. Martin summarised this as:
MARTIN: There’s a small number of people, like Malcom Tucker, who have no moral starting point, they just like the sport. They love shouting and they love the pace, it’s addictive, you know. Most of those guys usually drink a lot and, you know, lose their families – or women. Some people are attracted for more malign purposes, they just want to amass power, […] [but] most people [are] quite normal people, just really interested [in politics] and hard working.
The relentlessness yet fundamental normalcy described by Martin also pervades the
individuals and working environment depicted on screen. The characters in The West Wing,
or Scandal’s “gladiators in suits,” for example, are deeply devoted yet flawed human beings.
Even in Veep’s sardonic humour, Selena Myer’s staffers all exhibit a perverse loyalty to their
political careers and their tyrannical mistress. Trevor captures his own experience of this,
when explaining the appeal of working in political PR:
TREVOR: It’s more addictive than anything else and the addiction to feeling that adrenalin, […] it’s wrecked me, like I can’t do anything else because everything else is dull, […] it, like genuinely spoils you and not in a "oh I have hoity-toity champagne tastes now, isn’t this terrible" thing, it’s actually like an existential angsty kind of problem that there is no meaning in my life without this driving force in it that makes me feel important and […] forces me out of bed at 4 in the morning into the office and makes me be a terrible, disengaged son, brother, a terrible boyfriend with an awful set of morals, and like a terrible friend who’s never there for people. […] It’s not awful while you’re doing it, like the trade-off is amazing and I don’t know how it is for the people who are doing PR for long runs in jobs that they’re not super passionate about […] But I would’ve stayed on […] almost endlessly because of the sense of purpose, like the I am doing something that matters, and I am going to change things.
This acceptance of long hours, typically justified by the compulsion to create meaningful
change, was a distinct theme amongst interviewees. Despite differences in individual
preferences for texts that were either inspirational and idealistic (like The West Wing) or
cynical and dark (like House of Cards), interviewees found fictional narratives that accurately
depicted the lifestyle and context of their work more relatable. Even the gaffe-prone antics in
Veep and Spin City drew parallels, with interviewees reflecting on the absurd political circus
they sometimes found themselves in. These texts provoked open discussion, such as Trevor’s
description above, and interviewees implied a sense of appreciation for the way fictional
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representations captured and recognised the collective hard work and diligence required from
those in political PR.
Trevor’s account also echoes the workaholic life of tobacco lobbyist Nick Naylor (Aaron
Eckhart) in Thank You for Smoking (2005), who revels in his career as the “sultan of spin”
despite the impact on his personal life and the frequently unsavoury elements of his job.
However, there is a distinct departure from the commitments of Trevor and my other
interviewees when it comes to motivation. Rather than being driven by a desire to make a
difference, Naylor is an outlier, having fallen into his career success because he happened to
be charming, social, and good at “spin control.” Addicted to the lifestyle, Naylor is instead a
mercenary motivated primarily by money, much like Remy Danton (Mahershala Ali) in House
of Cards (2013-present). Such a distinction is not lost on the likes of Frank Underwood, who
may similarly “loathe the necessity of sleep” (see Episode 10, Season 2), but condemns Remy’s
approach in an aside to the camera:
Frank Underwood: Such a waste of talent. He chose money over power. In this town it’s a mistake nearly everyone makes. Money is the McMansion in Sarasota that starts falling apart after ten years. Power is the old stone buildings that stand for centuries. I cannot respect someone who doesn’t see the difference. (Episode 2, Season 1).
While Trevor did not explicitly describe being motivated by power, this is another major theme
in both fictional representations and the allure of working in political communication for many
practitioners. Cathy reflected on this when considering the overarching trend in fictional
representations of political PR:
CATHY: It’s seen as glamorous and powerful, I think. Even if it’s grubby, it’s still powerful. It’s influential. […] So, I think that the job itself is, whether or not the portrayal in popular culture is positive, in a likeable sense, is kind of irrelevant. […] I mean that’s the aphrodisiac isn’t it, that’s why you do it. […] it’s to finally go behind the closed door and see how the political process works, and to have some influence in that. Not necessarily in policy, although that does happen inadvertently, […] but certainly having an influence or input [on policy]. […] How many people have that kind of direct input? I mean it’s fantastic! God, how addictive is that!
Cathy’s seamless transition from talking about representations in popular culture to her
intimate understanding of the addictive element of power and influence highlights how
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acutely many fictional narratives about political PR refract practitioners’ own experiences.
Cathy’s experience of having influence and input on policy, and having her opinion valued by
decision makers, is also notable as this speaks to the care she has for her practice and its
outcomes that extends beyond simply power and ego. Thus, while the “small number of
people” Martin’s earlier comment alluded to – such as the Malcolm Tuckers and Frank
Underwoods of the world – may pursue power for its own sake, or may only be chasing money
and a glamorous lifestyle, others are able to enjoy these things on the periphery while also
feeling like they are making a meaningful contribution.
Ultimately, however, the common theme here still returns to the addictive nature of power
and influence as directly associated with political PR. This is naturally amplified when working
in politics because actors are positioned at the axis of power. Daniel described it as feeling like
you are at “the centre of the universe.” George shared this view, indicating “it’s quite
intoxicating and attractive, particularly to younger people because they think that they’re in
the, inner circle. […] You’re feeling like you are making a difference and contributing.” It was
evident that this was one of the key justification for the sacrifices political PR practitioners
make in their daily lives, and why, as Daniel put it, they are willing “to hand [their] life in for a
couple of years” to “make [their] mark.” The commitment and personal cost is clearly taxing
however, and many of my interviewees reflected on how this high-pressure environment
takes its toll. George later suggested that such justification can begin to wear thin and
“whether you still think that ten years later, that’s another question. […] It's a good thing to
do for a while but not forever.” This timeframe seems common, with Daniel also reflecting
that a career in political PR is a difficult thing to sustain long term given “In these kinds of jobs
you’ve got like ten years at your prime and then you’re just not any good at it anymore. You
get burnt out.”
We see the idea of progressive exhaustion played out occasionally in fictional narratives,
particularly longer form television series that have the chance for extended character
development, such as The West Wing or Veep. From the tenacious dedication of morose Toby
Ziegler (Richard Schiff, The West Wing) to the questionable loyalty of apathetic Mike
McLintock (Matt Walsh, Veep), political PR characters are lost and listless outside the political
arena. This is similar to Trevor’s indication earlier that there would be “no meaning in [his]
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life” if he no longer worked in political communication. Other fictional depictions – of
characters who should have perhaps had breakdowns, but managed to soldier on with a
devoted singularity to their existence – suggest those that choose this career for life will
become battle-hardened, bitter, and weary, such as The Thick of It’s special advisor Glenn
Cullen (James Smith). It should be noted that while the sacrifices made by politicians are
acknowledged, and their public service rewarded – both in office in the form of entitlements,
and after office through generous parliamentary pensions – the teams of staff supporting
them are not extended the same recognition or remuneration. Political PR’s contribution to
liberal democracies thus remains not only unacknowledged, but also unvalued.
Despite the tough conditions, such a career path continues to attract an elite few.
Practitioners identified two types of individuals who typically sought political PR roles: either
“former journalists” seeking a more lucrative position, or “political acolytes” brought up
through the party ranks. Regardless of the career pathway, interviewees agreed the skills
required remained the same. Daniel, for example, insisted that in political PR “there is a way
of thinking about the world that’s necessary.” He claimed, “you can’t be black and white, […]
you can’t be too literal, you can’t be too reductive,” and you need to have an “understanding
of how useful a silence is.” Thus, it became clear that in such contexts, the role of PR in politics
is, at times, the inverse of PR at large, as the desire to make information more “accessible”
only holds so long as doing so is helpful to the cause. Interviewees openly acknowledged that
much of political PR is concentrated on the strategic release and selective presentation of
information. While this is a standard and expected communication practice across all
industries, there are ramifications here for democracy when an informed populace becomes
a selectively informed populace. This was explained by Martin, a former journalist and senior
media advisor, in his response to the film Thank You for Smoking:
MARTIN: It was very confronting in that obviously you can’t spin your way into saying tobacco is good, but he’s doing a pretty good job, you know? And it illustrates the way in which, on other issues, you can spin your way into misleading people. You can present half the facts selectively; you can quote only what you want, and not quote what you don’t want, to make a situation seem different than it is. So, do I do that? I suppose I do. […] It’s my job to put our argument in its best light but I don’t go to the point of lie – it’s hard to compare what I’m doing to [Thank You for Smoking]. I don’t lie to people, but I will often not tell them everything. But I expect that they’re going to do their job and go and talk
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to someone from the other side who will tell them those things. But I don’t know that they will.
While it is entirely reasonable to assume both journalists and the public at large will – or
arguably should – take responsibility for sourcing their information and seeking out alternative
perspectives, it may not be a practical reality. Despite the democratising power of the
internet, issues with information overload and reliability pose problems for citizens seeking to
assess the veracity of a particular statement or argument. This is also exacerbated by the
personal echo chambers produced by social media and an under-resourced and over-worked
fourth estate. This leaves the public sphere susceptible to the propagation of fake news,
alternative facts, and the selective presentation of information that serves unseen vested
interests. Fictional texts provide audiences with entertaining narratives that draw on these
tensions, and encourage thoughtful discussion about spin and information control.
Martin’s final comment here indicated that he, too, is hesitant about whether journalists and
citizens do take the time to consider different perspectives. He later went on to express how
frustrated he was by the Australian media who routinely “only run one side” of an issue and
that “they don’t even come and ask us, they don’t give you a chance, [and] that’s not fair,
that’s not journalism.” Thus, this reveals it is not only PR that has the capacity to spin
information, but journalists too. This raises questions around the efficacy of the fourth estate,
its capacity to speak truth to power, and the lack of objectivity in contemporary reporting.
Interestingly, Tanner (2011, p. 93) argued that spin tactics evolved as a “defensive”
mechanism “in response to changing media dynamics” and “gotcha” style journalism. In
contrast, journalists have claimed this and other adversarial styles have developed in response
to the increased efforts of spin doctors and political actors to control information and their
public image. Tanner (2001, p. 142) pointed out the hypocrisy here in that there is an
expectation that political actors will be flawlessly informed and professionally presented, yet
are criticised by the media “for being devious and superficial” when they come across as too
polished or rehearsed. This hypocrisy extends to include how the media lament the lack of
substance in contemporary political discourse, while simultaneously focusing on government
gaffes and gimmicks rather than reporting on policy substance or issue analysis. Tanner (2001,
p. 143) attributes this to traditional news publications’ “lack of self-awareness about [their]
down-market drift” and deliberate ignorance as to the role editorial decisions have in
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determining the depth of our political discourse. However, this does not negate the way spin
can disrupt and divert public information in ways that are undemocratic. McNair (2000, p.
136-139) advocates that the ongoing power struggle between journalism and spin has a
democratising function in that the relationship functions as a check and balance system, and
both can act as a foil for the excesses of the other. The tensions Martin expressed above allude
to the separation between normative democratic ideals, and the reality of democracy in
action, where fluctuating power dynamics create systemic problems that in turn impact the
health of the public sphere. Representations of political PR are steeped in such debates, and
act as cultural touchstones for audiences seeking to understand contemporary political
communication and our mediatised politics.
THE STEREOTYPE OF SPIN AND THE PROBLEM WITH THE PUBLIC INTEREST
While journalists may be accused of media bias, it is political PR practitioners who frequently
get labelled “spin doctors” and accused of “spin.” Although typically a derogatory term,
responses to this prevailing stereotype varied greatly between the participants in this study.
Greta and Rita, both early career practitioners working for not-for-profit organisations,
appeared the most bothered by this perception, feeling that it unjustly characterised what
they do. After Rita watched the selected clips during her interview, she admitted they made
her feel “flat.” She explained her melancholy about the representation of PR in popular
culture:
RITA: It was kind of depressing. […] I do think that there’s a lot of integrity to a PR professional’s role and I think a lot of these shows probably downplay sort of the credibility and the real skill involved in, you know, getting a message out there. […] I do think that [the spin doctor stereotype] devalues the profession a little bit, or maybe a lot. […] It’s probably the most common way of portraying PR as a profession as well […] so it doesn’t really get fairly represented, I don’t think. Like I can't think of a single show that, you know, shows what I do, and has PR for a charity that are trying to do the right thing.
Rita went on to express her concern about how the public at large view her profession
negatively and with distrust. She blamed this on the “spin doctor image,” which she saw as
being drawn from three things: popular culture representations, high profile incidents of
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unethical PR practitioners, and clear evidence of excessive “word-smithing” in contemporary
political communication. On this last point, Rita used the example of Julia Gillard and the
Australian Labor Party’s campaign slogan “moving forward” in the 2010 Australian Federal
Election. Berg (2010) suggested at the time that “Gillard’s biggest mistake […] was using the
phrase ‘moving forward’ 20 times at her election announcement” because it created “the
sense that Gillard is stage-managed and unreal.” Although the ALP was able to form a minority
government after the election, Gillard’s prime ministership was haunted by questions about
the “real” Julia and taunts about the campaign slogan. This highlights the public cynicism and
media scepticism about the superficiality and lack of depth to political communication that is
seen as a consequence of the mediatisation of politics (see for example, McNair, Flew,
Harrington & Swift, 2017). Thus, the blame is placed not only with the political actors
delivering the message, but also with the political agents responsible for constructing the
message in a further damnation of the negative impact spin doctors have on our political
discourse.
Rita resented the stereotype of spin because she felt it limited public respect for her industry,
which in turn, she felt, impacted the efficacy of her work and devalued her professional
contribution. Part of Rita’s worries was her belief that the everyday public simply assume all
political PR to be “the same old spin” which clouds their ability to see it as more than this.
Similarly, Greta was frustrated that “even though the whole point of PR is to be transparent,”
people simply assume “it must be something dodgy” because “PR does happen behind the
scenes.” She went on to explain that she felt the public were “confused” about political PR
because:
GRETA: It’s something that they don’t get access to. […] And it's interesting with these shows, because you can see from them that PR is important, because it's there and has a central role, but even if it's the politician being the idiot, PR still comes across as bad too, or bad by association, so I don't think they help very much in showing the value of PR or why it’s necessary. They just show it as spin, or helping crazy politicians to win elections.
Greta’s comment identifies the positioning of political PR in fictional narratives as a central
and important part of the political process. However, she also suggested that when fictional
representations equate PR with spin or outrageous political antics, this can cheapen the
industry’s image and the practical value offered by PR. The way that both Rita and Greta were
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bothered by their profession’s depiction in popular culture echoes the sentiment raised by
other academic literature (see for example, Thurlow, 2009). This is coupled with the
assumption that the public have a limited understanding of political PR – attributed by most
interviewees to the hidden nature of the profession and its “misrepresentation” in fictional
texts – which has implications for the professional identity of practitioners and the reputation
of their work in society. Other interviewees ultimately took a pragmatic approach to the public
perception of their profession and practice. The attitude of “getting on with the job” does not
negate the way some practitioners were troubled by fictional representations, but it does
mirror the necessary resilience of practitioners in the face of public opinion. Senior media
advisor Isaac considered the way PR has been popularly depicted, and the negative association
attached to spin, as an extension of the public’s wider dissatisfaction with politics. He
described how being “part of the political machine” meant PR practitioners inevitably “get
tarred with the same brush [of] suspicion, cynicism, [and] hostility,” both on screen and off.
Practitioners suggested these fictional depictions and public attitudes were a product of the
wider political context, with most describing themselves as “cynics” as they conceded that the
current state of our political and media systems warranted some degree of scepticism.
Interviewees willingly conceded there are elements in these fictional representations that ring
true for them, relative to their own experiences. For example, political consultant Laura said
she had met people akin to those depicted on screen, and she felt many representations were
“absolutely spot on.” Though the consensus was, as several practitioners described, that the
“unsophisticated” application of the profession in film and television was “unfair” and
“oversimplified.” The perception of “spin” as synonymous with PR was a point practitioners
took issue with. Despite having “seen elements” of fictional characters in her colleagues, Laura
saw the difficulty presented by fictional representations in film and television as arising from
audiences who may take these texts too literally. She suggested because everyday audiences
have minimal interactions with public relations, they get their information from popular
culture and texts like The Thick of It and House of Cards and this is “one of the reasons that
people generally view PR in such a poor light.” Laura said, as a result, the public “think that all
PR people, and political people in particular, are manipulative, shallow, unethical, and not
especially likeable.” This view was shared by many interviewees, who acknowledged that
while some fictional narratives may present alternatives to the spin doctor stereotype, these
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are exceptions that do little to challenge the conventional tag. Indeed, as Cortés (2014, p. 964)
notes, the frequency and repetition of a typified depiction, matched with a lack of variety, are
the conditions through which stereotypes are cemented in our society. This process was first
articulated by Lippmann (1922) who emphasised the rigidity and fixed nature of stereotypes
once they are engrained in the social and cultural fabric of our public consciousness. I do not
dispute that spin is indeed the dominant paradigm through which political communication is
understood, and that the “spin doctor” archetype is a common characterisation of political PR
professionals. However, the inside-out assumption carried by both scholars and industry
practitioners ignores the way audiences have the capacity to be critically discerning (see for
example, McNair et al., 2017). This is examined further in Chapter 7.
In contrast to rejecting the spin doctor stereotype, a few practitioners, including Daniel, Eric,
and Kate went so far as to welcome it. They were unfazed by this classification and dismissive
of generalisations about their profession, having confidence in their role and identity. While
they agreed public perceptions were pigeonholed by the image of spin, they ignored any
associated derision, and insisted that such labels had no impact on their ability to do their job
effectively. State government ministerial media advisor Kate recounted her workplace
reputation favourably:
KATE: One of my colleagues in the office said that PR people, or press secretaries I suppose, are spin doctors and so from then on, I was referred to as “The Doctor” by some in my office. And that’s fine; I sort of probably think that we are spin doctors. I catch myself in a phase of when I, you know, feel like I’m spinning, so to speak, and I think that people maybe get offended by it, but not me. I think it’s a pretty fine tag and I think it’s quite accurate. You have to be the master of spin to be in this role. […] I think it has a negative connotation, but I don’t think it’s negative. I think it's actually a very difficult thing to do, and so I see being able to spin effectively as a real skill and it's an asset to my minister, and it makes me valuable in my job and to the party and the government. So, people might think it's a bad thing, but I don't.
Kate’s candid acceptance of her role as a spin doctor may not be widely shared amongst her
peers, yet she was adamant that it worked for her personally. Although it is likely to be
confined internally as a personal joke for Kate, Western society has seen the wider
reappropriation of various pejorative terms in recent years, such as “bitch” and “slut” met
with varying degrees of success (see, respectively: Ritchie, 2017; Nunn, 2015). Indeed,
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linguistic reappropriation has a long history, from the personal to the professional, and the
phenomenon is prevalent in political contexts. For example, the term “suffragette” was
initially used by journalists to deride the Women’s Social and Political Union in the UK, though
this was quickly embraced and used to symbolise the militant and radical members of the
suffragist movement (Crawford, 1999, p. 452). Even the title “prime minister” was once one
of abuse, where, following on from the “new power-balance within the English constitution”
that followed the Glorious Revolution of 1688, it was used to imply “that an individual subject
had risen improperly above others within the royal circle” (Blick and Jones, 2012). It remained
taboo for well over a century, only becoming “widely accepted as a political reality” in the
mid-nineteenth century, before eventually converting to an official title (Blick and Jones,
2012). In the current context, feminists adopted Donald Trump’s “nasty woman” insult,
originally directed at his opponent Hillary Clinton during the final US presidential debate in
2016, as an international rallying cry for women’s rights (see for example, Garber, 2016; Gray,
2016; Jones, 2016). Following the incident, actress Jessica Chastain declared she was “proud”
of how the incident changed the framing of her character, Elizabeth Sloane, a callous
corporate lobbyist, in Miss Sloane (2016) for audiences:
That was originally meant as an insult, then women claimed it and said, ‘It’s O.K.
to be ambitious, strong and ruffle feathers,’ […] So Elizabeth is a nasty woman,
because for me, a nasty woman is a powerful woman who is overprepared for a
debate, knows what she’s doing, is ambitious and not afraid to step forward. […]
Elizabeth is a good representation of a woman who’s a perfectionist, really good
at her job, and vicious — and you can still root for her in the end. (Chastain cited
in Fretts, 2016).
Given the “spin doctor” stereotype has become inescapable for practitioners, a collective
campaign to reclaim the word “spin” could be a viable option for the industry. Though this
would require practitioners to revisit the purpose of their practice, and, like Kate, come to
terms with notion of spin as an acceptable and valuable skill as opposed to a slur. Such a
strategy is unlikely to be pursued, as it largely flies in the face of the broader industry’s
professionalisation efforts and attempts to distance itself from this terminology. However, it
is clear that practitioners may benefit from a more open and less defensive discussion about
their role – both real and perceived – in contemporary democracies.
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Part of the difficulty stems from the inherent paradox in political communication, wherein
political PR endeavours are ostensibly acting in the interest of providing the public with
accessible, transparent information, while simultaneously serving the interests of associated
political actors through the exertion of persuasive techniques. This presents a challenge for
the way society at large perceives public relations and its role in politics. Cathy discusses how
PR has a necessary and helpful part to play in liberal democracies:
CATHY: PR in politics is just democracy in action, you know, that’s all it is. The more voices, the better. So, it's essential. […] PR is actually the very backbone of democracy actually in politics, I think. If you take it in its broadest interpretation […] [where] they try to tell somebody something about what they are doing and advocate for the ideas they believe in, […] I think that’s PR. And it's, well, absolutely the cornerstone of the political system. I don’t see it in cynical terms. I see it in absolutely essential functioning terms.
Although this is a strong argument for the value and benefit of PR, it assumes all political actors
have the capacity to engage in advocacy. While this is true to an extent, it fails to recognise
the power dynamics in our society, where the ability to have your voice heard – an ideal
espoused by practitioners at the beginning of this chapter – is dependent on your level of
authority and access to resources. As such, big business naturally has a louder voice than small
business, in the same way that established politicians from major parties find it easier to be
heard than unelected independent candidates. This is not to say it is impossible to break
through – it does of course happen, particularly since the advent of social media – however it
is hardly an even playing field. Furthermore, the spiral of silence suggests a gravitation
towards the mean, and thus the retention of a relative status quo, where alternative
viewpoints are both consciously and subconsciously drowned out. Thus, it would seem that
while democracy and the public sphere function very well in principle, their operation in reality
is problematic. Although public relations is not the root cause of this, societal dissatisfaction
with the current political state naturally extends to its communicative arm. These tensions are
reflected in popular culture narratives about PR and politics, which in turn become sites from
which we can explore and contest these debates.
When considering political PR’s reputation for spin, Isaac compared the processes between
corporate PR and political PR, and concluded their objectives are very similar. He gave the
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example of the Australian asbestos controversy116 and argued that James Hardie Industries
“spent years engaging in probably worse spin than in politics – or certainly similar spin and
selective messaging to what any government in crisis or in the middle of a media storm or bad
story is doing as well.” Other practitioners identified how this practice is evident in fictional
texts too, such as Thank You for Smoking, which reveal the extent of corporate power,
information control, and public manipulation. Isaac emphasised the way public relations is
used in the same way by different stakeholders, with each spinning their messages according
to their own agendas:
ISAAC: It’s not all, you know, unethical or immoral or spinning for the sake of spin because often times you’re countering mistruth [or] misconception that’s been put out in the public arena by someone or something else. So, in politics that can be, you know, the opposition [or] an interest group and they’re engaging in the same game – they’re being selective with their choice of message and their choice of the facts. […] It almost becomes a bit of a game in that regard, you know, who can outsmart the other in terms of […] the use of all those communications tools using your own experience, own channels, contacts.
Part of what is significant in this comment is the notion that political communication is a game,
where the objective is to win. This echoes the competitive and end-goal driven
representations found in film and television such as The Campaign and House of Cards (see
Chapter 5). This theme is also particularly acute in Miss Sloane (released after interviews for
this project were conducted) where there is a ruthlessness and willingness to do almost
anything to come out on top. This is captured by protagonist Elizabeth Sloane’s (Jessica
Chastain) description of her profession:
Elizabeth Sloane: Lobbying is about foresight. About anticipating your opponent's moves and devising counter measures. The winner plots one step ahead of the opposition, and plays her trump card just after they play theirs. It's about making sure you surprise them, and they don't surprise you.
As such, it is a key frame for fictional accounts of public relations that drives particular
representations as well as industry conceptions of their practice. This also plays into the public
cynicism Isaac noted earlier that comes from a sense that the interests of the citizenry “can
get lost” amongst the game playing of political communication professionals. The problem for
the public interest is exacerbated because the “game” of politics does not take place on an
even playing field, as I argued above. As a result, even the savviest, smartest players can be
overrun and overwhelmed by a player with bigger muscle in the form of finances and
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resources. Vested interests can consequently win out over the public interest, regardless of
the relative skills of the public relations practitioners taking part in the battle to win the day.
This is contrary to the depictions put forward by Isaac, who assumes a level playing field, and
in Miss Sloane, which alludes to skill trumping money and the ability of David to win out over
Goliath. Yet, all these outcomes are possibilities. There is rarely a righteous winner in such
instances, as backing one side or the other will depend on your perspective and ideology.
What is significant for our democracy and civic engagement is that while many of these battles
appear to be fought publicly, they can be uneven contests, discreetly stacked by unseen
players, so that the outcome is tipped in a particular direction.
While Isaac pointed out some similarities between political PR and PR in other industries,
senior political advisor Trevor saw the notion of the public interest as an acute difference:
“your obligation to actually say what you’re doing is different. You know, [in government] we
have to report where money gets spent, even if we don’t particularly want to, and that’s just
not true for private companies.” However, this was contradicted by veteran corporate
communications manager and former senior media advisor Richard who emphasised the key
difference, being that in a corporate organisation “you are marked by the number of stories
that you get into the media per month,” whereas “in politics, you can be marked by the
number of stories that never make the press,” and so the focus is on “keeping a lot of stuff
out of the media.” In contrast to Trevor’s comment, Richard suggested it would seem that the
adage of “all publicity is good publicity” may ring true in a corporate context, though not
necessarily in politics. This opinion was supported by other interviewees as well. Senior
political consultant Daniel described the difference as “ducking your moment” when you need
to stay out of the spotlight, instead of constantly seeking to “generate a moment” to allow a
client to shine. Similarly, former senior media advisor Cathy suggested keeping tight control
over information is often “your best work.” It is interesting then that such practice further
shrouds political communication and adds to the “smoke and mirrors” perception of PR and
obscures its purpose, as the necessary concealment of information hampers the desire for
transparency. That Trevor raised the obligation of political actors, particularly governments
and politicians, to publicly report their actions and expenditures indicates that practitioners
are aware of this responsibility. However, Richard’s and the other interviewees’ comments
suggest that this responsibility can be stretched and twisted in strategic ways. The balance
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then is between serving the public interest through the provision of open and accessible
information, and serving a specific agenda by the selective presentation of facts at self-
determined time points. Although journalism can play a role here in seeking information and
challenging spin on behalf of the public, their reportage is complicated by the need to maintain
working relationships with political PR practitioners who can control access and limit
engagement. Fictional film and television are not constrained in the same way, and can
address such themes in a more open and confrontational way. By breaking the mirrors and
blowing away the smoke, fictional narratives show audiences the process of political
communication and can identify problems in our democratic systems.
LAYERS OF TRUTH, LIES, AND THE GRADED GREY OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
Richard noted that in politics, because there are daily crises, practitioners “work on the duck
principle: so, you can see the duck gliding on the smooth water, but under the surface the legs
are peddling like mad beneath.” This speaks again to the invisible nature of political PR. Here,
public relations practitioners are responsible for being part of the frenzied efforts to keep
things moving. They actively work to react and respond appropriately, while simultaneously
upholding a smooth and effortless external appearance. Richard’s comment highlights how,
not only is the work of public relations going unseen, there are conscious efforts to control
information and activity beneath a carefully woven façade. This creates sophisticated,
additional layers of covert spin that hinder information transparency. Traditional journalism
typically only shows what is taking place on the surface, with occasional insights made about
the activity underneath. Fictional narratives, on the other hand, offer an alternative
perspective where they can depict the mechanics and undertakings below the surface. In
doing so, representations dismantle the carefully constructed layers, and dissect the different
functioning parts, to reveal these processes to audiences. This then contributes to their
working knowledge of political communication practice and can be applied to their own
assessment each time they encounter a duck gliding on the water, knowing there is more than
what they see on the surface.
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With the professionalisation of political communication, there is an expectation that political
actors will present an outwardly smooth appearance. This, in itself, is not an index of spin or
deception, though there is a delicate balance between being professional and authentic and
overly professional and inauthentic. Scott emphasised that practitioners must “never ever,
ever underestimate the everyday person’s capacity to see through the PR and the gloss, and
never underestimate the thinking everyday [person’s] capacity to see through the crap.” Best
practice PR certainly advocates for information transparency, though this ideal can be
hamstrung by the desire to contain, control, and strategically package information. On this,
senior consultant Doug pointed out, choosing to spin information does not necessarily
constitute or condone the practice of lying:
DOUG: Do you spin stuff? Yes. But is the best line a true line? Yes. You know, that’s kind of the way I look at it. Can you lie? You can, but you get caught. […] I think people do see through a lie. […] Yes, there are ways of presenting material that are more persuasive or strategic, […] but is it a fundamental lie? No, it’s not. So, there is a black and white position that I think people tend to expect when really, it’s a much more graded grey on either sides area.
The “graded grey” of political communication that Doug identified is a sophisticated blend of
truth, partial-truths, fallacies, and explicit falsehoods. Although each individual has their own
perspective and own truth, the selective and persuasive presentation of facts as a core
component of political communication could be construed as lying by omission. Then again,
not everyone considers failing to tell the whole truth a lie. Indeed, fictional representations
themselves are selective composites designed to entertain which means, as Martin notes,
they inevitably “never give you the whole story.” Because we know this, truth and
understanding become relative, and we seek out accuracy and authenticity in other ways.
Many of the interviewees emphasised that the public have an innate ability to smell a rat. As
Martin argued, “people have a native bullshit metre. […] They have a sense when someone’s
telling them nonsense.” George similarly suggested it’s “their natural guile: […] I mean you
can’t tell people black’s white and get away with it. People aren’t stupid.” This logic holds for
the way we consume non-fiction media content, as well as the way we watch fictional film
and television, where we connect with authenticity, relative to our own lived experience.
The view that you cannot get away with lying in politics was unanimously reflected among my
interviewees. While some interviewees such as Cathy and Laura vehemently refused to lie on
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the job for ethical and moral reasons, the majority simply justified choosing not to lie because
they believed it was not worth the risk of getting caught. This is understandable given public
relations is responsible for managing the fallout when a political actor is caught in a lie, though
there is little practitioners can do to stop a client or employer who chooses to lie against advice
or of their own volition. There are numerous historical instances of political actors having
publicly lied either of their own accord or at the behest of others. Prominent examples include
Nixon during Watergate, Reagan during the Iran-Contra affair, Clinton during Lewinsky, Bush
during the invasion of Iraq, the tobacco industry’s research, Lance Armstrong’s doping, and
many others.117 The notion of lying has also become an engrained part of Australian political
discourse, from then-opposition leader Tony Abbott’s “gospel truth” gaffe118 to Julia Gillard
being branded with the moniker “Juliar”119. Despite practitioner protestations to the contrary,
there is a spectrum along which both political actors and communication professionals are
positioned, relative to their level of comfort with lying and stretching the truth. PR is wrapped
up in this because of its jurisdiction over political communications and contribution to framing
political discourse. However, Harrington (2017) suggested it is easier for political actors and
their communication strategists to get away with lying because they can exploit the
homogeneity and predictability of traditional journalism and take advantage of a vulnerable,
under-resourced media system. This may not mean deception is the preferred course of
action, though it implies there are fewer consequences for those that choose to go down this
path. Indeed, the failure to impeach US President Donald Trump, despite multiple allegations
and efforts, is evidence of this. The way those around Trump have been deliberately left by
the wayside, fallen on their swords, or been summarily dismissed, suggests lying is still a
dangerous game for political PR practitioners to play in some circles if they are to keep their
political integrity intact. However, there appears to be little accountability in the post-truth
age, and lying to the public or propagating misinformation through the media no longer has
the same consequences even if political actors are explicitly caught out.
While some cases, such as the high-profile examples provided in the previous paragraph, have
been exposed – by admirable investigative journalism, courageous whistle-blowers, open
internal inquiries, or other means – the public may never by privy to the numerous instances
where information has been supressed or successfully spun. This is a theme that has been
consistently reflected in fictional narratives, from Wag the Dog staging “the appearance of a
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war” while the public are none the wiser, to House of Cards where part of the underlying
suspense is the audience’s anticipation for the moment where Frank Underwood’s lies begin
to unravel and yet that day never comes. Fictional representations encourage audiences to be
wary of the ways in which information can be fabricated, and to avoid accepting information
at face value. Whether a healthy dose of scepticism and mistrust is enough to “see through a
lie” as interviewee Doug implied is questionable. The secretive nature of our political process,
the restricted access to information, and tightly controlled communication channels all create
blocks that obstruct our ability to seek reality beyond that which is manufactured for us. Thus,
the difficulty for democratic citizens remains in that the degree of truth or lies in political
communication is frequently unclear. Fictional representations may not clarify this, but they
do increase our sensitivity to the way messages are massaged and manipulated.
As will be evidenced in Chapter 7, the everyday public are entirely capable of critical thought
and have a heightened awareness of spin and overly professionalised political communication,
in part because of fictional representations of this in popular culture. However, in an
environment where it is increasingly difficult to separate fact from fiction, and trust in politics
is low while public cynicism is high, people invariably depend more on their gut instinct. We
still assess information for what comedian Stephen Colbert would call “truthiness,” though
our assessment is more susceptible to emotional appeals and clever use of rhetoric.120 This is
something PR is adept at capitalising on for political gain, and a theme that has been repeated
in popular culture representations. The successful use of persuasion as part of political
communication is not in itself inherently damaging to democracy, though our increasing
entrenchment in an age of post-truth politics, has seen policy details, facts, and evidence
overshadowed by emotional appeals and manufactured talking points. It would therefore
seem that the importance here is more to do with motivation and intent behind political
communication, rather than weighting its truthfulness or accuracy. If information is publicly
provided in good faith, with honourable intentions, and the aim is to inform, engage, or
educate, then the normative function of political PR is being fulfilled. However, when
information is provided or concealed by political actors, with the deliberate intention to
deceive, distract, mislead, or misconstrue, then it is problematic for the democratic process.
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The purpose of political PR straddles both intentions to an extent, and is consequently caught
in a catch-twenty-two when it comes to justifying its contribution to society at large. Nancy
suggested this is where one of the key benefits in fictional representations lies, because the
nuances of film and television challenge our capacity to “take a black and white position.”
Referring to one of her favourite programs, The West Wing, Nancy said, “one of the wonderful
things about it was that it did show everybody how much grey there is” in political decision
making. Cathy expressed similar sentiments and contrasted this with the traditional
journalistic approach:
CATHY: The media doesn’t like hard, the media doesn’t deal in grey, the world is grey, politics is grey, but the media deals in black and white […] which is why political reporting is so inadequate, because real decision making for a diverse population with a range of changing constant circumstances is hard. And I guess that's where popular culture on this is great because it does deal in that grey space.
Despite interviewees challenging both the generalisations and specific depictions fictional
narratives construct about political PR, they largely agreed that such representations provide
a rich landscape of tonal variation and multiple perspectives, for the benefit of audiences.
While the stereotype of spin may still loom large in the minds of audiences, these texts
demonstrate and justify the complexities of the political process. As a result, citizens may be
amenable to adjusting their expectations around political PR and appreciate the difficult
context in which it operates.
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THE THREE PILLARS OF PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS
Beyond an individual’s innate ability to detect “bullshit,” the need for insight into, and critical
engagement with political discourse is high if we are to have a functioning liberal democracy.
Part of this is to have an understanding of how political communication works. However, as
much of this takes place behind the scenes and everyday citizens have minimal direct
experience with public relations, we turn to other sources to fill our gaps in knowledge.
Interviewees speculated the public gets its ideas about PR in politics from three key sources:
their education, mainstream media and real events, and fictional TV and movies. On
education, the consensus was that there was a significant generational gap in terms of how
communication literate and media savvy individuals are. Both Kate and Paige implied their
older relatives were much more likely to “believe what they read/hear/see” and lacked the
“critical reasoning” to know when they were being manipulated by clever political
communication. Overall, interviewees felt the “average person” did not have a “good
understanding” of PR, though felt this may be changing for younger generations. Senior
consultant Nancy said she noticed the term “spin” began appearing in “the [secondary] school
English curriculum” when her now-adult children were completing their education. Along with
other interviewees, Nancy commented that contemporary schooling encourages students to
“question everything” which is crucial in developing critical thinking skills and the ability to
analyse information. Scott was particularly enthusiastic about this, and described feeling
“heartened” by the way Australian secondary schools have “sharpened up” peoples’
awareness of PR and are preparing people to navigate the current political and media
environment. It is interesting that as part of this teaching, students are encouraged to do
“critical readings” of popular culture texts, and fictional representations are often used as
examples to prompt discussions in class and between peers. It follows that the use of film and
television as formal teaching tools can extend beyond the school classroom and into our
everyday lives as informal aides that assist audiences in expanding their knowledge and
understanding about political communication.
While education may be imperative for developing the ability to critically engage with political
communication, it is only one part of how practitioners suspect society has formed its
understanding of the role of PR in politics. Mainstream media periodically features stories
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about “spin” and the public profiles of some “spin doctors” have made what is an otherwise
faceless and nameless profession more visible. Beyond being spokespeople, reflective political
pundits, or in the background of press briefings and media appearances, through history there
have been many otherwise unseen political actors who have made headlines – such as Joseph
Goebbels, Bernard Ingham, Alastair Campbell and Peter Mandelson, Lynton Crosby, John
McTernan, Karl Rove, Kellyanne Conway, Sean Spicer, Peta Credlin, and more – either during
or after their role as advisors to the political elite. Whether these faces and names are widely
recognisable to those outside the industry is unknown, and is not something this thesis seeks
to ascertain. However, most of the interviewees emphasised that developing a public profile
went against the purpose of political PR. Trevor insisted that it is “not a good thing” when this
happens, explaining:
TREVOR: If you're becoming the face then you're distracting from your message and your boss. PR doesn’t leave its fingerprints on the outcome. […] The bulk of that work should be invisible. You know, it’s like swans on the lake. On the other hand, so there […] are occasions where it’s better that the process be the story than the boss, so with that exception.
In addition to echoing Richard’s “duck principle” discussed earlier, Trevor neatly describes the
importance of PR’s invisibility in order to maximise its effectiveness. Though his comment that
there are exceptions, where it is preferable for PR to become the story, is telling in that it sets
spin up as the “fall guy.” Often the media seem to take the bait, with prominent scandals,
gaffes, overt publicity stunts, and other activities being covered by journalists in a way that
highlights specific political processes, rather than necessarily interrogating the political actor.
Focusing “news” on the actions of specific spin doctors, or particular practices, can still be
revealing for everyday citizens. It is useful in that it informs us about otherwise unseen internal
operations. However, as discussed earlier in this chapter, it can at times be a surface level
documentation of what and when something happened, without expanding on why and how.
Trevor notes that the inclusion of such depth of information is simply not practical, drawing
on his own consumption of sports news to explain:
TREVOR: It takes a lot of very close news reading to sort of read through the news to understand what’s going on a lot of the time, and a lot of the time you can only do that in a space you understand. I read the sport section of the paper and I love it and I understand what’s going on, on the field, but it doesn’t help me understand what’s going on in the backrooms of all the clubs, right? And where
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the planned negotiations are, and how that’s driving coaching decisions, and who they play and who they don’t play. And so, I think that’s true for, especially for political PR, that what surfaces in the news can make you feel […] a lot like you know what's going on, but in reality, the world is just far too complex to get into the newspaper.
This argument was supported by other interviewees, such as Richard, who used the leadership
spill between Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard as an example to illustrate how the reporting of
such an incident “gave people an insight into what goes on in the backrooms, but they don’t
really understand the manoeuvrings that go on in the darkened rooms, […] it’s just surface
level stuff.” These comments are significant because they cast everyday citizens as outsiders
to the political process, and acknowledge the limitations of traditional media in contributing
to public understanding about PR and its role in liberal democracies.
Fictional representations of political PR in popular culture can therefore make significant
inroads in filling this gap in citizens’ knowledge and understanding. These narratives, played
out on film and television for the purpose of entertainment, have a greater capacity to capture
the depth missed by most mainstream news. This is because they transport audiences behind
the scenes and explore the how and why of the decisions made by political actors and their
staff that we are otherwise not privy to. Of course, such insight is both limited and elaborated
by the perspective of the writers, directors, and producers, yet the fact that these texts are
framed in a particular way does not negate the role they play in developing our understanding
of contemporary political communication. Indeed, the nature of fiction relaxes the boundaries
of the real and unreal and allows us as a society the space to explore and contest our ideas.
Not only does fictional film and television serve as a source of critical and cultural reflection,
the narratives and representations with which we are engaged become talking points and the
stimulus for wonder. As focus group participants indicated, audiences are consciously aware
of the fictional nature of such representations, even in the absence of their lived experience.
Rather than take a literal reading of these texts, instead such narratives gave such audiences
cause to pause and question the world around us. While a bi-product of fiction may be to
produce “inaccurate” stereotypes, or to further blur the line between what is true or false,
this once more depends on our individual experiences and perspective.
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FICTION, REALITY, AND THE CONTRIBUTION OF POPULAR CULTURE
The interviewees all acknowledged that, while exaggerated for the purpose of entertainment,
there is “truth” in the way political PR is depicted in fictional film and TV. Alice generalised
some texts are “just a matter of enjoyment, […] those guilty pleasure kind of shows” that are
“larger than life,” while others are “probably closer to the bone than a lot of people would like
to admit.” When it came to particular portrayals, interviewees deemed some “very close to
reality” – such as The West Wing – or “too close to reality” – such as The Thick of It. The
similarity in comments drawn between these two starkly different texts is interesting given
one is an idealistic melodrama and the other a scathing satire. Yet both had the capacity to
connect with interviewees and projected their own experiences regardless of purpose or
genre. The way interviewees felt about particular representations was often dependent on
their personal entertainment preferences. Scott, who indicated his wide-ranging tastes and
appreciation for a diverse range of texts, described why he enjoys watching fictional political
film and television:
SCOTT: I like the intellectual structure of them, but I love how they’ve seen the lighter side of a serious business. And I find them very entertaining and, in a funny sort of way, I can associate with the characters in those programs. There are people like that, and you can see those who wrote it obviously understand the political business and the communication business. So, I find that refreshing to watch that and to think I know people like that.
Aside from these texts being frequently informed by experienced political consultants during
production, Scott’s positive reading is significant for two reasons. First, it indicates
practitioners’ ability to laugh at themselves as they acknowledge some of the absurdities they
encounter in their professional lives. Second, Scott goes beyond describing the narratives in
terms of good and bad, or positive and negative, and instead relate to the texts through his
own experiences. As Daniel astutely considered “I think there is a truth to [representations of
political PR] but it would be my truth, and so that would be contested – I’d think that everyone
else would be wrong but like that’s just how it is.” The recognition here that individuals bring
their own personal understanding to their reading of texts is important given the distinctly
different experiences of political communication between political PR professionals on the
inside, and everyday citizens on the outside. As other audiences may not be able to see such
mirrored reflections as Daniel or Scott, the lens popular culture provides is instead one of a
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window through which to observe and critique both what is shown on screen and what is
experienced in our daily lives.
The comfort levels of interviewees varied between representations, particularly when it came
to the US version of House of Cards and Australia’s own The Hollowmen. Cathy was “bothered”
by both series because of their overt cynicism about the political process. She believed such
programs cheapen the reputation of the people who work in politics, arguing that “the only
purpose it serves is to erode trust in the political system” which she felt was
“counterproductive” and against democratic interests. In contrast, Trevor ranked these two
shows amongst his favourites:
TREVOR: From different angles, they both have the most real feel. House of Cards […] because of the calculating nature of everybody in it. There’s this weird blend of people who are utterly calculating but also human beings who have predictable and understandable flaws. […] The Hollowmen because it struck the truest the most often. […] They made it about while [John] Howard was in office, but it came out about the time that [Kevin] Rudd came through and so we had a great experience where – you know the episode where they announce the diabetes or the healthy eating campaign – I had a very, very similar experience to that in that time.121
Interviewees frequently recounted their own stories, as particular representations prompted
their memory or a preferred point of personal interest. Fictional narratives were used as
examples to explain their perspective or validate their opinion. While most of these personal
experiences were shared openly, some confidential accounts were disclosed under the
condition they were off-the-record. There is a sense of irony that such accounts will never be
publicised, much like many activities of classic spin doctors that take place behind closed
doors, or how events involving political actors are suppressed to avoid embarrassment. This
reinforced the notion that everyday audiences will only ever be privy to a select amount of
information, and much will remain concealed. Perhaps it is of little consequence, given such
practice occurs across the whole political spectrum with the public being unawares, and in
many cases, ignorance is bliss. However, fictional narratives illuminate this practice for
audiences and encourage them to investigate if they are interested in finding out the whole
story. Though they may not be in a position to effectively find the answers they seek, having
an awareness that the information we are given is often not the whole truth is important for
our decision-making processes.
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Despite interviewees frequently identifying relatable depictions of their profession in popular
culture, they also emphasised that such representations tended to overstate PR’s level of
influence and its importance in politics. Most interviewees assumed that such dramatisation
and exaggeration was for entertainment, and while this was understandable, they felt it
painted a misleading picture of where power lies in the political process. As Doug commented:
DOUG: It sort of takes a torque wrench to possibilities and ratchets it up for [entertainment], which I think then influences everyone’s view. And this is what I find troubling, right? As a political professional, you’re sort of presented as this sort of bumbling cavalcade of highly Machiavellian and stupid people, usually with the principals as the stupid sort of gormless minister, […] and there’s sort of this underlying view that polls and spin doctors and all the rest of it have the run of it, right? They really run the country and it’s through intimidation and fear and, you know, what’s going to make us win, rather than what’s good policy. […] Is that in there to a degree? Yes. Is it totally overstated, and multiplied a million times? Yes.
This is a tradition that came through in Yes Minister, though it was Sir Humphrey and his civil
service colleagues, rather than communications machine, that ran the country. Now in the
mediatised age we find it is Malcolm Tucker from The Thick of It managing the spectacle of
government. Even in House of Cards or Veep where it is politicians calling the shots, their acute
consciousness of reputation, appearance, agenda setting, and information control, suggests
strategic communications can be used to win the day, and pinpoints the way policies are
shaped on the back of what will be popular with the public. Beyond government, there is a
similar narrative of political PR coming to the rescue, with shows like Scandal presenting PR
as a saviour, or films like Thank You for Smoking or Miss Sloane that depict corporate lobbyists
as masters of public persuasion and influence. Like Doug, Daniel argued that “people put too
much stock” in the power of spin. He said, that “there’s lots of activities, there’s lots of churn,
people win the day, or they don’t” and the complexity of the political and media environments
mean most “stuff is happening in spite of [PR]” and practitioners “don’t have a lot of control
over it” because most of the time it is a “constant fucking circus.” Similarly, George felt PR was
depicted “as more influential and crucial to the process than it really is.” He emphasised the
theatrics of fictional popular culture depicted both “shrewd spin conspiracies” and “stuff-
ups.” Of the two he suggested the “stuff-ups” were closer to reality because “a lot of [PR] is
reactionary and on the fly, and there’s not always time for proper planning, and that’s when
mistakes get made.” These assessments highlight the difference between the perceived
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power of political PR, and its actual power. While it is a firmly engrained part of the system,
that all sides are technically able to employ PR tactics implies there is a somewhat neutralising
effect on its impact.
Practitioners suggested political PR was used across the board by political actors, and
indicated this resulted in combative activities between opposing stakeholders. Interviewees
drew parallels to fictional narratives, such as The Thick of It and The Campaign, which show
both sides exercising the same tactics in pursuit of similar yet mutually exclusive goals. Eric
argued that winning the day comes back to the substance of what is being sold, as well as the
effective application of spin in the margins that may become tipping points. He explained the
specific conditions in which political PR can be powerful:
ERIC: If your base product’s a turd, you cannot polish it. That is a fact, and no amount of bullshit and PR and spin is going to help you. The only exception is if your opposition is more of a turd product than you are. That is the only time you will win. […] A lot of [PR] is around the edges, so it doesn’t operate in isolation, and you need to have a quality product at the core, […] you have to have the basics right. […] PR is just papering over the cracks. […] However, if you get the basics right, […] I think PR's a very powerful weapon. […] On top of rock solid policy, on top of your vision, on top of happy bunch of stakeholders, if then you weave it right through all of those things, to really lift your game and really add that polish on top and then it’s the glue that can cement you. […] It works if you’re up against a bigger turd, simple as that.
This comment hints at a more systemic problem in contemporary politics, where public
cynicism is bred from the belief that much of the political establishment is made up of “turds”
that are either – in the words of my focus group participants – “self-interested egotists,”
“power-hungry sociopaths,” “hapless fools,” or all of the above. The public dissatisfaction with
our political leaders is particularly palpable, and public perceptions of public relations and spin
are thus coloured by their role in continuing to sell citizens “crap” when they long for
something quality. This frustration is depicted in fictional narratives, where PR is portrayed as
stroking the backs of the egoists (such as Amy and Dan in Veep), or as a tool wielded by the
sociopaths (such as Doug Stamper in House of Cards), or as a way to manage and monitor the
fools (such as Malcolm Tucker in The Thick of It). This reflects the way PR is subsumed as part
of society’s broader concerns about politics. Declining party membership, voter defection, and
the emergence of minor parties and fringe candidates are all further evidence of this.
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Furthermore, this cynicism is tied to earlier discussions in this chapter about striving to create
authentic political actors, and the challenges in sorting fact from fiction in post-truth politics.
When it comes to political communication, it is not so much as Eric suggests that people think
you can “get by on spin alone” but rather that everyday citizens feel they are being presented
with “turds” who are naively convinced they can be polished. Public sentiment during recent
elections supports this, where the approach to voting in two-party-systems is often about
picking the lesser of two evils, or keeping one candidate out of office even if the alternative is
not particularly desirable either. As Chapter 7 will note, focus group participants indicated
they felt society at large deserves better, yet did not feel they were in a position where they
had the time, or a voice loud enough, to demand it. Political cynicism was evident, though
many felt powerless to create change within an established system. While refusing to vote can
be a democratic expression, participants felt this largely silent protest did little to field better
candidates in future elections, and is thus ineffective. Toynbee (2014) admits that performing
our civic duty can be frustrating “because voting means opting for a least-worst [candidate],
never the imagined ideal.”122 However, she notes that boycotting the ballot box is unlikely to
spearhead a revolution because it distorts proportional representation, citing her interview
with John Lyndon (aka Johnny Rotten) who argued “You’re given lousy options, yes, but better
than nothing at all. […] You’ll get nothing otherwise, and you’ll get slightly more than nothing
if you do [vote] – but that’s better than nothing.” As Green (2014) suggests, “Today’s politically
interested young people can barely imagine a congressional/presidential relationship that
operates effectively, let alone one that might allow a majestic creature in the mould of Jed
Bartlet [from The West Wing] to exist.” Part of the significance of these shows is that they are
popular not only with the political class, but with an infamously cynical citizenry around the
world. Perhaps in a world of cynicism, indulging in entertainment – be it for laughs, for thrills,
or for emotional intoxication – is not so much about escapism, but more about finding
fellowship in frustration. As more fictional programs focus on what goes on behind-the-scenes
in political backrooms, audiences are developing a more sophisticated understanding about
the political process and the distribution of power in democracies. While this is unlikely to
shift citizens’ cynicism, it does serve to stimulate collective political discourse that in itself
works to dispel political apathy.
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Interviewees freely expressed their exasperation with the state of politics today, and absolved
themselves of responsibility by claiming PR is secondary in decision making. Practitioners
openly commented on the apparent lack of leadership in the current political sphere, and
were critical of what they saw as a perceived lack of substance in political discourse and policy
platforms. Multiple interviewees reflected on how the role of political PR practitioners in
popular culture shifted depending on who they worked for. From serving and supporting
inspirational leaders, like Jed Bartlet in The West Wing, to aiding and abetting the devious
schemes of power hungry political actors, like Frank Underwood in House of Cards, fictional
narratives position political PR as under the direction of their employer or client. Thus,
dissatisfaction with leadership and the elites bleeds into further dissatisfaction with those
working beneath them. For example, Nancy was openly angry with what she viewed as a
distinct “deficit” in quality political actors. She associated the lack of calibre in our political
elites with a shift in political communication from policy substance to superficial personalities.
NANCY: This move to presidential style, I think it’s very ego driven. And I think we haven’t had leaders who are true representatives of the people. […] We’ve had megalomaniacs who’ve wanted to use the power for their own ends. […] Leaders need to allow themselves the space to do the right thing and to have it communicated. We need that. We need a very strong character. We have had weak characters. […] I don’t know where they come from. But I do know we're lacking in leadership, and that's the only thing that's going to get us back on track.
As the hope and popular momentum of Obama’s presidency faded under the realities of
political office, and we saw the passing of political powerhouses such as Margaret Thatcher,
the world was left to wonder whether there were any conviction politicians left (see for
example, Hewson, 2016). The iconic JFK adage of “ask not what your country can do for you,
ask what you can do for your country” seems like idealism in an overtly professionalised
political environment where there is an abundance of career politicians seeking to secure their
own future, rather than the future of their nation. The emergence of a West Wing styled Jed
Bartlet has not eventuated, and even the Underwoods from House of Cards have begun to
seem like an appealing prospect because, as interviewee Rose put it “they’re ruthless, but at
least they’re getting things done.” Though of course, these fictional leaders still make
advantageous use of spin as a means to an end. Thus, Nancy’s concern about the shift towards
a “presidential style” of politics is more about the prioritisation of power over serving the
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public interest, which by consequence has pushed the focus of political communication from
policy to personality.
Idealising fictional political leaders demonstrates how specific representations can become
comparative reference points for everyday citizens. As for fictional political PR practitioners,
it was The Thick of It‘s Malcolm Tucker and The West Wing’s C.J. Cregg that interviewees most
commonly recalled as having substantially contributed to political discourse, both inside and
outside of political circles. For example, Alice fondly remembered how:
ALICE: [Friends and family] often used to say: “oh you’re C.J.,” you know, which is not even slightly accurate on any front. But yeah, it was still very flattering, and so it did definitely have an impact, and I think it did almost make it easier to explain to people and people could kind of understand what political staffers maybe did because of The West Wing.
The socio-cultural impact of The West Wing is considerable. Not only is the series still regularly
referenced over a decade on from its close, it has also seeped into other political narratives.
For example, in Episode 3, Season 3, of The Thick of It, as a frantic Nicola Murray worries
anxiously over how to rehearse an unfinished speech for the party conference she snaps at
her advisor Ollie:
Nicola: Oh, fuck, fuck, fuck! How can I learn this when you're still writing it? I feel sick.
Ollie: No, it's exciting. It's good. It's really good. In fact, I would say the fact that you're hearing it for the first time when you say it will possibly give it a freshness and a zing, you know.
Nicola: You think?
Ollie: Yes. This is politics as it is, isn't it? It's like The West Wing.
Nicola: You're not Josh, Ollie. Just write the fucking speech. [To herself] Come on, Nicola. Pull yourself together.
Ollie: It doesn't matter. [Under his breath] I fucking am Josh.
The significance of this moment of obligatory intertextuality is twofold. First, it is evidence of
the impact and legacy of The West Wing in that other popular culture texts about political PR
invoke it as the basis for sense-making and layered meaning. Second, it highlights how The
West Wing became political porn for young aspiring staffers, who styled themselves after their
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favourite characters. Weiner (2012) describes this generation of idealistic and ambitious
political staffers as “West Wing babies” and outlines how the show “inspired a legion of [Josh]
Lyman wannabes.” Finally, although Alice did not seek out this comparison to C.J., her friends
and family used the character and narrative to frame their own understanding of Alice’s work.
However, as Trevor pointed out, this is one of the best and worst things about fiction:
TREVOR: I think one of the things about great fiction is it makes you feel like an expert all of a sudden, right? […] Because that’s the job of fiction – it’s about this great bridge between reality and an understandable entity. And so, I assume that the people who go and watch politically motivated TV shows and shows that have politics or PR as the subject, come away with a similar sort of thing and think they know, when they actually don't. […] It’s all just perception.
While we may take literal translations away from what we watch, hear, and read, we are also
consciously aware of the fictional nature of popular culture texts. This consciousness leads to
critical consideration of the real and unreal elements of a particular representation, and
contributes to our knowledge that is in turn used to form our understanding, perspectives,
and opinions. Given these can vary greatly between individuals, the significance of fictional
representations then lies in the process of developing our perceptions, rather than whether
these representations capture a holistic picture of any particular profession or practice. Paige
acknowledged this, and suggested fictional texts are “a really good way for people to process
what’s actually happening” in the world around them. She concluded:
PAIGE: When they see those patterns […] in real life, and then seeing them larger than life or made farcical in TV shows or movies, that helps people I guess understand the world and what’s happening. And even though […] you know that it’s fake and it’s a show, at the same time you can see those parallels between the real world and popular culture and that’s what makes film and TV so great, it’s taking what you know, and then extending and extending it.
Thus, regardless of the difference in approach – from The Thick of It’s cynicism to The West
Wing’s romanticism – film and television contribute to building audience understanding about
political PR. In turn, these understandings shape the broader social perceptions about public
relations and its role in politics. These perceptions then colour the ongoing debate about
contemporary political communication practices and the state of our liberal democratic
systems.
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CONCLUSION
This chapter discussed how political PR practitioners relate to fictional representations of their
profession and practice. They agreed the positioning of political PR in high-level strategic roles
contributed to its perception as a powerful political player, and tied the industry to the
pervasive public cynicism about politics. Fictional narratives were seen to intersect with the
“grey” areas of political PR and highlight contemporary issues, from truth and authenticity, to
mediatisation and the public interest. Interviewees in this study responded differently to the
stereotype and stigma of “spin” depending on their individual experiences. Some practitioners
were bothered by this depiction and lamented the perceived inaccuracy of representations,
while others embraced it. Interviewees emphasised the way political PR has the capacity to
influence decisions and outcomes, though felt fictional texts overstated its power and
contribution to the political process. There was also a general consensus among practitioners
that representations are exaggerated for the purpose of entertainment, despite their finding
fictional characters and scenarios entirely relatable. Overall, interview findings in this study
consistently revealed film and television texts featuring political PR stimulated critical self-
reflection about their profession and practice, and encouraged topical discourse about the
current state of political communication. Interviewees also speculated about other audiences
of these texts, and assumed fictional representations are a key contributor to public
understanding and perceptions of political PR. The perspectives of these everyday audiences
are examined next, in Chapter 7.
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NOTES
115 Our present system is one of representative democracy. Direct democracy is an alternative. Political PR could look quite different in a system where there was capacity for direct engagement of citizens in decision making. 116 Asbestos mining and use was phased out in Australia from the 1980s, following increasing public concern regarding its health risk. James Hardie Industries was a key player in the industrial building materials and manufacturing industries in the twentieth century. Following growing compensation claims from former workers due to asbestos-related diseases, James Hardie moved much of its business offshore, leaving its victims compensation fund inadequately financed while refusing to accepted ongoing responsibility for future asbestos liabilities. The controversy continued for over a decade, from 2001 to 2012, with the High Court of Australia eventually ruling in favour of the victims. The social justice campaign against James Hardie was led by terminally ill asbestosis sufferer Bernie Banton AM, and is documented in journalist Matt Peacock’s 2009 book Killer Company. 117 Armstrong has been included here as a reminder that political actors exist outside of government contexts. As a vocal advocate for various causes such as testicular cancer, Armstrong went beyond being a sporting celebrity, and was an international agenda setter and public influencer prior to his fall from grace. 118 On May 17, 2010, during an interview with Kerry O’Brien on the ABC’s 7:30 Report, in response to a plan to raise company taxes to fund the Coalition’s signature paid parental leave scheme – after having previously said a Coalition government would not increase taxes – Abbott said, “I know politicians are going to be judged on everything they say but sometimes in the heat of discussion you go a little bit further than you would if it was an absolutely calm, considered, prepared, scripted remark. Which is one of the reasons why the statements that need to be taken absolutely as gospel truth [are] those carefully prepared, scripted remarks. Most of us know when we're talking to people, or listening to people, when we can put absolute weight on what's being said and when it's the give and take of standard conversation.” 119 Gillard was relentlessly accused of being a liar by the opposition and in the media after the ousting of Kevin Rudd and reneging on her infamous election promise that “there will be no carbon tax under a government I lead.” 120 Colbert coined the term “truthiness” in 2005 during the pilot episode of The Colbert Report after which it became popularised. 121 In “Fat Chance” (Episode 1, Series 1, The Hollowmen), The Central Policy Unit are tasked with coming up with a “meaningful” plan to combat Australia’s obesity epidemic, in order to keep up the Prime Minister’s positive image and stay ahead in the polls. This particular episode raises questions about the practice of strategic leaking, policy constructed on the run in an attempt to maintain political momentum, and how the pitch and promotion of a policy is given a higher strategic priority than the policy details. 122 Toynbee (2014) comes from a British perspective, though I contend this attitude can apply across democratic states, regardless of voting systems, given the calibre of candidates is not markedly different.
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CHAPTER 7: ENGAGING ENTERTAINMENT AND CRITICAL CITIZENS
This chapter explores how citizens perceive political PR, and the role fictional representations
play in shaping these perceptions. Contrary to the assumptions of industry practitioners,
everyday audiences demonstrated a sophisticated understanding of the fundamental purpose
and function of PR in politics. Focus group participants primarily associated political PR
practices with publicity, crisis management, and the notion of “selling” a client image or
message. They connected the purpose of political PR with themes of persuasion, spin,
influence, and in-authenticity, and described the profession as the driving force behind the
political “machine” that they believed has over-professionalised and “sanitised”
contemporary communication. Participants identified fictional narratives as a primary source
in facilitating their understanding, and felt its depiction had increased their awareness of the
profession and practice. Although everyday audiences agreed there were elements of truth in
the negative stereotypes associated with political PR, they were also pragmatic. Participants
accepted PR’s place as an intermediary player between politics, the media, and the public, and
questioned the extent of its power. Individuals used specific examples of fictional
representations of political PR to negotiate their own perspective and lived experience, and
as stimulus for discussion with their peers. They emphasised that these texts are one of the
few occasions where political PR is publicly visible. Overall, everyday audiences considered
fictional representations to be significant because of the accessible “insight” they provide into
the backrooms of politics and corridors of power. They agreed that while such depictions may
breed political cynicism, these narratives encourage citizens to question the world around
them, and help audiences to “see through” the spin in their everyday lives. Participants felt
this was a much-needed criticality when navigating a political and media environment in which
information is managed by political PR, and it is difficult to know who and what to trust. This
is further evidence of the essential contribution of fictional film and television to our civic
literacy and critical capacity to engage with contemporary political communication.
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WHEN YOU “DON’T KNOW” BUT YOU DO KNOW
Despite the way public relations and political communication have permeated our everyday
lives, they are unlikely to be topics of regular thought for everyday citizens. Indeed, the
industry benefits from subtly and discretion in order to maximise its persuasive impact. As
such, the profession is strategically positioned behind the scenes, and its practices are largely
applied outside the public eye. Many focus group participants acknowledged this, such as
Emily and Sandra:
EMILY: If you are trying to influence the public, most likely the best way to do that is if they don’t know you’re trying to influence them. […] if you knew that they were trying to do it then you’d be like “oh it’s just those bloody spin doctors.” […]
SANDRA: Yeah, I think that’s probably why you don’t really think about it because they’re doing their job when you don’t know.
The comments above highlight the intentionally invisible nature of PR, and that while
audiences comprehend how the efficacy of spin hinges on its subtly, this may not be
something they regularly contemplate. As political PR operations are typically out of sight,
they are thus arguably also out of mind. However, when the premise of a healthy democracy
is based on an educated and informed populace, I argue it is imperative to understand
contemporary communication practices in our political systems, so citizens can make
considered, cognizant decisions.123 This does not mean they must frequently meditate on the
specific role of PR in our society. Rather, it comes back to enabling an individual’s critical
capacity to engage with political discourse, of which public relations is an integral component
and driver. Although many of us may successfully rely on our “bullshit detectors” (as suggested
by interviewees in the previous chapter) to get through life, there is still a place for rationality
and logic in our choices – even if these are themselves governed by our individual perspective.
Understanding how political PR operates, and being able to deconstruct the political
communication we receive is an important step in this pursuit.
When asked to describe political PR, many focus group participants initially responded
hesitantly and said they did not know how to define it. However, as each group relaxed, it
quickly became apparent that participants did in fact have ideas about what PR is and its
function in democratic societies. Frank commented, “I hear the term public relations a lot. I
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assume it’s kind of to do with […] selling people but I couldn’t really give you a definition that
sounded intelligent at all.” This reflects how the everyday public are familiar with the terms
PR and public relations, though most participants qualified the ways they understood these
terms with uncertainty. As Sandra explained:
SANDRA: I find it very confusing. When you asked me that question I thought “oh gosh!” and I think the reason why that is, as someone who’s got absolutely nothing to do with that area of work, it sort of to me seems like a really vague and abstract concept because, you know, I’ve got this concrete understanding of jobs and job titles. Like you’re a doctor, you work with people who are sick. You’re a chef, you work with food. Public relations, what do you do? Like there’s not really a definition because there’s so many different answers there underneath. It’s like an umbrella term to me almost, so yeah, I think that’s why [I find it confusing]. It’s not this sort of tangible concrete concept that I can grab onto.
The notion that public relations is an umbrella term that encapsulates many forms of
professional communication is reflected in fictional representations in film and television, as
well as an argument made by some practitioners, as discussed in Chapter 6. The blurred nature
and scope of PR practice makes it difficult for those outside the profession to have a coherent
grasp of what is, and is not, public relations. This accounts for the conflation of political PR
with political strategy, as well as other disciplines. Indeed, as discussed in the previous
chapter, even experienced practitioners are not always consistent in how they define their
roles. However, commonalities in the way participants across the focus groups understood
political public relations were connected to three key themes: selling, publicity, and crisis
management. For example, these themes were raised in Focus Group 7, as participants built
on the ideas of one another:
SUSAN: [PR] is also about crisis management as well. […] I think for people in politics when there's a big scandal and something, or somebody has stuffed up, then yeah absolutely the first person they're going to call in is their PR manager to figure out what they're going to do, you know? Like it’s trying to –
HENRY: Trying to show stuff in a good light and –
SUSAN: Yeah, so repairing the damage that a certain bad event has caused both legally and reputationally.
NATALIE: I would say they definitely help to promote or maintain a good image […] and they help to maintain that idea or whatever it is around a brand, so they can sell their message more and have people believe it. I think it’s important for a company to have good public relations otherwise people are going to lose faith
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in the brand, or not want to be involved or invest in a particular company, or vote for a particular government or –
JOSEPH: Yeah, you've got to be seen to be doing good things, and it’s just making sure that people are seeing your good things and so PR can do that. And I guess that's where it's all about getting good publicity so that people hear about what you're doing.
While in academic discourse much of this terminology is typically situated within the
disciplines of advertising and marketing, this indicates how the everyday public sees little
distinction between these branches of communication. Furthermore, in the context of a
discussion about political PR, it highlights how participants understand the integral role PR
plays as part of politics in managing crises, promoting a positive image, and crafting persuasive
communication in order to sell a particular message. We see these themes reflected in
fictional narratives about political PR. Recently, for example: crisis management in Scandal
(2012-2017), Madam Secretary (2014-present), and Designated Survivor (2016-present);
publicity and political legacy building in The Hollowmen (2008), Utopia (2014-present),
TwentyTwelve (2011), and W1A (2014-2017); and selling the unsellable in Thank You for
Smoking (2006), Knife Fight (2012), The Campaign (2012), and Miss Sloane (2016). As such, it
is unsurprising that common fictional representations were consistent with common public
perceptions about political PR. This reinforces the intrinsic link between texts and audiences,
and the way social understandings and cultural depictions are mutually reinforced through a
repetitive cycle.
While the ideas of “selling” a message and creating “publicity” for a political actor were at
times dismissed by participants as potentially frustrating though ultimately harmless “fluff,”
concern about PR as “spin doctors” hit home for participants when they considered the role
of PR as crisis managers. Focus group participants often used the terms “spin” and “spin
doctor” as descriptors for political communication practices and practitioners, and as a way
to frame their understanding of specific fictional representations. Such as in Focus Group 8,
where participants discussed Nick Naylor in Thank You for Smoking:
SANDRA: It seems like that’s where the term spin doctor came from. He’s like an archetype […] You think about like PR in politics and I think probably people potentially could go into politics and be like ‘I want to make a difference’ and you forget that there’s PR for companies like tobacco. […] I think it definitely
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showed a bit more of a darker side. […] He’s like the epitome of that, [and] of just being able to smooth talk his way out of anything. […] And I guess that's what PR does: […] it's all about spinning.
RACHEL: And you see politicians and governments do that all the time too. Like all the information we get is always going to have some sort of spin on it.
EMILY: I guess it’s the negative side of public relations that you kind of again don't really see, but it's not unexpected - like we kind of accept that that’s probably how a lot of companies have people on their teams that do that sort of stuff, like their own spin doctors.
Here Sandra, Rachel, and Emily fluidly transition between their interpretation of Nick Naylor’s
character, and their perception of spin and spin doctors as engrained elements in our
communication systems. This evidences how these terms are dominant frames of reference
for the way audiences understand political PR.
There was also a general sense that spin came into full force when dealing with a crisis. Focus
group participants felt the most common strategies here were to lie, cover things up, or
distract from the issue, and drew heavily on fictional narratives, such as the staged war in Wag
the Dog, as examples. These depictions reinforced participants’ beliefs that PR typically
responds to political crises in deceitful ways, and led to unflattering descriptions of
practitioners. On this it was Sharon’s description of practitioners as “vultures” that stood out:
SHARON: They are kind of like vultures waiting for the road kill. I mean it's probably not always fun cleaning up the mess, because politicians do stupid stuff all the time, but they, the PR people, must get something out of it right? Otherwise why would you do it for a job?
Indeed, such animalistic imagery is often used in political discourse – House of Cards is
particularly heavy on this – and reflects the dog-eat-dog competitive environment in which
political actors operate. However, many participants acknowledged that political PR would be
a “tough gig” and a “difficult job.” A multitude of descriptions for political PR practitioners,
and the type of people that would choose such a profession, were offered throughout the
focus groups. Terms ranged from “people-people,” “creative extrovert[s],” “smart,” “savvy,”
and “aware,” to “politically motivated,” “power hungry,” “amoral,” “unethical,” and
“soulless.” Audiences appreciated the challenges faced by practitioners, and acknowledged
their skills, though were often contemptuous of their actions and purpose. Although
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individually such terms may be taken to be “good” or “bad” classifications, in context they are
simply descriptions befitting either a particular representation of political PR, or part of an
individual audience member’s sense making practice. The diversity of these descriptions also
characterises the multi-faceted way political PR has been represented in popular culture texts.
This suggests readings of fictional depictions are more nuanced when viewed from an
everyday, outside-in perspective than industry practitioners often assume.
The three themes of selling, crisis, and publicity were all, in turn, connected back to the
notions of persuasion, influence, and spin. Participants felt this was at the heart of PR, and
described these as its primary objective. For example, in Focus Group 3, although participants
described PR in slightly different ways, there was consistency in what they believed the
intention of PR activities to be:
LISA: I think public relations is about trying to put the best light on whatever it is you’re trying to publicly relate. So, it’s about making sure the image you put to the public is the best it can be. That’s what I think.
JULIE: I think it’s about influencing public opinion.
CARL: It’s about creating a message that your client wants to portray to the public.
VINCENT: Yeah, I’m with you, Carl. It’s not necessarily portraying reality but it’s about getting the public to hear and believe what you want them to.
This was similar to comments from Focus Group 5, where Naomi suggested “It’s all about
trying to create a certain image in people’s minds,” to which Amy agreed “Yeah, it’s just
making people believe what you want them to believe.” Participants viewed this purpose as
“manipulative”, and used such pursuits to justify why the term “public relations” has negative
connotations. This reflects the perennial problem for PR, where attempts to persuade and
influence are automatically seen as “bad.” Everyday audiences were attuned to the idea that
they may be exploited by political actors, though were confident they could avoid being
“tripped up” or “tricked” by spin provided they were “paying attention.”
Participants also appeared to be conscious of the motivations of the creative teams behind
fictional film and television texts. However, it is interesting that these discussions were not
framed in the same terms of manipulation or influence, nor did they raise the “Hollywood
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bias” or political agenda of the producers that has been flagged elsewhere by scholars (such
as Krutnik, 2007; Ross, 2011). Rather, participants reasoned that producers, directors, and
writers, are motivated to compose these narratives for two reasons: for entertainment value,
and for the public interest. This was the case for both interviewees and focus groups, who
considered the motivations of entertainment producers were considered more transparent
and acceptable than the motivations behind political PR practice. Conceiving the purpose of
these texts as entertainment is obvious enough, though the notion that fictional film and
television can serve a purpose beyond this is significant. Specifically, participants expressed
their understanding that representations of political PR are found in popular culture because
it is not something everyday audiences would otherwise see, and as such these narratives are
“interesting,” “important,” and “insightful.” Focus group participant Shane even felt there was
inherent “entertainment” in “showing a hidden side of something” because “things you might
not normally think about that go [on] in the background [are] actually really fascinating to
deconstruct and see how they do what they do.” Thus, overall, participants saw value in
“telling stories” to “show” the audience what is going on “behind the scenes.” This was
perceived as a valuable contribution to our cultural fabric. Further, that these narratives
served the greater good by encouraging society to think about our political processes and
communication systems.
EVERYDAY PERCEPTIONS OF THE PROFESSIONALISATION OF POLITICAL PR
Despite the academic futility of dichotomies like good and bad, or positive and negative,
participants often used these to evaluate political PR, as they reflected on the industry’s
growth and the changes in the political communication landscape. Such weighting was relative
to the individual perspectives within each group, and was underpinned by different values and
political philosophies. Tolerance and acceptance of political PR varied, though there was a
consensus that it serves an important role as a communicative function, and has a significant
part to play in contemporary democracies. Amy even suggested PR was so “massive” and
“necessary” that “a politician without PR would be suicidal.” Focus group participants viewed
practitioners as positioned between politics, the public, and the media and described PR’s
function as an “intermediary” and “middle-man” that facilitates communication between
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different groups. However, participants were unsure whether this function was beneficial for
democratic societies, as demonstrated by the following exchange from Focus Group 7:
SUSAN: It’s important, but like whether it’s a good thing or not, I don’t know.
JOSEPH: Yes. Whether it’s actually good for society, maybe not. I don’t know.
SUSAN: Yeah because a clown like Tony Abbott has gotten in [to public office] and there’s all these […] things out there that get suppressed because he has this, you know, professional machine covering up all these stuff ups and he’s been able to get in despite his obvious ineptitude in communicating. So, I don’t know if that’s a great thing for society because that crops up someone who’s not necessarily the best person for the job, I think. I mean I want smart people in politics, not someone who has just been made out to look smart. Not that Abbott really looks that smart [laughs] you know, he comes across as not the sharpest tool it the shed, but that's even with PR making him out to be the best he can be, so I don't even want to think about how bad he really is.
JOSEPH: That’s your opinion though. Lots of other people don’t think that, and I mean is he really that bad? I mean I know he’s done some stupid stuff, but –
SUSAN: But that’s my point. People have bought into the idea that he’s not that bad because the PR has made him look better than he is. They’re like used car salesmen.
BEN: Yeah, but we live in a democracy, so people can make dumb decisions. What I was going to say is I think [PR] is definitely necessary but I never thought about it in the terms of whether it's good or bad, because it just is, you know?
JOSEPH: Well if you want to communicate with the public, you have to do PR anyway. I mean you can't do it all yourself because you'd never have time to talk to the public. […]
HENRY: I suppose it’s hard because no one’s going to win an election based on the fact that they’re the best Prime Minister. They’re going to win an election based on how well they spread the message of what the whole team’s going to do.
Several themes are apparent in this discussion. First, public relations is perceived as a
necessity in complex political landscapes. In these contexts, political actors are still expected
to actively and directly engage with their stakeholders, and as such it is not practical for
political actors to operate as individual entities without support staff. Participants were
broadly accepting of this – a reality that interviewees acknowledge, as discussed in Chapter 6
– and that these teams and networks are then represented in fictional political narratives. PR
in contemporary political communication is both portrayed and perceived as an essential
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practice for political actors to engage in if they are to keep pace with the accelerated media
environment. Other participants, such as Carl, saw the growth of political PR as being derived
from the need to have balance on the political battleground:
CARL: Political public relations, you can almost see as a self-fulfilling prophecy – “if you don’t get me into public relations then your adversary over there has got that public relations firm and so if you don’t hire me, they’re going to spin it and you’re going to get ripped to shreds” – so then you hire [them]. And the other candidate goes “oh well, those two have public relations people, we better get public relations people.” […] They feed on themselves. […] and they almost create their own market. […] You can’t do politics without public relations.
Carl goes on to describe how PR is needed in all aspects of political communication, because
crafting persuasive messages is the key to “get[ting] into power” and “staying in power.”
Participants considered PR as a weapon that is used strategically by both sides to gain political
advantage and public favour. Another participant, Jason, was adamant that “if you don’t have
the ability to interact with the public and your peers, then [PR] can help you, […] because
you’ve got no chance unless that part of it is good.” This captures the fundamental component
of political PR as being skilled in the engagement with different stakeholders, reinforcing
scholarly descriptions of the profession, such as those identified in Chapter 2.
The second theme exemplified by the discussion from Focus Group 7 was Susan’s analogy of
political PR practitioners as used car salesmen. This not only echoes the idea that PR is
responsible for selling politicians, political parties, policy, and more, but also characterises PR
practices as inherently dishonest and intent on pushing a product that may not be in our best
interests. This is a challenge for political communication and is at odds with how practitioners
describe their work, as outlined in the previous chapter. For example, political consultant Eric,
who earlier described the inability of PR to “polish” a “turd,” emphasised that for PR to be
successful, it was imperative to have a quality base product. While Joseph suggested to Susan
that her opinion about then-Prime Minister Tony Abbott is clouded by her political leanings,
Susan’s concerns about leadership more broadly reflected ongoing public discontent with the
calibre of contemporary political leaders. This discontent emerged frequently across the focus
groups and indicated a general dissatisfaction with contemporary politics. The conversation
in Focus Group 7 continued:
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SUSAN: I think people do still vote for a particular party because of the leader. I mean you have plenty of people in Australia who say "oh, I voted for Abbott" or "I voted for Rudd", when I'm like, "no, actually you didn't," well, unless they were in their electorates. But I do think the amount of money the government spends on PR is crazy.
JOSEPH: Especially during election campaigns.
SUSAN: Yeah and it makes it hard for new players as well because they can’t afford to pay for that much PR – unless you’re [Clive] Palmer. […] You’d say that he probably got in because a big part was the protest vote, like because people just weren’t happy with the two-party thing. […]
JOSEPH: But then I heard in his electorate that he spends like ten or fifteen times more in his particular seat than the other people, so he almost just bought his seat.
Here the discussion evolved to a point where there was a conflation between political agents
and political actors in the political communication space. While this is notable in itself for the
way audiences’ understandings have fused the two together, it also identifies how fictional
representations can stimulate wide-ranging debate. The shift here towards political
expenditure on communication strategists, as well as pork-barrelling of electorates (whether
from personal funds and private enterprise or public coffers), indicates citizens are aware that
their votes can effectively be bought. This is problematic for democracy that is premised on
fairness and equal access, when the significantly unbalanced power and financial distribution
in our society has created an uneven playing field. It also emphasises that while the “self-
fulfilling prophecy” of PR that Carl identified earlier has resulted in its professional growth,
this has not always been in the public interest. As Joel indicated:
JOEL: It’s about selling an idea, really. Like PR is, and I think you can probably see this in a lot of the shows about PR, […] about selling something to the public so that you get what you want out of it. Not necessarily what the public wants. Because you can promise something to the public and then not give it to them. […] You’re just selling yourself and what you want to happen, which may coincide with what the public want to happen, but in the end, you’re going to be selling what you want to occur. And people will buy into it if you sell it well enough, even if it’s total bullshit.
Joel connected fictional portrayals in texts with his own understanding about the role of PR in
politics, and indicated how such narratives reflect his concern that the public will be
persuaded by sophisticated political communication strategies and “buy into […] bullshit.”
While PR may not be the sole tool used in the game of persuasion, it can be used effectively
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by all political actors, and has the capacity to be the tipping point that wins or loses public
support. However, as the best practitioners come with a price, and many associated campaign
tactics are costly, political actors can only invest in PR in so far as they can afford it. Thus, the
political elite, through their access to greater resources, have a fundamental advantage in
dominating public discourse. These tensions are reflected in popular culture narratives, such
as those discussed in Chapter 5, that are then refracted by audiences and fed back into social
debates.
Participants readily acknowledged PR and politics were intimately connected, though many
groups were curious as to how the profession emerged and evolved. While the development
and tactical changes of political PR has been evident in my research when considering
representations of the profession through history (see Chapter 5), this is not something
captured by one single text, nor well explicated in other forms of popular media. It is
interesting then that participants often drew on popular texts as examples to qualify their
understanding of how PR came to be associated with politics. In Focus Group 5 participants
talked about the establishment of the term “PR” as well as the growth of the industry:
JENNY: PR is really, really interesting to think of how it’s evolved, like was it first PR or first the politicians who needed PR? And it probably wasn't labelled as PR, public relations, but it was just “oh this is my person that I know and they’re going to help me with that because I just don’t have the time or the ability to do that, but I need it, I know I need it to be successful, or possibly potentially be successful.”
AMY: I think it might have happened in the same way we saw in The Iron Lady – it was PR, or the people with that particular skill set, that spotted the opportunity [to enhance Margaret Thatcher’s image]. […] So, I reckon someone who was a PR person would’ve seen an opportunity saying, “I know what I can do to help make this person better” and I reckon they would have gone there and sold themselves.
NAOMI: Yeah, I think the title has evolved. I don't know if any of you have seen The King's Speech, but Geoffrey Rush has those skills and helps the King with public speaking and the way he communicates, right, and so he's doing PR I guess but he's not called PR.124 So, like in politics it probably just started out with someone that was an advisor and as an advisor it was their role to […] keep on top of everything and then when the politician they're advising needed to talk to the public or, you know, get a story out there, or to stop it getting out there if it's bad, then that would’ve been their role and then over time you know – the roles have started being defined. […]
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AMY: They’re filling a need I think, and then as demand for that grows that's when you get a whole industry like what you've got now.
Here Amy and Naomi used the skillsets evidenced in representations of practice in The Iron
Lady and The King’s Speech as reference points for exploring their ideas about political PR.
Even though there is no direct reference to public relations in The King’s Speech, and Lionel
Logue (Geoffrey Rush) was a speech and language therapist by trade, Naomi still connected
the act of aiding a public figure with their ability to communicate effectively with the practice
of political PR. This reinforces how we turn to fictional narratives when encountering things
with which we have little lived experience. Whether our conclusions come to match those
who have had lived experience of a particular thing is irrelevant from the perspective of
everyday citizens negotiating their understanding of the world around them.
The evolution and industry growth raised by participants such as Jenny, Amy, and Naomi, and
expanded in other focus groups, was generally attributed to the twenty-four-hour news cycle,
greater diversity in communication channels, and the advent of social media. However,
participants also furthered these discussions, describing how political PR operates like a
“professional machine.” This descriptor was particularly prevalent in Focus Group 10, where
participants used variations of the term on multiple occasions to describe the state of
contemporary political communication:
TIFFANY: I think what [PR] has done is made it all a bit sterile. Like it has become all too professional and polished, and so it doesn't really feel real anymore. I mean I like the Bob Katters of the world and that’s why Clive Palmer, I don’t even know if he [has] a PR machine, because he's so out there, but […] in an ironic way, the PR machine has helped some politicians by getting them to not offend and appear more likeable but it’s becoming like this –
CHLOE: Circus?
TIFFANY: I was actually going to say boring – […] so therefore people that speak their mind like Clive Palmer and Bob Katter, you know, have [a] humanness about them. Some of the Northern Territory politicians, or Tasmanian, the public gravitate to them all. So, it’s almost backfired – the professional PR machine is not as, you know, all powerful, because people can see through it. I think Australians, like culturally, we’re a bit suss on someone that appears too polished. […] With this lot we just see them as fake and so instead we're turning to people like Palmer and Katter – or probably even Pauline Hanson if she made a comeback – because they're more outspoken and it doesn't come across as rehearsed.125
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As per the argument made in Chapter 6, Tiffany astutely pointed out one of the current pitfalls
of the professionalisation of political communication is the prevailing public scepticism of
political actors who are too “polished.” Citizens desire more authentic alternatives. She also
validates what many of my interviewees suggested in the previous chapter, that the public
can “see through” spin. This raises questions for practitioners over the subtly and
sophistication of PR, and where the line is between professional communication and over-
professionalisation of communication. As Tiffany suggests, there is irony in the way the
practice of PR and political communication has moved towards professionalisation and, as a
result, the public have started to reject political actors and messages that are seen as too slick
or sanitised.
However, it is also interesting to note that Tiffany questioned whether Clive Palmer has “a PR
machine,” because he bucked the trend of “boring” and “sterile” career politicians by being
“more human” and “out there.” While Tiffany’s friend Colin confidently argued “I guarantee
he does,” other focus groups also questioned whether politicians like Palmer, Katter, and
Hanson employed PR. While the nature of being unapologetic, outspoken, and brash goes
against the grain of the traditionally successful model political actor, it would seem there has
been a shift in what everyday citizens want from their elected representatives.126 Polished
professionals have become associated with dishonesty and insincerity, which breeds an
inherent public mistrust in this style of communication. This has opened opportunities for
political communication that is unpolished and “outside” the political establishment, with the
assumption being that something that seems more “real” or “human” must be more genuine
than the self-interest found “inside” among the political elite. Participants assumed PR was
less involved in anti-establishment platforms because such communication looks and feels
different to that which comes from the standard political PR machine. Although some, like
Colin, insisted PR still had a hand to play, most participants felt that even if public relations
was employed by these political actors then it must be more “hands-off.” Indeed, while
Donald Trump’s team of staffers have been well publicised – such as when then-White House
Press Secretary Sean Spicer was made an international laughing stock after comedian and
actress Melissa McCarthy’s repeated parodies on Saturday Night Live – there is still a lingering
sense that Trump takes direction from no one and is simply being entirely himself. In arguing
for his authenticity Trump even insists he writes and sends his own social media posts –
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something the everyday public has no way of knowing whether this does in fact occur, with
arguments being made both for and against this being true (see for example, Kentish, 2017;
Lanktree, 2017; Trump, 2011). Beyond this, there seems to be an overall rejection of career
politicians – evidenced by Clinton’s loss to Trump, as well as my participants’ rejections of
Abbott’s gaffes, while accepting the foibles of Palmer and his ilk – reflecting a similar desire
shared by interviewee Nancy and others in Chapter 6, for leaders with “conviction” and
“authenticity.”
Regardless of the chosen approach to political communication, the commonality in the
purpose of PR is that all such efforts are still designed to enhance a political actor’s relatability.
For example, in The Iron Lady, Margaret Thatcher (Meryl Streep) is advised by Airey Neave
(Nicholas Farrell) and Gordon Reece (Roger Allam) after watching herself back during a TV
interview. This scene was shown to both focus groups and interviewees and concentrates on
how Neave and Reece can strategically “maximise [Thatcher’s] appeal.” They recommend
altering her appearance and voice to be more authoritative and connect with a broader
section of voters. Neave convinces Thatcher to make these changes while insisting it is still
important to “stay true to who you are, [and] never be anything other than yourself.” After
watching this clip, interviewees (such as Daniel, whose response is raised in Chapter 6)
described this process of image management as an important part of political PR, and
emphasised its capacity to influence voters. This distinction was also picked up by everyday
audiences who deemed it an understandable and worthy pursuit to change “superficial”
elements of one’s image. Focus group participant Gavin explained that he appreciated the
importance of a “first impression” and this often hinges on ones’ image because “before you
speak, before you talk about your politics, people are going to look at you and judge you on
how you look, and if you don’t have the right look then you’ll never go far.” However, as with
all the scenes screened during the focus groups, discussion quickly went beyond the
audience’s immediate reading of the text as they connected elements with recalled memories.
Another common response to The Iron Lady was for participants to draw parallels to former
Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard:
JOEL: Did something similar happen in Australia with Julia Gillard’s election? I never really paid attention to her before she was Prime Minister.
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NEIL: Yeah, she suddenly started wearing makeup. That pissed me off. That pissed me off so much. I was just like god damn it man, you were so much cooler when you were second in charge and not listening to people who were telling you how to dress and that you needed to change your image, because I respected you more when you were second in charge, because you seemed like a real person.
JUSTIN: Yeah, that’s actually a good point. The whole real person that she was disappeared. And it's ironic that how trying to create a real person doesn’t really work as well as just having a real person there.
WAYNE: Yeah, Gillard really suffered from that. […] Like the best moment of her entire political career was that bit when she broke the rules of parliament to turn around and call Tony Abbot a sexist bigot. Like I was prepared to actually vote for the Labor Party. […]
NATHAN: But directly after that she introduced the bill to cut welfare for single parents, which are predominantly women. So, in the same breath that she’s calling Tony Abbot a misogynist, she’s doing things that go directly against what she’s supposed to be standing for. […]
JOEL: Yeah, so what happened with Margaret Thatcher – and I can totally see how a lot of it would've gone down just like they showed [in The Iron Lady] – but we actively saw it happen to Gillard in Australia in terms of image management, it's just that it was actually a total fail because people didn't buy it.
WAYNE: Yeah so much for the "real Julia" – I think she was just being managed too much by other people and lost who she was and what she stood for because she was too preoccupied with getting re-elected.
Although there were discussions amongst both interviewees and participants about how
politics is gendered, particularly that female political actors are subject to many more
obstacles when it comes to image management, addressing such issues is beyond the scope
of this thesis. What is significant for my present argument is the way representations of
political PR in film and television, such as this one memorable scene in The Iron Lady, can
provoke considered and critical discussion amongst audiences. The discussion quoted above
saw Joel and his peers deconstruct their understanding of Julia Gillard’s public image, and
question the image management practices common in contemporary political
communication, while drawing on The Iron Lady. Similar discussions took place in the other
focus groups and the consensus was that Gillard had “failed” because she paid too much
attention to “bad advice” from PR professionals and lost her sense of authenticity along with
her convictions in her pursuit of power. Participants described fictional representations of
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political PR as “enlightening” and used popular culture texts to draw parallels with their own
lived experiences.
IMPLANTING IDEAS FROM EVERYWHERE
Focus group participants were asked how they were able to “see through” spin, when PR is
prefaced on its discretion, or how they could tell information (or a politician’s image) had been
“managed” or “filtered.” Responses were either “common sense” (aka our inherent “bullshit
detectors”) or increased “exposure” to PR. Participants in Focus Group 9 were particular
advocates for “knowing” about political PR because of their “common sense”:
PAMELA: Years ago, you voted because your family or father had voted that way, but now everybody tends to think for themselves and investigate for themselves a little bit more on the internet, and in the media, and I think people are much more critical than they used to be. And I don't know if that's because we can't trust politicians anymore, or if it's just common sense because we know everything's got a bit of spin on it. […]
JEREMY: Yeah, it’s common sense. […]
JILL: It’s a more recent phenomenon I thought. Because I haven’t always been aware of them.
RUTH: Well they talk about spin doctors in the papers [and] in the media they talk about spin doctors.
JILL: That’s how we know about it, isn’t it? It’s in the media – and it’s in all these movies too.
Thus, while participants used their common sense to sort through information and “know”
spin from substance, they acknowledged through the course of discussion that their
understanding was developed and honed by an awareness of PR built from the media and
popular culture. The “common sense” described by participants then becomes the product
and result of “exposure” to PR. As Naomi shared, she “recently noticed [PR] more in movies”
and felt more “aware” of spin as a result. Naomi’s friends, in Focus Group 5, suggested that
even though political PR feels like a “recent phenomenon,” they understood it has been a
long-engrained part of the media landscape. The difference, they noted, was that they felt the
phenomenon was becoming more visible:
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JENNY: I think PR is important. I think it’s been around for so long that we’ve become used to it and so we've relied on representations to remind us that it's there, and that makes us wonder if we didn’t have it then what would it be like […]
AMY: We’re in a world now where we’re more exposed to it. This has probably been going on for years, we just never knew about it. But now there's these TV shows and movies that are talking about it, and it’s in the news, […] we’re more aware of it. So maybe we are now forming opinions where previously, because we weren’t exposed to it, we just didn’t think about it.
This exposure through fictional representations in film and television, and other media, helps
audiences to deconstruct the practice and purpose of political PR. Consequently, by increasing
our critical literacy of communication strategies, and knowledge of otherwise invisible political
processes, audiences are better able to make informed decisions.
The comments above from Focus Group 5 return to the argument raised at the start of this
chapter. Although PR is not something everyday citizens often “think about,” through
increased “exposure,” we are becoming more conscious and aware of its role in our
democratic society. Validating the assumption made by interviewees about the foundation of
everyday citizens’ ideas and stereotypes about political PR, the focus groups indicated these
came from the same three sources (see Chapter 6): “education,” “mainstream media” and
“real events,” and fictional “TV and movies.” Education involved both secondary and higher
education, as well as each participant’s personal networks, such as Emily whose sister had
recently completed an internship with a publicist. Participants also explained how they learnt
about political PR from spokespeople, visible in the media during crises, as well as from
documentaries and satirical news sources that directly deconstruct political communication.
Amy found the visibility of PR professionals in recent years of particular note:
AMY: I think they’re playing a more front role perhaps. […] Instead of being a locked behind closed doors type of role, they seem to be coming to the forefront a bit more. Like you see Tony Abbott's PR lady, what's her name? People are always talking about her and she's become quite recognisable even if I can't remember what she's called! […] So, I think, I guess, their role has evolved as well to being someone that’s behind the scenes to someone that’s more front of line or like a spokesperson.
While some practitioners have a recognisable public profile, the majority of the industry and
its practice is still conducted behind the scenes. None of my interviewees had a public
presence in their political PR roles, and would not be recognisable outside their professional
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networks.127 Tony Abbott’s then-chief of staff Peta Credlin – whose name Amy forgot – did
briefly become a local household name, and found herself in the spotlight, when Abbott
became Prime Minister of Australia in 2013. Credlin is certainly not the first “spin doctor” to
garner a contentious public profile, nor can she claim the international recognition achieved
by some – she was predated by the likes of Karl Rove under Bush in the US, Alastair Campbell
and Peter Mandelson under Blair in the UK, and others – though the Australian press was
fascinated with her.128 From details about the close working relationship she had with Abbott,
to an outright power struggle with the Liberal’s deputy leader Julie Bishop, Credlin
progressively became the centre of the story. Mounting media coverage created an ongoing
distraction from the Government’s messages, and came to symbolise dysfunction within the
Cabinet. Abbott’s downfall was in part blamed on Credlin (see for example, Savva, 2017), and
as an unelected though clearly active political actor, Credlin was seen to have overstepped her
role as an advisor. Arguably, it was her unabashed assumption of political power and her
fearlessness in using it that made her a target. Such attention from the fourth estate may be
detrimental to the efficacy of political PR, but is beneficial to everyday audiences as it puts the
profession and practice in the spotlight.
In addition to publicly visible political PR professionals, participants like Frank and Shane felt
PR became “more obvious” when someone or something “fucks up,” and you “learn” about
PR by witnessing this. Sandra and Rachel also indicated they felt PR practice was noticeable in
the media when things went “wrong”:
RACHEL: I think especially when things don’t go so well, that’s where I really feel like you'd need PR because like stuff’s always going wrong in politics. […]
SANDRA: I think it’s just constantly there in the background, like helping shape everything they do so voters will like it. Though I guess when things go wrong that's when it comes out maybe, like you'd notice it more.
Instances of crisis were widely considered by participants to be the most likely cases where
the media would point out, what Jason described as, “the spin in our midst.” In these
instances, Jason indicated “you’ve got the journalists spinning and politicians spinning,” and
everyday citizens become aware that “it’s just all spin.” However, Rachel and Sandra saw the
visible component of spin residing in the way the media frames political PR as the “spin
doctors” and documents their scrambling attempts to save any given situation before it
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becomes a disaster. Carl raised an example that further supports how self-reflective practice
in the media is essential for exposing political PR in action:
CARL: I guess what happens is the media industry has become part of the public relations machine. […] But sometimes they can call it out too, so what I found really interesting was Jon Stewart was interviewing Tony Blair [on The Daily Show] […] about his part in the Iraq war and you know, he was trying to get Tony Blair to say “Hey, Bush lied” to him, okay. And Tony Blair was spinning, he was dodging, he was moving, he was public relating. And Jon Stewart said, “You know what? You’re just embarrassing yourself. Let’s change the subject […] You’re not going to give a straight answer. You’re just going to spin and dodge and manipulate and […] you’re not going to actually tell the truth.”
Carl’s comments align with the findings of McNair et al. (2017) who conducted focus groups
to investigate the changing forms of mediated politics in Australia and views of the citizenry.
The authors observed a growing scepticism of the “political class” and resentment of
perceived “spin” in the relationship between politics and the media. They too concluded, as
participants in this study did, that citizens see through many political PR tactics. McNair et al.
(2017) emphasised how infotainment and other hybridised news programs occupy a central
position in the contemporary public sphere that breaks the mould of traditional journalism in
a way that is more accessible to “outsiders.” Here media and political commentators are able
to call out political actors in the process of spinning, as well as identify the strategies and
tactics of political agents as they have been put into practice. This overt recognition validates
public frustration, such as that discussed by Carl above, and holds political actors and political
communication professionals to account.
Media commentary about media practice proved useful for participants in developing their
understanding of the way political communication is constructed. In four of the ten focus
groups, participants flagged the ABC’s Gruen (2008-present)129 as particularly useful in this,
with its entertaining panel of industry experts candidly dissecting the different facets of
professional communication. Given the program is branded as “the show that unpicks the dark
arts of spin,” pegged on “analys[ing] what most other shows are there to sell,” and aims to
provide audiences “with the tools to understand” contemporary communication practices, it
was unsurprising that participants identified its influence on their understanding. Wayne
considered Gruen’s importance as being “because nobody talks about [PR] a lot, you kind of
don’t really realise how carefully pieced together a lot of stuff is.” Thus, having a panel “pulling
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apart the way all of these messages are put together,” as Wayne put it, raises the audiences’
awareness of how spin operates. Beth similarly saw Gruen as having a role in her
understanding of PR:
BETH: The Gruen Transfer is another thing, […] that I’ve sort of developed this sort of view [about PR] because it is actual people who are in the industries talking about it which is something that you don’t really see. That was quite interesting [to] sort of see how they see things, and how it all works. […] So, it's like all these movies and shows, but instead of fiction they're talking about real life.
The distinction Beth made between fiction and reality is notable because it reflects how both
types of texts have the capacity to contribute to our critical media literacy. While fictional
representations play a major role in informing audience understanding about political PR, that
does not detract from the ways in which other media can convey information about the
profession and practice of political communication. However, there is an ongoing debate as
to the merit of fictional popular culture in shaping our world view, often premised on the
weighted assessment of how real, accurate, or true particular representations. This fails to
recognise the blurred boundaries of fact and fiction, and does a disservice to everyday
audiences who rarely take things at face value. Furthermore, as Nigel and Sid pondered, part
of the appeal of fiction is how it mirrors the socio-cultural anxieties we are attuned to.
NIGEL: Is it not said that all fiction is true? The trick with good fiction is it has to ring true on some level to suspend disbelief. And I think […] it’s a bidirectional process, right? Like fiction sets our expectations for what PR people do and when we see PR people concording with that, we go “oh yeah, this reaffirms my belief.” I mean I’ve never been in a politician's or the prime minister’s office when this sort of stuff’s going on, so I have no idea. So, I guess it reaffirms a general anxiety that we’re not represented by our representatives. That’s probably why it’s popular, but that doesn’t mean it’s not true.
SID: I guess it’s the […] predominant exposure we get to what [PR practitioners] do, so I guess we take it as, not gospel, but […] that fiction has to ring true in some aspects, you know, for it to be well accepted by us as the audience, because otherwise we’d just be like “nah” and reject it. So, you want something that feels like it could be real, and they probably do that by playing on your anxieties.
This discussion evidences how audiences connect with fictional narratives by relating them to
their everyday lives and own personal “truth.” Although political PR as a function is largely
removed for citizens, its activities and outputs have considerable impact on their daily
existence, as well as our democracy. The growing social awareness of spin, coupled with an
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overarching cynicism about politics, is reflected in our popular culture texts, which in turn
refracts audience understandings and expectations. However, when it comes to developing
our “expectations” about PR and politics, participants described how fact and fiction tend to
merge together to establish an amalgamated perception, from which the specific origins can
be difficult to pinpoint. As Wayne explains:
WAYNE: These [fictional] texts are like a major way through which we actually develop our understanding of PR to begin with. So, I don’t know any people working in PR. I don’t have anything to do with it. But watching these films and TV [shows], you get that insight. And you know, maybe I’ll read something about [PR] online, but that’s kind of just as good as a popular TV show – it's still just one person's opinion – and so in some ways the mainstream media are almost more limited, even though it's reality, because with fiction you can just take things wherever you want them to go to make a point, so you can really like delve in deep. And what we expect of PR is kind of reinforced by what we see and what we watch, as well as via the media, so it’s all kind of tangled together, and so it’s kind of hard to actually really divide the two.
Thus, fictional representations form only one pillar – albeit a crucial one – in the construction
of our ideas, expectations, and understanding about political PR and its role and function in
liberal democracies. As focus group participants indicated, this understanding is essential to
their critical literacy and capacity to identify and “see through” the spin. Having this
heightened awareness of the phenomenon of political PR gave everyday audiences the
confidence to deconstruct and debunk contemporary political communication, and make
meaningful and informed decisions.
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IMPACT, INFLUENCE, AND MAKING MEANING FROM FICTIONAL FILM AND TV
Focus group participants and interviewees alike questioned who watches fictional film and
television featuring representations of political PR. Indeed, it would be difficult to argue these
narratives contribute to broader societal perceptions if they are only watched by a select
group who are already actively politically engaged and involved with the industry. As a
researcher and communications professional, I have been conscious of my own heightened
sensitivity to instances of political PR as part of my everyday media consumption. Political PR
practitioners may also experience this, evidenced by most of my interviewees demonstrating
a higher proclivity to watch film and TV featuring their profession than the media consumption
habits of my focus group participants. Both groups speculated on the audience base for such
texts and whether the general public would be interested in film and television about politics
more broadly, given politics is often rejected, as my interviewees declared, for being too “dry”
and “boring.” This curiosity was shared by focus group participants, and often became the
source of debate as they speculated about “other” audiences. For example, in a memorable
exchange between participants Carl, Julie, and Lisa they contested which, and why, people
might choose texts featuring representations of political PR:
CARL: Good PR is about not being seen and so you would not really see good PR operations, because PR at the end of the day is about manipulating opinion. So, therefore these movies then give us – you would hope – an insight into the operations and machinations of what happens behind the scenes, and therefore it will influence how we view public relations. However, you would not watch these movies unless you already had an existing opinion. Like I don't think somebody who was ill-informed about public relations in government would take one of these movies off the shelf.
Julie and Lisa then questioned Carl’s assumption, arguing that films like The Campaign and The
Ides of March have big name stars such as Will Ferrell and George Clooney which become
draw cards for any individuals who like their humour, style, or (in the case of George Clooney
specifically) looks. Thus, implying the initial appeal of fictional narratives goes beyond their
thematic content, and audiences can be brought in based on numerous factors. While Carl
conceded this, he continued to question the audience reach of these texts, and Lisa too
worried that those engaging with the texts might not be doing so in meaningful ways:
CARL: For most people watching the movie, it would reinforce an existing opinion.
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LISA: Or they just find it funny and entertaining, and wouldn’t see the message. They wouldn’t see the dark side of it, they’d just find it as funny, but it’s a bit light to mean much.
JULIE: But I don't know, sometimes you watch stuff and learn things, or it gets you thinking about things, even when it's just meant to be funny.
LISA: Yeah, that’s true.
CARL: But I would say most of the videos that we watched though, you would not pick that video out unless you did already have an existing opinion that that movie supported. […] For example, a person who thought that public relations was the best thing since sliced bread for politics, would probably not take any of those movies out.
JULIE: Or the opposite. You could be a student of public relations and watch every single one of them. […] Like you know there’s some slick operators in there. They've got to learn it from somewhere. But really, I do think people watch movies for all kinds of reasons, so you can't really generalise. And I think PR people would watch them because they can relate to it. And I think people who are into politics would watch them because it's something they're interested in it. And I think other people would watch them for other reasons, like the actors, or the director, and just because it's funny.
CARL: Yeah, I guess.
Julie’s comment that it is important not to generalise about other people’s media
consumption choices is astute, because it is a reminder that audiences engage with texts for
different reasons. She also recalled specific texts that are tied to political PR on a thematic
rather than literal level. Much like Naomi’s comment earlier where she saw The King’s Speech
as featuring a narrative about political PR, even when the term itself is not used, Julie insists
you “can still see” spin in these texts. Participants connected screen portrayals of the broader
practice of political communication with broader debates, without needing to rely on clear,
direct references to “spin” or “PR.” Although this may contribute to the conflation of PR with
other political and media activities, it also supports how texts, as Julie put it, get audiences
“thinking” and help people to “learn things.” While fictional representations can reinforce
existing opinions, they can also expose audiences to new or different ideas. As such, these
representations go beyond providing a one-dimensional window into this otherwise unseen
world, and stimulate critical discourse about political PR and its role in society.
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Concerns such as Lisa’s that a text becomes too “light to mean much” if audiences “just find it
funny,” are steeped in the old assumption entertainment does not have the depth to also
carry a message. While there has been a push in scholarly circles to recognise the value of
entertainment (see for example, Harrington, 2017), the perception that something must be
serious to be meaningful is still perpetuated. Further to this, participants often considered the
“other” audiences of such texts – that is, audiences other than themselves – as they separated
themselves from the public at large. This differentiation suggests that the “third person effect”
(see Davison, 1983) was evident in the responses of some participants, both in terms of how
they thought others would read fictional texts, as well as their susceptibility to spin. Sid was
particularly vocal throughout his focus group about the way he saw PR being applied to politics
to fool everyday citizens into voting against their best interests. He felt contemporary political
communication appealed to emotion over reason and personality over policy as a deliberate
strategy. Davison (1983) indicates that in such situations, we assume others have “more
impressionable minds” and are thus more likely to be persuaded or influenced. Like other
participants, Sid’s views were coloured by a general concern about the influence of PR on the
political process, rather than a deliberate arrogance:
SID: I don’t think of myself as like really, really smart, […] I’m fortunate to be tertiary educated and just aware of current events, but I’m probably still quite cynical of the intelligence of the voting public. […] You and me might be aware of PR and how politics is just all spin, but think about people that are even less aware than we are, and just the way they make their decisions, and they do vote, you know, it’s just quite frightening, […] the stupider voters and the general public. The scary thing for someone that’s not as educated as you or me, they see this stuff in the media and just assume it's true, like they don't question it. […] You never know where this other agenda is, but people are really easily sucked in by PR, […] so it's a bit of a problem because then we're voting on who we like instead of what's going to be good for the country.
Regardless of whether the majority of voters are in fact “easily sucked in by PR,” the general
conclusion by participants was that having a heightened “awareness” of spin was essential to
an individual’s capacity to critically engage with political communication. This is where
fictional representations can play a crucial role. By presenting an engaging format for
audiences, these popular culture narratives draw our attention to the presence and operation
of political PR in both the world of the fictional texts as well as the “real” world around us.
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As my focus group participants demonstrated, audiences, as individuals, make their own
meanings from texts, and often found it easier to engage with messages when packaged in
entertaining formats. Multiple participants suggested the “intrigue” carried in fictional
political narratives often aroused their “curiosity” in a way that elevated their interest and
sucked them in. Friends Emily and Rachel shared similar tastes, and both acknowledged they
rarely watched “political” shows, yet found they were open to this content when it fit within
generic conventions with which they were broadly familiar such as mainstream – though not
necessarily political – drama:
EMILY: Usually, political things, I find really boring, so things like The West Wing […] I’ve heard of but haven’t […] really been inclined to watch them, but Political Animals funnily enough I did watch one night really late at night, and it was a little bit sort of edgier than I imagine most political dramas to be – maybe it was because of Sigourney Weaver – and a little bit more scandalous and kind of Gossip Girl-y, which is probably why I liked it. But I got so caught up in the political intrigue, and it's actually quite fascinating seeing what goes on behind the scenes and how decisions are made, and how they spin things.
RACHEL: Yeah mine was the same, […] the movies that I had seen were like The Hunger Games and Captain America, all really mainstream. But I also stumbled across a TV show, The Kennedys and […] I was surprised at how much I liked it because I’m the same, I don’t really go towards political shows naturally. […] It felt a bit more […] gossipy and not so boring. […] Katie Holmes is Jacki O and curiosity got me there. And because it just showed a whole other side that I hadn't seen before. I mean it's still a drama, and about family and relationships really, and that's what, or why I was watching it, but you do get some insight into what political life is like.
Political Animals (2012) and The Kennedys (2011) were both critically well-received miniseries
that featured well-known celebrities and strong female characters. Although they did not seek
these texts out for their own sake, the dramatic elements, glossy production values, and
“gossip” factor appealed to Emily and Rachel. Notably, both women also indicated they took
“insight” from these texts because of the narratives that were positioned “behind the scenes”
of political life. Such depictions infiltrate our individual consciousness, as well as that of society
at large, to paint a picture of political life, within which contains elements that speak of spin
and political communication strategy.
The act of “stumbling across” rather than seeking out texts featuring political PR was
something repeated by several participants. This curiously confirms yet also contrasts the
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assumption noted earlier by Carl that “somebody who was ill-informed” about politics would
rarely choose to watch these texts. While it may be easier to come across mainstream texts,
it is clear that lesser known, more obscure texts still have capacity to make a big impression
on individuals, as focus group participant Ben pointed out:
BEN: I remember watching this show from the BBC – Party Animals I think it's called – oh God it was good, but they cancelled it after the first season, so annoying, anyway, […] it was kind of to do with all the young, junior people in parliament and the people that, you know, do the policy research and the PR, and yeah, I'm not that into politics, like I've never watched The West Wing, and I wouldn't normally choose political shows, but I kind of just stumbled across it on the ABC, I think it was over summer break at uni or something, and I really enjoyed it, because it was a show that, well I don't know. I thought it was really interesting, other than the drama and the glamour and stuff, just the insight it gave you into what goes on behind the scenes, because yeah, it's not something that I'm familiar with.
Party Animals (2007) was originally aired on BBC Two, and although it was critically well-
received, it rated poorly and was not renewed for a second season.130 Although the series is
now more widely available, few other participants recalled it. However, Ben’s comment
reveals that the individual impact a specific text has on a particular audience member may be
more important than its overall reach. Thus, when considering the way fictional
representations contribute to audience understandings about political PR, it is necessary to
reflect on individuals’ media consumption. Their accumulative viewing of different
representations contributes to their personal understanding, which then contributes to the
collective memory in society’s cultural fabric that informs the shared perceptions about
political PR. This also held true for participants who considered texts with less prominent
representations of political PR, such as Julie who suggested:
JULIE: Like Independence Day or what's that other one about the aliens? Oh, District 9. Yeah you know they're not about PR exactly, but you can still see bits of spin in them, like the way the politicians talk to the media or whatever, they still have elements of all the stuff that we’ve talked about. Maybe that's all filtering down into our consciousnesses.
This point is significant because it highlights the capacity of diverse representations
throughout popular culture, with varying degrees of prominence, to collectively contribute to
audience perceptions. Different fictional narratives about political PR may either challenge or
reinforce these perceptions, though they continue to provide everyday citizens with a frame
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of reference through which they can make better sense of their realities. Importantly, these
texts are accessible to a wide range of audience groups, and can spark curiosity in the
phenomenon of political PR beyond established genres and typical target audiences.
CRITICAL ENGAGEMENT OR CORROSIVE CYNICISM?
A key underlying concern expressed by participants was that they had no way to know how
“true” any given information is, and that this inherent distrust fanned the flames of political
cynicism. They argued that, as a consequence, it is important to view everything through a
critical lens and take all information with a grain of salt. Fictional narratives in film and
television boost this process as they ask questions of audiences, that in turn encourage
audiences to “question” the world around them. Furthermore, the way specific
representations crack open political communication practices is useful for expanding audience
awareness and honing their criticality and ability to deconstruct messages and communication
strategies. Participants appreciated the “fly on the wall” perspective texts offered as it
provided them with a “window” to see “what goes on behind closed doors.” Beth described
this as:
BETH: It's a bit like you've been given an access pass to an off-limits area. These films sort of give you a tour around all the halls of power that should be transparent but they're not. So, like I know it's all fiction and exaggerated to make it more entertaining, but it makes you wonder what really goes on, and sort of shows you what might go on, and then next time you see a politician speaking or read something in the news you can see how they're spinning it, and then elections too, like you have a better idea about what goes on and the process, which would probably make you think about things more before you go and cast your vote.
Similarly, Rachel said, “we don’t get access to this side of politics and so that’s why it’s
interesting, that’s why they make TV shows about it, because they sort of fill in the blanks.”
Thus, these fictional narratives engaged audiences through novel entertainment that in turn
provided “insights” about political PR that were “interesting,” “fascinating,” and “eye-
opening” and “make you think.” Participants actively engaged in broad ranging debate about
politics, current affairs, the changing media landscape, suggesting fictional popular culture
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provides an accessible platform for everyday audiences to engage with one another as well as
issues relevant to their reality.
Several participants singled out specific texts as having had a profound effect on their
individual worldview. This commentary was often characterised by the way there was a
conflation between when participants were referring to something they saw in a fictional
representation, and paralleled this with something they had found evident in reality. For
example, focus group participant Joan described how having studied Wag the Dog, as part of
the English curriculum in secondary school, impacted her personally:131
JOAN: That film changed my life. […] It made me question everything. We were looking at spin […] and how they expose the techniques used. And it’s quite interesting that on a deeper analysis now, I think it really shows that nothing is beyond PR. […] Like how do we know what’s real? And again, playing on the human emotions as an appeal, […] it's like show business. It is almost for entertainment, it’s a game. It’s just manipulation of your feelings but instead of a ninety-minute block that is the course of the film, it’s your lifetime. […] And I think that's stayed with me and is like a reminder of how you can't just assume something's true because the government tells you it is, you have to be critical and sort of figure it out for yourself, because otherwise you're going to be manipulated by somebody else's agenda.
Joan’s commentary blurs her response to the text with the way she feels about political
communication in her everyday life. This overlap reinforces how fictional narratives can
become cultural reference points for audiences in negotiating their lived experience. The
account offered by Joan here was similar to that of other participants and supports the
hypothesis that fictional representations contribute to the way everyday citizens understand
political PR. Furthermore, themes in these texts encourage audiences to “question” their
reality and stimulate a hyperawareness of contemporary communication practices.
What is potentially problematic here is that such an awareness may, in turn, breed cynicism
and distrust in both political communication and the democratic process. This is something
Joan also pointed out in reference to Wag the Dog:
JOAN: From the time where I first learnt about PR, so when I first watched something like Wag the Dog, I think it’s kind of what makes [people] so bloody cynical these days is the fact that we don’t even know who to trust anymore. […] You’re immediately kind of channeled to distrust parliament, distrust war, and
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question like what is the media telling you? […] I don’t know what’s been PRed and what hasn’t unless they do really fuck up, and even then, you don't or won't ever really know how bad the fuck up is because some of it might just be the other side's spin or media bias. […] Politics these days just comes […] into the too hard basket. I think that’s maybe where a lot of people just give up on it […] and I think that's got a lot to do with PR.
Joan’s sentiments were shared by other participants, who placed at least part of the blame
for society’s political cynicism and distrust at the feet of public relations. They were frustrated
by the way such practices obscure communication transparency and hinder our ability to
discern the accuracy of information. The argument here is that spin shrouds the truth in a
cloak of rhetoric that is either trying to disguise an agenda or dress up something superficial
as having substance. Focus group participants consistently identified the challenge of knowing
the “truth” behind a story was amplified by political communication practices, and that this
presented a major problem for contemporary democracies. Despite acknowledging the
positive role fictional narratives play in enhancing critical literacy and exposing the way
information can be manipulated, audiences still worried about who to trust and how to
separate fact from fiction in their everyday lives. This collective concern centred on the fear
that the political establishment care more about holding on to power than they do about the
public interest, and are willing to do whatever it takes to secure their dominant position in
society. Focus group participants evidenced a distinct dissatisfaction with the way our
democratic institutions have failed to serve citizens, and political PR was considered a
significant force in eroding their efficacy.
The political cynicism exhibited by everyday audiences, that Joan and others attributed to
fictional texts like Wag the Dog, is something industry interviewees expressed apprehension
about. While both interview and focus group participants acknowledged that some
representations of political PR were positive, they considered cynicism to be pervasive in
many portrayals. Practitioners assumed the frequency of political cynicism in film and
television coloured the way the public perceive political communication and felt this was
ultimately damaging to our democracy. For example, former-State government media advisor
Cathy indicated that while she could come away from something like The West Wing “feeling
energised,” she believed other texts would leave audiences feeling “cynical and depressed
about the political process.” She explained:
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CATHY: It bothers me to think that people think that politics is so black and so deathly cynical […] because I know it’s not. […] Since time immemorial politics has always been about rhetoric, so there are concerns about the truth in politics. […] And then there’s a murkiness around PR which is propaganda and lies, absolute lies, and manipulation of the populous. […] Its fundamentals are pretty yucky, so I think that's why people are skeptical about [political PR]. And it becomes an easy target for popular culture, because it's a good story, and, it makes for good entertainment. […] There are enough high-profile examples, of people doing the wrong thing and lying, for the negative stereotypes to stick. And of course, even though it’s a small minority of people, […] the majority of the practitioners who actually have good practice are unseen. […] So, I think it really suffers, because these high-profile minority examples of bad PR and poor ethical behaviour become dominant, because it's a silent backroom role. […] There’s enough of that behaviour for it to be partly true, for it to resonate, for people to know that it’s a partial truth of what goes on, but it’s not the whole truth. And, that’s the problem with the shows that are so blanketly cynical. […] I think that we’ve got to the point of saturation about it, and I think all it has done is increase cynicism and distort actually what goes on.132
Cathy captured the reputational difficulty for political PR in that it is caught in a three-pronged
pincer. One point for the profession’s “murky” origins, another for the “high profile” public
examples of bad practice, and another for the negative stereotypes perpetuated in popular
culture. Participants also described these elements in justifying their cynicism about political
PR. The difference between the two is in their approach. Cathy argued such cynicism is
“corrosive,” and, as Joan noted, it can lead people to “give up” on politics. However, most
focus group participants, such as Sid and Nigel, felt “a bit of cynicism is very healthy” because
“it makes you more critical” and thus less likely to be manipulated. Beyond this, if the everyday
public are not being served by the current political system, then this cynicism and questioning
is an important precursor to changing the status quo. As Basu (2014, p. 98) contends, “the
public are not wrong for being incredulous [about politics], but rather sensible, and their
cynicism, if it is cynicism, can be seen as a good kind of cynicism.” While politics may not be
as bumbling or self-serving as some of the fictional narratives suggest, and PR practitioners
may work in politics because, as Cathy advocated elsewhere, they are “passionate and
committed,” ultimately these public perceptions – reflected and refracted by popular culture
– are evidence that there is a dissatisfaction about our democracy and the way we are being
served (or not) by the political establishment.
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While many participants openly admitted they were cynical about politics and PR, they were
also frequently pragmatic and tolerant. This is interesting because it indicates how audiences
have looked beyond the stereotypes of political PR and engaged critically with its role and
function. Although the focus groups acknowledged the trend towards “negative”
representations, participants identified how they knew these did not provide the full picture.
Cathy’s concern that the limitations of fictional narratives “distort” reality – a view also
expressed by other interviewees (see Chapter 6) – is not incorrect, however discussions in my
focus groups suggested they are largely unfounded. As participant Colin pointed out:
COLIN: I think most of the perceptions and the things that we believe about PR are quite negative […] but I mean, when you think about it, PR does have a lot of value. If you think of it from an NGO’s point of view or someone that needs to use PR tactics to get messages across, I mean those are powerful tools. Whether they’re being used for the right reasons or not is different and probably depends on who’s using them. But unfortunately, I think it has a stigma, and it’s like “PR is evil, it’s a way in which companies and governments manipulate our thoughts” – but even then, see that doesn't put much stock in the public, like can't we think for ourselves? I mean I don’t like the idea that I’m being manipulated, and I think PR can do that, but I think it can also do a lot of good too when it’s in the right hands, so I guess it’s sort of up to us to listen to what different groups and companies have to say and decide for ourselves what we want to believe.
Colin’s sentiment was shared by the majority of focus group participants. There was a strong
sense of self-responsibility for the way we as individuals receive publicly disseminated
messages, and they felt it was important to not passively accept the information we are given.
Public relations was viewed as being both a help and hindrance for citizens in this pursuit.
Although participants expressed their frustration that they often felt overwhelmed by the
volume of information in the current media environment, they also felt liberated that such
information was easily accessible and readily available from a range of sources. Indeed, rather
than condemning political PR as damaging to democracy, participants accepted that it has a
purpose to serve, though they were frustrated that it can obstruct their ability to separate fact
from fiction. Ruth emphasised that “somewhere along the line you’ve got to filter it all out
and just pick up what you want.” While fictional narratives reflected broader concerns about
the state of political communication, and individuals did exhibit considerable cynicism, there
remained a conscious awareness that the reality of politics is complex. Thus, participants were
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willing to make concessions for political PR in instances where it was a positive force serving
the public good.
PERCEPTION IS REALITY AND OTHER PERSPECTIVES
The issue with the “public good” and assessing whether the intentions of a particular
communication strategy or tactic are “honourable” is that such assessment is based on
individual perspective. This was something participants reflected on throughout the focus
groups. For example, in Focus Group 3, participants had high levels of political cynicism,
however they continued to be pragmatic in the way they viewed political PR:
JULIE: Public relations isn’t all bad. It can be for the good of the world, it’s not always evil. […] It is about creating that relationship with people and the organisation and communicating a message and then listening to see what people think of that message.
LISA: It's like a cycle. So, if their intentions are good then it can be good too.
VINCENT: What if they’re being deceitful?
JULIE: Oh well if they’re being deceitful, yeah, I don't like that, I think that’s appalling.
VINCENT: And there is a fine line between a little white lie, because sometimes it's necessary – so if everyone knew the truth and that could have a really devastating impact, or if we tell this little white lie, we’ll sort of steer it around and bring it back on course.
LISA: And I think the problem is too is what’s truthful to you and me perhaps is not truthful to other people. I think genuinely sometimes people present sides that I think are wrong, but they seriously believe they’re right. Morally they think they’re correct; I think they’re wrong. It’s not always that black and white, that right and wrong.
SALLY: Yep, fundamental thinking error of all mankind: I think therefore it’s true. So, they’ll fight to the death for it. It doesn’t necessarily mean it’s true but it’s perception of reality.
CARL: I guess public relations is like anything – it’s a tool and it comes down to how you use that tool – […] public relations in and of it itself is not a good or a bad thing; it’s how you use it. How you manipulate or don’t manipulate what you’re trying to present and put forward to people. But at the end of the day, I mean, there is a certain unavoidable thing with public relations and there is a certain
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amount of manipulation that goes along with it because you are using tools to basically further your cause, whatever your cause is. And whether that's a good or a bad thing all comes back to your perspective.
Participants emphasised evaluating intent and how public relations can be used for different
purposes, and that it is no more than a “tool.” How and why this tool is wielded, and by whom,
is what matters. Many participants used the example of how PR can be used for “good” when
it serves the pursuits of the well-intentioned and worthy, such as not-for-profit organisations
or public information campaigns designed to raise awareness rather than “sell” a political
agenda. However, even then, our judgement on this, as Carl pointed out, depends on our
individual perspective. Our perspectives have been shaped by our lived experiences, of which
our cultural consumption is part, though they also impact the way we read texts and respond
to fictional representations.
The idea that “perception is reality” arose in a number of focus group discussions, both in
relation to how we process political communication as well as the ultimate irrelevancy of
whether participants found fictional representations of political PR “accurate” or “believable.”
Emily offered an interesting comment that “the moral that a lot of these shows have is that
people will buy – if the story is good enough – what you’re selling them, and then to them
that’s the reality.” This reflection has a layered complexity. Emily identified a key theme of
fictional representations in that political PR excels in the art of persuasion and that the truth
is not – as Lisa also suggested – “black and white” because individuals construct their own
reality. This highlights the tension between the belief that the power of persuasion is strong,
and the fact that as individuals we cast personal judgements on what we believe to be good
or bad, true or false, convincing or unconvincing. This also holds true for the way individuals
read fictional texts. In the same way that we buy into spin, it stands that if fictional narratives
are “good enough” then we will buy into them too. However, it is our ability to be critical that
gives us pause for thought before we commit to “buy,” and this is present both when we
engage with fiction and when we engage with reality.
Like the interviewees, at times there were differences in the way participants responded to
the clips screened during the focus groups. These were mostly minor. In watching scenes from
The Hollowmen, The Thick of It and The Campaign, differences were usually relative, and a
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measure of degrees on a sliding scale, as to just how incompetent and self-serving
governments are. Responses to Thank You for Smoking and The Iron Lady had no notable
differences within the focus groups or across the participant pool. However, both The Ides of
March and Wag the Dog elicited variable reactions. For example, when watching The Ides of
March, Focus Group 2 described political PR like a “mafia mob” and the “sinister underbelly”
of politics where there are “faceless men behind the scenes […] pulling the strings.” In this
group Shane emphasised “the worst part about [The Ides of March] is it's probably true. Not
that PR is the mafia, but that, you know, all these people that you don't even know exist are
the ones in control.” In contrast, Focus Group 6 had a higher degree of empathy towards the
characters and insisted the ethical dilemmas faced by those working in political PR are the
same as any other industry. In this group they agreed with Sid who said, “You’re very
constricted by how others play the game and […] you don’t make the rules, that's just how it
is,” and if you want to be successful it is important to “play along.” The consequentialist
approach taken by participants in Focus Group 6 was at odds with the deontological
perspective that led Focus Group 2 to connect the way political PR was represented in The
Ides of March more heavily with broader themes about power and influence. It is interesting
that in these two groups, responses to the question “How was political PR represented in this
scene?” diverged at the point where participants either viewed it on a micro level from the
perspective of the characters, or a macro level where they considered the overall message of
the film. Yet they reconverged by connecting the scene back to their own perceptions of
reality. This indicates that while audiences may deconstruct texts in different ways,
representations still serve as reference points for negotiating our own realities and individual
understanding.
Questions around plausibility of fictional narratives and the efficacy and power of political PR
also impacted how everyday audiences responded to different texts. For example, responses
to Wag the Dog varied, particularly in terms of how possible the scenario – of orchestrating a
fake war to distract from a presidential sex scandal – was. Discussion about this often
depended on the individual participant. For example, in Focus Group 8 Rachel found the satire
“un-relatable” and dismissed it as “silly”:
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RACHEL: Well I find [Wag the Dog] very un-relatable […] because it’s one person, you know, there’s this “Mr Fix-It” one-dimensional character that seems to have the answers to everything, and knows everything, and has all of the power, and has got everyone on their little like puppet strings – whereas I think PR is more like a team of people, [and] it’s a lot more vanilla, it’s a lot more boring. So, this is just entertainment, and I think I'd like this film, but I mean it’s so Hollywood to stage a war like it's all one big production. Wars aren't like that – it’s just silly.
Despite indicating she would probably “like” the film, Rachel simply did not “buy” the story or
the idea that “war is show business” that “Mr Fix-It” Conrad Brean (Robert DeNiro) claims.
Other participants in Rachel’s group insisted there was still “a kernel of truth” in Wag the Dog,
and struggled to understand Rachel’s perspective, though she was steadfast in her opinion,
claiming “there is just no way that would happen.” For Focus Group 2, participants collectively
agreed that the satire hit home, though argued over its plausibility. Frank was adamant:
FRANK: It’s completely plausible because isn’t this what has happened? Like what history has shown is that wars are constructed out of falsehoods to serve a particular agenda. You’ve got to sell the war to the people, and so you sell the war based on not the war itself or what the war is over, but symbolism and rhetoric that appeals to people's patriotism and fear. […] That’s what history has shown time and time again. And it’s a hundred percent right when they say in the clip [from Wag the Dog] that “you don’t remember the war, but you remember the image” of it. Like I can’t tell you what war that image of the dudes putting the American flag up is from except I clearly, clearly remember that image. And the Napalm Girl - I know that's from Vietnam, but when I think of the Vietnam War I think of that image, even if I don't know much about the conflict itself.
While the other participants in Frank’s group agreed with the core themes of Wag the Dog,
they felt fabricating an entire war could not be achieved in reality because there were too
many variables to control. However, despite arguments over the details, there was consensus
across the focus groups that war and conflict is consistently used by political actors for their
own ends, and that propaganda is used strategically to engineer public support. Participants
reflected that the use of political PR in times of crisis can be “frightening” because it becomes
difficult to know “what is really going on.” The diversity of discussion generated here was
considerable and ranged from specific conflicts – such as the Vietnam War, the Falklands War,
the Gulf War, and the Iraq War – to general concerns associated with the role of political PR
in relation to truth, transparency of information, information control, agenda setting,
unethical conduct and abuses of power. This demonstrates how these fictional narratives
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shape our perceptions, and serve as talking points for audiences that prompted discussion,
debate, and reflection.
Overall participants acknowledged that representations of political PR in film and television
came across as “negative” and, of the clips shown during the focus groups, were
predominantly what they “expected.” Of the representations watched during the focus
groups, Joy said, “it’s a bit of an exaggeration […] but it’s kind of what we all thought PR was
about.” Similarly, Shane recognised that:
SHANE: What we’re seeing here is entertainment, so any industry is going to be played up. Anything you see on the screen is going to be enhanced to make it more entertaining. […] I don’t think PR is as good as we’re seeing here [in fictional texts]. They’re good but not that good – they [the texts] are definitely overstating the capabilities of PR.
This conscious recognition is at odds with interviewees who were concerned that everyday
audiences would not be aware of the limitations of PR, given the godly power with which it is
often depicted. Focus group participants consistently probed these narratives beyond their
face value. They questioned the fictional and entertaining format of the texts, and how this
lends itself to exaggeration. They also described parallels and discrepancies to experiences of
PR and politics in their own lives. Participants saw PR as being part of a “big web” where “it’s
all interlinked” and the relationship between politics, PR, the media, and the public is “tangled
together” in such a way that it is impossible to separate. As such, discussion typically reflected
the broader scholarly debates around political PR including: ethics and “how far someone will
go”; the pursuit of power, where there is a preoccupation with “winning”; the “balance of
power” between PR, politics, and journalism; the role of PR in shaping policy; the issues
around information control; and “bad” PR where there are deliberate efforts to deceive and
distract the public. The common thread throughout all the discussions was that there is no
single “right” or “wrong” answer to these debates, and participants’ perspectives on political
PR were dynamic depending on the context. This flexibility of understanding is crucial given
the complexity and “grey” nature of both PR and politics. It also indicates that everyday
audiences have a sophisticated understanding of the role and purpose of political PR, and
apply this understanding as they critically engage with the world around them and the way
they see reality.
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CONCLUSION
This chapter discussed how everyday audiences perceive political PR, and how these
perceptions have been shaped by popular culture. Findings from the focus groups support the
hypothesis that fictional representations make a significant contribution to how people
outside the industry understand political PR. Participants viewed its practice as primarily
involved with generating publicity, managing crises, and strategically “selling” the image or
message of political actors, and considered its purpose to be steeped in persuasion, spin, and
influence. They felt contemporary political communication has become over-professionalised
and inauthentic, and blamed the “PR machine” for their frustrations with the current state of
our political and media environments. Audiences acknowledged the cyclical inevitability of PR
as part of the political process, and demonstrated an appreciation for the potential value of
public relations to society. However, this did not negate their established political cynicism
and distrust. Like the industry interviewees, fictional representations prompted discussion
among focus group participants that centred on public concerns about mediatised politics and
the health of our democracies. Participants positioned political PR as central to these debates,
and emphasised their frustrations with the lack of substance and transparency in
contemporary political communication. They felt film and television texts provided accessible
and entertaining platforms from which to openly discuss these issues. Beyond this, they
emphasised how fictional representations provide important insights about the political
process that would otherwise be hidden from public view. Audiences felt these insights
amplified their awareness of spin and stimulated a heightened criticality of political
communication, that is necessary for the health of contemporary democracies. However,
participants still worried about the current state of politics and the way the political elite are
preoccupied with power instead of the public interest. There was a consensus that these
fictional narratives help to inform audiences about the practice and profession of political PR,
and this knowledge places citizens in a better position to deconstruct and debunk spin in their
everyday lives.
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NOTES
123 Anglican priest and historian Edward Dowling is quoted as saying “The two greatest obstacles to democracy in the United States are, first, the widespread delusion among the poor that we have a democracy, and second, the chronic terror among the rich, lest we get it” (Dowling cited in Blum, 2014, p. 319; and Carr, 2011, p. 281). The way in which political PR serves the political elites, to the detriment of those who are economically or socially disadvantaged has been explored at length elsewhere, particularly in relation to corporate power (see for example, Burton, 2007; Dinan & Miller, 2007; 2008) and as part of the “communicative arms race” (McNair, 2006). 124 In the Academy Award winning film, The King’s Speech (2010) Geoffrey Rush plays Australian speech therapist Lionel Logue, who worked with King George VI (Colin Firth) after his ascension to the throne, to help him overcome his stammer, build his confidence in public, and find his voice as the nation’s leader, after ascending the throne. 125 Focus groups were conducted in the second half of 2014. Despite defeats in the 2013 Australian Federal Election and 2015 Queensland State Election, Hanson persisted and was elected to parliament as a Senator for Queensland in the 2016 Australian Federal Election to serve a full six year term. Clive Palmer established the Palmer United Party in 2013, and was elected at the 2013 Australian Federal Election and served a single term as the Member for Fairfax on the Sunshine Coast. As an MP he was widely criticised for rarely attending parliamentary sitting days, and he did not contest the 2016 Australian Federal Election. The Palmer United Party was deregistered in May 2017. Bob Katter is the leader of Katter’s Australia Party and has served as a conservative politician in state and federal politics since 1974, and is well known for being outspoken. 126 It was not evident from the focus groups whether this extends to all political actors. I would argue there is still an expectation that organisations and individuals will still engage in professional and smoothly facilitated communication with their stakeholders. However, there is also the expectation that this communication will be genuine and authentic. Thus, it would seem there is still a fine line, and is likely dependent on the relevant stakeholder groups being dealt with, though I would hazard a guess that it may err on the side of professionalism rather than rough and ready, even though either style can be effective. 127 Some interviewees were former journalists and/or are now political pundits, however they did not maintain a public profile while working in political PR. 128 Credlin has since become a regular political commentator and host for Sky News Australia. Since 2016, Credlin has hosted her own show Credlin, and co-hosted Jones & Co with popular conservative shock jock Alan Jones, for the satellite channel. 129 Gruen has run on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation since 2008 in various iterations as: Gruen Transfer (2008-2011), Australian Federal Election special Gruen Nation (2010, 2013) that carried the tagline “the national bullshit detector,” Gruen Planet (2010-2013), Olympic special Gruen Sweat (2012), and now simply Gruen (2015-present). It is described as “the show that lifts the lid on advertising, spin and marketing” and helps audiences “unpick the ways we’re all bought and sold” (http://www.abc.net.au/tv/programs/gruen/). The program is hosted by Will Anderson, with a guest panel usually including Todd Sampson and Russell Howcroft, and originally focused on advertising. Gruen Planet focused on corporate communication strategies and political PR. At the end of some seasons the “Gruen polished turd” is awarded to the worst campaign “of all time.” 130 It was broadcast in Australia on ABC1 in December 2008, Canada on TVOntario in Feburary 2010, and Norway on NRK in May 2012, before being made available for international streaming on Hulu. 131 If you will permit me a moment of self-reflection, I too studied Wag the Dog in secondary school in 2004 as part of the English curriculum in New South Wales. At the time I found the ideas it raised fascinating, and remember having discussions with my peers about the notions of truth, perception, and propaganda. It is interesting that I have returned to this text now as part of my higher degree research, and am continuing to ask the same questions Wag the Dog prompted me to ask over a decade ago, and no doubt has encouraged others to ask since its release in 1997. Furthermore, while there is a bias among my participants with regards to their education level (the majority were tertiary educated), several participants and some interviewees drew attention to developing critical media literacy skills in secondary school. Thus, it is appropriate to assume the critical capacity of everyday audiences begins development prior to, and not because of, tertiary education, as well as being a skill acquired beyond ones education. 132 This quote has been edited for publication to remove unnecessary instances of “you know” to improve its fluidity. These instances are not denoted with the usual ellipsis.
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CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION
This thesis investigated how political public relations is represented in fictional film and
television, and the role of these representations in informing audience understandings. The
evidence presented indicates fictional representations of political PR are diverse, and foster a
heightened public awareness of political communication professionals and their practices.
Participants in this study used fictional narratives as a way to reflect and refract their own
lived experiences. In doing so, these film and television texts stimulated critical consideration
among audiences about the current state of political communication, and the role of spin in
democratic societies.
The first part of this thesis outlined how political public relations has been caught up in the
demonisation of spin throughout its history. This is a consequence of its contentious role as
an intermediary between politics, the media, and the public, and the stigma attached to the
practice of persuasion and influence. Furthermore, the expansion and professionalisation of
PR, especially in politics, since the 1980s has juxtaposed the perceived decline in the fourth
estate and concerns that liberal democracies are in crisis, with high levels of political cynicism
and public disengagement. Political PR remains unavoidably entangled in these debates. Its
position at the heart of these social anxieties has been taken up in popular culture, where
fictional representations are sites of critical exploration into this otherwise largely unseen
vocation.
Fictional representations of political PR have been evident in popular culture since the early
1900s, with an increasing frequency of occurrence that has paralleled the industry’s growth. I
argue the rise in fictional texts featuring political PR has contributed to greater industry
visibility and enhanced public awareness of spin. The second part of this thesis used textual
analysis to investigate how political PR is portrayed in fictional film and television (see
Chapters 4 and 5). Chapter 4 demonstrated how representations varied in origin, genre,
prominence and reception. While there are unflattering portrayals of political PR in popular
culture that echo the traditional stereotype of spin, such representations are far more
nuanced than have been lamented by practitioners. The profession and practice of political
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PR, as it is expressed in fictional film and television, is complex and diverse, and not easily
defined by traditional dichotomies of good and bad or positive and negative. During analysis,
representations were broadly organised into two themes: professional categories that typified
different political PR roles in government, campaign, martial, and advocacy contexts; and
popular portrayals of practitioners and their practices that depicted their professional and
personal choices and relationships. These classifications echo different elements of PR and its
role in our political and media systems. Chapter 5 then discussed how fictional narratives in
film and television drew on their historical contexts and tapped in to ongoing public debates
about the purpose of political communication and the nature of spin in liberal democracies.
Through these narratives, political PR is strongly associated with ideas around power,
persuasion, information control, and the efficacy of our political processes and media systems.
It was established throughout this thesis that political PR largely operates behind the scenes.
Those on the inside have an advanced and practical understanding of the way things work. In
contrast, the average everyday citizen who is outside this system has minimal direct exposure
to political PR. If democratic health is premised on having an informed citizenry, then
understanding how our political process operates, and the way political communication is
strategically constructed, is important for individuals seeking to make informed choices.
Fictional representations of this profession and practice provide an opportunity for everyday
audiences to shine a light in the shadowy backrooms where political actors and their agents
make decisions that impact citizens and society at large. By providing this insight, individuals
are more aware of the way the messages they receive may be shaped by spin, and are
encouraged to engage critically with the world around them. For political PR practitioners too,
these representations provoke critical self-reflection about their profession and its current
place in, and contribution to, society. Thus, as a result of fictional representations in popular
culture, and other sources, political PR is shifted from being a largely invisible part of our
political system, to a recognisable strategic player in modern democracies.
Chapter 6 examined industry perceptions of fictional representations of political PR, and
considered the implications for their professional identity and public reputation. Practitioners
conceptualised their profession and its purpose in different ways, acknowledging that political
PR is difficult to define and is often conflated with other disciplines. They felt the industry’s
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reputation was generally poor and misunderstood because PR is a discrete profession that
operates in a “grey” area where truth and the public interest are relative. Interviewees
emphasised that fictional texts reinforced and exploited this notion, though the extent to
which practitioners were concerned by these depictions was dependent on the individual.
Some were emotionally invested in the accuracy of the representations and resented the spin
stereotype, though many shrugged off any stigma and conveyed a sense of security and pride
in their work. While they acknowledged both fictional representations and real-life examples
of unethical PR gave the industry a bad name, interviewees were adamant that the majority
of practitioners in political contexts are well intentioned and committed to democratic
principles. Interviewees often commented on the (in-)accuracy of particular portrayals, and
were frustrated by what they saw as the limitations and exaggerations of some narratives for
the purpose of entertainment. Practitioners felt the nuances of their work were missed and
the power of political PR has been overstated. However, whether specific insights are an
accurate or truthful depiction of the profession and practice of political PR is irrelevant. This
is because audiences form their own truth that is developed out of their collective lived
experiences, where our perception becomes our reality. Practitioners, as expert audiences of
these texts, constantly compared fictional depictions to their personal experiences as industry
professionals. They consistently found fictional representations to be familiar and relatable,
even in instances where they felt a particular depiction was too-far-removed from reality.
Significantly, the texts encouraged critical self-reflection amongst interviewees about their
work and the current state of political communication. This both challenged and validated
their professional identities, and stimulated discussion about the nature and purpose of PR in
liberal democracies.
Chapter 7 explored how everyday audiences understood and engaged with fictional
representations of political PR. Focus group participants consistently acknowledged that
fictional narratives contributed to their comprehension and perception of political PR and its
role in our political and media systems. They primarily described public relations as publicity,
crisis management, and strategic “selling,” and defined its purpose as one of spin, persuasion,
and influence. For everyday audiences, fictional representations in film and television were a
key source for their knowledge and understanding about political PR, given the largely hidden
nature of the profession. However, it was apparent from the focus group discussions that what
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was most significant about these fictional texts is not so much specific representations of PR,
or the way audiences conceptualise the profession. Rather, it is the way these fictional
narratives kindled critical consideration of political communication and encouraged audiences
to question the role and function of spin in our societies. Although some individual texts did
have lasting impacts on participant’s world views, it was more common for representations to
pique participant curiosity and prompt general debate. These discussions carried beyond
fictional texts and feed into our political discourse, where popular film and TV have become
accessible starting points for engaging everyday citizens in topical debates, similar to the ways
practitioners used these texts as sites for self-reflection. In particular, everyday audiences
were frustrated by the inauthenticity and over-professionalisation of political communication.
Although they recognised political PR as an integral part of the political process, participants
felt it negatively impacted on the substance and transparency of political discourse. Fictional
representations of political PR do not provide an antidote for this, but do open the eyes of
everyday audiences to these occurrences. Participants felt this was essential in advancing their
awareness of spin and enhancing their ability to critically engage with contemporary political
communication.
Fictional representations of political PR in film and television provided insight to a vocation
that is otherwise largely unseen. Representations are diverse in their depiction of the people,
work, practices, relationships, and challenges associated with political PR, and have
implications for the identity of the industry and reputation of PR professionals. Whether the
insight is an accurate or truthful depiction of the profession and practice is irrelevant, given
audiences form their own truth from their collective lived experiences. Fictional narratives
about what goes on behind the scenes suggest to audiences what is possible and plausible,
and highlight problems within the system. As evidenced by this thesis, what is most significant
about these texts is the way they stimulate critical consideration of political communication
and encourage audiences to question the role and function of spin in our societies. Greater
criticality and civic literacy better positions citizens within these debates to collectively call
out the components of contemporary political communication that are damaging to
democracy. Society as a whole is thus better able to challenge the system and hold political
actors to account.
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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SPIN UNSPUN
Audiences of fictional film and TV texts that feature political PR raised two primary concerns:
the symbiotic relationship between PR, politics, and the media, and how this serves those with
money and power better than it does everyday citizens; and the crisis of public confidence in
our political systems and institutions, where cynicism abounds, and spin has been at the
forefront of our shift towards a post-truth era. Indeed, focus groups expressed frustration
with their inability to know what was “true” – both when it came to depictions of political PR,
as well as information provided by political actors and the media in the “real” world. However,
participants described the value of fictional film and television as encouraging audiences to
actively question and think for themselves. In turn, this critical capacity meant their political
cynicism was relatively measured, and they often took a pragmatic approach, acknowledging
political PR is not all “bad.” This nuanced perception is contrary to industry assumptions that
the stereotype of “spin” has permanently damned the profession and practice. Furthermore,
it indicates public understanding about political PR may be more sophisticated than previously
thought. Participants also demonstrated considerable self-responsibility for how susceptible
to spin they allowed themselves to be, and advocated for a need to be critically vigilant of the
filtered and persuasive nature of our mediated information. Fictional representations in film
and television are essential to this. As my research shows, these depictions serve to develop
our critical capacity in terms of assessing and analysing the information we receive, enhance
our ability to “see through” spin and dissect political communication practices, and encourage
a healthy critical engagement with political discourse.
Although representations in fictional film and television may do little to directly address the
power imbalance within our information channels and communication systems, they make
these processes more visible to audiences. By highlighting the way these processes typically
favour political actors and the elite, fictional representations encourage audiences to question
their own lived experiences, and be more mindful of the way their political information is
massaged, monitored, and managed behind-the-scenes by public relations professionals. This
is particularly important in the current context where challenges to traditional journalism have
threatened the media’s capacity to effectively guard the public agenda and act as a
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“watchdog” for citizens by investigating and reporting on political actors who have abused
their power. We have seen this in the rise of a post-truth public sphere, where fake news and
alternative facts have become commonplace. It is not that political actors are necessarily lying
or stonewalling more, it is that they have been able to get away with outright untruths and
blatant falsehoods without consequence. Following on from her presidential election loss to
Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton gave a university address at her alma mater where she declared:
There is a full-fledged assault on truth and reason. […] when people in power
invent their own facts, and attack those who question them, it can mark the
beginning of the end of a free society. That is not hyperbole; it is what
authoritarian regimes throughout history have done. They attempt to control
reality, not just our laws and our rights and our budgets, but our thoughts and
beliefs. (26 May 2017, Wellesley College Commencement Address)
Indeed, political PR strategies do aim to influence the thoughts and beliefs of their audiences,
as is the nature of persuasion. Though central to the present concern is the way political
communication has increasingly focused on visceral emotive appeals that disregard fact and
defy rational logic. Our shift towards populist mantras, the apparent subversion of reason,
and the devaluation of truth all present challenges for liberal democracies that are premised
on information and rationality. However, as Clinton pointed out above, this is not necessarily
new. The inevitable progression towards a post-truth age has emerged from compounded
events through history where political and corporate elites have routinely exercised an
indifference to the notion of truth in the pursuit of power. This has been exacerbated by less
judicious media systems, impotent to challenge the asserted reality of the loudest political
actors, as well as new technologies that have enabled the easy propagation of misinformation
to large scale audiences without recourse. As evidenced in this thesis, both popular culture
texts and participants’ perceptions formed from these fictional texts, indicate society is not
being well served by the current political system. Public trust has been so substantially eroded
that we have lowered our expectations and instead increasingly relied on our “bullshit
detectors” to assess the veracity of information.
As participants in this study identified, one of their paramount concerns was being able to tell
what is true from what is not. Although facts themselves are social constructs, and can be
CHAPTER 8 | PAGE 270
changeable and controversial, audiences still seek ways to verify information relative to their
own understanding. My findings suggest while fictional representations may not offer truth in
the sense of accuracy or realism, they stimulate a heightened awareness among audiences of
political communication practices that may be distracting, deceptive, or dishonest. It is evident
fictional representations encourage audiences to question the world around them, and better
equip them to process and analyse information in discerning ways. Beyond building
stereotypes, audiences respond thoughtfully to the nuances of these representations and
they come to know political PR, and how it functions, through popular culture texts. This
suggests these fictional texts do more than provide insight and information about the
otherwise invisible phenomenon of political PR. Importantly, as demonstrated by this
research, they are a way for audiences to be experientially educated by proxy, and build their
own individual knowledge and understanding about political PR and its place in our
democracies. Thus, these fictional narratives enrich the public sphere by providing depictions
that are entertaining and accessible to the public, and complement the capacity of the fourth
estate to speak truth to power. This may not negate some of the broader systemic problems
in liberal democracies. Nor does it neutralise political cynicism and civic disenchantment.
However, fictional representations benefit citizens by shining a spotlight in the shadows of
political communication, and unspinning the spin within which we might otherwise be
ensnared.
THINKING FORWARD FOR THE FUTURE
There will always be more texts and thus more fictional representations to analyse, with
different moments in time from which to capture audience understandings. However, the
findings presented here are symptomatic of broader considerations focused on the critical
engagement of democratic citizens and the state of our political communication. I propose
that there are three main directions for future research stemming from this study. The first
two extend beyond the field of political public relations, and apply to the discipline of public
relations at large. The third and final recommendation is derived from participants’ residual
frustration with the mediatisation of politics. These recommendations are outlined below.
CHAPTER 8 | PAGE 271
First, I advocate for the value in continuing to investigate the phenomenon of public relations
from an interdisciplinary and outside-in perspective. There are ongoing benefits of inside-out
research in that this contributes to the evolution of the industry’s structure, methods, and
models, and promotes a culture of excellence and best practice. However, an outside-in
approach offers a sociological perspective that affords more critical and conceptual
consideration of the purpose of public relations, its function within different social and cultural
contexts, and its relationship with different stakeholders. This is useful for scholars seeking to
better understand how public relations intersects with different disciplines and its broader,
phenomenological impact.
Second, there remains a need for inside-out research that encourages self-reflective and
critical consideration of public relations theory and practice from the industry itself. The
diversity of fictional representations identified in this study allude to a more nuanced
collective understanding about public relations than practitioners typically assume. However,
the strong connection between these representations and themes of power and information
control are indicative of questions and challenges society at large continue to pose. Thus, the
industry would do well to openly contribute to these conversations. In particular, I suggest
practitioners revisit the historic principles from which the modern discipline has been built,
interrogate the industry’s claims to objectivity and address the rejection of persuasion as a
valid framework. This has the potential to liberate the discipline from its internal discomfort
around the legitimacy of spin and the profession’s perennially poor reputation, and more
comprehensively articulate the justification for its practice. Depictions within popular culture
offer entertaining starting points for these discussions, and may continue to be a site PR
scholars and practitioners can turn to for meditation and critical self-reflection.
Lastly, both industry experts and everyday citizens in this study were perturbed by the current
state of political communication and the overt mediatisation of politics. This in itself is not a
new finding and has been a long-standing point of academic and popular enquiry. Fictional
entertainment is clearly a way through which audiences are able to engage with these issues,
though popular culture texts offer little practical application for how these issues may be
resolved. For example, participants in this study lamented that they felt contemporary
political actors lacked authenticity, and were bothered by their inability to sort fact from
CHAPTER 8 | PAGE 272
fiction in contemporary political communication. Further research is needed that considers
how political communication can be constructed in ways that build trust and credibility with
stakeholders, and balances professionalism with genuineness and sincerity. Central to this are
studies that respect the perspectives of everyday citizens and seek to understand the tensions
between those on the inside and those on the outside of the political establishment. If we can
find clarity on these issues, perhaps we can begin to address the systemic power imbalances
in our political system and negotiate more transparent, trustworthy, and accountable forms
of political communication.
This study argued fictional representations of political PR stimulate a heightened public
awareness and encourage critical consideration of contemporary political communication. It
examined how political PR has been portrayed in film and television texts, and the significance
of these fictional representations for both expert and everyday audiences. The findings
demonstrate political PR is depicted in diverse ways, though it is strongly associated with
themes of spin, persuasion, and power. Fictional texts expose the inner workings of the
political establishment and put spin in the spotlight. Audiences used these fictional
representations as reference points for their understanding about political communication
and as accessible sites for self-reflection and critical civic engagement. Fictional narratives
within the texts, and discussion evidenced by participants in this study, indicate political PR
continues to occupy a contested intermediary space in our mediatised democracies.
Evaluating the purpose and function of public relations in politics, and assessing the current
state of political communication, is worthy of ongoing investigation to explore ways to protect
and serve the interests of citizens and ensure the health and efficacy of liberal democracies.
REFERENCES | PAGE 273
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APPENDICES The appendices contain the following information:
APPENDIX A: ORIGINAL LIST OF TEXTS PAGE 301
APPENDIX B: REFINED LIST OF TEXTS PAGE 359
APPENDIX C: RESEARCH PROTOCOLS PAGE 445
.
APPENDICES | PAGE 300
APPENDICES | PAGE 301
APPENDIX A: ORIGINAL LIST OF TEXTS
This appendix provides 371 alphabetised examples of films and television shows that were
initially identified as feature political public relations work and workers in some way. The
prominence of these representations varies between the texts from major themes to only
very minor characters. This list is not exhaustive and only provides basic bibliographic details
about each text.
The full catalogue database contains basic data on the texts. This includes: basic information
on text title, year of production, production team (producer, director, writer), starring cast,
country of origin, genre, duration, source material, audience reach and reception.
Although I have not sighted all of the texts in the original list in full myself, information about
each was reviewed in brief and texts were selected for inclusion if they could be identified as
featuring one or more of the following elements:
• Character(s) that self-identify as working in a political PR capacity
• Other character(s) identified the character(s) as working in a political PR capacity
• Character(s) practices tasks or performs functions that are commonly involved with
PR work
• Identifiable themes relating to political PR and its role in society
• Matched multiple database key words related to political PR
APPENDICES | PAGE 302
TITLE YEAR TYPE PRODUCER/DIRECTOR/CREATOR
SCREENPLAY STARRING BOX OFFICE /AUDIENCE
LENGTH/ DURATION
ORIGIN GENRE SOURCE MATERIAL RECEPTION / REVIEWS
1990 1977-1978
TV SERIES
Wilfred Greatorex
Wilfred Greatorex, Edmund Ward, Jim Hawkins, Arden Winch,
Edward Woodward, Robert Lang, Barbara Kellerman (series 1), Lisa Harrow (series 2), Tony Doyle
BBC2 2 seasons / 16 episodes
UK Drama Original screenplay Positive
11.22.63 2016 MINI SERIES
James Franco
Bridget Carpenter (developed for television by) (8 episodes, 2016), Stephen King (8 episodes, 2016), Quinton Peeples (3 episodes
James Franco, Sarah Gadon, Cherry Jones, Lucy Fry, George MacKay
Hulu
1 seasons / 8 episodes / approx 44mins mins per episode / 5.9 hours
US Fantasy / Thriller
Based on the 2011 novel 11/22/63 by Stephen King
Positive
12 Men of Christmas
2009 TV MOVIE
Arlene Sanford
Jon Maas Kristin Chenoweth, Anna Chlumsky, Aaron Abrams, Peter Mooney
Lifetime Television
95mins US Comedy / Romance
Based on the 2010 novel Dating Mr. December by Phillipa Ashley
Mixed
1600 Penn 2012-2013
TV SERIES
Josh Gad, Jon Lovett, Jason Winer
Josh Gad, Jon Lovett, Jason Winer
Josh Gad, Jenna Elfman, Martha MacIsaac, Andre Holland, Amara Miller, Benjamin Stockham, Bill Pullman
NBC
1 season / 13 episodes / approx 22mins per episode / 5hours
US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
30 Rock 2006-2013
TV SERIES
Tina Fey
Tina Fey (created by) (138 episodes, 2006-2013), Kay Cannon (46 episodes, 2007-2012), Tami Sagher (36 episodes
Tina Fey, Tracy Morgan, Jane Krakowski, Jack McBrayer, Scott Adsit
NBC
7 seasons / 138 episodes / approx 22mins mins per episode / 50.6 hours
US Comedy / Satire
Real events. Loosely based on Fey's experiences as head writer for Saturday Night Live
Positive
A Very British Coup
1988 MINI SERIES
Mick Jackson
Alan Plater Ray McAnally Channel 4
3 episodes / approx per 50mins episode / 148mins
UK Drama
Based on Labour MP Chris Mullin's 1982 novel "A Very British Coup", though with some differences (particularly the endings). Although produced in 1988, several details of the production were altered to set the series in the future.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 303
Absolute Power 1997 FILM Clint Eastwood
William Goldman Clint Eastwood, Gene Hackman, Ed Harris
$50.1M 121mins US Thriller Based on David Baldacci's 1996 novel Absolute Power
Mixed
Absolute Power 2003, 2005
TV SERIES
Mark Tavener, John Morton, Tristram Shapeero
Guy Andrews, Mark Lawson, Andrew Rattenbury
Stephen Fry, John Bird BBC Two
2 series / 12 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 6hours
UK Satire
Based on the original radio series (of the same name) on BBC Radio 4, broadcast from 2000-2004. The radio series itself is a spin-off from adaptations of Mark Tavener's satirical crime novel In The Red (1989), which was produced for radio in 1995 and television in 1998 (also featured Stephen Fry and John Bird as Charles Prentis and Martin McCabe, respectively).
Positive
Absolutely Fabulous
1992-1996, 2001-2004
TV SERIES
Jennifer Saunders, Dawn French
Dawn French (37 episodes, 1992-2012), Sue Perkins (8 episodes, 2003), Jennifer Saunders (39 episodes
Jennifer Saunders, Joanna Lumley, Julia Sawalha, June Whitfield, Jane Horrocks
BBC2 (series 1)
5 seasons / 39 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 19.5 hours
UK Comedy Based on a 1990 French & Saunders sketch created by Saunders and Dawn French.
Positive
Ada 1961 FILM Daniel Mann
Arthur Sheekman, William Driskill
Susan Hayward, Dean Martin, Wilfrid Hyde-White, Ralph Meeker, Martin Balsam
- 109mins US Drama / Romance
Based on Ada Dallas 1959 novel by Wirt Williams
Mixed
Advise and Consent
1962 FILM Otto Preminger
Wendell Mayes Henry Fonda, Charles Laughton, Don Murray, Walter Pidgeon, Peter Lawford
- 139mins US Drama / Thriller
Based on the Pulitzer Prize-winning novel Advise and Consent by Allen Drury (1959)
Positive
Air Force One 1997 FILM Wolfgang Petersen
Andrew W. Marlowe Harrison Ford, Gary Oldman, Glenn Close
$315.1M 124mins US Thriller / Action
Original screenplay Positive
All The King’s Men
2006 FILM Steven Zaillian
Steven Zaillian
Sean Penn, Jude Law, Kate Winslet, James Gandolfini, Mark Ruffalo, Patricia Clarkson, Anthony Hopkins
$9.5M 125mins US Thriller / Drama
Based on Robert Penn Warren's 1946 Pulitzer Prize winning novel of the same name. About the life of fictional character Willie Stark, who resembled Louisiana governor Huey Long (in office 1928-1932). The book had previously been adapted by writer-director Robert Rossen in 1949 and was a Best Picture winning film.
Negative
All The King's Men
1949 FILM Robert Rossen
Robert Rossen
Broderick Crawford, John Ireland, Mercedes McCambridge, Joanne Dru, John Derek
$2.4M 109mins US Drama / Thriller
Based on All the King's Men by Robert Penn Warren (1946)
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 304
All The President's Men
1976 FILM Alan J. Pakula
William Goldman Robert Redford, Dustin Hoffman, Jack Warden, Martin Balsam, Hal Holbrook
$70.6M 138mins US Biopic / Drama / Historical
Based on the 1974 non-fiction book All the President's Men by Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward
Positive
Allegiance 2015 TV SERIES
George Nolfi
Whit Anderson (1 episode, 2015), Amit Cohen (13 episodes, 2015), Brett Conrad (1 episode
Hope Davis, Scott Cohen, Gavin Stenhouse, Margarita Levieva, Morgan Spector
NBC 1 seasons / 13 episodes
US Drama / Crime / Thriller
Adaptation of Israeli spy drama series "The Gordin Cell" (first aired 2012)
Positive
Alpha House 2013-2014
TV SERIES
Garry Trudeau
Garry Trudeau John Goodman, Clark Johnson, Matt Malloy, Mark Consuelos
Amazon Video
2 seasons / 21 episodes / approx 26mins mins per episode / 9.1 hours
US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay. Positive
Amazing Grace 2006 FILM Michael Apted
Steven Knight Ioan Gruffudd, Benedict Cumberbatch, Romola Garai, Albert Finney
$32.1M 118mins US / UK Biopic / Drama / Historical
Real events. Based on the anti-slave movement in the British Empire led by William Wilberforce
Positive
Any Given Sunday
1999 FILM Oliver Stone John Logan, Oliver Stone Al Pacino, Cameron Diaz, Dennis Quaid, James Woods, Jamie Foxx
$100.2M 157mins US Drama Based on the (1984) novel On Any Given Sunday by Pat Toomay
Mixed
Apocalypse: Caught in the Eye of the Storm
1998 FILM Peter Gerretsen
Peter Lalonde (screenplay), Paul Lalonde (written by)
Leigh Lewis, Richard Nester, Sam Bornstein, David Roddis, David Wand
- 94mins CA Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Negative
Apollo 13 1995 FILM Ron Howard William Broyles Jr., Al Reinert Tom Hanks, Kevin Bacon, Ed Harris
$355.2M 140mins US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events. Based on "Lost Moon" by Jim Lovell and Jeffrey Kluger (1994)
Positive
Argo 2012 FILM Ben Affleck Chris Terrio Ben Affleck, Bryan Cranston, Alan Arkin, John Goodman
$232.3M 120mins US Historical / Drama / Thriller
Real events/people and based on CIA operative Antonio J. Mendez's 2000 book "The master of disguise: My secret life in the CIA" and Joshuah Bearman's 2007 Wired article "The Great Escape: How the CIA used a fake sci-fi flick to rescue Americans from Tehran" about the "Canadian Caper" during the 1979-1981 Iran Hostage Crisis.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 305
Atlas Shrugged: Part I
2011 FILM Paul Johansson
John Aglialoro, Brian Patrick O'Toole
Taylor Schilling, Grant Bowler, Matthew Marsden, Edi Gathegi, Jsu Garcia
$4.6M 102mins US Drama / Thriller / Fantasy
Adaptation of part of Ayn Rand's controversial 1957 novel Atlas Shrugged
Mixed
Atlas Shrugged: Part II
2012 FILM John Putch Duke Sandefur, Brian Patrick O'Toole, Duncan Scott
Samantha Mathis, Jason Beghe, Esai Morales, Patrick Fabian, Kim Rhodes
$3.3M 112mins US Drama / Thriller / Fantasy
Adaptation of part of Ayn Rand's controversial 1957 novel Atlas Shrugged
Mixed
Atlas Shrugged: Part III
2014 FILM J. James Manera
J. James Manera, Harmon Kaslow, John Aglialoro
Laura Regan, Kristoffer Polaha, Joaquim de Almeida
- 99mins US Drama / Thriller / Fantasy
Adaptation of part of Ayn Rand's controversial 1957 novel Atlas Shrugged
Negative
Babylon 2014 MINI SERIES
Danny Boyle, Robert Jones, Jesse Armstrong, Sam Bain
Sam Bain, Jesse Armstrong, Jon Brown
Brit Marling, Ella Smith, Bertie Carvel, Jim Howick, Martin Trenaman
Channel 4
1 seasons / 7 episodes / approx 90mins mins per episode / 10.5 hours
UK Drama Original screenplay. Mixed
Barbarians At The Gate
1993 FILM Glenn Jordan
Bryan Burrough (book), John Helyar (book), Larry Gelbart (teleplay)
James Garner, Jonathan Pryce - 107mins US Biopic / Comedy / Drama
Based on the book Barbarians at the Gate: The Fall of RJR Nabisco by Bryan Burrough John Helyar (1989)
Positive
Battlestar Galactica
2004-2009
TV SERIES
Michael Rymer (22 episodes, 2004-2009), Michael Nankin (8 episodes, 2005-2009), Rod Hardy (6 episodes
Glen A. Larson (creator: "Battlestar Galactica") (73 episodes, 2004-2009), Ronald D. Moore (developed by) (73 episodes, 2004-2009), Carla Robinson (27 episodes
Edward James Olmos, Mary McDonnell, Katee Sackhoff, Jamie Bamber, James Callis
Sci-Fi
4 seasons / 75 episodes / approx 44mins mins per episode / 55.0 hours
US Fantasy / Drama
Based on the original 1978 tv series Battlestar Galactica by Glen A. Larson
Positive
Beau James 1957 FILM Melville Shavelson
Jack Rose, Melville Shavelson Bob Hope, Vera Miles, Paul Douglas, Alexis Smith, Darren McGavin
$1.8M 100mins US Biopic / Drama
Based on a 1949 non-fiction book of the same name by Gene Fowler
Mixed
Beavis and Butt-Head Do America
1996 FILM Mike Judge Mike Judge, Joe Stillman Mike Judge, Demi Moore, Bruce Willis, Robert Stack, Cloris Leachman
$63.1M 81mins US Family / Action / Comedy
Based on the MTV television series Beavis and Butt-Head by Mike Judge
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 306
Benson 1979-1986
TV SERIES
Susan Harris
Susan Harris (created by) (158 episodes, 1979-1986), Bob Fraser (34 episodes, 1980-1986), Rob Dames (33 episodes
Robert Guillaume, James Noble, Inga Swenson, Missy Gold, René Auberjonois (1980–1986)
ABC
7 seasons / 158 episodes / approx 24mins mins per episode / 63.2 hours
US Comedy / Family
Based on the soap opera parody Soap (ie a spin-off)
Positive
Big Miracle 2012 FILM Ken Kwapis Jack Amiel, Michael Begler Drew Barrymore, John Krasinski, Kristin Bell, Dermont Mulroney
$24.7M 107mins UK / US
Biopic / Drama / Romance / Family
Real events/people and based on journalist Tom Rose's 1989 book "Freeing the Whales: How the media created the world's greatest non-event" (and was re-released under the title "Big Miracle" in 2011) which details the 1988 international rescue effort dubbed "Operation Breakthrough" to free three trapped grey whales in Alaska.
Mixed
Black mass 2015 FILM Scott Cooper
Jez Butterworth, Mark Mallouk Johnny Depp, Joel Edgerton, Benedict Cumberbatch, Rory Cochrane, Kevin Bacon
$100.0M 122mins US Biopic / Crime / Drama
Based on the 2001 book Black Mass by Dick Lehr and Gerard O'Neill
Mixed
Black Mirror
2011, 2013-2014, 2016
TV SERIES
Charlie Brooker
Charlie Brooker Ensemble (anthology)
BBC 4 (2011-2014), Netflix (2016)
3 seasons, 13 episodes
UK Fantasy / Satire
Original screenplay. Anthology series with different casts and context, each themed around technology in modern society.
Positive
Black Sheep 1996 FILM Penelope Spheeris
Fred Wolf Chris Farley, David Spade, Tim Matheson, Christine Ebersole, Gary Busey
$32.4M 87mins US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
Blaze 1989 FILM Ron Shelton Ron Shelton Paul Newman, Lolita Davidovich
$19.1M 120mins US Biopic / Drama
Based on the 1974 memoir Blaze Starr: My Life as Told to Huey Perry by Blaze Starr and Huey Perry
Mixed
Blind Ambition 1979 MINI SERIES
George Schaefer
Taylor Branch (book) (4 episodes, 1979), John Dean (book) (4 episodes, 1979), Maureen Dean (book) (4 episodes
Martin Sheen, William Daniels, Ed Flanders
CBS
4 episodes / approx 120mins mins per episode / 8 hours
US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Based on Blind Ambition, the 1976 memoirs of former White House counsel John Dean and his wife Maureen.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 307
Blue Bloods 2010-present
TV SERIES
Robin Green, Mitchell Burgess
Robin Green, Mitchell Burgess
Donnie Wahlberg, Bridget Moynahan, Will Esles, Len Cariou, Tom Selleck, Amy Carlson, Sami Gayle
CBS
To date: 7 seasons / 143 episodes / approx 45mins per episode / 107hours
US Crime / Drama
Original screenplay. Positive
Boardwalk Empire
2010-2014
TV SERIES
Terence Winter
Nelson Johnson (56 episodes, 2010-2014), Terence Winter (created by) (56 episodes, 2010-2014), Howard Korder (24 episodes
Steve Buscemi, Michael Pitt, Kelly Macdonald, Michael Shannon, Shea Whigham
HBO
5 seasons / 56 episodes / approx 50mins mins per episode / 46.7 hours
US Crime / Drama / Historical
Based on the 2002 book Boardwalk Empire: The Birth, High Times, and Corruption of Atlantic City by Nelson Johnson
Positive
Bob Roberts 1992 FILM Tim Robbins Tim Robbins Tim Robbins $4.5M 104mins US/UK Satire Based on a short segment Robbins did for Saturday Night Live (with the same character and name)
Positive
Bobby 2006 FILM Emilio Estevez
Emilio Estevez Ensemble $20.7M 116mins US Historical / Drama
Real events. Fictionalised account of the lead up to the shooting of Bobby Kennedy at the Ambassador Hotel on June 5, 1968 - however the focus is more on the mood of the era rather than Kennedy himself.
Mixed
Borgen 2010-2013
TV SERIES
Søren Kragh-Jacobsen, Rumle Hammerich
Adam Price, Jeppe Gjervig Gram, Tobias Lindholm
Sidse Babett Knudsen, Birgitte Hjort Sørensen, Pilou Asbæk, Mikael Birkkjær, Søren Malling
DR (Danish Broadcasting Corporation)
3 series / 30 episodes / approx 60mins per episode / 30hours
DK Drama Original screenplay Positive
Born on the Fourth of July
1989 FILM Oliver Stone Ron Kovic, Oliver Stone Tom Cruise $161M 145mins US Drama / Action / Biopic
Real events. Adaptation of best-selling autobiography of the same name by Ron Kovic
Positive
Boss 2011-2012
TV SERIES
Farhad Safinia
Farhad Safinia
Kelsey Grammer, Connie Nielsen, Hannah Ware, Jeff Hephner, Kathleen Robertson, Troy Garity, Jonathan Groff, Rotimi, Tip "T.I." Harris, Sanaa Lathan
Starz
2 seasons / 18 episdoes / approx 55mins per episode / 17hours
US Drama / Crime
Original screenplay. Farhad Safinia also had creative input from Kelsey Grammer, and a bidding war ensued over the script between various cable networks.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 308
BrainDead 2016 TV SERIES
Robert King, Michelle King
Michelle King (created by) (13 episodes, 2016), Robert King (created by) (13 episodes, 2016), Jonathan Tolins (4 episodes
Mary Elizabeth Winstead, Danny Pino, Aaron Tveit, Tony Shalhoub, Nikki M. James
CBS
1 seasons / 13 episodes / approx 43mins mins per episode / 9.3 hours
US
Satire / Comedy / Drama / Fantasy
Original screenplay Positive
Broadcast News 1987 FILM James L. Brooks
James L. Brooks William Hurt, Albert Brooks, Holly Hunter
$67.3M 133mins US Comedy / Romance
Original screenplay Positive
Broadchurch 2013-present
TV SERIES
Chris Chibnall
Chris Chibnall, Louise Fox David Tennant, Olivia Colman ITV
3 seasons / 23 episodes / approx 45mins mins per episode / 17.2 hours
UK Crime / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
Broken City 2013 FILM Allen Hughes
Brian Tucker Mark Wahlberg, Russell Crowe, Catherine Zeta-Jones
$34.5M 109mins US Crime / Thriller / Drama
Original screenplay. Negative
Bulworth 1998 FILM Warren Beatty
Warren Beatty, Jeremy Pikser, with further assistance from Aaron Sorkin and James Toback
Warren Beatty, Halle Berry $29.2M 111mins US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay Positive
Call Me Madam 1953 FILM Walter Lang Arthur Sheekman Ethel Merman, Donald O'Connor, Vera-Ellen, George Sanders
$2.9M 114mins US
Comedy / Musical / Romance
Based on Call Me Madam 1950 musical by Howard Lindsay Russel Crouse
Mixed
Canadian Bacon 1995 FILM Michael Moore
Michael Moore John Candy, Alan Alda $0.18M 91mins US Satire Original screenplay Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 309
Caprica 2010 TV SERIES
Remi Aubuchon, Ronald D. Moore
Remi Aubuchon (creator) (18 episodes, 2009-2010), Glen A. Larson (18 episodes, 2009-2010), Ronald D. Moore (creator) (18 episodes
Eric Stoltz, Esai Morales, Paula Malcomson, Alessandra Torresani, Magda Apanowicz
Syfy
1 seasons / 19 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 13.3 hours
US Fantasy / Drama / Family
Based on the original 1978 tv series Battlestar Galactica by Glen A. Larson. (Spin-off of the modern series)
Positive
Capricorn One 1977 FILM Peter Hyams
Peter Hyams Elliott Gould, James Brolin, Brenda Vaccaro, Sam Waterston, O. J. Simpson
- 124mins US Fantasy Original screenplay Mixed
Captain America: Civil War
2016 FILM Anthony Russo, Joe Russo
Christopher Markus, Stephen McFeely
Chris Evans, ensemble $1.15B 147mins US Action / Fantasy
Based on the Marvel Comics character Captain America
Positive
Captain America: The First Avenger
2011 FILM Joe Johnston
Christopher Markus, Stephen McFeely
Chris Evans, ensemble $370.6M 124mins US Action / Historical / Fantasy
Based on Marvel Comics character Captain America, and set predominantly during WWII.
Positive
Captain Phillips 2013 FILM Paul Greengrass
Billy Ray Tom Hanks, Barkhad Abdi $218.8M 134mins US Biopic / Thriller
Real events/people. Inspired by the 2009 Maersk Alabama hijacking and based on Richard Phillips and Stephan Talty's 2010 book "A captain's duty: Somali pirates, navy SEALs, and dangerous days at sea." Crew members have questioned the accuracy and authenticity of the film, particularly the heroic depiction of Phillips, though overall many of its facts were correct.
Positive
Casino Jack / Bagman
2010 FILM George Hickenlooper
Norman Snider Kevin Spacey, Barry Pepper, Rachelle Lefevre, Kelly Preston, Jon Lovitz
$1.1M 108mins CA
Biopic / Comedy / Satire / Crime
Real events/people. Based on the life and career of Washington DC lobbyist and businessman Jack Abramoff.
Negative
Charlie Wilson's War
2007 FILM Mike Nichols
Aaron Sorkin Tom Hanks, Julia Roberts, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Amy Adams
$119M 100mins US Biopic / Comedy / Drama
Based on George Crile's 2003 book "Charlie Wilson's War: the Extraordinary Story of the Largest Covert Operation in History", which tells "the story of US democratic congressman Charlie Wilson and CIA operative Gust Avrakotos whose efforts led to Operation Cyclone".
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 310
Chicago 2002 FILM Rob Marshall
Bill Condon Renée Zellweger, Catherine Zeta-Jones, Richard Gere, Queen Latifah, John C. Reilly
$306.8M 113mins US Comedy / Crime / Musical
Based on the musical Chicago by Bob Fosse Fred Ebb Chicago by Maurine Dallas Watkins
Positive
Choose Connor / The Politician
2008 FILM Luke Eberl Luke Eberl Steven Weber, Alex D. Linz - 109mins US Drama Original screenplay Positive
Citizen Ruth 1996 FILM Alexander Payne
Alexander Payne, Jim Taylor Laura Dern $0.3M 102mins US Comedy / Drama
Original screenplay Mixed
City By The Sea 2002 FILM Michael Caton-Jones
Ken Hixon Robert De Niro, Frances McDormand, James Franco
$29.4M 108mins US Crime / Drama / Thriller
Based on a 1997 Esquire magazine story, "Mark of a Murderer," written by the late Daily News Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Michael McAlary
Mixed
City In Fear 1980 TV MOVIE
Jud Taylor Peter Masterson, Albert Ruben David Janssen, Robert Vaughn, Perry King, Mickey Rourke
ABC 150mins US Drama Original screenplay Mixed
City of Hope 1991 FILM John Sayles John Sayles Vincent Spano, Tony Lo Bianco, Joe Morton, Todd Graff, David Strathairn
$1.3M 129mins US Crime / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
Closed Circuit 2013 FILM John Crowley
Steven Knight Eric Bana, Rebecca Hall, Ciarán Hinds, Jim Broadbent, Riz Ahmed
$6.3M 96mins UK / US Drama / Crime
Original screenplay. Mixed
Commander in Chief
2005-2006
TV SERIES
Rod Lurie Rod Lurie
Geena Davis, Donald Sutherland, Harry Lennix, Kyle Secor, Ever Carradine, Matt Lanter, Caitlin Wachs, Jasmine Anthony, Mark-Paul Gosselaar
ABC (US)
1 season / 18 episodes / approx 42mins per episode / 12.5hours
US Drama
Original screenplay. Bears similarities to Rod Lurie's other work such as Deterrence (1999) and The Contender (2000), and may have drawn inspiration from very popular The West Wing (1999-2006) which was airing on rival NBC at the time. The show was criticised for factual innaccuries.
Mixed
Contact 1997 FILM Robert Zemeckis
James V. Hart, Michael Goldenberg
Jodie Foster, Matthew McConaughey, James Woods, John Hurt, Tom Skerritt
$171.1M 149mins US Drama / Thriller / Fantasy
Adaptation of the 1985 novel Contact by Carl Sagan
Positive
Countdown 1968 FILM Robert Altman
Loring Mandel James Caan, Joanna Moore, Robert Duvall, Barbara Baxley, Michael Murphy
- 101mins US Fantasy Based on the 1964 novel The Pilgrim Project by Hank Searls
Mixed
Countdown To Looking Glass
1984 TV MOVIE
Fred Barzyk Albert Ruben Scott Glenn, Michael Murphy, Helen Shaver, Patrick Watson
HBO, CTV 86mins CA Drama Original screenplay Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 311
Cover Up 1991 FILM Manny Coto William Tannen Dolph Lundgren, Louis Gossett Jr., Lisa Berkley, John Finn
- 90mins US Action / Thriller
Original screenplay Negative
Covert Affairs 2010-2014
TV SERIES
Matt Corman, Chris Ord
Matt Corman (creator) (75 episodes, 2010-2014), Chris Ord (creator) (75 episodes, 2010-2014), Stephen Hootstein (12 episodes
Piper Perabo, Christopher Gorham, Kari Matchett, Anne Dudek, Sendhil Ramamurthy
USA Network
5 seasons / 75 episodes / approx 45mins mins per episode / 56.2 hours
US Action / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
Criminal Minds 2005-present
TV SERIES
Jeff Davis
Jeff Davis (created by) (276 episodes, 2005-2017), Kimberly A. Harrison (78 episodes, 2010-2016), Rick Dunkle (68 episodes
Mandy Patinkin, Thomas Gibson, Lola Glaudini, Shemar Moore, Matthew Gray Gubler
CBS
12 seasons / 274 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 191.8 hours
US
Crime / Action / Thriller / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
Cry Freedom 1987 FILM Richard Attenborough
John Briley Kevin Kline, Penelope Wilton, Denzel Washington
$5.9M 157mins UK / US / IT / ZA
Drama / Biopic
Based on two books by Donald Woods- Biko (1978) and Asking for Trouble: The Autobiography of a Banned Journalist (1981).
Positive
Dallas Buyers Club
2013 FILM Jean-Marc Vallée
Craig Borten, Melisa Wallack Matthew McConaughey, Jennifer Garner, Jared Leto
$55.2M 116mins US Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. Chronicles the life of Ron Woodroof, an AIDS patient who opposed the FDA by smuggling in unapproved pharmaceuticals and distributed them to fellow AIDS sufferers through the "Dallas Buyers Club". Supporting characters Dr Saks and Rayon are both composite characters based on the scriptwriters' research and interviews with transgender AIDS patients, activists, and doctors, though much of Woodroof's story is accurate (as told by Woodroof to the scriptwriters).
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 312
Dan for Mayor 2010-2011
TV SERIES
Mark Farrell, Paul Mather, Kevin White
Mark Farrell (creator) (26 episodes, 2010-2011), Paul Mather (creator) (26 episodes, 2010-2011), Kevin White (creator) (26 episodes
Fred Ewanuick, Mary Ashton, Paul Bates, Benjamin Ayres, Laurie Murdoch
CTV
2 seasons / 26 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 13.0 hours
CA Comedy Original screenplay. Negative
Dave 1993 FILM Ivan Reitman
Gary Ross Kevin Kline, Sigourney Weaver $63.3M 110mins US Comedy / Romance
Original screenplay Positive
Deadwood 2004-2006
TV SERIES
David Milch
David Milch (creator) (36 episodes, 2004-2006), Regina Corrado (8 episodes, 2005-2006), Ted Mann (7 episodes
Timothy Olyphant, Ian McShane, Molly Parker, Jim Beaver, W. Earl Brown
HBO
3 seasons / 36 episodes / approx 48mins mins per episode / 28.8 hours
US Drama
Real events. Melds fiction and fact, using many real historical figures from the 1870s including E. B. Farnum, George Hearst, George Crook, Wyatt Earp, Seth Bullock, Wild Bill Hickok, Calamity Jane, Jack McCall, Sol Star, Al Swearengen, and Charlie Utter.
Positive
Deal Of The Century
1983 FILM William Friedkin
Paul Brickman Chevy Chase, Sigourney Weaver, Gregory Hines
$10.4M 99mins US Comedy Original screenplay Negative
Deepwater Horizon
2016 FILM Peter Berg Matthew Michael Carnahan, Matthew Sand
Mark Wahlberg, Kurt Russell, John Malkovich, Gina Rodriguez, Dylan O'Brien
$119.5M 107mins US Action / Drama / Thriller
Real events. The 2010 Deepwater Horizon explosion and oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico
Positive
Definitely. Maybe.
2008 FILM Adam Brooks
Adam Brooks Ryan Reynolds, Isla Fisher, Abigail Breslin, Elizabeth Banks, Rachel Weisz
$55.4M 111mins US Comedy / Romance
Original screenplay Positive
Der Experte 1988 FILM Reinhard Schwabenitzky
Martin Büttner (dramaturgue), Christian Rateuke (writer), Hartmann Schmige (writer)
Dieter Hallervorden, Peter Fricke, Walo Lüönd, Gert Haucke, Elfi Eschke
- 93mins West Germany
Comedy unknown Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 313
Designated Survivor
2016-present
TV SERIES
David Guggenheim
David Guggenheim (created by) (22 episodes, 2016-2017), Michael Gunn (4 episodes, 2016-2017), Sang Kyu Kim (3 episodes
Kiefer Sutherland, Natascha McElhone, Adan Canto, Italia Ricci, LaMonica Garrett
ABC
1 seasons / 16 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 11.2 hours
US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
Deterrence 1999 FILM Rod Lurie Rod Lurie Kevin Pollak, Timothy Hutton, Sheryl Lee Ralph, Clotilde Courau, Sean Astin
$0.15M 104mins US Drama Original screenplay. Inspired by nuclear brinkmanship.
Mixed
Deutschland 83 2015-present
TV SERIES
Anna Winger, Joerg Winger
Anna Winger Jonas Nay, Maria Schrader, Ulrich Noethen, Sylvester Groth, Sonja Gerhardt
RTL (Germany)
8 episodes DE Thriller Original screenplay Positive
Diana 2013 FILM Oliver Hirschbiegel
Stephen Jeffreys Naomi Watts, Naveen Andrews $21.7M 113mins UK / FR / SE / BE
Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. The screenplay is based on the 2001 book "Diana: her last love" by Kate Snell. Depicts the last two years of Princess Diana's wife, from her divorce to her activism and relationships up until her death.
Negative
Dick 1999 FILM Andrew Fleming
Andrew Fleming, Sheryl Longin Kirsten Dunst, Michelle Williams
$6.3M 94mins US Comedy / Satire
Real events. Parody of the Watergate scandal
Positive
District 9 2009 FILM Neill Blomkamp
Neill Blomkamp, Terri Tatchell Sharlto Copley, Jason Cope, David James, ensemble
$210.8M 112mins ZA / NZ / US
Fantasy / Thriller
Original screenplay that was adapted from Blomkamp's 2006 short film "Alive in Joburg". Uses a cinema verite and mockumentary style.
Positive
Don't Go Near the Water
1957 FILM Charles Walters
Dorothy Kingsley, George Wells Glenn Ford, Gia Scala, Earl Holliman, Anne Francis, Keenan Wynn
$6.1M 107mins US
Action / Comedy / Romance
Adaptation of Don't Go Near the Water 1956 novel by William Brinkley
Mixed
Doomsday 2008 FILM Neil Marshall
Neil Marshall Rhona Mitra, Bob Hoskins, Adrian Lester, Alexander Siddig, David O'Hara
$22.2M 105mins UK / US / DE / SA
Action / Fantasy / Thriller
Original screenplay Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 314
Downfall 2004 FILM Oliver Hirschbiegel
Bernd Eichinger Bruno Ganz, Alexandra Maria Lara, Corinna Harfouch, Ulrich Matthes, Juliane Köhler
$92.2M 155mins DE / IT / AT
Biopic / Drama / Historical
Based on the books Inside Hitler's Bunker: The Last Days of the Third Reich (1945) by Joachim Fest, Until the Final Hour: Hitler's Last Secretary (1947) by Traudl Junge and Melissa Müller, Inside the Third Reich (1969) by Albert Speer, Hitler's Last Days: An Eye–Witness Account (first English translation 1973), by Gerhard Boldt, Das Notlazarett unter der Reichskanzlei: Ein Arzt erlebt Hitlers Ende in Berlin by Doctor Ernst-Günther Schenck; and Soldat: Reflections of a German Soldier, 1936–1949 (1992) by Siegfried Knappe
Positive
Dr. Strangelove 1964 FILM Stanley Kubrick
Stanley Kubrick, Terry Southern, Peter George
Peter Sellers, George C. Scott, Sterling Hayden, Keenan Wynn, Slim Pickens
$9.4M 94mins UK / US Comedy Based on the 1958 novel Red Alert by Peter George
Positive
Drop the Dead Donkey
1990-1998
TV SERIES
Andy Hamilton, Guy Jenkin
Andy Hamilton, Guy Jenkin, Nick Revell, Malcolm Williamson, Ian Brown
Robert Duncan, Jeff Rawle, Haydn Gwynne (Series 1–2), Ingrid Lacey (Series 3–6), David Swift
Channel 4
6 seasons / 65 episodes / approx 24mins mins per episode / 26.0 hours
UK Comedy Original screenplay. Included contemporary news events to add realism.
Positive
Dunkirk 1958 FILM Leslie Norman
J.S. Bradford, Ewan Butler, David Divine
John Mills, Richard Attenborough, Bernard Lee
$2.1M 134mins UK Drama / Historical / War
Based on two novels: Elleston Trevor's The Big Pick-Up (1955) and Lt. Col. Ewan Hunter and Maj. J. S. Bradford's Dunkirk (1957).
Positive
Eddie the Eagle 2016 FILM Dexter Fletcher
Sean Macaulay, Simon Kelton Taron Egerton, Hugh Jackman, Christopher Walken, Iris Berben, Jim Broadbent
$46.1M 105mins UK / DE Biopic / Comedy / Drama
Real events. Based on (loosely) the life of Eddie Edwards, who became in 1988 the first person to represent Great Britain in Olympic ski jumping.
Positive
Edison Force 2005 FILM David J. Burke
David J. Burke Morgan Freeman, LL Cool J, Justin Timberlake, Kevin Spacey
$4.1M 97mins US Crime Original screenplay. Mixed
Election 1999 FILM Alexander Payne
Alexander Payne, Jim Taylor Matthew Broderick, Reese Witherspoon, Chris Klein
$14.9M 102mins US Comedy / Drama / Satire
Adaptation of Tom Perrotta's 1998 novel "Election", and was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay. The original novel was inspired by the 1992 Bush vs Clinton election campaign (and Ross Perot entering as a third party candidate).
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 315
Elysium 2013 FILM Neill Blomkamp
Neill Blomkamp Matt Damon; Jodie Foster $286.1M 109mins US Fantasy / Action
Original screenplay. Positive
End Game 2006 FILM Andy Cheng J.C. Pollock, Andy Cheng Cuba Gooding Jr., JamesWoods, Angie Harmon
- 93mins US Action Original screenplay Negative
Eye in the Sky 2015 FILM Gavin Hood Guy Hibbert Helen Mirren, Aaron Paul, Alan Rickman, Barkhad Abdi, Jeremy Northam
$34.6M 102mins UK Drama / Thriller / War
Based on a screenplay by Guy Hibbert Positive
Fail Safe 1964 FILM Sidney Lumet
Walter Bernstein, Peter George Henry Fonda, Dan O'Herlihy, Walter Matthau, Frank Overton, Larry Hagman
- 112mins US Drama / Thriller
Based on the 1962 novel Fail-Safe by Eugene Burdick and Harvey Wheeler. There was also televised broadcast play released by CBS in 2000, based on the novel, directed by Stephen Frears and starring Richard Dreyfuss and George Clooney.
Positive
Fair Game 2010 FILM Doug Liman Jez Butterworth, John Butterworth
Naomi Watts, Sean Penn $24.2M 108mins UAE / US Biopic / Drama / Thriller
Real events/people. Based on two memoirs written by the film's main couple Valerie Plame "Fair Game: My life as a spy, my betrayal by the White House" (2007) and Joseph C. Wilson "The politics of truth: Inside the lies that led to war and betrayed my wife's CIA identity: A diplomat's memoir" (2004).
Positive
Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them
2016 FILM David Yates J. K. Rowling Eddie Redmayne, Katherine Waterston, Dan Fogler, Alison Sudol, Ezra Miller
$813.2M 133mins UK / US Action / Family / Fantasy
Based on the 2001 novel Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them by J. K. Rowling
Positive
Final Assignment
1980 FILM Paul Almond
Marc Rosen Genevieve Bujold, Michael York, Burgess Meredith
$6.4M 98mins CA Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Mixed
First Among Equals
1986 MINI SERIES
Brian Mills Derek Marlowe Jeremy Child, James Faulkner, David Robb, Tom Wilkinson
ITV
10 episodes / approx 50mins mins per episode / 8.3 hours
UK Drama Based on Jeffrey Archer's 1984 novel First Among Equals
Positive
First Family 1980 FILM Buck Henry Buck Henry
Bob Newhart, Madeline Kahn, Gilda Radner, Harvey Korman, Rip Torn, Austin Pendleton, Fred Willard, Richard Benjamin
$15M 100mins US Comedy Original screenplay Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 316
Flags Of Our Fathers
2006 FILM Clint Eastwood
William Broyles Jr., Paul Haggis Ryan Phillippe, Jesse Bradford, Adam Beach, ensemble
$65.9M 131mins US Action / Historical / Drama
Based on the 1945 Battle of Iwo Jima (and the aftereffects of the marines who raised the flag on Mount Suribachi), and adapted from the NYTimes bestselling non-fiction book "Flags of Our Fathers" (2000) by James Bradley and Ron Powers
Positive
Forbrydelsen 2007-2012
TV SERIES
Søren Sveistrup
Søren Sveistrup
Sofie Gråbøl (2007–2012), Søren Malling (2007), Mikael Birkkjær (2009), Nikolaj Lie Kaas (2012), Sigurd Holmen le Dous (2012), Morten Suurballe (2007–2012)
DR (Danish Broadcasting Corporation)
3 seasons / 40 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 33.5hours
DK Crime / Drama
Original screenplay. Positive
Forces of Nature
1999 FILM Bronwen Hughes
Marc Lawrence Sandra Bullock, Ben Affleck $93.9M 105mins US Comedy / Romance
Original screenplay Mixed
Frost/Nixon 2008 FILM Ron Howard Peter Morgan Frank Langella, Michael Sheen, Kevin Bacon
$27.4M 122mins UK / US Historical / Drama
Real events, based on the 2006 play (by Peter Morgan, with the same name) about the series of (and lead up to) televised interviews in 1977 between British TV personality/broadcaster David Frost and former US President Richard Nixon covering both his administration and the Watergate scandal. Both the play and film take dramatic license with the details (both on-air and behind the scenes), which was a source of criticism.
Positive
Full Metal Jacket
1987 FILM Stanley Kubrick
Stanley Kubrick, Michael Herr, Gustav Hasford
Matthew Modine, Adam Baldwin, Vincent D'Onofrio, R. Lee Ermey, Dorian Harewood, Arliss Howard, Kevyn Major Howard, Ed O'Ross
$46.4M 116mins UK / US Drama / Action
Based on Gustav Hasford's novel The Short-Timers (1979)
Positive
Game Change 2012 TV MOVIE
Jay Roach Danny Strong Julianne Moore, Woody Harrelson, Ed Harris
HBO 118mins US Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. Based on a selection from political journalists Mark Halperin and John Heilemann 2010 book of the same name that documented John McCain's 2008 presidential election campaign.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 317
Gandhi 1982 FILM Richard Attenborough
John Briley Ben Kingsley, ensemble $128M 191mins UK / IN / US
Biopic / Drama
Real events. Based on the life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
Positive
George Wallace 1997 TV MOVIE
John Frankenheimer
Paul Monash, Marshall Frady Gary Sinise, Mare Winningham, Clarence Williams III, Angelina Jolie, Joe Don Baker
TNT 178mins US Biopic / Drama
Based on the 1996 biography Wallace: The Classic Portrait of Alabama Governor George Wallace by Marshall Frady
Positive
Gideon's Daughter
2005 TV MOVIE
Stephen Poliakoff
Stephen Poliakoff Bill Nighy, Miranda Richardson, Emily Blunt, Tom Hardy
BBC 105mins UK Drama
Original screenplay. The second in two linked BBC television dramas, the first being Friends and Crocodiles, which was broadcast the previous month.
Positive
Good Night, And Good Luck
2005 FILM George Clooney
George Clooney, Grant Heslov David Strathairn, Patricia Clarkson, George Clooney, Jeff Daniels, Robert Downey Jr.
$56.5M 93mins US Historical / Drama
Real events, set in 1953, depicts the conflict between anti-Communist Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy and veteran CBS radio/tv journalist Edward R. Murrow.
Positive
Government Girl
1943 FILM Dudley Nichols
Dudley Nichols Olivia de Havilland, Sonny Tufts $1.1M 94mins US Comedy / Romance
Based on Government Girl 1943 story in Ladies Home Journal by Adela Rogers St. Johns
Mixed
Grace of Monaco
2014 FILM Olivier Dahan
Arash Amel Nicole Kidman, Tim Roth, Frank Langella, Parker Posey, Milo Ventimiglia
$26.6M 103mins FR / US / BE / IT / CH
Biopic / Drama / Romance
Real events. Biographical drama about Grace Kelly.
Mixed
Grassroots 2012 FILM Stephen Gyllenhaal
Justin Rhodes, Steve Gyllenhaal Jason Biggs, Joel David Moore, Lauren Ambrose
- 99mins US Comedy
Real events/people and based on Phil Campbell's 2005 non-fiction book "Zioncheck for President: A true story of idealism and madness in American politics" (later reprinted in 2012 as "Grassroots: Politics… but not as usual").
Mixed
Growing Pains 1985-1992
TV SERIES
Neal Marlens
Neal Marlens (created by) (166 episodes, 1985-1992), David Kendall (32 episodes, 1985-1991), Tim O'Donnell (24 episodes
Alan Thicke, Joanna Kerns, Kirk Cameron, Tracey Gold, Jeremy Miller
ABC
7 seasons / 166 episodes / approx 22mins mins per episode / 60.9 hours
US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 318
Hancock 2008 FILM Peter Berg Vince Gilligan, Vincent Ngo Will Smith, Charlize Theron, Jason Bateman
$624.3M 92mins US Comedy / Action / Drama
Original screenplay. The character of Hancock is a parody for DC's Superman.
Mixed
Head Of State 2003 FILM Chris Rock Chris Rock, Ali LeRoi Chris Rock, Bernie Mac, Lynn Whitfield
$38.6M 95mins US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay, though part of the presidential debate is a repeat of Monty Python's Argument Clinic.
Negative
Head Office 1986 FILM Ken Finkleman
Ken Finkleman
Judge Reinhold, Eddie Albert, Lori-Nan Engler, Jane Seymour, Richard Masur, Michael O'Donoghue, Ron Frazier, Merritt Butrick
$3.4M 90mins US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
Hidden Agenda 1990 FILM Ken Loach Jim Allen
Frances McDormand, Brian Cox, Brad Dourif, Mai Zetterling, John Benfield, Des McAleer
$1.0M 108mins UK Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Mixed
Hitler: The Rise of Evil
2003 TV MOVIE
Christian Duguay
John Pielmeier, G. Ross Parker Robert Carlyle, Stockard Channing, Peter O'Toole, Peter Stormare, Thomas Sangster
CBC, CBS 179mins CA Biopic / Drama / Historical
Real events. Based on the rise to power of Adolf Hitler and how it was in part made possible by Germany's politically tumultuous and economically unstable state.
Positive
Homeland 2011-present
TV SERIES
Howard Gordon, Alex Gansa, various
Howard Gordon, Alex Gansa, various
Claire Danes, Damian Lewis, ensemble
Showtime (Fox)
To date: 6 seasons / 72 episodes / variable, approx 60mins per episode / 60hours
US Crime / Drama / Thriller
Based on Gideon Raff's Israeli tv drama series Prisoners of War (2010-2012, original Hebrew title "Hatufim", translating literally to "Abductees").
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 319
House of Cards 2013-present
TV SERIES
Beau Willimon, David Fincher
Beau Willimon Kevin Spacey, Robin Wright, ensemble
Netflix
To date: 5 seasons / 65 episodes / variable, approx 45-60mins per episode / 56hours
US Drama
Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's House of Cards trilogy, in particular the first original 1989 novel, and the BBC's subsequent miniseries in 1990, both by the same name. Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man". Creator of the US series, Beau Willimon, was a political aide to several politicians including Hillary Clinton, and developed the series well beyond the original novel and miniseries.
Positive
Il Divo 2008 FILM Paolo Sorrentino
Paolo Sorrentino Toni Servillo, Anna Bonaiuto, Piera Degli Esposti, Paolo Graziosi, Giulio Bosetti
$11.3M 110mins IT Biopic / Drama
Real events. Based on the figure of former Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti.
Positive
In The Line Of Duty: Siege At Marion
1992 TV MOVIE
Charles Haid
Rick Husky (written by) Ed Begley Jr., Dennis Franz, Tess Harper, Paul Le Mat, Kyle Secor
C/FP Video, Cineglobe
96mins US Action / Drama
unknown Mixed
In The Line Of Fire
1993 FILM Wolfgang Petersen
Jeff Maguire Clint Eastwood, John Malkovich, Rene Russo, Dylan McDermott, Gary Cole
$177.0M 128mins US Action / Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
In The Loop 2009 FILM Armando Iannucci
Jesse Armstrong, Simon Blackwell, Armando Iannucci, Tony Roche
Peter Capaldi, Tom Hollander, Gina McKee, James Gandolfini, Chris Addison, David Rasche
£4.9M 105mins UK Satire
Original screenplay. Spin-off from the BBC series The Thick of It, and the film was nominated for a 2009 Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay.
Positive
In The Red 1998 MINI SERIES
Malcolm Bradbury
Malcolm Bradbury, Mark Tavener
Ensemble BBC Two
3 episodes / 59mins per episode / 177mins
UK Satire / Crime
Based on Mark Taverner's 1989 satirical crime novel of the same name, which was inspired by Tavener's experiences working for the Liberal Party and the BBC. The book was also previously adapted for radio in 1995, and later used as a source for the radio and tv spin off Absolute Power (2000-2006).
Positive
Independence Day
1996 FILM Roland Emmerich
Dean Devlin, Roland Emmerich Will Smith, Bill Pullman, Jeff Goldblum
$817.4M 145mins US Fantasy / Action
Original screenplay Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 320
Independence Day: Resurgence
2016 FILM Roland Emmerich
Nicolas Wright, James A. Woods, Dean Devlin, Roland Emmerich, James Vanderbilt
Liam Hemsworth, Jeff Goldblum, Bill Pullman, Maika Monroe, Jessie T. Usher
$389.7M 120mins US Action / Fantasy
Original screenplay. Sequel to the 1996 film Independence Day
Mixed
Into The Storm 2009 TV MOVIE
Thaddeus O'Sullivan
Hugh Whitemore Brendan Gleeson, Janet McTeer, James D'Arcy, Patrick Malahide, Robert Pugh
HBO 100mins UK / US Biopic / Drama / Historical
Real events. Biographical film about Winston Churchill during World War II.
Positive
Invictus 2009 FILM Clint Eastwood
Anthony Peckham Morgan Freeman, Matt Damon $122.2M 133mins ZA / US Biopic / Drama
Real events in South Africa in the lead up to and during the 1995 Rugby World Cup, and based on John Carlin's 2008 book "Playing the Enemy: Nelson mandela and the Game That Made a Nation".
Positive
Iron Jawed Angels
2004 TV MOVIE
Katja von Garnier
Sally Robinson, Eugenia Bostwick-Singer, Raymond Singer, jennifer Friedes
Hilary Swank, Frances O'Connor
HBO Films 125mins US Drama / Historical
Real events. Follows leaders of the American women's suffrage movement during the 1910s as they fought for the right to vote.
Positive
Iron Man Three 2013 FILM Shane Black Drew Pearce, Shane Black
Robert Downey Jr., Gwyneth Paltrow, Don Cheadle, Guy Pearce, Ben Kingsley, Rebecca Hall
$1.215B 130mins US Action / Fantasy
Based on Marvel Comics character Iron Man, it is the sequel to Iron Man (2008) and Iron Man 2 (2010), and uses concepts from the "Extremis" story arc by Warren Ellis.
Positive
Jack & Bobby 2004-2005
TV SERIES
Greg Berlanti, Steven A. Cohen, Brad Meltzer
Greg Berlanti (creator) (22 episodes, 2004-2005), Steven A. Cohen (creator) (22 episodes, 2004-2005), Brad Meltzer (creator) (22 episodes
Christine Lahti, Matt Long, Logan Lerman, Jessica Paré, Edwin Hodge
The WB
1 seasons / 22 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 22.0 hours
US
Drama / Historical / Romance
Original screenplay Positive
Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy
1981 TV MOVIE
Steve Gethers
Steve Gethers Jaclyn Smith, James Franciscus, Rod Taylor, Stephen Elliott, Claudette Nevins
ABC 150mins US Biopic / Drama
Real events. Biographical drama about Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, the wife of the 35th President of the United States, John F. Kennedy.
Mixed
Jason Bourne 2016 FILM Paul Greengrass
Paul Greengrass, Christopher Rouse
Matt Damon, Tommy Lee Jones, Alicia Vikander, Vincent Cassel, Julia Stiles
$415.5M 123mins US Action / Thriller
Based on the canon first described in the 1980 novel The Bourne Identity by Robert Ludlam.
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 321
Jersey Girl 2004 FILM Kevin Smith Kevin Smith Ben Affleck, Liv Tyler $36.1M 102mins US Comedy / Drama
Original screenplay. Mixed
JFK 1991 FILM Oliver Stone Oliver Stone, Zachary Sklar Kevin Costner, Kevin Bacon, Tommy Lee Jones, Gary Oldman
$205.4M 188mins US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events. Based on the books "On the Trail of the Assassins" by Jim Garrison (1988) and "Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy" by Jim Marrs (1989)
Positive
Julia 1977 FILM Fred Zinnemann
Alvin Sargent
Jane Fonda, Vanessa Redgrave, Jason Robards, Hal Holbrook, Rosemary Murphy, Maximilian Schell
$20.7M 118mins US Drama Based on Lillian Hellman's 1973 controversial book "Pentimento"
Positive
K Street 2003 TV SERIES
Steven Soderbergh
Henry Bean
James Carville, Mary Matalin, John Slattery, Mary McCormack, Roger Guenveur Smith
HBO
1 season / 10 episodes / approx 30mins each / 5hours
US Satire
Real events/people. Named for a street in Washington D.C. that houses many lobbying firms and consultancies, and set around a fictional, bipartisan political consultancy. The show focused on major political news happening in real time. Thus shooting took place shortly before the air date of each episode in order to keep the content fresh and relevant to current events. Each episode was largely improvised and featured a mixture of real and fictional characters.
Positive
Kennedy 1983 MINI SERIES
Jim Goddard
Reg Gadney
Martin Sheen, Blair Brown, John Shea, E. G. Marshall, Geraldine Fitzgerald, Vincent Gardenia, Kelsey Grammer
NBC
5 episodes / approx 55mins per episode / 4.5hours
US / UK Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events/people. Based on the 1961-1963 presidency of John F. Kennedy
Positive
Killing Kennedy 2013 TV MOVIE
Nelson McCormick
Kelly Masterson Rob Lowe, Will Rothhaar, Ginnifer Goodwin, Michelle Trachtenberg
Nat Geo US 92mins US Drama
Based on Bill O'Reilly and Martin Dugard's non-fiction book "Killing Kennedy: The end of Camelot" (2012) which narrates the events leading up to the assassination of JFK as well as the political context and the aftermath. It followed on from the authors' 2011 book "Killing Lincoln: The shocking assassination that changed America forever".
Mixed
Kiss Them for Me
1957 FILM Stanley Donen
Julius J. Epstein, Frederic Wakeman
Cary Grant, Jayne Mansfield, Ray Walston, Suzy Parker, Werner Klemperer
$1.8M 105mins US Comedy / Romance
Adaptation of the 1945 Broadway play Kiss Them for Me
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 322
Knife Fight 2012 FILM Bill Guttentag
Bill Guttentag, Chris Lehane Rob Lowe; Carrie-Anne Moss - 100mins US Drama
Original screenplay, based on real experiences. Chris Lehane, one of the film's screenwriters, draws significantly from his own experience as a political consultant and former spokesman for Al Gore, John Kerry, and the Clinton White House during the Lewinsky scandal.
Mixed
La Conquête 2011 FILM Xavier Durringer
Xavier Durringer, Patrick Rotman
Denis Podalydès, Florence Pernel, Bernard Le Coq, Michèle Moretti
$6.3M 105mins FR Biopic Real events. Based on the life of Nicolas Sarkozy over 2002-2007.
Mixed
Leg Work 1987 TV SERIES
Frank Abatemarco
Frank Abatemarco (3 episodes, 1987), Deborah R. Baron (3 episodes, 1987), Bruce Graham (1 episode)
Margaret Colin, Frances McDormand, Patrick James Clarke
CBS
1 seasons / 10 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 10.0 hours
US Drama Original screenplay Positive
Leverage 2008-2012
TV SERIES
John Rogers, Chris Downey
Chris Downey (creator) (77 episodes, 2008-2012), John Rogers (creator) (77 episodes, 2008-2012), Christine Boylan (21 episodes
Timothy Hutton, Gina Bellman, Aldis Hodge, Christian Kane, Beth Riesgraf
TNT
5 seasons / 77 episodes / approx 41mins mins per episode / 52.6 hours
US
Action / Comedy / Drama / Crime / Thriller
Original screenplay. Positive
Lincoln 2012 FILM Steven Spielberg
Tony Kushner
Daniel Day-Lewis, Sally Field, David Strathairn, Joseph Gordon-Levitt, James Spader, Hal Holbrook, Tommy Lee Jones
$275.3M 150mins US Historical / Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. Details the last four months of US President Abraham Lincoln, and details his efforts to abolish slavery and pass the Thirteenth Amendment to the US constitution in early 1865. Historical criticisms included exaggeration and over simplification of many elements in the abolition cause/debate (especially the role of blacks and the 'white saviour' narrative), though overall the film was considered to be reasonably accurate on the majority of historical points.
Positive
Lions for Lambs 2007 FILM Robert Redford
Matthew Michael Carnahan Robert Redford; Meryl Streep; Tom Cruise
$63.2M 88mins US Action / Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 323
London Has Fallen
2016 FILM Babak Najafi
Creighton Rothenberger, Katrin Benedikt, Christian Gudegast, Chad St. John
Gerard Butler, Aaron Eckhart, Morgan Freeman, Alon Moni Aboutboul, Angela Bassett
$205.8M 99mins US Action / Crime / Drama
Original screenplay. Sequel to Olympus Has Fallen.
Mixed
Love Actually 2003 FILM Richard Curtis
Richard Curtis Hugh Grant, Liam Neeson, Colin Firth, Laura Linney, Emma Thompson
$246.9M 136mins UK / US / FR
Comedy / Drama / Romance
Original screenplay. Positive
MacArthur 1977 FILM Joseph Sargent
Hal Barwood, Matthew Robbins
Gregory Peck, Ed Flanders, Dan O'Herlihy
$16.3M 130mins US
Action / Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events. Based on the life of American General of the Army Douglas MacArthur from 1942 to 1952 and the time after President Truman relives him of command for insubordination.
Mixed
Mad Men 2007-2015
TV SERIES
Matthew Weiner
Matthew Weiner
Jon Hamm, Elisabeth Moss, Vincent Kartheiser, January Jones, Christina Hendricks, Aaron Staton, Rich Sommer, John Slattery, Kiernan Shipka, Robert Morse
AMC 7 seasons, 92 episodes
US Drama Original screenplay Positive
Madam Secretary
2014-present
TV SERIES
Barbara Hall
Barbara Hall (created by) (63 episodes, 2014-2017), Alexander Maggio (47 episodes, 2014-2017), Alex Cooley (25 episodes
Téa Leoni, Tim Daly, Patina Miller, Geoffrey Arend, Erich Bergen
CBS
3 seasons / 63 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 44.1 hours
US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
Malcolm X 1992 FILM Spike Lee Spike Lee, Marvin Worth Denzel Washington $48.2M 202mins US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events. Based on "The autobiography of Malcolm X" by Malcolm X and Alex Haley (1965)
Positive
Man of Steel 2013 FILM Zack Snyder David S. Goyer
Henry Cavill, Amy Adams, Kevin Costner, Michael Shannon, Diane Lane, Laurence Fishburne, Russell Crowe
$668M 143mins UK / US Action / Fantasy
Based on DC Comics character Superman. Reboot of the Superman film series, and retells the character's origin story.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 324
Man Of The Year
2006 FILM Barry Levinson
Barry Levinson Robin Williams, Christopher Walken, Laura Linney, Lewis Black, Jeff Goldblum
$41.2M 115mins US Comedy / Satire / Drama
Original screenplay, however protagonist Tom Dobbs (Robin Williams) character is loosely based on Jon Stewart. Director Barry Levinson originally wanted American radio and tv personality Howard Stern to star in the film as Tom Dobbs, despite Stern having only starred as himself in one other film. Note also that Stephen Colbert (technically) ran for President from October 16 - November 5 2007 after public pressure urging him to do so (the campaign's legitimacy was questioned but Colbert insisted he was serious).
Mixed
Manhattan 2014-2015
TV SERIES
Sam Shaw
Sam Shaw (writer) (23 episodes, 2014-2015), Noelle Valdivia (13 episodes, 2014), Gideon Yago (13 episodes
Rachel Brosnahan, Michael Chernus, Christopher Denham, Alexia Fast, Katja Herbers
WGN America
2 seasons / 23 episodes / approx 44mins mins per episode / 16.9 hours
US Drama / Historical
Real events. The project of the same name that produced the first nuclear weapons.
Positive
March In Windy City
1998 TV MOVIE
Graham Theakston
Thomas Ellice, Geoff McQueen (deviser)
David Jason, Vanessa Earl, Jerome Willis, David McCallum, Helene Kvale
- 115mins UK Comedy / Thriller
unknown Mixed
Margaret 2009 TV MOVIE
James Kent Richard Cottan Lindsay Duncan, James Fox, Robert Hardy
BBC Two 113mins UK Drama
Real events. A fictionalised account of Margaret Thatcher's life and her fall from the premiership in the 1990 leadership election.
Positive
Margaret 2009 TV MOVIE
James Kent Richard Cottan Lindsay Duncan, James Fox, Robert Hardy
BBC Two 113mins UK Drama Real events. Fictionalised account of Margaret Thatcher's life and fall from the premiership in the 1990 leadership election.
Positive
Marooned 1969 FILM John Sturges
Mayo Simon Gregory Peck, Richard Crenna, David Janssen, James Franciscus, Gene Hackman
$4.1M 134mins US Drama / Fantasy
Based on Marooned 1964 novel by Martin Caidin
Mixed
Mars Attacks! 1996 FILM Tim Burton Jonathan Gems Jack Nicholson, Glenn Close, Annette Bening, Pierce Brosnan, Natalie Portman
$101.4M 106mins US Comedy / Satire / Fantasy
Adaptation of cult trading card game "Mars Attacks" by Topps.
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 325
Marseille 2016 TV SERIES
Dan Franck Dan Franck (created by) (16 episodes, 2016-2018)
Gérard Depardieu, Benoît Magimel, Géraldine Pailhas, Nadia Farès, Stéphane Caillard
Netflix
1 seasons / 8 episodes / approx 40mins mins per episode / 5.3 hours
FR Drama Original screenplay Mixed
Medical Investigation
2004-2005
TV SERIES
Jason Horwitch
Jason Horwitch (creator) (20 episodes, 2004-2005), Sylvia Franklin (5 episodes, 2004), Steven Long Mitchell (4 episodes
Neal McDonough, Kelli Williams, Christopher Gorham, Anna Belknap, Troy Winbush
NBC
1 seasons / 20 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 20.0 hours
US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
Medium Cool 1969 FILM Haskell Wexler
Haskell Wexler Robert Forster, Verna Bloom, Peter Bonerz, Marianna Hill, Harold Blankenship
$5.5M 110mins US Drama Real events. (in part). Real footage was used of students protesting at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in 1968
Positive
Meet John Doe 1941 FILM Frank Capra Robert Riskin Gary Cooper, Barbara Stanwyck
- 122mins US
Comedy / Drama / Romance
Based on A Reputation 1922 story in Century Magazine by Richard Connell
Positive
Memphis Belle 1990 FILM Michael Caton-Jones
Monte Merrick Matthew Modine, Eric Stoltz, Sean Astin, Harry Connick Jr., Reed Edward Diamond
$27.4M 107mins UK Action / Drama / War
Real events (very loosely). The characters are composites, the names are not those of the real crew of the Memphis Belle and the incidents shown are supposed to be representative of B-17 missions in general.
Mixed
Mental 2012 FILM P. J. Hogan P. J. Hogan Toni Collette; Anthony LaPaglia; Liev Schreiber; Rebecca Gibney
$4M 116mins AU Drama / Comedy
Original screenplay based on P. J. Hogan's family.
Mixed
Milk 2008 FILM Gus Van Sant
Dustin Lance Black Sean Penn, Emile Hirsch, Josh Brolin, James Franco
$54.6M 128mins US Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. Based on the life of politician and gay rights activist Harvey Milk (the first openly gay person to be elected to public office in California). Milk utilised his background as a businessman to become a gay activist
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 326
Mirador 2010-2011
TV SERIES
Louis Choquette (20 episodes, 2010-2011)
François Camirand (3 episodes, 2011), Isabelle Pelletier (20 episodes, 2010-2011), Daniel Thibault (20 episodes
Patrick Labbé, Gilles Renaud, David La Haye, Pascale Bussières, Catherine Trudeau
CBC 2 seasons / 20 episodes
CA Drama unknown Positive
Miss Sloane 2016 FILM John Madden
Jonathan Perera Jessica Chastain, Mark Strong, Gugu Mbatha-Raw, Michael Stuhlbarg, Alison Pill
$4.6M 132mins FR / US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
Mister Sterling 2003 TV SERIES
Lawrence O'Donnell
Lawrence O'Donnell (writer) (10 episodes, 2003), Paul Haggis (3 episodes, 2003), Alfredo Barrios Jr. (writer) (1 episode
Josh Brolin, Audra McDonald, William Russ, David Noroña
NBC
1 seasons / 10 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 10.0 hours
US Drama / Romance
Original screenplay Positive
Monk 2002-2009
TV SERIES
Andy Breckman, David Hoberman
Andy Breckman (creator) (125 episodes, 2002-2009), Hy Conrad (30 episodes, 2002-2009), Tom Scharpling (21 episodes
Tony Shalhoub, Bitty Schram, Jason Gray-Stanford, Ted Levine, Traylor Howard
USA Network
8 seasons / 125 episodes / approx 40mins mins per episode / 83.3 hours
US
Crime / Comedy / Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
Mr. Smith Goes To Washington
1939 FILM Frank Capra Sidney Buchman, Myles Connolly
Jean Arthur, James Stewart $9.0M 125mins US Comedy / Drama
Based on Lewis R. Foster's unpublished story "The Gentleman from Montana".
Positive
Murphy Brown 1988-1998
TV SERIES
Diane English
Diane English, and others Candice Bergen, Also Starring, Pat Corley, Faith Ford, Charles Kimbrough
CBS
10 seasons / 247 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 123.5 hours
US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 327
My Dad's the Prime Minister
2003-2004
TV SERIES
Ian Hislop, Nick Newman
Ian Hislop and Nick Newman Robert Bathurst, Carla Mendonca, Jasper Britton, Joe Prospero, Emma Sackville
BBC One
2 seasons / 12 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 6.0 hours
UK Comedy Original screenplay Positive
My Fellow Americans
1996 FILM Peter Segal E. Jack Kaplan, Richard Chapman, Peter Tolan
Jack Lemmon, James Garner, Dan Aykroyd
$22.3M 101mins US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay Mixed
Nashville 1975 FILM Robert Altman
Joan Tewkesbury Ned Beatty, Ronee Blakley, Keith Carradine, Geraldine Chaplin, Henry Gibson
$10.0M 160mins US Comedy / Drama / Musical
Original screenplay Positive
NCIS 2003-present
TV SERIES
Donald P. Bellisario, Don McGill
Donald P. Bellisario (created by) (327 episodes, 2003-2017), Don McGill (created by) (327 episodes, 2003-2017), Steven D. Binder (69 episodes
Mark Harmon, Sasha Alexander, Michael Weatherly, Pauley Perrette, David McCallum
CBS
14 seasons / 326 episodes / approx 39mins mins per episode / 211.9 hours
US Action / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
Network 1976 FILM Sidney Lumet
Paddy Chayefsky Faye Dunaway, William Holden, Peter Finch, Robert Duvall
$23.7M 121mins US Drama Original screenplay Positive
Nineteen Eighty-Four
1984 FILM Michael Radford
Michael Radford John Hurt, Richard Burton, Suzanna Hamilton, Cyril Cusack
$8.4m 110mins UK Drama / Fantasy
Based on George Orwell's novel Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949)
Positive
Nixon 1995 FILM Oliver Stone Stephen J. Rivele, Christopher Wilkinson, Oliver Stone
Anthony Hopkins, Joan Allen $13.7M 192mins US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events. The film begins with the following disclaimer that the film is "an attempt to understand the truth [...] based on numerous public sources and on an incomplete historical record."
Positive
No Job For A Lady
1990-1992
TV SERIES
Alex Shearer
Alex Shearer Penelope Keith, Mark Kingston, Garfield Morgan, Paul Young, George Baker
ITV
3 seasons / 18 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 9.0 hours
UK Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 328
No Way Out 1987 FILM Roger Donaldson
Robert Garland Kevin Costner, Gene Hackman, Sean Young, Will Patton, Howard Duff
$35.5M 114mins US Action / Crime / Drama
Based on Kenneth Fearing's 1946 novel The Big Clock
Positive
Norma Rae 1979 FILM Martin Ritt Harriet Frank, Jr., Irving Ravetch
Sally Field, Beau Bridges, Ron Leibman
$22.2M 110mins US Drama
Real events. Based on the true story of Crystal Lee Sutton, which was told in the 1975 book Crystal Lee, a Woman of Inheritance by New York Times reporter Henry P. Leifermann.
Positive
Not For Publication
1984 FILM Paul Bartel Paul Bartel, John Meyer Nancy Allen, David Naughton, Alan Rosenberg, Laurence Luckinbill, Alice Ghostley
- 87mins US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
NYPD Blue 1993-2005
TV SERIES
Steven Bochco, David Milch
Steven Bochco (created by) (261 episodes, 1993-2005), David Milch (created by) (261 episodes, 1993-2005), Bill Clark (199 episodes
Dennis Franz, Gordon Clapp, James McDaniel, Bill Brochtrup, Nicholas Turturro
ABC
12 seasons / 261 episodes / approx 47mins mins per episode / 204.4 hours
US Drama / Crime
Original screenplay Positive
O Brother, Where Art Thou
2000 FILM Joel Coen and Ethan Coen
Joel Coen and Ethan Coen George Clooney, John Turturro, Tim Blake Nelson, John Goodman, Holly Hunter
$71.9M 107mins US Comedy / Action / Crime
Adaptation. Modern satire loosely based on Homer's epic poem The Odyssey.
Positive
O.S.S. 1946 FILM Irving Pichel Richard Maibaum Alan Ladd, Geraldine Fitzgerald, Gloria Saunders
$2.8M 105mins US Drama / War
Original screenplay Mixed
Occupied 2015-present
TV SERIES
Erik Skjoldbjærg (5 episodes, 2015-2017), John Andreas Andersen (2 episodes, 2015), Pål Sletaune (2 episodes
Karianne Lund (created by) (10 episodes, 2015), Jo Nesbø (created by) (10 episodes, 2015), Erik Skjoldbjærg (created by) (10 episodes
Henrik Mestad, Eldar Skar, Ane Dahl Torp, Ragnhild Gudbrandsen, Ingeborga Dapkunaite
TV2 Norway
1 season / 10 episodes / approx 45mins mins per episode / 7.5 hours
NO / SE Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
Official Denial 1993 TV MOVIE
Brian Trenchard-Smith
Bryce Zabel Parker Stevenson, Dirk Benedict, Erin Gray, Michael Pate, Chad Everett
The Sci-Fi Channel
83mins AU / US Fantasy unknown Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 329
Olympus Has Fallen
2013 FILM Antoine Fuqua
Creighton Rothenberger, Katrin Benedikt
Gerard Butler; Aaron Eckhart; Morgan Freeman
$161M 119mins US Action / Thriller
Original screenplay. Millennium Films competed against Sony Pictures's "White House Down" (with a similar premise) which was released in the same year. The sequel "London Has Fallen" was released in 2016, with discussions that a third film "Angel Has Fallen" is currently in the works.
Mixed
One Fine Day 1996 FILM Michael Hoffman
Terrel Seltzer, Ellen Simon Michelle Pfeiffer, George Clooney, Mae Whitman, Charles Durning
$97.5M 108mins US
Comedy / Drama / Romance
Original screenplay Mixed
Outbreak 1995 FILM Wolfgang Petersen
Laurence Dworet, Robert Roy Pool
Dustin Hoffman, Rene Russo, Morgan Freeman, Cuba Gooding Jr., Patrick Dempsey
$189.8M 128mins US Action / Drama / Thriller
Based on Richard Preston's best-selling nonfiction book, The Hot Zone (1995)
Mixed
Parallel Lives 1994 TV MOVIE
Linda Yellen Gisela Bernice, Linda Yellen James Belushi, Liza Minnelli, Gena Rowlands
Showtime Networks
105mins US Drama / Thriller / Romance
Original screenplay Mixed
Parkland 2013 FILM Peter Landesman
Peter Landesman
James Badge Dale, Zac Efron, Colin Hanks, Billy Bob Thornton, Jacki Weaver, Paul Giamatti, Marcia Gay Harden
$1.4M 93mins US Historical / Drama
Real events/people, depicting the events following JFK's assissination. Based on Vincent Bugliosi's 2008 book "Four Days in November: The Assination of President John F Kennedy"
Mixed
Parks and Recreation
2009-2015
TV SERIES
Greg Daniels, Michael Schur
Greg Daniels, Michael Schur, various
Amy Poehler, Rashida Jones, Paul Schneider, Aziz Ansari, Nick Offerman, Aubrey Plaza, Chris Pratt, Adam Scott, Rob Lowe, Jim O'Heir, Retta, Billy Eichner
NBC
7 seasons / 125 episodes / approx 22mins per episode / 46hours
US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay. Parks and Recreation was co-created by Greg Daniels who adapted the original BBC version of The Office (2001-2003) for US audiences (see The Office, 2005-2013) and Michael Schur who was a writer on the US version. It was originally commissioned as a spin-off to The Office, though ended up being developed as a stand-alone show that borrowed stylistic elements such as the mockumentary approach and improvised script. The decision to base the series in a local political context was inspired by the success of The Wire (2002-2008) and came in the wake of renewed public optimism about politics following the 2008 US Presidential Election. In the later series, the scripts often draw on or paralleled real events/issues
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 330
Party Animals 2007 TV SERIES
Brian Grant Ben Richards, Robert Jones, Fintan Ryan
Patrick Baladi, Andrew Buchan, Matt Smith, Raquel Cassidy, Shelley Conn, Andrea Riseborough, Clemency Burton-Hill, Pip Carter, Peter Wight
BBC Two
1 series / 8 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 6.5hours
UK Drama Original screenplay. Inspired by observations and research with Westminster staffers
Mixed
Path to War 2002 TV MOVIE
John Frankenheimer
Daniel Giat (first billed only), Michael Gambon, Donald Sutherland, Alec Baldwin, Bruce McGill
HBO 165mins US Biopic
Real events. Based on the experiences of United States President Lyndon B. Johnson and his cabinet members of the Vietnam War.
Positive
People I Know 2002 FILM Daniel Algrant
Jon Robin Baitz Al Pacino, Kim Basinger, Ryan O'Neal, Téa Leoni
$5.5M 100mins US / DE Crime / Drama
Original screenplay Mixed
Phffft 1954 FILM Mark Robson
George Axelrod Judy Holliday, Jack Lemmon, Jack Carson, Kim Novak
$1.5M 88mins US Comedy Based on Phfft: Chronicle of a Happy Divorce play by George Axelrod
Mixed
Political Animals 2012 MINI SERIES
Greg Berlanti
Greg Berlanti
Sigourney Weaver, Carla Gugino, James Wolk, Sebastian Stan, Brittany Ishibashi, Ellen Burstyn, Ciaran Hinds
USA Network / Warner Bros. Television
6 episodes / approx 90mins each / 360mins total
US Drama / Comedy
Original screenplay. The character of Elaine Barrish (Sigourney Weaver) takes inspiration from Hilary Clinton, and the themes are connected with political legacy families.
Mixed
Pork Chop Hill 1959 FILM
Lewis Milestone, Gregory Peck
James R. Webb Gregory Peck, Rip Torn, George Shibata, Woody Strode, Harry Guardino
$2.1M 97mins US War / Drama / Action
Based on the book Pork Chop Hill: The American Fighting Man in Action by S. L. A. Marshall (1956)
Positive
Power 1986 FILM Sidney Lumet
David Himmelstein Richard Gere, Denzel Washington, Gene Hackman
$3.8M 111mins US Drama Original screenplay Mixed
Primary Colors 1998 FILM Mike Nichols
Elaine May John Travolta; Emma Thompson; Billy Bob Thornton; Kathy Bates
$52.1M 143mins US Drama / Comedy / Satire
Based on journalist Joe Klein's novel "Primary Colors: A Novel of Politics" about Bill Clinton's first presidential campaign in 1992, after having covered the campaign for Newsweek. The novel was first published anonymously but the author was revealed in 1996.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 331
Primeval 2007-2011
TV SERIES
Adrian Hodges, Tim Haines
Tim Haines (creator) (36 episodes, 2007-2011), Adrian Hodges (creator) (36 episodes, 2007-2011), Steve Bailie (5 episodes
Douglas Henshall, James Murray, Andrew-Lee Potts, Lucy Brown, Hannah Spearritt
ITV (2007–2011)
5 seasons / 36 episodes / approx 45mins mins per episode / 27.0 hours
UK Fantasy / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
Prison of Secrets
1997 TV MOVIE
Fred Gerber Layce Gardner Stephanie Zimbalist Aquarius TV 92mins US Crime / Drama
Real events Mixed
Race to Space 2001 FILM Sean McNamara
Eric Gardner, Steven H. Wilson James Woods, Annabeth Gish - 104mins US Family / Drama
Original screenplay Mixed
Rake 2010-present
TV SERIES
Peter Duncan, Richard Roxburgh, Charles Waterstreet
Peter Duncan, Andrew Knight
Richard Roxburgh, Matt Day, Adrienne Pickering, Russell Dykstra, Danielle Cormack, Caroline Brazier, Geoff Morrell
ABC1 4 seasons, 32 episodes
AU Comedy / Drama
Original screenplay. An American adaption was developed in 2013 and broadcast in 2014 starring Greg Kinnear and Miranda Otto.
Positive
Recount 2008 TV MOVIE
Jay Roach Danny Strong
Kevin Spacey, Denis Leary, Laura Dern, Tom Wilkinson, John Hurt, Ed Begley Jr., Bob Balaban
HBO 116mins US Historical / Drama
Real events/people. Based on the 2000 United States presidential election, and chronicles the Bush v. Gore case in ruling the election outcome.
Positive
Reds 1981 FILM Warren Beatty
Warren Beatty, Trevor Griffiths Warren Beatty, Diane Keaton, Jack Nicholson, Louise Bryant, Eugene O'Neill
$40.4M 195mins US Drama
Real events. Based on the life of writer and journalist John Reed, author of Ten Days That Shook the World (1919), a book about the Russian Revolution
Positive
Running Mates 1985 TV MOVIE
Thomas L. Neff
Thomas L. Neff Barbara Howard, Greg Webb, J. Don Ferguson, Bob Hannah
Horizon Productions
90mins US Romance unknown Negative
Running Mates 2000 TV MOVIE
Ron Lagomarsino
Claudia Salter Tom Selleck, Laura Linney Turner Network Television
90mins US Comedy / Drama
Original screenplay Mixed
Running Mates 2011 TV MOVIE
Thomas Michael
Paolo Mancini, Thomas Michael,
Thomas Michael, Paolo Mancini, Jane McLean, Linda Kash, Mike Beaver, Tarah Consoli, Graham Greene, DJ Qualls, Henry Winkler
Syndicated 90mins CA Comedy unknown Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 332
Running Mates (aka Dirty Tricks)
1992 TV MOVIE
Michael Lindsay-Hogg
Carole Eastman Ed Harris, Diane Keaton HBO 92mins US
Comedy / Romance / Drama
Original screenplay Mixed
Safe Passage 1994 FILM Robert Allan Ackerman
Deena Goldstone Susan Sarandon $1.6M 98mins US Drama Based on Safe Passage (novel) by Ellyn Bache (1950)
Mixed
Salmon Fishing In The Yemen
2011 FILM Lasse Hallström
Simon Beaufoy Eway McGregor, Emily Blunt, Kristin Scott Thomas, Amr Waked
$34.6M 107mins UK
Romance / Comedy / Drama
Based on Paul Torday's 2007 satirical novel of the same name.
Positive
Scandal 2012-present
TV SERIES
Shonda Rhimes
Shonda Rhimes Kerry Washington, ensemble ABC (US)
To date: 6 seasons / 106 episodes / approx 43mins per episode / 76hours
US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay. The character of Olivia Pope (Kerry Washington) is partially based on the professional experiences of Judy Smith, a former special assistant and deputy press secretary to President George H. W. Bush, turned crisis management and media relations consultant. Smith's firm Smith & Company advised Monica Lewinsky as well as other high profile clients. Smith serves as a co-executive producer and advisor for Scandal.
Positive
Scandal 1989 FILM Michael Caton-Jones
Michael Thomas John Hurt, Joanne Whalley-Kilmer, Ian McKellen, Bridget Fonda, Britt Ekland, Roland Gift
$8.8M 115mins UK Drama / Historical
Based on 1987 Anthony Summers' book Honeytrap
Mixed
Secret Honor 1984 FILM Roger Altman
Donald Freed, Arnold M. Stone Philip Baker Hall - 90mins US Biopic / Drama
Based on Secret Honor (A Play) by Donald Freed and Arnold M. Stone
Positive
Secret State 2012 MINI SERIES
Ed Fraiman Robert Jones Gabriel Byrne, Charles Dance, Douglas Hodge, Gina McKee, Rupert Graves, Ruth Negga
Channel 4
4 episodes / approx 45mins per episode / 3.5hours
UK Thriller
Based on Chris Mullin's 1982 novel "A Very British Coup", though similarities are mostly thematic and the adaptation is looser than the original TV Adaptation in 1988. This source material is credited as "inspiration" and the original novel's author Chris Mullin appears in a cameo role as a vicar.
Positive
See Here, Private Hargrove
1944 FILM Wesley Ruggles, Tay Garnett
Harry Kurnitz Robert Walker, Donna Reed, Keenan Wynn
- 101mins US
Comedy / Romance / War
Based on See Here, Private Hargrove 1942 book by Marion Hargrove
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 333
Sex and the City 1998-2004
TV SERIES
Darren Star
Candace Bushnell (94 episodes, 1998-2004), Darren Star (created by) (94 episodes, 1998-2004), Michael Patrick King (31 episodes
Sarah Jessica Parker, Kim Cattrall, Kristin Davis, Cynthia Nixon
HBO
6 seasons / 94 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 47.0 hours
US
Romance / Comedy / Drama
Based on the 1997 book of the same name by Candace Bushnell
Mixed
Show Me A Hero
2015 MINI SERIES
Paul Haggis David Simon, William F. Zorzi Oscar Isaac, Bob Balaban, Jim Belushi, Jon Bernthal, Dominique Fishback
HBO
6 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 6 hours
US Drama Based on Show Me a Hero (1999 book) by Lisa Belkin
Positive
Silkwood 1983 FILM Mike Nichols
Nora Ephron, Alice Arlen Meryl Streep, Kurt Russell, Cher
$35.6M 131mins US Biopic / Drama / Historical
Original screenplay. Inspired by the life of labor union activist and nuclear whistleblower Karen Silkwood.
Positive
Slattery's People
1964-1965
TV SERIES
Bing Crosby Productions
James E. Moser (creator) (36 episodes, 1964-1965), Jack Guss (4 episodes, 1964-1965), William P. McGivern (4 episodes
Richard Crenna, Ed Asner, Tol Avery
CBS 1 seasons / 36 episodes
US Drama Original screenplay Positive
Sparkling Cyanide
2003 TV MOVIE
Tristram Powell
Laura Lamson (screenplay) / Agatha Christie (from the novel by)
Pauline Collins, Oliver Ford Davies, Kenneth Cranham, Jonathan Firth, Susan Hampshire, Clare Holman
ITV 120mins UK Crime / Drama / Thriller
Adaptation of Agatha Christie's 1945 novel of the same name (released under the the title Remembered Death).
Mixed
Speechless 1994 FILM Ron Underwood
Robert King Michael Keaton, Geena Davis $20.7M 99mins US Comedy / Romance
Original screenplay Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 334
Spin City 1996-2002
TV SERIES
Gary David Goldberg, Bill Lawrence
Gary David Goldberg, Bill Lawrence
Michael J. Fox (seasons 1-4), Charlie Sheen (seasons 5-6)
ABC (US)
6 seasons / 145 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 72.5 hours
US Comedy
Original screenplay. Fictional events in the series were often inspired by reality (e.g. Mayor Giuliani's foibals and marital problems were used to creat jokes in the later seasons), though reality often echoed the show as well (e.g. Giuliani's living arrangements mimicking Mayor Bostwick's when he is thrown out of his official residence and moves in with two gay men).
Positive
Spinning Boris 2003 FILM Roger Spottiswoode
Yuri Zeltser, Grace Cary Bickley Jeff Goldblum, Anthony LaPaglia, Live Schreiber
- 112mins US Comedy / Biopic
Based on the true story of the 1996 Russian reelection of Boris Yeltsin, where a group of American political consultants were hired to assist with the campaign.
Mixed
Spooks 2002-2011
TV SERIES
David Wolstencroft
David Wolstencroft Peter Firth, Matthew Macfadyen, Keeley Hawes, David Oyelowo, Hugh Simon
BBC One
10 seasons / 86 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 86 hours
UK Drama Original screenplay Positive
State of Affairs 2014-2015
TV SERIES
Alexi Hawley
Alexi Hawley (created by) (13 episodes, 2014-2015), Joe Carnahan (2 episodes, 2014-2015), Sarah Kucserka (2 episodes
Katherine Heigl, Alfre Woodard, Adam Kaufman, Sheila Vand, Cliff Chamberlain
NBC
1 seasons / 13 episodes / approx 45mins mins per episode / 9.8 hours
US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Mixed
State of Emergency
1975 MINI SERIES
David Askey (3 episodes, 1975)
John Gould (creator) (3 episodes, 1975), Hugh Whitemore (3 episodes, 1975)
Michael Gwynn, Patrick Mower, Janet Key, William Gaunt, Ian Gelder
BBC
3 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 2.5hours
UK Thriller unknown Positive
State Of Play 2009 FILM Kevin Macdonald
Matthew Michael Carnahan, Tony Gilroy, Billy Ray
Russell Crowe, Ben Affleck, Rachel McAdams, Robin Wright Penn, Jason Bateman, Jeff Daniels, Helen Mirren
$87.8M 128mins UK / FR / US
Crime / Drama / Thriller
Adaptation of a 2003 six-part BBC mini-series, with a condensed plot and changed location.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 335
State Of Play 2003 MINI SERIES
David Yates Paul Abbott
David Morrissey, John Simm, Kelly Macdonald, Polly Walker, Bill Nighy, James McAvoy, Marc Warren, Philip Glenister
BBC One
6 episodes / approx 50mins each / 300mins total
UK Crime / Drama
Original screenplay. This was Paul Abbott's third writing project for the BBC and first attempt at a political thriller. After the success of the series, Abbott was commissioned to write a second series, however the sequel never eventuated as Abbott admitted he struggled to make the story work.
Positive
State of the Union
1948 FILM Frank Capra Myles Connolly, Anthony Veiller
Spencer Tracy, Katharine Hepburn
$3.5M 111mins US Comedy / Drama
Adaptation of State of the Union (play) by Russel Crouse and Howard Lindsay
Positive
Superman Returns
2006 FILM Bryan Singer
Michael Dougherty, Dan Harris Brandon Routh, Kate Bosworth, Kevin Spacey, James Marsden, Frank Langella
$391.1M 154mins US Action / Fantasy
Based on the DC Comics character Superman
Mixed
Sweet Smell of Success
1957 FILM Alexander Mackendrick
Ernest Lehman, Clifford Odets, Ernest Lehman
Burt Lancaster, Tony Curtis $2.2M 96mins US Drama / Thriller
Based on the novelette Sweet Smell of Success: And Other Stories (1957) by Ernest Lehman.
Positive
Swing Vote 2008 FILM Joshua Michael Stern
Joshua Michael Stern, Jason richman
Kevin Costner, Paula Patton, Kelsey Grammer, Dennis Hopper, Nathan Lane Stanley Tucci
$17.6M 120mins US Comedy / Drama
Original screenplay. Mixed
Tanner '88 1988 MINI SERIES
Garry Trudeau
Garry Trudeau
Michael Murphy, Pamela Reed, Cynthia Nixon, Kevin J. O'Connor, Daniel Jenkins, Jim Fyfe, Matt Malloy, Ilana Levine, Veronica Cartwright
HBO
11 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 6hours
US Satire Original screenplay. Positive
Tanner on Tanner
2004 MINI SERIES
Garry Trudeau
Garry Trudeau Michael Murphy, Pamela Reed, Cynthia Nixon, Matt Malloy, Ilana Levine
Sundance Channel
4 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 2hours
US Satire
Original screenplay. Sequel to mockumentary Tanner '88. Many of the original cast reprise their roles. Like the original, it also utilises a number of real figures in cameo roles (such as Robert Redford, Martin Scorsese, Barack Obama, Bill Clinton), which blurs the boundaries between fiction and reality.
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 336
Team America: World Police
2004 FILM Trey Parker Trey Parker, Matt Stone, Pam Brady
Parker, Stone, Kristen Miller, Masasa Moyo, Daran Norris, Phil Hendrie, Maurice LaMarche, Chelsea Marguerite, Jeremy Shada, and Fred Tatasciore
$52.1M 98mins US Satire / Action
Original screenplay. From the creators of South Park, and lightly stylised in parody of Thunderbirds
Positive
Terrible Teddy, the Grizzly King
1901 FILM Edwin S. Porter - 1mins US Comedy
Based on political cartoons from William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal, in particular panels from February 4th (1st shot) and 18th (2nd shot).
Negative
Thankyou For Smoking
2006 FILM Jason Reitman
Jason Reitman Aaron Eckhart $39.3M 92mins US Satire
Based on Christopher Buckley's 1994 novel of the same name, however the plot and ending differ to some extent. Note Buckley later wrote another satirical novel called Little Green Men (1999) which has some plot parallels to TYFS and overlaps on some key themes. The rights for Little Green Men have been bought and it has been adapted into a screenplay, but the project has stalled.
Positive
That Girl 1966-1971
TV SERIES
Bill Persky, Sam Denoff
Sam Denoff (creator) (137 episodes, 1965-1971), Bill Persky (creator) (137 episodes, 1965-1971), Bernie Orenstein (26 episodes
Marlo Thomas, Ted Bessell, Lew Parker, Bernie Kopell, Rosemary DeCamp
ABC
5 seasons / 136 episodes / approx 22mins mins per episode / 49.9 hours
US Comedy Original screenplay Positive
That's My Bush 2001 TV SERIES
Trey Parker, Matt Stone
Tony Barbieri (8 episodes, 2001), Vernon Chatman (8 episodes, 2001), Jonathan Kimmel (8 episodes
Timothy Bottoms, Carrie Quinn Dolin, Kurt Fuller, Kristen Miller, Marcia Wallace
Comedy Central
1 seasons / 8 episodes / approx 22mins mins per episode / 2.9 hours
US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay Positive
The Adjustment Bureau
2011 FILM George Nolfi
George Nolfi Matt Damon, Emily Blunt $127.9M 106mins US Romance / Thriller / Fantasy
Based on Philip K. Dick's (o.p. 1954) short story "Adjustment Team", though it is a loose Adaptation.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 337
The Amercianization of Emily
1964 FILM Arthur Hiller Paddy Chayefsky James Garner, Julie Andrews, Melvyn Douglas, James Coburn, Joyce Grenfell
$4.0M 115mins US Comedy / Drama / War
Based on the 1964 book The Americanization of Emily by William Bradford Huie
Positive
The American President
1995 FILM Rob Reiner Aaron Sorkin Michael Douglas; Annette Bening; Martin Sheen; Michael J. Fox
$107.9M 114mins US
Comedy / Romance / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
The Americans 2013-present
TV SERIES
Joe Weisberg
Joe Weisberg Keri Russell, Matthew Rhys, ensemble
FX
To date: 5 seasons / 65 episodes / variable, approx 40-55mins per episode / 56hours
US Historical / Drama
Original screenplay. Utilises real events from the Cold War period as part of the narrative, as well as being inspired by creator Joe Weisberg's own experiences as a CIA officer.
Positive
The Best Man 1964 FILM Franklin J. Schaffner
Gore Vidal Henry Fonda, Cliff Robertson, Lee Tracy, Margaret Leighton, Edie Adams
- 102mins US Drama Based on the 1960 play of the same title by Gore Vidal
Positive
The Business Of Fancydancing
2002 FILM Sherman Alexie
Sherman Alexie Evan Adams, Michelle St. John, Gene Tagaban, Swil Kanim, Rebecca Carroll
- 103mins US Drama / Musical
Based on the 1992 book The Business of Fancydancing: Stories and Poems by Sherman Alexie
Mixed
The Butler 2013 FILM Lee Daniels Danny Strong Forest Whitaker; Oprah Winfrey; ensemble
$176.6M 132mins US Drama / Historical
Real events/people. Inspired by the life of African-American Eugene Allen, and based on journalist Wil Haygood's 2008 article "A Butler Well Served by This Election" published in The Washington Post. The protagonist Cecil Gaines is loosely based on the real Allen.
Positive
The Campaign 2012 FILM Jay Roach Chris Henchy, Shawn Harwell
Will Ferrell, Zach Galifianakis, Jason Sudeikis, Dylan McDermott, John Lithgow, Dan Aykroyd
$104.9M 85mins US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay that lampoons political campaigning and modern elections, in particular campaign finance and corporate influence. The film directly parallels American businessmen Charles G. Koch and David H. Koch (aka the Koch brothers) and their role in political funding and lobbying.
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 338
The Candidate 1972 FILM Michael Ritchie
Jeremy Larner Robert Redford, Peter Boyle - 109mins US Comedy / Drama
Real events. The character of McKay is based on US Senator John V. Tunney. Director Michael Ritchie worked for Tunney's campaign in the 1970 Senate election.
Positive
The China Syndrome
1979 FILM James Bridges
Mike Gray, T. S. Cook, James Bridges
Jane Fonda, Jack Lemmon, Michael Douglas
$51.7M 122mins US Drama / Thriller
Real events. Actual occurrences at nuclear plants.
Positive
The Company You Keep
2012 FILM Robert Redford
Lem Dobbs Robert Redford; Shia LaBeouf; Susan Sarandon
$19.6M 125mins US Thriller / Drama
Based on Neil Gordon's 2003 novel of the same name.
Mixed
The Conquest 2011 FILM Xavier Durringer
Xavier Durringer, Patrick Rotman
Denis Podalydès, Florence Pernel, Bernard Le Coq, Michèle Moretti
$6.3M 105mins FR Biopic Real events. Biographical film about Nicolas Sarkozy.
Mixed
The Contender 2000 FILM Rod Lurie Rod Lurie Gary Oldman, Joan Allen, Jeff Bridges, Christian Slater
$22.3M 126mins US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay however it references the Chappaquiddick incident (1969 car accident involving Senator Ted Kennedy).
Positive
The Crown 2016-present
TV SERIES
Peter Morgan
Peter Morgan Claire Foy, Matt Smith, Vanessa Kirby, Eileen Atkins, Jeremy Northam
Netflix
1 seasons / 10 episodes / approx 54mins mins per episode / 9.0 hours
UK / US Biopic Real events. Based on the reign of Queen Elizabeth II
Positive
The Dead Pool 1988 FILM Buddy Van Horn
Steve Sharon Clint Eastwood, Patricia Clarkson, Liam Neeson, Evan Kim
$37.9M 91mins US Action / Crime / Thriller
Original screenplay. Fifth and final film in the Dirty Harry film series
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 339
The Deal 2003 TV MOVIE
Stephen Frears
Peter Morgan David Morrissey, Michael Sheen
Channel 4 76mins UK Historical / Drama
Real events/people. Depicts the relationship (first friendship then adversity) between Gordon Brown and Tony Blair, and their climb up the greasy pole on the way to power, and inspired by the relationship between Aaron Altman (Albert Brooks) and Tom Frunick (William Hurt) in 1987 film Broadcast News. Many of the film's "facts" are drawn from James Naughtie's 2001 book "The rivals: The intimate portrait of a political marriage" (which was the film's working title), as well as Hansard transcripts. Originally planned to depict only the aftermath of Labor leader John Smith's death, but the timeframe was expanded given the significance of the 1992 general election in the Blair/Brown relationship. Note that the ending was changed for the American release after Brown became leader in 2007.
Positive
The Dictator 2012 FILM Larry Charles
Sacha Baron Cohen, Alec Berg, David Mandel, Jeff Schaffer
Sacha Baron Cohen, Anna Faris, John C. Reilly, Ben Kingsley, Jason Mantzoukas
$179.4M 83mins UK / US Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay. However it was inspired by dictators such as Saddam Hussein (and his 2000 novel "Zabibah and the King"), Kim Jong-il, Idi Amin, Muammar Gaddafi, Mobutu Sese Seko, and Sapamurat Niyazov. Drew comparisons with the Marx Brothers 1933 film Dick Soup and Charlie Chaplin's 1940 film The Great Dictator.
Mixed
The Dismissal 1983 MINI SERIES
Carl Schultz (2 episodes, 1983), George Miller (1 episode, 1983), Phillip Noyce (1 episode
Terry Hayes Max Phipps, John Stanton, John Meillon
Network Ten
6 episodes / approx 60mins per episode / 6 hours
AU Drama / Historical
Real events. The 1975 Australian constitutional crisis
Positive
The Distinguished Gentleman
1992 FILM Jonathan Lynn
Marty Kaplan, Jonathan Reynolds
Eddie Murphy $46.7M 112mins US Comedy Original screenplay, allegedly loosely based on the 1939 film Mr Smith Goes to Washington
Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 340
The District 2000-2004
TV SERIES
Terry George, Jack Maple
Terry George (creator) (81 episodes, 2000-2004), Jack Maple (creator) (81 episodes, 2000-2004), Anthony Sparks (22 episodes
Craig T. Nelson, Lynne Thigpen, Jayne Brook, Roger A. Brown, Sean Patrick Thomas
CBS
4 seasons / 89 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 89.0 hours
US Comedy / Crime / Drama
Real events. Based in part on the life of former New York City Deputy Police Commissioner Jack Maple, who made significant changes to the NYPD, including the introduction of the CompStat (comparative statistics) program in 1994
Positive
The Donati Conspiracy
1973 MINI SERIES
Vere Lorrimer (3 episodes, 1973)
John Gould (3 episodes, 1973) Michael Aldridge, Anthony Valentine, Janet Key, Richard Beckinsale, Ian Gelder
BBC
3 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 2.5hours
UK Thriller unknown Positive
The Edge of Tomorrow
2014 FILM Doug Liman Christopher McQuarrie, Jez Butterworth, John-Henry Butterworth
Tom Cruise, Emily Blunt, Bill Paxton, Brendan Gleeson
$370.5M 113mins US Action / Fantasy
Based on the 2004 novel All You Need Is Kill by Hiroshi Sakurazaka
Positive
The Fifth Estate 2013 FILM Bill Condon Josh Singer
Benedict Cumberbatch, Daniel Brühl, Alicia Vikander, Stanley Tucci, Laura Linney, Anthony Mackie, David Thewlis
$8.6M 128mins US / IN Biopic / Drama / Thriller
Real events/people. The screenplay is adapted from Domscheit-Berg's book "Inside WikiLeaks: My Time with Julian Assange at the World's Most Dangerous Website" (2011), and "WikiLeaks: Inside Julian Assange's War on Secrecy" (2011) by British journalists David Leigh and Luke Harding
Mixed
The Final Cut 1995 MINI SERIES
Mike Vardy Andrew Davies, Michael Dobbs Ian Richardson, Diane Fletcher, Nick Brimble
BBC
4 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 3.5hours
UK Drama
Adaptation. Sequel to To Play The King (1992) mini series, and final chapter in the BBC's House of Card's trilogy. Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's 1992 novel of the same name (final book in the House of Cards trilogy), with some plot differences to the original novel (though Dobbs rewrote portions of the original for its reissue in 2013). Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man".
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 341
The First Family 2012-2015
TV SERIES
Byron Allen Byron Allen
Christopher B. Duncan, Kellita Smith, Jackee Harry, Khylin Rhambo, Yara Shahidi, Sayeed Shahidi, Layla Crawford, John Witherspoon
Syndicated (US)
2 seasons / 36 episodes / approx 20mins per episode / 12hours
US Comedy Original screenplay. Arguably inspired by the Obama's, though this has been denied by the show's producers.
Negative
The Games 1998-2000
TV SERIES
John Clarke, Ross Stevenson
John Clarke, Ross Stevenson John Clarke, Bryan Dawe, Gina Riley, Nicholas Bell
ABC (AU)
2 series / 26 episodes / approx 25 mins per episode / 11.25hours
AU Satire Original screenplay. Positive
The Ghost Writer / The Ghost
2010 FILM Roman Polanski
Robert Harris, Roman Polanski Ewan McGregor, Pierce Brosnan, Kim Cattrall, Olivia Williams
$60.2M 128mins UK / FR / DE
Thriller
Adaptation of Robert Harris's 2007 novel "The Ghost", that is a thinly veiled roman à clef (novel with a key aka a novel about real life facts with a fictional facade overlaid) about the Blairs (the film particularly connects Blair to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the war on terror and the special relationship with the US).
Positive
The Good Shepherd
2006 FILM Robert De Niro
Eric Roth Matt Damon, Angelina Jolie, Robert de Niro, Alec Baldwin
$99.5M 167mins US Thriller / Historical / Drama
Real events - loosely based on the birth of the CIA and development of counter-intelligence operations. Most characters in the film are inspired by real people e.g. Edward Wilson (Matt Damon) is loosely based on CIA Counterintelligence Staff Director James Jesus Angleton and covert-ops specialist Richard M. Bissell. Eric Roth (screenwriter) had previously attempted to bring Norman Mailer's "Harlot's Ghost" to the screen, which is also a fictionalised chrnoicle of the CIA.
Mixed
The Good Wife 2009-2016
TV SERIES
Robert King, Michelle King
Michelle King (creator) (156 episodes, 2009-2016), Robert King (created by) (156 episodes, 2009-2016), Adam R. Perlman (22 episodes
Julianna Margulies, Chris Noth, Matt Czuchry, Archie Panjabi, Graham Phillips
CBS
7 seasons / 156 episodes / approx 43mins mins per episode / 111.8 hours
US Drama Original screenplay. Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 342
The Goose Woman
1925 FILM Clarence Brown
Rex Beach(story), Melville W. Brown(scenario), Frederica Sagor(uncredited scenario), Dwinelle Benthall(intertitles)
Louise Dresser, Jack Pickford, Constance Bennett
- 80mins US Drama Based on the 1925 novel of the same name by Rex Beach.
Positive
The Great Man Votes
1939 FILM Garson Kanin
John Twist, Garson Kanin John Barrymore - 72mins US Drama Based on The Great Man Votes (short story) by Gordon Malherbe Hillman
Mixed
The Growing Pains Movie
2000 TV MOVIE
Alan Metter David Kendall, Michael Sullivan Alan Thicke, Joanna Kerns, Kirk Cameron, Tracey Gold, Chelsea Noble
ABC 88mins US Family / Action
Based on the 1985–1992 sitcom Growing Pains.
Mixed
The Guardians 1971 TV SERIES
Rex Firkin, Vincent Tilsley
John Bowen, Jonathan Hales Gwyneth Powell, Cyril Luckham, David Burke, Derek Smith, Edward Petherbridge
-
1 seasons / 13 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 13.0 hours
UK Fantasy Original screenplay Positive
The Hollowmen 2008 TV SERIES
Rob Sitch Santo Cilauro, Tom Gleisner, Rob Sitch
Rob Sitch, Lachy Hulme, Merrick Watts, Neil Melville, David James, Stephen Hall, Jacquie Brennan, Santo Cilauro, Nicola Parry
ABC (AU)
2 series / 12 episodes / approx 25mins per episode / 5.5hours
AU Satire
Original screenplay. Inspired by observations and research of Australian politics by the Working Dog production team.
Positive
The Honourable Woman
2014 MINI SERIES
Hugo Blick Hugo Blick Maggie Gyllenhaal, Philip Arditti, Lubna Azabal, Andrew Buchan, Eve Best
BBC Two (UK)
1 seasons / 8 episodes / approx 58mins mins per episode / 7.7 hours
UK / US Drama / Thriller
Original screenplay Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 343
The House of Cards
1990 MINI SERIES
Paul Seed Andrew Davies, Michael Dobbs Ian Richardson, Susannah Harker, David Lyon, Diane Fletcher
BBC
4 episodes / approx 55mins per episode / 3.5hours
UK Drama
Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's 1989 novel, and the first part in the House of Cards trilogy (the others being To Play the King '92/'93 and The Final Cut '94/'95). Parallels to Shakespeare's Richard III and Macbeth have been drawn. The series popularised the phrase "You might very well think that; I couldn't possibly comment" as a standard non-confirmation confirmation statement, and has been used in the House of Commons as well as other variations in popular culture (such as by Nicola Murray in The Thick of It). Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man".
Positive
The Hunger Games
2012 FILM Gary Ross Suzanne Collins, Gary Ross, Billy Ray
Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Elizabeth Banks, Lenny Kravitz, Stanley Tucci, Donald Sutherland
$694.4M 142mins US Action / Fantasy / Drama
Based on Suzanne Collins 2008 dystopian novel of the same name, and is the first installment in a four film series. Collins's work has faced criticisms for its similarities to Koushun Takami's 1999 novel Battle Royale (also adapted into a film in 2000 by Kinji Fukasaku with the same name), though most critics considered it to be a "veritable pastiche" of other texts, and it has been compared with a number of other films and novels.
Positive
The Hunger Games: Catching Fire
2013 FILM Francis Lawrence
Simon Beaufoy, Michael deBruyn
Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Elizabeth Banks, Lenny Kravitz, Stanley Tucci, Donald Sutherland, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Jeffrey Wright
$865M 146mins US Action / Fantasy / Drama
Based on Suzanne Collins 2009 dystopian novel of the same name, and is the second installment in a four film series.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 344
The Hunger Games: Mockingjay Part 1
2014 FILM Francis Lawrence
Peter Craig (screenplay), Danny Strong (screenplay), Suzanne Collins (adaptation), Suzanne Collins (novel)
Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Donald Sutherland
$755.4M 123mins US Action / Fantasy / Thriller
Based on 2010 novel Mockinjay by Suzanne Collins
Mixed
The Hunger Games: Mockingjay Part 2
2015 FILM Francis Lawrence
Peter Craig (screenplay), Danny Strong (screenplay), Suzanne Collins (adaptation), Suzanne Collins (novel)
Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Donald Sutherland
$653.4M 137mins US / DE Action / Fantasy
Based on 2010 novel Mockinjay by Suzanne Collins
Mixed
The Ides of March
2011 FILM George Clooney
George Clooney, Grant Heslov, Beau Willimon
Ryan Gosling, George clooney, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Paul Giamatti, Evan Rachel Wood, Marisa Tomei, Jeffrey Wright
$76M 101mins US Drama / Thriller
Adaptation of Beau Willimon's 2008 play Farragut North.
Positive
The Insider 1999 FILM Michael Mann
Eric Roth, Michael Mann Al Pacino, Russell Crowe, Christopher Plummer
$60.3M 157mins US Drama
Adaptation of Marie Brenner's Vanity Fair article "The Man Who Knew Too Much". The film fictionalises the true story based on a 60 Minutes segment about a tobacco industry whistle-blower Jeffrey Wigand and CBS producer Lowell Bergman who have to defend Wigand's testimony and attempts by CBS and the tobacco industry to supress it.
Positive
The Iron Lady 2011 FILM Phyllida Lloyd
Abi Morgan Meryl Streep, Jim Broadbent $115M 104mins UK / FR Biopic / Historical / Drama
Real events/people. Chronicles the life and career of Margaret Thatcher from her formative years through to the aftermath of the death of her husband Denis. Note that Lord Tim Bell of Belgravia (Thatcher's long-standing advisor and a corporate PR consultant) is not a character in the film.
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 345
The Kennedys 2011 MINI SERIES
Jon Cassar Stephen Kronish Greg Kinnear, Barry Pepper, Katie Holmes, Tom Wilkinson
History Television / ReelzChannel
8 episodes / approx 45mins each / 346mins total
CA / US Historical / Drama
Real events/people. Journalist and author David Talbot's 2007 book "Brothers: The hidden history of the Kennedy years", that gives a controversial account of the Kennedy presidency, assissination, and aftermath, was originally used as source material, though Talbot became a preemptive critic after reading the script and lamenting its inaccuracies and negative depiction. Historians Steven M. Gillon (author of 2009 book "The Kennedy Assassination - 24 hours after") and Rovert Dallek were associated with production.
Mixed
The Killing 2011-2014
TV SERIES
Patty Jenkins
Veena Sud Mireille Enos, Joel Kinnaman, ensemble
AMC, Netflix
4 seasons / 44 episodes / approx 40-60min per episode / 33.5hours
US Crime / Drama
Based on the award winning and internationally successful Danish television series Forbrydelsen (The Crime) (2007-2012). Reviewers noted similarities to Mark Frost and David Lynch's serial crime drama Twin Peaks (1990-1991)
Positive
The King's Speech
2010 FILM Tom Hooper
David Seidler Colin Firth, Geoffrey Rush, Helen Bonham Carter
$414.2M 119mins UK Biopic / Drama
Real events/people but original screenplay. Seidler, who himself developed a stammer following emotional trauma of WWII, was inspired by King George VI's success in overcoming his speech impediment, and was writing about the topic since the 1980s but postponed finalising his work until after the death of The Queen Mother. The screenplay was initially rewritten for the stage, but eventually revised again for the screen, and in the weeks prior to filming incorporated quotes from Lionel Logue's (the therapist) notebooks.
Positive
The Lady 2011 FILM Luc Besson Rebecca Frayn Michelle Yeoh, David Thewlis, Jonathan Woodhouse
$3.7M 135mins FR / UK Biopic / Drama / Historical
Real events. Biographical film about Aung San Suu Kyi and her late husband Michael Aris.
Positive
The Last Hurrah 1958 FILM John Ford Frank S. Nugent Spencer Tracy, Jeffrey Hunter, Dianne Foster
$1.1M 121mins US Comedy / Drama
Adaptation of The Last Hurrah 1956 novel by Edwin O'Connor
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 346
The Last King of Scotland
2006 FILM Kevin Macdonald
Jeremy Brock, Peter Morgan Forest Whitaker, James McAvoy, Kerry Washington
$48.4M 123mins UK / US Historical / Drama
Based on journalist Giles Foden's critically acclaimed and award winning 1998 novel of the same name. The novel weaves historical fact and fiction, and focuses on the rise of Ugandan President Idi Amin and his reign as dictator from 1971-1979 from the perspective of his personal physician. Some historians have also drawn parallels between the depiction of Idi Amin in the film and Shakespeare's Macbeth.
Positive
The Lives of Others
2006 FILM
Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck
Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck
Ulrich Mühe, Martina Gedeck, Sebastian Koch, Ulrich Tukur
$77.3M 137mins DE Drama / Thriller
Real events. Concerns the monitoring of residents of East Berlin by agents of the GDR's secret police, the Stasi.
Positive
The Long Walk to Finchley
2008 TV MOVIE
Madonna Baptiste
Tony Saint Andrea Riseborough, Rory Kinnear, Samuel West, Geoffrey Palmer
BBC Four 84mins UK Drama Real events. Fictionalised account of Margaret Thatcher's early career from 1949 to 1959.
Positive
The Makeover 2013 TV MOVIE
John Gray C. Jay Cox Julia Stiles, David Walton, Camryn Manheim, Georgia Lyman
Syndicated 93mins US Comedy / Romance
Adaptation of George Bernard Shaw's play "Pygmalion" (1912) that modernises and gender swaps the main characters.
Mixed
The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit
1956 FILM Nunnally Johnson
Nunnally Johnson, Sloan Wilson
Gregory Peck, Jennifer Jones, Fredric March
$4.3M 153mins US Drama Based on the 1955 novel (of the same name) by Sloan Wilson
Positive
The Manchurian Candidate
2004 FILM Jonathan Demme
Daniel Pyne, Dean Georgaris Denzel Washington, Meryl Streep, Live Schreiber, jon Voight
$96.1M 130mins US Thriller / Drama / Fantasy
Based on Richard Condon's 1959 novel of the same name and the previous 1962 film.
Positive
The Manchurian Candidate
1962 FILM John Frankenheimer
George Axelrod Frank Sinatra, Laurence Harvey, Janet Leigh, Angela Lansbury, Henry Silva
$7.7M 126mins US Drama / Thriller
Based on the 1959 novel The Manchurian Candidate 1959 by Richard Condon
Positive
The Martian 2014 FILM Ridley Scott Drew Goddard Matt Damon $630.2M 141mins US Fantasy / Drama
Based on the 2011 novel "The Martian" by Andy Weir.
Positive
The Missiles of October
1974 TV MOVIE
Anthony Page
Stanley R. Greenberg William Devane, Martin Sheen, Howard Da Silva, Ralph Bellamy
ABC 150mins US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Based on Robert Kennedy's 1969 book Thirteen Days: A Memoir of the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 347
The Monuments Men
2014 FILM George Clooney
George Clooney, Grant Heslov George Clooney, Matt Damon, Bill Murray, John Goodman, Jean Dujardin
$155.0M 118mins DE / US Drama / War
Based on the 2013 book The Monuments Men by Robert M. Edsel (and contributions from Bret Witter)
Mixed
The New Statesman
1987-1992, 1994
TV SERIES
Laurence Marks, Maurice Gran
Maurice Gran (creator) (29 episodes, 1987-1994) / Laurence Marks (creator) (29 episodes, 1987-1994)
Rik Mayall, Marsha Fitzalan, Michael Troughton
ITV
4 seasons / 26 episodes / approx 24mins mins per episode / 10.4 hours
UK Comedy / Satire
Original screenplay Positive
The Newsroom 2012-2014
TV SERIES
Aaron Sorkin
Aaron Sorkin
Jeff Daniels, Emily mortimer, John Gallagher Jr, Alison Pill, thomas Sadoski, Dev Patel, Olivia Munn, Sam Waterston
HBO
3 seasons / 25 episodes / approx 55mins per episode / 23hours
US Drama
Original screenplay. Utilises real events/issues to enhance the sense of realism. Sorkin spent several years periodically observing and researching real-world cable news programs as part of the series' development, and previously created other behind-the-scenes takes on fictional television programs such as Sports Night (1998-2000) and Studio 60 on the Sunset Strip (2006-2007).
Mixed
The Nigel Barton Plays
1965 MINI SERIES
Gareth Davies
Dennis Potter Keith Barron, John Bailey, Valerie Gearon, Cyril Luckham
BBC1
2 episodes / approx 80mins mins per episode /2.3 hours
UK Drama Real events. Semi-autobiographical work by Dennis Potter.
Positive
The O.J. Simpson Story
1995 TV MOVIE
Jerrold Freedman (as Alan Smithee), Alan Smithee (really Jerrold Freedman)
Stephen Harrigan (written by) (as Steven Harrigan)
Bobby Hosea, Jessica Tuck, David Roberson, James Handy, Kimberly Russell
Fox Network
97mins US Biopic / Drama
Real events. Biographical drama about O.J. Simpson and his relationship with his wife Nicole Brown.
Negative
The Obama Effect
2012 FILM Charles S. Dutton
Charles S. Dutton, Barry Hankerson, Samuel Z. Jean, Sidra Smith, Celest Walker
Charles S. Dutton $0.1M 85mins US Comedy / Drama
Original screenplay. Inspired by real events/people and the fervour/cult around Obama's presidential campaign in 2008.
Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 348
The Package 1989 FILM Andrew Davis
John Bishop Gene Hackman, Joanna Cassidy, Tommy Lee Jones, John Heard, Dennis Franz
$10.6M 108mins US Action / Crime / Drama
Original screenplay Mixed
The Palermo Connection
1990 FILM Francesco Rosi
Edmonde Charles-Roux, Francesco Rosi, Gore Vidal, Tonino Guerra
James Belushi, Mimi Rogers, Joss Ackland
- 100mins IT Thriller Based on The Prix Goncourt winning novel Oublier Palerme (1966) by French author Edmonde Charles-Roux.
Mixed
The Parallax View
1974 FILM Alan J. Pakula
David Giler, Lorenzo Semple Jr., Uncredited:, Robert Towne
Warren Beatty, Hume Cronyn, William Daniels, Paula Prentiss
- 102mins US Drama / Thriller
Adaptation of the 1970 novel The Parallax View by Loren Singer
Positive
The People vs. Larry Flynt
1996 FILM Miloš Forman
Scott Alexander, Larry Karaszewski
Woody Harrelson, Courtney Love, Edward Norton
$20.3M 129mins US Biopic / Historical / Drama
Based on the US Supreme Court case Hustler Magazine v. Falwell and chronicles the life and career of porn mag editor and publisher Larry Flynt.
Positive
The Politician's Husband
2013 MINI SERIES
Simon Cellan Jones
Paula Milne David Tennant, Emily Watson, Ed Stoppard, Lucy Hutchinson, Roger Allam
BBC Two
3 episodes / approx 57mins per episode / 180mins
UK Drama Original screenplay. Follows Paula Milne's 1995 drama The Politician's Wife.
Positive
The Politician's Wife
1995 MINI SERIES
Graham Theakston
Paula Milne Trevor Eve, Juliet Stevenson, Ian Bannen
Channel 4
3 episodes / approx 60mins per episode / 185mins
UK Drama Original screenplay Positive
The President's Child
1992 TV MOVIE
Sam Pillsbury
Fay Weldon (book), Edmond Stevens (teleplay)
Donna Mills, Trevor Eve, John Kidwell, James Read, William Devane
CBS 92mins US Thriller unknown Mixed
The Project 2002 TV MOVIE
Peter Kosminsky
Leigh Jackson Matthew Macfadyen, Naomie Harris, Paloma Baeza, James Frain, Kaye Wragg
BBC One 220mins UK / FR Drama Real events. It is a fictionalised account of movements within the UK Labour Party and its transition into Blairism.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 349
The Queen 2006 FILM Stephen Frears
Peter Morgan Helen Mirren, Michael Sheen $123.4M 103mins UK / US Historical / Drama
Real events. Fictionalised depiction of the British Royal Family's response to Princess Diana's death. Michael Sheen reprised his role as Blair, after The Deal (2003 - also written by Peter Morgan) and both he and Mark Bazeley (as Alastair Campbell) later reprised their roles in the film The Special Relationship (as did other actors).
Positive
The Quiet American
2002 FILM Phillip Noyce
Christopher Hampton, Robert Schenkkan
Michael Caine, Brendan Fraser, Do Thi Hai Yen
$27.7M 101mins DE / US Drama / Thriller / Romance
Adaptation of Graham Greene's bestselling novel The Quiet American (1955)
Positive
The Right Stuff 1983 FILM Philip Kaufman
Philip Kaufman Charles Frank, Scott Glenn, Ed Harris, Lance Henriksen, Scott Paulin
$21.1M 192mins US Action / Biopic / Drama
Adaptation of Tom Wolfe's best-selling 1979 book of the same name
Positive
The Royals 2015-present
TV SERIES
Mark Schwahn
Michelle Ray (30 episodes, 2015-2017), Mark Schwahn (creator) (30 episodes, 2015-2017), Scarlett Lacey (24 episodes
Elizabeth Hurley, William Moseley, Alexandra Park, Tom Austen, Merritt Patterson
E!
3 seasons / 30 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 21.0 hours
US Drama Adaptation of Falling for Hamlet by Michelle Ray (2011)
Positive
The Rum Diary 2011 FILM Bruce Robinson
Bruce Robinson Johnny Depp, Aaron Eckhart, Amber Heard
$23.9M 120mins US Comedy / Drama
Based on the Hunter S. Thompson novel of the same name, that was written in the early 1960s but not published until 1998. Johnny Depp was a good friend of Thompson and discovered the book manuscript among Thompson's papers. Depp had earlier starred in another adaptation of Thompson's work, the autobiographical roman à clef "Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas" (published in 1971, and the film was released in 1998 and was directed by Terry Gilliam).
Negative
The Senator Was Indiscreet
1947 FILM George S. Kaufman
Charles MacArthur William Powell, Ella Raines - 88mins US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 350
The Sopranos 1999-2007
TV SERIES
David Chase David Chase, Terence Winter, Robin Green, Mitchell Burgess, Matthew Weiner
James Gandolfini, Lorraine Bracco, Edie Falco, Michael Imperioli, Dominic Chianese
HBO
6 seasons / 86 episodes / approx 43mins mins per episode / 61.6 hours
US Crime / Drama
Real events. Draws on Chase's own life experiences growing up in New Jersey
Positive
The Special Relationship
2010 TV MOVIE
Richard Loncraine
Peter Morgan Michael Sheen, Dennis Quaid, Hope Davis, Helen McCrory
HBO / BBC Two
93mins UK / US Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. Dramatization of Tony Blair's relationship with Bill Clinton between 1997-2001, and the 'special relationship' between the UK and US (from Blair seeking advice on peace processes in Northern Ireland, to asserting an American intervention in Kosovo), though reflects as early as 1992 when New Labour was being advised by the Clinton camp and includes the souring of the relationship after Kosovo and the prelude to the War in Iraq with Blair taking his first call with incumbent president Bush. The third and final film in writer Peter Morgan's informal "Blair trilogy", following on from The Deal (2003) and The Queen (2006) though with a new director (after Stephen Frears opted out of directing the third film, Morgan was originally slated to make his directorial debut, but pulled out shortly before filming to concentrate on the script and producing). Early script drafts also dealt with Blair's relationship with George W. Bush, though these were later cut to focus on the dynamic between Blair and Clinton.
Positive
The Survivalist 1987 FILM Sig Shore John V. Kraft Steve Railsback - 93mins US Action / Drama / Fantasy
unknown Negative
The Tailor of Panama
2001 FILM John Boorman
John le Carré, Andrew Davies, John Boorman
Pierce Brosnan, Geoffrey Rush, Jamie Lee Curtis, Brendan Gleeson, Catherine McCormack
$28.0M 109mins IE / US Comedy / Drama / Thriller
Based on the 1996 spy novel The Tailor of Panama by John le Carré
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 351
The Thick Of It
2005, 2007, 2009, 2012
TV SERIES
Armando Iannucci
Armando Iannucci, various Peter Capaldi, Chris Langham, Rebecca Front, Chris Addison, Joanna Scanlan, James Smith
BBC
4 series / 24 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 13hours
UK Satire
Original screenplay. Inspired by Yes Minister and a desire for a modern political satire that addressed issues in contemporary politics. Much of the dialogue was unscripted and improvised. After the initial US remake for ABC flopped in 2007, Iannucci was invited to produce an new US Adaptation/spin-off in 2010, which resulted in Veep (2012-present)
Positive
The Truth / A Dark Truth
2012 FILM Damian Lee Damian Lee Andy Garcia; Forest Whitaker, Eva Longoria
- 106mins CA / US Thriller / Action
Original screenplay. Negative
The Way We Were
1973 FILM Sydney Pollack
Arthur Laurents Barbra Streisand, Robert Redford
$49.9M 118mins US Drama / Romance
Real events. Based on Arthur Laurents time at university and experiences with the HUAC investigations.
Positive
The Werewolf of Washington
1973 FILM Milton Moses Ginsberg
Milton Moses Ginsberg Dean Stockwell, Biff McGuire, Clifton James, Beeson Carroll, Michael Dunn
- 90mins US Comedy / Thriller
Original screenplay Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 352
The West Wing 1999-2006
TV SERIES
Aaron Sorkin
Aaron Sorkin
Rob Lowe, Moira Kelly, Dulé Hill, Allison Janney, Richard Schiff, John Spencer, Bradley Whitford, Martin Sheen, Janel Moloney, Stockard Channing, Joshua Malina, Mary McCormack, Jimmy Smits, Alan Alda, Kristin Chenoweth
NBC
7 seasons / 156 episodes / approx 42min per episode / 109.5 hours
US Drama
Original screenplay. Built on the success of the 1995 film The American President (in which Martin Sheen played the White House Chief of Staff), Sorkin took unused elements from the film's plot as inspiration for The West Wing, and some reviews described the Bartlet administration as a revisionist take on the Clinton presidency. The show was widely considered to be realistic and well researched (with many political consultants providing support to the writing staff), though was criticised for being overly optimistic and sentimental and lacking in cynicism (that is apparently so pervasive in 'real-world' politics). The series was also criticised for openly portraying liberal left-wing ideals, though was considered to posses enough virtues and core values so as to not alienate Republicans/conservatives. In 2010 Twitter accounts for many of the primary characters were started and provided commentary on real world events mixed with their own fictional timelines.
Positive
The Wire 2002-2008
TV SERIES
David Simon David Simon Ensemble HBO
5 seasons / 60 episodes / approx 60mins per episode / 60hours
US Crime / Drama
Original screenplay. Loosely based on the experience of David Simon's writing partner and former homicide detective Ed Burns.
Positive
Thirteen Days 2000 FILM Roger Donaldson
David Self Kevin Costner, Bruce Greenwood, Steven Culp, Dylan Baker
$66.6M 145mins US Drama / Historical
Real events, with evidence from the 1997 book "The Kennedy Tapes: Inside the White House During the Cuban Missile Crisis" edited by Ernest May and Philip Zelikow, but borrows the title of Robert F. Kennedy's 1969 book "Thirteen Days". Contains some (at the time) newly declassified information but uses more dramatic license in its retelling.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 353
Thirtysomething 1987-1991
TV SERIES
Edward Zwick, Marshall Herskovitz
Joseph Dougherty, Ann Lewis Hamilton, Richard Kramer, Susan Shilliday, Edward Zwick
Ken Olin, Mel Harris, Melanie Mayron, Timothy Busfield, Patricia Wettig
ABC
4 seasons / 85 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 85.0 hours
US Drama / Romance
Original screenplay Positive
Three Days of Condor
1975 FILM Sydney Pollack
Lorenzo Semple Jr., David Rayfiel
Robert Redford, Faye Dunaway, Cliff Robertson, Max von Sydow
$41.5M 118mins US Thriller Based on Six Days of the Condor 1974 novel by James Grady
Positive
Three Kings 1999 FILM David O. Russell
David O. Russell George Clooney, Mark Wahlberg, Ice Cube
$107.7M 114mins US
Satire / Comedy / Action / Drama
Original screenplay. Draws on real events. Black comedy about US soldiers determined to steal a Kuwait gold cache, set in the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War and the 1991 Iraqi uprising against Saddam Hussein.
Positive
To Play the King 1993 MINI SERIES
Paul Seed Andrew Davies, Michael Dobbs Ian Richardson, Michael Kitchen, Kitty Aldridge, Diane Fletcher, Nick Brimble
BBC
4 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 3.5hours
UK Drama
Adaptation. Sequel to The House of Cards (1990) mini series. Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's 1992 novel of the same name (second book in the House of Cards trilogy), with some plot differences to the original novel (though Dobbs rewrote portions of the original for its reissue in 2013). Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man".
Positive
Too Big to Fail 2011 TV MOVIE
Curtis Hanson
Peter Gould
William Hurt, Edward Asner, Billy Crudup, Paul Giamatti, Topher Grace, Cynthia Nixon, Bill Pullman
HBO 98mins US Drama / Historical
Real events. Based on Andrew Ross Sorkin's 2009 book "Too Big to Fail: The Inside Story of How Wall Street and Washington Fought to Save the Financial System—and Themselves"
Positive
Top Secret Affair
1957 FILM H.C. Potter John P. Marquand, Roland Kibbee, Allan Scott
Susan Hayward, Kirk Douglas - 100mins US Comedy Adaptation of the 1951 novel Melville Goodwin, U.S.A. by John P. Marquand
Mixed
Traffic 2000 FILM Steven Soderbergh
Stephen Gaghan Michael Douglas, Don Cheadle, Benicio Del Toro, Dennis Quaid, Catherine Zeta-Jones
$207.5M 147mins US Crime / Drama / Thriller
Adaptation of the 1989 British Channel 4 television series Traffik by Simon Moore
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 354
True Colors 1991 FILM Herbert Ross
Kevin Wade John Cusack, James Spader $0.42M 111mins US Drama Original screenplay Mixed
Truman 1995 TV MOVIE
Frank Pierson
Thomas Rickman Gary Sinise, Diana Scarwid, Tony Goldwyn
HBO 135mins US Biopic / Drama
Based on David McCullough's 1992 Pulitzer Prize-winning book, Truman.
Positive
Truth 2015 FILM James Vanderbilt
James Vanderbilt
Cate Blanchett, Robert Redford, Topher Grace, Elisabeth Moss, Bruce Greenwood
$5.6M 125mins US Biopic / Drama
Based on the2005 memoir Truth and Duty: The Press, the President and the Privilege of Power by Mary Mapes
Mixed
Twenty Twelve 2011-2012
TV SERIES
John Morton
John Morton
Hugh Bonneville, Jessica Hynes, Amelia Bullmore, Olivia Colman, Vincent Franklin, Karl Theobald, Morven Christie
BBC
2 series / 13 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 6.5hours
UK Satire
Original screenplay, however it was criticised for bearing strong resemblance to the Australian mockumentary The Games (1998-2000), and the BBC was accused of plagiarism which it denied. Twenty Twelve also resulted in a sequel/spin-off series W1A (2014-2015, with a third series expected in 2017). During and after the series broadcast there were a number of parallels drawn between the fictional plot and reality (e.g. athletes arriving in London for the Olympics were delayed as their bus drivers were unfamiliar with London / see Episode 2 "Visitors from Rio").
Positive
Under Fire 1983 FILM Roger Spottiswoode
Clayton Frohman, Ron Shelton Nick Nolte, Gene Hackman, Joanna Cassidy
$5.7M 128mins US Action / Thriller / Drama
Real events. Based on the Nicaraguan Revolution of 1979, and in particular the murder of Bill Stewart a reporter for the ABC, and his translator Juan Espinoza at the hands of National Guard forces on June 20, 1979
Positive
Underground 2016-present
TV SERIES
Misha Green, Joe Pokaski
Misha Green (created by) (20 episodes, 2016-2017), Joe Pokaski (created by) (20 episodes, 2016-2017), Jennifer Yale (10 episodes
Jurnee Smollett-Bell, Aldis Hodge, Jessica De Gouw, Alano Miller, Christopher Meloni
WGN America
2 seasons / 15 episodes
US Drama / Historical
Real events. About the Underground Railroad in Antebellum Georgia, a network of secret routes and safehouses used by slaves to escape into free states.
Positive
Up Close and Personal
1996 FILM Jon Avnet Joan Didion, John Gregory Dunne
Robert Redford, Michelle Pfeiffer, Stockard Channing, Joe Mantegna, Kate Nelligan
$100.7M 124mins US Drama / Romance
Adaptation of the 1988 book Golden Girl: The Story of Jessica Savitch by Alanna Nash
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 355
Utopia 2013-2014
TV SERIES
Dennis Kelly Dennis Kelly, John Donnelly
Alexandra Roach, Nathan Stewart-Jarrett, Paul Higgins, Fiona O'Shaughnessy, Adeel Akhtar
Channel 4
2 seasons / 12 episodes / approx 55mins mins per episode / 11 hours
UK Thriller / Action / Drama
Original screenplay Positive
V for Vendetta 2005 FILM James McTeigue
The Wachowski Brothers Natalie Portman, Hugo Weaving
$132.5M 132mins US
Action / Thriller / Drama / Fantasy
Based on 1988 DC Comic "V for Vendetta" by David Lloyd (and Alan Moore who is uncredited), though the plot and characters are heavily adapted.
Positive
Veep 2012-present
TV SERIES
Armando Iannucci
Armando Iannucci, various
Julia Louis-Dreyfus, Anna Chlumsky, Tony Hale, Reid Scott, Timothy Simons, Matt Walsh, Sufe Bradshaw, Kevin Dunn, Gary Cole, Sam Richardson
HBO
To date: 5 seasons / 48 episodes / approx 28mins per episode / 22.5hours
US Satire
Adaptation. Spin-offfor US audiences of the Iannucci's original series The Thick of It (2005-2012). Although Veep is stylistically similar, there is no overlap of characters and the setting is distinctly North American instead of British.
Positive
Vice Versa 1988 FILM Brian Gilbert
Ian La Frenais, Dick Clement Judge Reinhold, Fred Savage, Swoosie Kurtz
$13.7M 98mins US Comedy / Fantasy
Based on the 1882 novel Vice Versa by Thomas Guthrie (as F. Anstey)
Mixed
Vote for Me 2003 FILM Nelson Denis
Nelson Denis (writer) Malik Yoba, Ángel Salazar, Gloria Irizarry, Ricardo Barber, Mike Benitez
- 90mins US Comedy unknown Positive
W. 2008 FILM Oliver Stone Stanley Weiser Josh Brolin, Elizabeth Banks, ensemble
$29.5M 129mins US Biopic / Drama
Real events/people. Based on the life and presidency of George W. Bush (played by Josh Brolin). Director Oliver Stone said "I want a fair, true portrait of the man. […] It will contain surprises for Bush supporters and his detractors." This was Stone's third film in a trilogy about US Presidents (starting in the 1960s with JFK, continuing with Nixon, and concluding with W.)
Mixed
W1A 2014-2015
TV SERIES
John Morton
John Morton Hugh Bonneville, Monica Dolan, Jessica Hynes, Sarah Parish, Hugh Skinner
BBC Two
2 seasons / 8 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 4.0 hours
UK Comedy Original screenplay. Follow up of the 2011-2012 series Twenty Twelve created by John Morton
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 356
Wag The Dog 1997 FILM Barry Levinson
Hilary Henkin, David Marnet Dustin Hoffman, Robert DeNiro, Anne Heche
$64.3M 97mins US Satire
Adaptation of Larry Beinhart's 1993 novel "American Hero" (reissued as Wag the Dog in 2004), though only loosely based on the source material. Beinhart speculated Desert Storm was a scripted operation used as a ploy to get George H. W. Bush reelected, which took its cues from Margaret Thatcher's war in the Falkland Islands.
Positive
Wanda at Large 2003 TV SERIES
Lance Crouther, Les Firestein, Bruce Helford, Wanda Sykes
Lance Crouther, Barton Dean, Les Firestein, Jennifer Fisher, Alyson Fouse
Wanda Sykes, Phil Morris, Dale Godboldo, Tammy Lauren, Jurnee Smollett
Fox
2 seasons / 19 episodes / approx 22mins mins per episode / 7.0 hours
US Comedy Original screenplay Mixed
War, Inc. 2008 FILM Joshua Seftel
John Cusack, Mark Leyner, Jeremy Pikser
John Cusack, Hilary Duff, Marisa Tomei, Joan Cusack, Dan Aykroyd, Ben Kingsley
$1.3M 106mins US Comedy / Satire / Action
Original screenplay, partly inspired by Naomi Klein's 2004 article "Baghdad Year Zero" published in Harper's Magazine, though also considered to be the unofficially acknowledged as a sequel to the 1997 comedy/crime film Grosse Point Blank (also starring John Cusack, Joan Cusack, and Dan Aykroyd in similar roles).
Negative
Washington Behind Closed Doors
1977 MINI SERIES
David W. Rintels
Eric Bercovici, John Ehrlichman, David W. Rintels
Cliff Robertson, Jason Robards, Stefanie Powers
ABC
6 episodes / approx 125mins mins per episode / 12.5 hours
US Drama
Based on John Ehrlichman's 1976 book "The Company" about the Nixon administration. Although the work is fiction, Ehrlichman was a close aide to Nixon and did figure in the Watergate scandal.
Positive
White House Down
2013 FILM Roland Emmerich
James Vanderbilt Channing Tatum, Jamie Foxx, Maggie Gyllenhaal
$205M 131mins US Action / Thriller
Original screenplay. Competed against Milliennium Films "Olympus Has Fallen" (with a similar premise) which was released in the same year.
Mixed
Who Killed Atlanta's Children (aka Echo of Murder)
2000 TV MOVIE
Charles Robert Carner
Charles Robert Carner Jim Belushi, Gregory Hines, Sean McCann, Shawn Doyle, Kenneth Welsh
Showtime 105mins DE, US Crime / Drama / Thriller
Real events. Based on the Atlanta child murders, though controversially suggests they were commited by the Ku Klux Klan.
Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 357
Why Me? 1990 FILM Gene Quintano
Donald E. Westlake, Donald E. Westlake, David Koepp
Christopher Lambert, Kim Greist, Christopher Lloyd, J. T. Walsh
- 87mins US Action / Comedy
Based on the fifth book in Westlake's series of John Dortmunder novels, Why Me? (1983).
Mixed
Wilson 1944 FILM Henry King Lamar Trotti
Charles Coburn, Alexander Knox, Geraldine Fitzgerald, Thomas Mitchell, Sir Cedric Hardwicke
$2.0M 154mins US Biopic / Drama / Historical
Original screenplay. Mixed
Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister
1980-1988
TV SERIES
Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn
Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn Paul Eddington, Nigel Hawthorne, Derek Fowlds
BBC
3 series Yes Minister (21 episodes plus two Christmas specials), 2 series Yes, Prime Minister (16 episodes) / 39 episodes / approx 30mins each / 19.5hours total
UK Satire / Comedy
Original screenplay. Has had multiple Adaptations (on radio, stage, published prose, a video game, and a TV revival).
Positive
Yes, Prime Minister
2013 TV SERIES
Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn
Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn David Haig, Henry Goodman, Chris Larkin, Zoe Telford.
BBC
1 series / 6 episodes / approx 30mins each / 180mins total
UK Satire / Comedy
Adaptation of the 2010-2012 UK stage play (with a number of the theatrical actors reprising their roles for the TV revival), and revival of the 1980-1988 original series (of the same name).
Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 358
Zero Dark Thirty 2012 FILM Kathryn Bigelow
Mark Boal Jessica Chastain, Jason Clarke, Joel Edgerton
$132.8M 157mins US
Action / Thriller / Drama / Historical
Real events/people. Dramatisation of the international manhunt for Osama bin Laden, from the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks to his death following a military raid on May 2, 2011. The film blends fact and fiction, with composite characters and a number of historical inaccuracies. Screenwriter Mark Boal, a former war journalist, was present during an awards ceremony for the SEAL team that raided bin Laden's compound, where former CIA Director Leon Panetta discussed classified information, and the filmmakers were later accused of having been given improper access to classified material during their research.
Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 359
APPENDIX B: REFINED LIST OF TEXTS
This appendix provides 201 alphabetised examples of films and television shows that feature
political public relations practice and practitioners in some way. The prominence of these
representations varies between the texts from major themes to only very minor characters.
This list is not exhaustive, and was built on, revised, and refined throughout the course of the
research project. Additional texts were added and information updated and expanded on as
it was sourced.
The refined catalogue database contains basic and complex data on the texts. This includes:
basic information on text type, title, year of production, production team (producer, director,
writer), starring cast, country of origin, genre, duration, source material, audience reach and
reception. Further complex information was generated from analysis such as prominence of
representation, and any related key words and characters relevant to political PR. Contextual
and bibliographic notes (such as whether the text has been recommended or previously
studied in the literature) were also recorded, and used for reference during the my analysis.
I have sighted and analysed all texts contained in the refined list in full myself, with the
exception of some long-running TV series where it was not practical within the scope of this
thesis to view all seasons. Additional complex data was used to assist with the textual analysis.
APPENDICES | PAGE 360
TITLE A Very British Coup
Year 1988
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Mick Jackson
Screenplay Alan Plater
Starring Ray McAnally
Box Office / Audience Channel 4
Length / Duration 3 episodes / approx per 50mins episode / 148mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
Source Material Based on Labour MP Chris Mullin's 1982 novel "A Very British Coup", though with some differences (particularly the endings). Although produced in 1988, several details of the production were altered to set the series in the future.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words game; ideology; ethics; morals; issue; policy; advocacy; press; media; information control; power; public; government; loyalty; alliance; enemy; conspiracy; corruption; corporate; propaganda; ; democracy; cynicism; opinion; Secret Service; money; scandal; speech; ambition; system; bureaucracy;
PPR Characters Frederick Thompson (Keith Allen), as a former reporter and Perkin's Press Secretary. Sir Horace Tweed (Oliver Ford Davies), as the Prime Minister's aide.
TITLE Absolute Power
Year 1997
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Clint Eastwood
Screenplay William Goldman
Starring Clint Eastwood, Gene Hackman, Ed Harris
Box Office / Audience $50.1M
Length / Duration 121mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Thriller
Source Material Based on David Baldacci's 1996 novel Absolute Power
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI, PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words Power; ruthless; Secret Service; President; murder; conspiracy; corruption; cover up; lie; truth; investigation; redemption; headline; media; crime;
PPR Characters Gloria Russell (Judy Davis) the President's Chief of Staff (responsible for covering up the death of the President's mistress)
TITLE Absolute Power
Year 2003, 2005
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Mark Tavener, John Morton, Tristram Shapeero
Screenplay Guy Andrews, Mark Lawson, Andrew Rattenbury
Starring Stephen Fry, John Bird
Box Office / Audience BBC Two
Length / Duration 2 series / 12 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 6hours
Place of Origin UK
APPENDICES | PAGE 361
Genre Satire
Source Material
Based on the original radio series (of the same name) on BBC Radio 4, broadcast from 2000-2004. The radio series itself is a spin-off from adaptations of Mark Tavener's satirical crime novel In The Red (1989), which was produced for radio in 1995 and television in 1998 (also featured Stephen Fry and John Bird as Charles Prentis and Martin McCabe, respectively).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
consultant; money; power; manipulation; lie; deception; ethics; morals; cynicism; win; game; conflict of interest; campaign; lobbying; influence; public; opinion; polls; reputation; image; celebrity; publicity; stunt; gaffe; embarrassment; corruption; spin; spin doctor; public relations; media; news; editor; journalism;
PPR Characters
Charles Prentiss (Stephen Fry) founder and partner of PR consultancy Prentiss McCabe, a cynical, shameless, and amoral man driven by success, money and power. Martin McCabe (John Bird) founder and partner of PR consultancy Prentiss McCabe, a worldly and intelligent yet bumbling man who is surprised yet complicit in Prentiss's scheming. Jamie Front (James Lance), a young professional working for Prentisss McCabe who is scheming, cynical, and an excellent liar. Alison Jackman (Zoe Telford), a young professional working for Prentisss McCabe who is smart and overly honest. Cat Durnford (Sally Bretton) , a young professional working for Prentisss McCabe who likes to party.
TITLE Advise and Consent
Year 1962
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Otto Preminger
Screenplay Wendell Mayes
Starring Henry Fonda, Charles Laughton, Don Murray, Walter Pidgeon, Peter Lawford
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 139mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Based on the Pulitzer Prize-winning novel Advise and Consent by Allen Drury (1959)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PAL, PSG
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words lobbying; foreign policy; international affairs; government; president; candidate; scandal; blackmail; reputation; image;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. However, all the politicians throughout the film demonstrate an aptitude for political communication and spin in their own right.
TITLE Air Force One
Year 1997
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Wolfgang Petersen
Screenplay Andrew W. Marlowe
Starring Harrison Ford, Gary Oldman, Glenn Close
Box Office / Audience $315.1M
Length / Duration 124mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Thriller / Action
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
APPENDICES | PAGE 362
Key Words Terrorism; diplomacy; president; hostage; press conference; policy; crisis; morals; campaign; security;
PPR Characters Press Secretary Melanie Mitchel (Donna Bullock) and (Michael Monks), as well as other subsidiary characters
TITLE All The King’s Men
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Steven Zaillian
Screenplay Steven Zaillian
Starring Sean Penn, Jude Law, Kate Winslet, James Gandolfini, Mark Ruffalo, Patricia Clarkson, Anthony Hopkins
Box Office / Audience $9.5M
Length / Duration 125mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Thriller / Drama
Source Material
Based on Robert Penn Warren's 1946 Pulitzer Prize winning novel of the same name. About the life of fictional character Willie Stark, who resembled Louisiana governor Huey Long (in office 1928-1932). The book had previously been adapted by writer-director Robert Rossen in 1949 and was a Best Picture winning film.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words populism; corruption; power; journalism; campaign; candidate; election; public; manipulation; secrets; cynicism; blackmail; truth; lie; betrayal; scandal;
PPR Characters Tiny Duffy (James Gandolfini) is a lobbyist. Sadie Burke (Patricia Clarkson) as a political strategist. Jack Burden (Jude Law) newspaper reporter turned political advisor.
TITLE All The King's Men
Year 1949
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Robert Rossen
Screenplay Robert Rossen
Starring Broderick Crawford, John Ireland, Mercedes McCambridge, Joanne Dru, John Derek
Box Office / Audience $2.4M
Length / Duration 109mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Film-Noir
Source Material Based on All the King's Men by Robert Penn Warren (1946)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words power; idealism; populism; corruption; journalism; campaign; candidate; election; public; manipulation; secrets; cynicism; blackmail; truth; lie; betrayal; scandal;
PPR Characters Sadie Burke (Mercedes McCambridge) campaign assistant to Willie Stark (Broderick Crawford). Jack Burden (John Ireland) journalist turned political advisor.
TITLE All The President's Men
Year 1976
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Alan J. Pakula
Screenplay William Goldman
Starring Robert Redford, Dustin Hoffman, Jack Warden, Martin Balsam, Hal Holbrook
Box Office / Audience $70.6M
APPENDICES | PAGE 363
Length / Duration 138mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama / History
Source Material Based on the 1974 non-fiction book All the President's Men by Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words scandal; cover up; crisis; controversy; truth; leak; lie; secrets; information control; government; journalism; investigation;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Apollo 13
Year 1995
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ron Howard
Screenplay William Broyles Jr., Al Reinert
Starring Tom Hanks, Kevin Bacon, Ed Harris
Box Office / Audience $355.2M
Length / Duration 140mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events. Based on "Lost Moon" by Jim Lovell and Jeffrey Kluger (1994)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words media; news; press; journalism; journalism; information control; crisis; government; work/life balance
PPR Characters Henry Hurt (Xander Berkeley) fictional staff member from the NASA Office of Public Affaris
TITLE Argo
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ben Affleck
Screenplay Chris Terrio
Starring Ben Affleck, Bryan Cranston, Alan Arkin, John Goodman
Box Office / Audience $232.3M
Length / Duration 120mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Drama / Thriller
Source Material
Real events/people and based on CIA operative Antonio J. Mendez's 2000 book "The master of disguise: My secret life in the CIA" and Joshuah Bearman's 2007 Wired article "The Great Escape: How the CIA used a fake sci-fi flick to rescue Americans from Tehran" about the "Canadian Caper" during the 1979-1981 Iran Hostage Crisis.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words foreign affairs; international relations; diplomacy; crisis; CIA; Hollywood; publicity; promotion; story; fake; truth; lie; deception; protest; hostage; press conference; news;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. However other main characters are connected to PPR themes such as Mendez's (Affleck) CIA supervisor Jack O'Donnell (Bryan Cranston) CIA and Mendez's supervisor and Hollywood film producer Lester Siegel (Alan Arkin).
APPENDICES | PAGE 364
TITLE Benson
Year 1979-1986
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Susan Harris
Screenplay Susan Harris (created by) (158 episodes, 1979-1986), Bob Fraser (34 episodes, 1980-1986), Rob Dames (33 episodes
Starring Robert Guillaume, James Noble, Inga Swenson, Missy Gold, René Auberjonois (1980–1986)
Box Office / Audience ABC (US)
Length / Duration 7 seasons / 158 episodes / approx 24mins mins per episode / 63.2 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Family
Source Material Based on the soap opera parody Soap (ie a spin-off)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words class; work/life balance; professional/private; gaffe; bungle; fix; ambition; intelligence; advisor; chief of staff; press secretary; behind the scenes;
PPR Characters
Governor Gatling's (James Noble) smart and sharp personal secretary and political advisor Benson DuBois (Robert Guillaume). The Governor’s pompous chief of staff Clayton Endicott III (René Auberjonois, seasons 2-7; alternative character John Taylor played by Lewis J. Stadlen in Season 1). Scatterbrained press secretary Pete Downey (Ethan Phillips, seasons 2-6).
TITLE Big Miracle
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ken Kwapis
Screenplay Jack Amiel, Michael Begler
Starring Drew Barrymore, John Krasinski, Kristin Bell, Dermont Mulroney
Box Office / Audience $24.7M
Length / Duration 107mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Biopic / Drama / Romance / Family
Source Material
Real events/people and based on journalist Tom Rose's 1989 book "Freeing the Whales: How the media created the world's greatest non-event" (and was re-released under the title "Big Miracle" in 2011) which details the 1988 international rescue effort dubbed "Operation Breakthrough" to free three trapped grey whales in Alaska.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words international relations; activism; journalism; reporter; news; story; tv; headline; crisis; public; pressure; advocacy; opinion; differences; belief; reputation; image; responsibility; rescue; idealism
PPR Characters Rachel Kramer (Drew Barrymore) a volunteer environmental activist (based on real-life Greenpeace advocate Cindy Lowry) and ex-girlfriend of newsreporter Adam Carlson (John Krasinski). J. W. McGraw (Ted Danson) as an oil executive. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Black mass
Year 2015
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Scott Cooper
Screenplay Jez Butterworth, Mark Mallouk
Starring Johnny Depp, Joel Edgerton, Benedict Cumberbatch, Rory Cochrane, Kevin Bacon
Box Office / Audience $100.0M
APPENDICES | PAGE 365
Length / Duration 122mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Crime / Drama
Source Material Based on the 2001 book Black Mass by Dick Lehr and Gerard O'Neill that centres on the infamous organised crime boss James "Whitey" Bulger
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words crime; FBI; reputation; image; dirty work; enforcer; popularity; contacts;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Blue Bloods
Year 2010-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Robin Green, Mitchell Burgess
Screenplay Robin Green, Mitchell Burgess
Starring Donnie Wahlberg, Bridget Moynahan, Will Esles, Len Cariou, Tom Selleck, Amy Carlson, Sami Gayle
Box Office / Audience CBS
Length / Duration To date: 8 seasons / 164 episodes / approx 45mins per episode / 123hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Crime / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words information control; release; press; reporter; journalism; news; statement; press conference; speech; police; family; work/life balance; ; system; advisor; greater good;
PPR Characters
Garrett Moore (Gregory Jbara - recurring) as a multiple-divorcee and former reporter turned NYPD Deputy Commissioner of Public Information and speech writer for the Police Commissioner, and later Frank Reagan's (Tom Selleck) de factor chief of staff - Frank values Moore's perspective but is frustrated by Moore arriving unannounced and pushing/asserting particular points, and they often argue over what information should (not) be released to the public. Sue Connors (Noelle Beck - season 1) as the Police Commissioner's Deputy Press Secretary.
TITLE Bob Roberts
Year 1992
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Tim Robbins
Screenplay Tim Robbins
Starring Tim Robbins
Box Office / Audience $4.5M
Length / Duration 104mins
Place of Origin US/UK
Genre Satire
Source Material Based on a short segment Robbins did for Saturday Night Live (with the same character and name)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words campaign; election; scandal; journalism; media; endorsement;
APPENDICES | PAGE 366
PPR Characters
Lukas Hart III (Alan Rickman), Bob Roberts' (Tim Robbins) campaign director. Delores Perrigrew (Rebecca Jenkins), Roberts' campaign advisor. Franklin Dockett (Harry Lennix) and Bart Macklerooney (Robert Stanton), as political aides to Roberts' campaign. Frank Ryan (Larry John Myers), as spokesman for the NYPD.
TITLE Bobby
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Emilio Estevez
Screenplay Emilio Estevez
Starring Ensemble
Box Office / Audience $20.7M
Length / Duration 116mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events. Fictionalised account of the lead up to the shooting of Bobby Kennedy at the Ambassador Hotel on June 5, 1968 - however the focus is more on the mood of the era rather than Kennedy himself.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words campaign; president; primary; journalism; reporter; speech; corruption; ambition;
PPR Characters Campaign manager Wade Buckley (Joshua Jackson) and staffer Dwayne Clark (Nick Cannon) as well as other subsidiary characters working as campaign volunteers.
TITLE Born on the Fourth of July
Year 1989
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Oliver Stone
Screenplay Ron Kovic, Oliver Stone
Starring Tom Cruise
Box Office / Audience $161M
Length / Duration 145mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Action / Biopic
Source Material Real events. Adaptation of best-selling autobiography of the same name by Ron Kovic
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words war; military; activism;
PPR Characters Ron Kovic (Tom Cruise); subsidiary characters
TITLE Boss
Year 2011-2012
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Farhad Safinia
Screenplay Farhad Safinia
Starring Kelsey Grammer, Connie Nielsen, Hannah Ware, Jeff Hephner, Kathleen Robertson, Troy Garity, Jonathan Groff, Rotimi, Tip "T.I." Harris, Sanaa Lathan
Box Office / Audience Starz
Length / Duration 2 seasons / 18 episdoes / approx 55mins per episode / 17hours
APPENDICES | PAGE 367
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Crime
Source Material Original screenplay. Farhad Safinia also had creative input from Kelsey Grammer, and a bidding war ensued over the script between various cable networks.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
agenda; power; influence; election; campaign; candidate; policy; intimidate; enforcer; murder; media; frenzy; information control; secrets; deception; lie; truth; personality; confidence; protect; appearance; image; reputation; legacy; perception; public; system; ambition; deal; negotiation; blackmail; work/life balance; personal/public; professional/private; integrity; approval; ratings; polls; damage; dirty work; manipulation; corruption; ruthless;
PPR Characters
Ezra "Stoney" Stone (Martin Donovan) as an intelligent and savvy senior advisor and chief of staff to Mayor Tom Kane (Kelsey Grammer) who is well connected and works hard to make things "go away" (with the assistance of "the grey haired man" played by Doug James) until he doubts Kane's commitment to the public good and betrays him by leaking damning documents to the press (Kane has him murdered as a result). Kitty O'Neil (Kathleen Robertson) as a political and personal aide to Kane, though she is later fired for having an affair with his rival Ben Zajac (Jeff Hephner), and then goes to work for Kane's rivals. Mona Fredricks (Sanaa Lathan - season 2) replaces Ezra as Kane's chief of staff, and is a strong-willed, dedicated woman with a high level of integrity. Ian Todd (Jonathan Groff) as a smart, charming, and ambitious junior staffer to Kane who befriends the Mayor's daughter.
TITLE Broken City
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Allen Hughes
Screenplay Brian Tucker
Starring Mark Wahlberg, Russell Crowe, Catherine Zeta-Jones
Box Office / Audience $34.5M
Length / Duration 109mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Crime / Thriller / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words police; murder; campaign; election; candidate; campaign manager; fundraiser; law; investigation; corruption; money; manipulation; corporate; headline; media; news; cover up; accusation; deception; truth; lie; secrets; leak; debate; speech; protest;
PPR Characters
Paul Andrews (Kyle Chandler) the campaign manager for Jack Valliant (Barry Pepper) (the rival candidate against NYC Mayor Nicholas Hostetler's (Russell Crowe)), who is allegedly having an affair with Hostetler's wife Cathleen (Catherine Zeta-Jones) (though it is later revealed he was actually Valliant's lover), and is later murdered.
TITLE Bulworth
Year 1998
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Warren Beatty
Screenplay Warren Beatty, Jeremy Pikser, with further assistance from Aaron Sorkin and James Toback
Starring Warren Beatty, Halle Berry
Box Office / Audience $29.2M
Length / Duration 111mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Original screenplay
APPENDICES | PAGE 368
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words Truth; candidate; election; corruption; media; consultant; scandal; controversy; conspiracy; campaign; power;
PPR Characters Dennis Murphy (Oliver Platt) is Bulworth's press/media advisor and political aide
TITLE Canadian Bacon
Year 1995
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Michael Moore
Screenplay Michael Moore
Starring John Candy, Alan Alda
Box Office / Audience $0.18M
Length / Duration 91mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words opinion; polls; popularity; war; military; business; money; international relations; propaganda
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Captain America: Civil War
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Anthony Russo, Joe Russo
Screenplay Christopher Markus, Stephen McFeely
Starring Chris Evans, ensemble
Box Office / Audience $1.15B
Length / Duration 147mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy
Source Material Based on the Marvel Comics character Captain America
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words propaganda; war; military; international relations; foreign affairs; government; support; press conference; enemy; idealism; terrorism;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Captain America: The First Avenger
Year 2011
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Joe Johnston
Screenplay Christopher Markus, Stephen McFeely
Starring Chris Evans, ensemble
Box Office / Audience $370.6M
APPENDICES | PAGE 369
Length / Duration 124mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Historical / Fantasy
Source Material Based on Marvel Comics character Captain America, and set predominantly during WWII.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words propaganda; war; military; money; public; support; news; media; headline; celebrity; hero; spokesperson; press conference; promotion; advertising; marketing; radio; event; entertainment; performance; idealism; terrorism;
PPR Characters
Senator Brandt (Michael Brandon) who recognises and exploits the PR potential of Captain America to promote war bonds. In some ways Captain America (Chris Evans) himself as a representative for the USO (United Service Organizations) becomes engaged in PR activities to drum up government (and USO) revenue, though he is more of a celebrity spokesperson. Other subsidiary characters connected with this.
TITLE Captain Phillips
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Paul Greengrass
Screenplay Billy Ray
Starring Tom Hanks, Barkhad Abdi
Box Office / Audience $218.8M
Length / Duration 134mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Thriller
Source Material
Real events/people. Inspired by the 2009 Maersk Alabama hijacking and based on Richard Phillips and Stephan Talty's 2010 book "A captain's duty: Somali pirates, navy SEALs, and dangerous days at sea." Crew members have questioned the accuracy and authenticity of the film, particularly the heroic depiction of Phillips, though overall many of its facts were correct.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words government; international relations; racism; terrorism; crisis; military; hostage; rescue; surveillance; negotiation;
PPR Characters Subsidiarly only.
TITLE Casino Jack / Bagman
Year 2010
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator George Hickenlooper
Screenplay Norman Snider
Starring Kevin Spacey, Barry Pepper, Rachelle Lefevre, Kelly Preston, Jon Lovitz
Box Office / Audience $1.1M
Length / Duration 108mins
Place of Origin CA
Genre Biopic / Comedy / Satire / Crime
Source Material Real events/people. Based on the life and career of Washington DC lobbyist and businessman Jack Abramoff.
Reception/Review Negative
APPENDICES | PAGE 370
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words power; money; corruption; corporate; lobbying; reporter; public; activism; scandal; policy; conspiracy; fraud; investigation; ethics; morals; bribery; blackmail; system; client; truth; lie; manipulation;
PPR Characters
Jack Abramoff (Kevin Spacey) and ensemble cast. Great quote from Abramoff which captures his character "You know, I do a shitload of reading and studying and praying, and I've come to a few conclusions I want to share. People look at politicians and celebrities on the TV and the newspapers, glossy magazines - what do they see? "I'm just like them." That's what they say. "I'm special. I'm different. I could be any one of them." Well guess what, you can't. You know why? Cause in reality, mediocrity is where most people live. Mediocrity is the elephant in the room. It's ubiquitous. Mediocrity in your schools. It's in your dreams. It's in your family. And those of us who know this - those of us who understand the disease of the dull - we do something about it. We do more because we have to. The deck was always stacked against us. You're either a big leaguer, or you're a slave clawing your way onto the "C" train. Some people say Jack Abramoff moves too fast. Jack Abramoff cuts corners. Well, I say to them, if that's the difference between me and my family having the good life and walkin' and using the subway every day, then so be it. I will not allow my family to be slaves. I will not allow the world I touch to be vanilla. You say I'm selfish? Fuck you! I give back. I give back plenty. You say I - I got a big ego? Fuck you twice! I'm humbly grateful for the wonderful gift that I've received here in America the greatest country on this planet. I'm Jack Abramoff. And oh, yeah, I work out every day."
TITLE Charlie Wilson's War
Year 2007
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Mike Nichols
Screenplay Aaron Sorkin
Starring Tom Hanks, Julia Roberts, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Amy Adams
Box Office / Audience $119M
Length / Duration 100mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Comedy / Drama
Source Material Based on George Crile's 2003 book "Charlie Wilson's War: the Extraordinary Story of the Largest Covert Operation in History", which tells "the story of US democratic congressman Charlie Wilson and CIA operative Gust Avrakotos whose efforts led to Operation Cyclone".
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words diplomacy; foreign affairs; constituents; party; support; fundraising; secrets; news; reporter; tv; fundraiser; scandal; deception; speech;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Chicago
Year 2002
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Rob Marshall
Screenplay Bill Condon
Starring Renée Zellweger, Catherine Zeta-Jones, Richard Gere, Queen Latifah, John C. Reilly
Box Office / Audience $306.8M
Length / Duration 113mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Crime / Musical
Source Material Based on the musical Chicago by Bob Fosse Fred Ebb Chicago by Maurine Dallas Watkins
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR High
APPENDICES | PAGE 371
Key Words publicity; promotion; persuasion; perception; image; spin; media; headline; interview; scandal; celebrity; coverage; news; truth; lie; crime; murder; police; reporter; press;
PPR Characters Billy Flynn (Richard Gere) a lawyer and spin doctor who believes creating celebrity for his clients is the key to their freedom
TITLE Choose Connor / The Politician
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Luke Eberl
Screenplay Luke Eberl
Starring Steven Weber, Alex D. Linz
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 109mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words truth; trust; system; agenda; power; campaign; candidate; election; tv; media; image; reputation; shallow; advertising; marketing; speech; spokesperson; manipulation;
PPR Characters Ensemble
TITLE Closed Circuit
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator John Crowley
Screenplay Steven Knight
Starring Eric Bana, Rebecca Hall, Ciarán Hinds, Jim Broadbent, Riz Ahmed
Box Office / Audience $6.3M
Length / Duration 96mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Drama / Crime
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI, PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words terrorism; confidentiality; secrets; cover up; intelligence; money; surveillance; justice; evidence; information control; cover up; power; loyalty; contacts; professional/private; personal/public; headline; conspiracy;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Commander in Chief
Year 2005-2006
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Rod Lurie
Screenplay Rod Lurie
Starring Geena Davis, Donald Sutherland, Harry Lennix, Kyle Secor, Ever Carradine, Matt Lanter, Caitlin Wachs, Jasmine Anthony, Mark-Paul Gosselaar
Box Office / Audience ABC (US)
Length / Duration 1 season / 18 episodes / approx 42mins per episode / 12.5hours
APPENDICES | PAGE 372
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Bears similarities to Rod Lurie's other work such as Deterrence (1999) and The Contender (2000), and may have drawn inspiration from very popular The West Wing (1999-2006) which was airing on rival NBC at the time. The show was criticised for factual innaccuries.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
policy; power; government; president; white house; work/life balance; family; professional/private; personal/public; diplomacy; foreign affairs; international relations; chief of staff; press secretary; speech writer; communications director; speech; press conference; scandal; disaster; crisis; terrorism; manipulation; leak; press; journalism; news; reporter; source; activism; civil rights; idealism; gender; votes; polls; public; opinion; event; function; glamour; ; strategy; ethics; morals; lobbying; corporate; conflict of interest; election; campaign; support; loyalty; image; reputation; embarrassment;
PPR Characters
Jim Gardner (Harry Lennix) as Chief of Staff. Rod Calloway (Kyle Secor) as Mackenzie Allen's (Genna Davis) husband and chief of staff before she is elevated to the Presidency. Kelly Ludlow (Ever Carradine) as Allen's highly capable speech writer and Communications Director and then Press Secretary. Richard "Dickie" McDonald (Mark-Paul Gosselaar) as campaign advisor and political strategist for Allen's adminsitration. Vince Taylor (Anthony Azizi) as Allen's special aide. Jayne Murray (Natasha Henstridge) as the Speaker's chief of staff.
TITLE Contact
Year 1997
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Robert Zemeckis
Screenplay James V. Hart, Michael Goldenberg
Starring Jodie Foster, Matthew McConaughey, James Woods, John Hurt, Tom Skerritt
Box Office / Audience $171.1M
Length / Duration 149mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller / Fantasy
Source Material Adaptation of the 1985 novel Contact by Carl Sagan
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words agenda; media; journalism; reporter; news; headline; press conference; public; government; access;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Countdown
Year 1968
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Robert Altman
Screenplay Loring Mandel
Starring James Caan, Joanna Moore, Robert Duvall, Barbara Baxley, Michael Murphy
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 101mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Fantasy
Source Material Based on the 1964 novel The Pilgrim Project by Hank Searls
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR High
APPENDICES | PAGE 373
Key Words legacy; image; media; spin; advisor; public affairs; bureaucracy; lie; government; publicity; press release; press conference; speech;
PPR Characters Walter Larson (Ted Knight), the press secretary for NASA who handles media relations.
TITLE Dallas Buyers Club
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Jean-Marc Vallée
Screenplay Craig Borten, Melisa Wallack
Starring Matthew McConaughey, Jennifer Garner, Jared Leto
Box Office / Audience $55.2M
Length / Duration 116mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people. Chronicles the life of Ron Woodroof, an AIDS patient who opposed the FDA by smuggling in unapproved pharmaceuticals and distributed them to fellow AIDS sufferers through the "Dallas Buyers Club". Supporting characters Dr Saks and Rayon are both composite characters based on the scriptwriters' research and interviews with transgender AIDS patients, activists, and doctors, though much of Woodroof's story is accurate (as told by Woodroof to the scriptwriters).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words law; policy; money; power; information control; ; corporate; industry; morals; ethics; activism; spokesperson;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. Although Ron Woodroof (Matthew McConaughey) is a successful AIDS advocate and later spokesperson, and Rayon (Jared Leto) does act as a liaison (recruiting clients) for the DBC.
TITLE Dave
Year 1993
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ivan Reitman
Screenplay Gary Ross
Starring Kevin Kline, Sigourney Weaver
Box Office / Audience $63.3M
Length / Duration 110mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Romance
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words President; White House; policy; scandal; power; control; ethics; lie; deception;
PPR Characters Alan Reed (Communications Director) and Bob Alexander (White House Chief of Staff)
TITLE Deepwater Horizon
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Peter Berg
Screenplay Matthew Michael Carnahan, Matthew Sand
Starring Mark Wahlberg, Kurt Russell, John Malkovich, Gina Rodriguez, Dylan O'Brien
Box Office / Audience $119.5M
APPENDICES | PAGE 374
Length / Duration 107mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Drama / Thriller
Source Material Real events. The 2010 Deepwater Horizon explosion and oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words crisis; accident; disaster; tragedy; headline; coverage; news; corporate; responsibility; spokesperson; accountability; blame;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Definitely. Maybe.
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Adam Brooks
Screenplay Adam Brooks
Starring Ryan Reynolds, Isla Fisher, Abigail Breslin, Elizabeth Banks, Rachel Weisz
Box Office / Audience $55.4M
Length / Duration 111mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Romance
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words idealism; campaign; election; President; work/life balance; conflict of interest; journalism; news; consultant; advertising; marketing; poster; ambition;
PPR Characters
Will Hayes (Ryan Reynolds) as a political consultant (initially on the Clinton Campaign as a volunteer, and later as a successful campaigner/consultant in his own right) + ensemble cast (Will's work colleagues) e.g. Russell T. McCormakc (Derek Luke). Note re plotline - Will (Reynolds) breaks up with his writer/journalist girlfriend Summer (Weisz) due to a conflict of interest after she writes an article negatively depicting his client, which also results in Will losing his business (as well as his friends abandoning him and damaging his political/career prospects). Also note Will initially has his own political ambitions, though these seem to be shelved for a career in consulting, and that he ends up with April (who he met while working on his first campaign gig) who is cynical and very a-political.
TITLE Designated Survivor
Year 2016-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator David Guggenheim
Screenplay David Guggenheim (created by) (22 episodes, 2016-2017), Michael Gunn (4 episodes, 2016-2017), Sang Kyu Kim (3 episodes
Starring Kiefer Sutherland, Natascha McElhone, Adan Canto, Italia Ricci, LaMonica Garrett
Box Office / Audience Netflix
Length / Duration To date: 2 seasons / 30 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 21 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
APPENDICES | PAGE 375
Key Words President; conspiracy; violence; government; chief of staff; press secretary; speech writer; speech; pressure; stress; work/life balance; agenda; secrets; lies; trust; truth; threat; crisis;
PPR Characters
Aaron Shore (Adan Canto) as the White House Chief of Staff (former Deputy Chief of Staff), and later political aide and advisor to other characters. Emily Rhodes (Italia Ricci) as Tom Kirkman's Chief of Staff and special advisor. Seth Wright (Kal Penn) as a speechwriter, special advisor, and later White House Press Secretary. Lyor Boone (Paulo Costanzo) as White House Political Director. Other ensemble and subsidiary characters.
TITLE Diana
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Oliver Hirschbiegel
Screenplay Stephen Jeffreys
Starring Naomi Watts, Naveen Andrews
Box Office / Audience $21.7M
Length / Duration 113mins
Place of Origin UK / FR / SE / BE
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material Real events/people. The screenplay is based on the 2001 book "Diana: her last love" by Kate Snell. Depicts the last two years of Princess Diana's wife, from her divorce to her activism and relationships up until her death.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words celebrity; activism; family; professional/private; personal/public; interview; headline; media;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Dick
Year 1999
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Andrew Fleming
Screenplay Andrew Fleming, Sheryl Longin
Starring Kirsten Dunst, Michelle Williams
Box Office / Audience $6.3M
Length / Duration 94mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Real events. Parody of the Watergate scandal
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words White House; cover up; president; scandal; journalism; Secret Service; corruption; whistle blower; media; conspiracy; source
PPR Characters H. R. Haldeman (played by Dave Foley) Nixon's White House chief of staff, and other subsidiary characters
TITLE District 9
Year 2009
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Neill Blomkamp
Screenplay Neill Blomkamp, Terri Tatchell
Starring Sharlto Copley, Jason Cope, David James, ensemble
Box Office / Audience $210.8M
APPENDICES | PAGE 376
Length / Duration 112mins
Place of Origin ZA / NZ / US
Genre Fantasy / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay that was adapted from Blomkamp's 2006 short film "Alive in Joburg". Uses a cinema verite and mockumentary style.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words crisis; war; military; secrets; truth; lie; information control; story; system; power; money; civil rights; corporate; corruption; cover up; media; coverage; news; interview; morals; manipulation; propaganda; whistle blower;
PPR Characters
Wikus van de Merwe (Sharlto Copley) as a bumbling member of the MNU Department of Alien Affairs (who is appointed to lead the relocation of the aliens, and is later infected by alien fluid and turns into one of the Prawns). Piet Smit (Louis Minnaar) as an MNU executive and Wikus's father-in-law (who orders Wikus to be hunted down while publishing a story about Wikus engaging in alien sex and thus being a fugitive infected by an alien STD). Grey Bradnam (Jasone Cope) as the UKNR Chief Correspondent. Michael Bloemstein (Vittorio Leonardi) from the MNU Department of Alien Civil Affairs. Fundiswa Mhlanga (Mandla Gaduka) is Wikus's friend and assistant who (at the end of the film) acts as a whistle-blower on MNU's illegal experiments on and exploitation of the aliens. MNU = Multi-National United
TITLE Dr. Strangelove
Year 1964
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Stanley Kubrick
Screenplay Stanley Kubrick, Terry Southern, Peter George
Starring Peter Sellers, George C. Scott, Sterling Hayden, Keenan Wynn, Slim Pickens
Box Office / Audience $9.4M
Length / Duration 94mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Comedy
Source Material Based on the 1958 novel Red Alert by Peter George
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words war; foreign affairs; international relations; information control;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Eddie the Eagle
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Dexter Fletcher
Screenplay Sean Macaulay, Simon Kelton
Starring Taron Egerton, Hugh Jackman, Christopher Walken, Iris Berben, Jim Broadbent
Box Office / Audience $46.1M
Length / Duration 105mins
Place of Origin UK / DE
Genre Biopic / Comedy / Drama
Source Material Real events. Based on (loosely) the life of Eddie Edwards, who became in 1988 the first person to represent Great Britain in Olympic ski jumping.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
APPENDICES | PAGE 377
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words reputation; image; legacy; hero; celebrity; community; publicity; headline; news; story; popularity; ratings;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Election
Year 1999
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Alexander Payne
Screenplay Alexander Payne, Jim Taylor
Starring Matthew Broderick, Reese Witherspoon, Chris Klein
Box Office / Audience $14.9M
Length / Duration 102mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama / Satire
Source Material
Adaptation of Tom Perrotta's 1998 novel "Election", and was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay. The original novel was primarily inspired by the 1992 Bush vs Clinton election campaign (and Ross Perot entering as a third party candidate). Note the ending to the film is different to that in the book as the original ending tested poorly with audiences.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words votes; election; fraud; scandal; student; government; relationship; campaign; advertising; ethics; morals; affair; cynicism; sex;
PPR Characters Tracy Flick (Reese Witherspoon) as an insufferable overachiever and student council president nominee.
TITLE Elysium
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Neill Blomkamp
Screenplay Neill Blomkamp
Starring Matt Damon; Jodie Foster
Box Office / Audience $286.1M
Length / Duration 109mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Fantasy / Action
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words inequality; exploitation; class; issue; security; military; war; power; system; crisis;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE End Game
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Andy Cheng
Screenplay J.C. Pollock, Andy Cheng
Starring Cuba Gooding Jr., JamesWoods, Angie Harmon
APPENDICES | PAGE 378
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 93mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words truth; secrets; information control; conspiracy; cover up; journalism; reporter; investigation; President
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Eye in the Sky
Year 2015
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Gavin Hood
Screenplay Guy Hibbert
Starring Helen Mirren, Aaron Paul, Alan Rickman, Barkhad Abdi, Jeremy Northam
Box Office / Audience $34.6M
Length / Duration 102mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama / Thriller / War
Source Material Based on a screenplay by Guy Hibbert
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words pressure; agenda; image; power; government; foreign affairs; international relations; war; military; death; threat; enemy; elite; influence; persuasion; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Fail Safe
Year 1964
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Sidney Lumet
Screenplay Walter Bernstein, Peter George
Starring Henry Fonda, Dan O'Herlihy, Walter Matthau, Frank Overton, Larry Hagman
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 112mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Based on the 1962 novel Fail-Safe by Eugene Burdick and Harvey Wheeler
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words war; foreign affairs; international relations; information control;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Fair Game
Year 2010
APPENDICES | PAGE 379
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Doug Liman
Screenplay Jez Butterworth, John Butterworth
Starring Naomi Watts, Sean Penn
Box Office / Audience $24.2M
Length / Duration 108mins
Place of Origin UAE / US
Genre Biopic / Drama / Thriller
Source Material Real events/people. Based on two memoirs written by the film's main couple Valerie Plame "Fair Game: My life as a spy, my betrayal by the White House" (2007) and Joseph C. Wilson "The politics of truth: Inside the lies that led to war and betrayed my wife's CIA identity: A diplomat's memoir" (2004).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words power; intelligence; CIA; diplomat; foreign affairs; international relations; information control; military; public; media; news; leak; perjury; truth; lie; justice; ;
PPR Characters Scooter Libby (David Andrews) Dick Cheney's advisor and Chief of Staff (when he served as VPOTUS). Ari Fleischer (Geoffrey Cantor) as White House Press Secretary for George W. Bush. Karl Rove (Adam LeFevre) as political consultant, advisor and deputy chief of staff to George W. Bush.
TITLE Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator David Yates
Screenplay J. K. Rowling
Starring Eddie Redmayne, Katherine Waterston, Dan Fogler, Alison Sudol, Ezra Miller
Box Office / Audience $813.2M
Length / Duration 133mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Action / Family / Fantasy
Source Material Based on the 2001 novel Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them by J. K. Rowling
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words information control; advocacy; activism; lobbying; press conference; opinion; public; headline; news; media; journalism; reporter; press; secrets; government;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Flags Of Our Fathers
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Clint Eastwood
Screenplay William Broyles Jr., Paul Haggis
Starring Ryan Phillippe, Jesse Bradford, Adam Beach, ensemble
Box Office / Audience $65.9M
Length / Duration 131mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Historical / Drama
Source Material Based on the 1945 Battle of Iwo Jima (and the aftereffects of the marines who raised the flag on Mount Suribachi), and adapted from the NYTimes bestselling non-fiction book "Flags of Our Fathers" (2000) by James Bradley and Ron Powers
APPENDICES | PAGE 380
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words war; publicity; propaganda; manipulation; campaign; fundraising; information control; image; hero; celebrity;
PPR Characters Bud Gerber (John Slattery) is the civilian handler from the Treasury Department of the three survivors, and works on a publicity campaign to sell war bonds.
TITLE Frost/Nixon
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ron Howard
Screenplay Peter Morgan
Starring Frank Langella, Michael Sheen, Kevin Bacon
Box Office / Audience $27.4M
Length / Duration 122mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material
Real events, based on the 2006 play (by Peter Morgan, with the same name) about the series of (and lead up to) televised interviews in 1977 between British TV personality/broadcaster David Frost and former US President Richard Nixon covering both his administration and the Watergate scandal. Both the play and film take dramatic license with the details (both on-air and behind the scenes), which was a source of criticism.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words truth; journalism; reporter; media; interview; tv; president; scandal; lie; apology; reputation; image; money; speech; power;
PPR Characters
Jack Brennan (Kevin Bacon) Nixon's post-presidential chief of staff (who interrupts the final interview and stops the recording when Frost is on the verge of getting Nixon to confess about Watergate and has said "When the President does it, that means it's not illegal."). Irving "Swifty" Lazar (Toby Jones) as Nixon's talent/literary/press agent (convinces Nixon to do the interviews as a way of salvaging his reputation and make an unprecedented amount of money). Also other members of the ensemble cast including Ray Price (Jim Meskimen) who was Nixon's chief speechwriter.
TITLE Game Change
Year 2012
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator Jay Roach
Screenplay Danny Strong
Starring Julianne Moore, Woody Harrelson, Ed Harris
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 118mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material Real events/people. Based on a selection from political journalists Mark Halperin and John Heilemann 2010 book of the same name that documented John McCain's 2008 presidential election campaign.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
candidate; campaign; strategy; campaign manager; election; win; celebrity; popularity; image; reputation; competition; game; personality; gaffe; rally; interview; debate; press conference; journalism; work/life balance; media; preparation; news; headline; advertising; negative; elite; staff; consultant; advisor; shallow; incompetence; script; speech; populism; votes; polls; press secretary; information control;
APPENDICES | PAGE 381
PPR Characters
Steve Schmidt (Woody Harrelson), Republican PR consultant and Senior Campaign Strategist. Rick Davis (Peter MacNicol), Campaign Manager. Mark Salter (Jamey Sheridan), Senior advisor and Speechwriter. Nicolle Wallace (Sarah Paulson), Director of Communications. Mark Wallace (Ron Livingston), Senior advisor. Chris Edwards (Larry Sullivan) Deputy Chief of Staff. Fred Davis (Bruce Altman), Chief Media Strategist. Tucker Eskew (Colby French), Senior Media advisor.
TITLE Good Night, And Good Luck
Year 2005
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator George Clooney
Screenplay George Clooney, Grant Heslov
Starring David Strathairn, Patricia Clarkson, George Clooney, Jeff Daniels, Robert Downey Jr.
Box Office / Audience $56.5M
Length / Duration 93mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events, set in 1953, depicts the conflict between anti-Communist Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy and veteran CBS radio/tv journalist Edward R. Murrow.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words journalism; media; news; truth; lie; ; paranoia; tv; secrets; rumour; propaganda; controversy;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Grace of Monaco
Year 2014
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Olivier Dahan
Screenplay Arash Amel
Starring Nicole Kidman, Tim Roth, Frank Langella, Parker Posey, Milo Ventimiglia
Box Office / Audience $26.6M
Length / Duration 103mins
Place of Origin FR / US / BE / IT / CH
Genre Biopic / Drama / Romance
Source Material Real events. Biographical drama about Grace Kelly.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words glamour; party; diplomacy; diplomat; image; reputation; foreign affairs; international relations; government; fundraiser; event; advocacy; charity; community;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Grassroots
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Stephen Gyllenhaal
Screenplay Justin Rhodes, Steve Gyllenhaal
Starring Jason Biggs, Joel David Moore, Lauren Ambrose
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 99mins
Place of Origin US
APPENDICES | PAGE 382
Genre Comedy
Source Material Real events/people and based on Phil Campbell's 2005 non-fiction book "Zioncheck for President: A true story of idealism and madness in American politics" (later reprinted in 2012 as "Grassroots: Politics… but not as usual") which is "a mix of memoir and gonzo reporting.”
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words council; election; campaign; candidate; votes; journalism; idealism; strategy; grassroots; public; issue;
PPR Characters Phil Campbell (Jason Biggs) as a recently fired journalist and reluctant campaign manager for his friend Grant Cogswell (Joel David Moore) in his bid for city council election. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Hancock
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Peter Berg
Screenplay Vince Gilligan, Vincent Ngo
Starring Will Smith, Charlize Theron, Jason Bateman
Box Office / Audience $624.3M
Length / Duration 92mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Action / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. The character of Hancock is a parody for DC's Superman.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words crisis; hero; violence; damage; crime; charity; activism; public relations; publicist; publicity; image; reputation; brand; strategy; appearance; apology; redemption; reporter; news; tv; spokesperson; celebrity;
PPR Characters Ray Embrey (Jason Bateman) a corporate PR consultant initially promoting an "All Hearts" logo (to identify charitable corporations) and then spokesperson/consultant for Hancock (who he assists in improving his public image).
TITLE Head Of State
Year 2003
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Chris Rock
Screenplay Chris Rock, Ali LeRoi
Starring Chris Rock, Bernie Mac, Lynn Whitfield
Box Office / Audience $38.6M
Length / Duration 95mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Original screenplay, though part of the presidential debate is a repeat of Monty Python's Argument Clinic.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words president; candidate; campaign; scandal; corruption; deception; populism; election; morals; speech; news; fundraiser; crazy;
PPR Characters Democratic party advisors Martin Geller (Dylan Baker) and Debra Lassiter (Lynn whitfield) as well as other subsidiary characters.
APPENDICES | PAGE 383
TITLE Homeland
Year 2011-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Howard Gordon, Alex Gansa, various
Screenplay Howard Gordon, Alex Gansa, various
Starring Claire Danes, Damian Lewis, ensemble
Box Office / Audience Showtime (Fox)
Length / Duration To date: 6 seasons / 72 episodes / variable, approx 60mins per episode / 60hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Crime / Drama / Thriller
Source Material Based on Gideon Raff's Israeli tv drama series Prisoners of War (2010-2012, original Hebrew title "Hatufim", translating literally to "Abductees").
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words terrorism; intelligence; CIA; FBI; information control; war; contacts; source; frame; blame; truth; lie; trust; release; leak; foreign affairs; international relations; spy; viral; journalism; media; news; headline; public; controversy; hero;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE House of Cards
Year 2013-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Beau Willimon, David Fincher
Screenplay Beau Willimon
Starring Kevin Spacey, Robin Wright, ensemble
Box Office / Audience Netflix
Length / Duration To date: 5 seasons / 65 episodes / variable, approx 45-60mins per episode / 56hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material
Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's House of Cards trilogy, in particular the first original 1989 novel, and the BBC's subsequent miniseries in 1990, both by the same name. Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man". Creator of the US series, Beau Willimon, was a political aide to several politicians including Hillary Clinton, and developed the series well beyond the original novel and miniseries.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
power; money; behind the scenes; manipulation; negotiation; support; plot; plan; strategy; tactics; policy; greater good; ethics; morals; corruption; corporate; lobbying; internal relations; reporter; journalism; news; headline; story; investigation; public; opinion; image; reputation; coverage; polls; votes; candidate; campaign; race; election; competition; win; game; activism; scandal; conspiracy; bribery; blackmail; system; White House; President; speech; press conference; interview; debate; statement; truth; lie; murder; affair; machiavellian; cunning; ambition; personal/public; professional/private; work/life balance; family; diplomacy; deal; government; access; information control; leak; dirty work; vengeance; Vice President;
APPENDICES | PAGE 384
PPR Characters
Douglas "Doug" Stamper (Michael Kelly) as a recovering alcoholic and Frank Underwood's (Kevin Spacey) dedicated chief of staff. Seth Grayson (Derke Cecil - seasons 2-present) as Underwood's press secretary. Remy Danton (Mahershala Ali - seasons 1-4) as a corporate lobbyist, and Underwood's former communications director and press secretary, who prefers money over power. Christina Gallagher (Kristen Connolly - seasons 1-2) as a political staffer and lover to Peter Russo (Corey Stoll) and later aide to President Walker. Linda Vasquez (Sakina Jaffrey - seasons 1-2) as White House Chief of Staff for President Walker, and one of the few people to see through Frank's duplicity. Connor Ellis (Samuel Page - season 2) as a media consultant and later Communications Director for Claire Underwood (Robin Wright). LeAnn Harvey (Neve Campbell - season 4) as an intelligent political and campaign consultant from Texas who bonds with Claire and works with the Underwoods as their campaign manager. Other subsidiary characters. Note also, that although the Underwoods are not in PPR positions, they are instrumental in PPR strategy and are the main playmakers.
TITLE In The Loop
Year 2009
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Armando Iannucci
Screenplay Jesse Armstrong, Simon Blackwell, Armando Iannucci, Tony Roche
Starring Peter Capaldi, Tom Hollander, Gina McKee, James Gandolfini, Chris Addison, David Rasche
Box Office / Audience £4.9M
Length / Duration 105mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Satire
Source Material Original screenplay. Spin-off from the BBC series The Thick of It, and the film was nominated for a 2009 Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words crisis; war; reaction; leak; secrets; truth; lie; denial; information control; story; system; power; media; coverage; news; interview; morals; manipulation; propaganda; constituents; public; work/life balance; angry; profanity; affair; foreign affairs; international relations; policy; in the loop;
PPR Characters
Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi) as the Prime Minister's Director of Communications. Judy Molloy (Gina McKee) as Director of Communications for the Department of International Development. Toby Wright (Chris Addison) as Special Advisor to the Secretary of State for International Development. Jamie McDonald (Paul Higgins) as Senior Press Officer in the Office of the Prime Minister, aka "the crossest man in Scotland". Other characters in the ensemble and subsidiary cast.
TITLE In The Red
Year 1998
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Malcolm Bradbury
Screenplay Malcolm Bradbury, Mark Tavener
Starring Ensemble
Box Office / Audience BBC Two
Length / Duration 3 episodes / 59mins per episode / 177mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Satire / Crime
Source Material Based on Mark Taverner's 1989 satirical crime novel of the same name, which was inspired by Tavener's experiences working for the Liberal Party and the BBC. The book was also previously adapted for radio in 1995, and later used as a source for the radio and tv spin off Absolute Power (2000-2006).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words police; murder; campaign; election; candidate; political party; law; investigation; truth; media; reporter; journalism; news; corruption; plot; money; corporate;
APPENDICES | PAGE 385
PPR Characters
Charles Prentiss (Stephen Fry). Martin McCabe (John Bird). Both technically members of the BBC though both perform PPR actions at times (that are self-serving and look out for their own interests) and their characters later formed the basis for spin-off series Absolute Power, where they form their own consulting firm Prentiss McCabe.
TITLE Independence Day
Year 1996
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Roland Emmerich
Screenplay Dean Devlin, Roland Emmerich
Starring Will Smith, Bill Pullman, Jeff Goldblum
Box Office / Audience $817.4M
Length / Duration 145mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Fantasy / Action
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words information control; conceal; secrets; military; war; crisis; media; news; headline; reporter; journalism; president;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Independence Day: Resurgence
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Roland Emmerich
Screenplay Nicolas Wright, James A. Woods, Dean Devlin, Roland Emmerich, James Vanderbilt
Starring Liam Hemsworth, Jeff Goldblum, Bill Pullman, Maika Monroe, Jessie T. Usher
Box Office / Audience $389.7M
Length / Duration 120mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy
Source Material Original screenplay. Sequel to the 1996 film Independence Day
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words war; military; international relations; foreign affairs;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Invictus
Year 2009
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Clint Eastwood
Screenplay Anthony Peckham
Starring Morgan Freeman, Matt Damon
Box Office / Audience $122.2M
Length / Duration 133mins
Place of Origin ZA / US
Genre Biopic / Drama
APPENDICES | PAGE 386
Source Material
Real events in South Africa in the lead up to and during the 1995 Rugby World Cup, and based on John Carlin's 2008 book "Playing the Enemy: Nelson mandela and the Game That Made a Nation". Carries the theme that sport can be a unifying thing for people, and was generally considered to be an accurate and balanced portrayal of real events.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words event; votes; speech; foreign affairs; international relations; racism;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only, though Nelson Mandela (Morgan Freeman) as SA's President has considerable foresight into how an event can be used to bring the country together post-Apartheid.
TITLE Iron Jawed Angels
Year 2004
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator Katja von Garnier
Screenplay Sally Robinson, Eugenia Bostwick-Singer, Raymond Singer, jennifer Friedes
Starring Hilary Swank, Frances O'Connor
Box Office / Audience HBO Films
Length / Duration 125mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Historical
Source Material Real events. Follows leaders of the American women's suffrage movement during the 1910s as they fought for the right to vote.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words activism; issue; democracy; gender; advocacy; rally; protest; campaign
PPR Characters Suffragists Alice Paul (Hilary Swank), Lucy Burns (Frances O'Connor), Inez Milholland (Julia Ormond), and others
TITLE Iron Man Three
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Shane Black
Screenplay Drew Pearce, Shane Black
Starring Robert Downey Jr., Gwyneth Paltrow, Don Cheadle, Guy Pearce, Ben Kingsley, Rebecca Hall
Box Office / Audience $1.215B
Length / Duration 130mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy
Source Material Based on Marvel Comics character Iron Man, it is the sequel to Iron Man (2008) and Iron Man 2 (2010), and uses concepts from the "Extremis" story arc by Warren Ellis.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words terrorism; president; media; manipulation; military; terrorism; propaganda; image; reputation; public; approval; press; news; reporter; journalism; interview; tv; announcement; press conference;
PPR Characters
Col. James "Rhodey" Rhodes (Don Cheadle) as liaison between Stark Industries and the U.S. Air Force, as well as "Iron Patriot" who dons a red/white/blue suit in order to be the government's "American hero" in the response and fallout to events in The Avengers. Virginia "Pepper" Potts (Gwyneth Paltrow) as Stark's girlfriend, CEO and spokesperson for Stark Industries.
TITLE Jason Bourne
Year 2016
APPENDICES | PAGE 387
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Paul Greengrass
Screenplay Paul Greengrass, Christopher Rouse
Starring Matt Damon, Tommy Lee Jones, Alicia Vikander, Vincent Cassel, Julia Stiles
Box Office / Audience $415.5M
Length / Duration 123mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Thriller
Source Material Based on the canon first described in the 1980 novel The Bourne Identity by Robert Ludlam.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words activism; advocacy; lobbying; power; stress; money; corporate; information control; media; coverage; spy; CIA; assasination; cover up; whistleblower; personal/public; civil rights;
PPR Characters Christian Dassault (Vinzenz Kiefer) as a hacktivist and whistleblower. Aaron Kalloor (Riz Ahmed) as Deep Dream's spokesperson and CEO. Various subsidiary characters.
TITLE Jersey Girl
Year 2004
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Kevin Smith
Screenplay Kevin Smith
Starring Ben Affleck, Liv Tyler
Box Office / Audience $36.1M
Length / Duration 102mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words public affairs; publicist; publicity; press conference; press release; spokesperson; damage; work/life balance; personal/public; professional/private; council;
PPR Characters Ollie Trinke (Ben Affleck) as a NYC media publicist / PR exec, turned civil servant (and later spokesperson/activist for a public works program), as well as Jason Lee and Matt Damon as PR Execs
TITLE JFK
Year 1991
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Oliver Stone
Screenplay Oliver Stone, Zachary Sklar
Starring Kevin Costner, Kevin Bacon, Tommy Lee Jones, Gary Oldman
Box Office / Audience $205.4M
Length / Duration 188mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events. Based on the books "On the Trail of the Assassins" by Jim Garrison (1988) and "Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy" by Jim Marrs (1989)
Reception/Review Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 388
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words president; FBI; statement; truth; investigation; conspiracy
PPR Characters Subsidiary only (e.g. FBI spokesman at press conference)
TITLE Julia
Year 1977
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Fred Zinnemann
Screenplay Alvin Sargent
Starring Jane Fonda, Vanessa Redgrave, Jason Robards, Hal Holbrook, Rosemary Murphy, Maximilian Schell
Box Office / Audience $20.7M
Length / Duration 118mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Based on Lillian Hellman's 1973 controversial book "Pentimento"
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words secret; advocacy; activism; information control;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE K Street
Year 2003
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Steven Soderbergh
Screenplay Henry Bean
Starring James Carville, Mary Matalin, John Slattery, Mary McCormack, Roger Guenveur Smith
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 1 season / 10 episodes / approx 30mins each / 5hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire
Source Material
Real events/people. Named for a street in Washington D.C. that houses many lobbying firms and consultancies, and set around a fictional, bipartisan political consultancy. The show focused on major political news happening in real time. Thus shooting took place shortly before the air date of each episode in order to keep the content fresh and relevant to current events. Each episode was largely improvised and featured a mixture of real and fictional characters.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
lobbying; leak; client; government; work/life balance; campaign; election; candidate; preparation; debate; speech; gossip; secrets; rumour; consultant; fast paced; game; event; function; power; money; votes; polls; corporate; business; spin; paranoia; glamour; ethics; morals; information control; in the loop; journalism; reporter; news; media; honesty; lie; truth;
PPR Characters
James Carville and Mary Matalin (as themselves) husband and wife principal political consultants with differing political views, who have started a bipartisan lobbying firm on K Street. Lobbyists (and fictional characters) at Carville and Matalin's firm include: Tommy Flannegan (John Slattery) a horny, adulterous, paranoid and frustrated member of the firm. Maggie Morris (Mary McCormack) a humourless, steely-eyed, blonde and anxious aide, Francisco Dupre (Roger Guenveur Smith) a colourful, disarming and slightly unnerving recently-hired out-of-towner.
TITLE Knife Fight
Year 2012
APPENDICES | PAGE 389
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Bill Guttentag
Screenplay Bill Guttentag, Chris Lehane
Starring Rob Lowe; Carrie-Anne Moss
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 100mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material
Original screenplay, based on real experiences. Chris Lehane, one of the film's screenwriters, draws significantly from his own experience as a political consultant and former spokesman for Al Gore, John Kerry, and the Clinton White House during the Lewinsky scandal. Director Guttentag originally conceived the film as a documentary, ""But I met with a couple of presidential candidates" - he won't say who - "and quickly realized you could never do it as a real film," he said. The reason: When everything hits the fan in politics, the cameras are shut out and "you can't get behind the doors you need to get behind," he said. "In our film, we take the camera inside."" The main character Paul Turner is based on Lehane, and has the same moniker "Master of Disaster" as Lehane. Note "That's why the stranger-than-fiction aspect of American politics makes life a bit surreal these days for San Franciscan Chris Lehane, whose reputation as a take-no-prisoners Democratic political consultant has earned him the nickname "Master of Disaster." Lehane, a Clinton White House spokesman during the Monica Lewinsky scandal, is co-writer of "Knife Fight," an independent film being shot in the Bay Area and billed as an insider's look at American politics." Chung (who plays Kirsten) said her portrayal "is based on an amalgamation of several of the top women he has worked with in politics who have had to juggle "a sense of understanding the tension between the ends justifying the means." and Chung said Kirsten is among the "Knife Fight" characters who spend their days engaged in "a giant game of chess," trying to advance their candidates while containing damage. With Lehane's stories being spun on set, she said, "it's a real interesting dynamic to see [...] the passion and drive that these characters have about their jobs."" (for all the quotes here see http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Knife-Fight-echoes-real-life-political-scandals-2368520.php)
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words spin; dark arts; strategy; scandal; crisis; client; work; ethics; morals; consultant; image; reputation; manipulation; cycle; news; media; reporter; journalism; idealism; game; win; election; campaign; work/life balance; power; campaign; candidate; election; public;
PPR Characters
Paul "the Master of Disaster" Turner (played by Rob Lowe), as a political consultant, 'fixer', and strategist. Kerstin Rhee (Jamie Chung) as Paul's smart and ambitious aide-de-camp (aka savvy assistant/trainee consultant and protegee?). Dimitris Vargas (Richard Schiff) a seedy political operative (aka dirt digger).
TITLE Lincoln
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Steven Spielberg
Screenplay Tony Kushner
Starring Daniel Day-Lewis, Sally Field, David Strathairn, Joseph Gordon-Levitt, James Spader, Hal Holbrook, Tommy Lee Jones
Box Office / Audience $275.3M
Length / Duration 150mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Biopic / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people. Details the last four months of US President Abraham Lincoln, and details his efforts to abolish slavery and pass the Thirteenth Amendment to the US constitution in early 1865. Historical criticisms included exaggeration and over simplification of many elements in the abolition cause/debate (especially the role of blacks and the 'white saviour' narrative), though overall the film was considered to be reasonably accurate on the majority of historical points.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low
APPENDICES | PAGE 390
Key Words war; racism; civil rights; inequality; ethics; conflict; policy; votes; support; lobbying; debate; internal relations; political party; alliance; loyalty; control; bribery;
PPR Characters
Subsidiary only. E.g. William N. Bilbo (James Spader) as a Republican Party political operative and lobbyist (who had previously been imprisoned and was freed by Lincoln before joining the abolition cause). Richard Schell (Tim Blake Nelson) as a Democratic lobbyist working with the Republicans to attract support for the passage of the 13th Amendment.
TITLE Lions for Lambs
Year 2007
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Robert Redford
Screenplay Matthew Michael Carnahan
Starring Robert Redford; Meryl Streep; Tom Cruise
Box Office / Audience $63.2M
Length / Duration 88mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words journalism; news; reporter; war; idealism; cynicism; ; activism; candidate; propaganda; public
PPR Characters
Subsidiary only. However, note that Republican Senator and presidential hopeful Jasper Irving (Tom Cruise) has invited liberal TV journalist Janine Roth (Streep) to interview him and so he can announce a new strategy for the war in Afghanistan which he hopes will lead to positive coverage that will win over the public, though Roth is concerned about becoming a mouthpiece for government propaganda (Roth's editor ignores her concerns and publishes the Senator's new strategy).
TITLE London Has Fallen
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Babak Najafi
Screenplay Creighton Rothenberger, Katrin Benedikt, Christian Gudegast, Chad St. John
Starring Gerard Butler, Aaron Eckhart, Morgan Freeman, Alon Moni Aboutboul, Angela Bassett
Box Office / Audience $205.8M
Length / Duration 99mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Crime / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Sequel to Olympus Has Fallen.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words Prime Minister; UK; security; terrorism; technology; plot; propaganda; stunt; publicity; blackmail; violence;
PPR Characters DC Mason (Jackie Earle Haley) as White House Deputy Chief of Staff. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Love Actually
Year 2003
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Richard Curtis
Screenplay Richard Curtis
Starring Hugh Grant, Liam Neeson, Colin Firth, Laura Linney, Emma Thompson
APPENDICES | PAGE 391
Box Office / Audience $246.9M
Length / Duration 136mins
Place of Origin UK / US / FR
Genre Comedy / Drama / Romance
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words media; perception; strategy; aide; public affairs; staff; image; reputation; professional/private; personal/public; polls; press conference; foreign affairs; gaffe;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Madam Secretary
Year 2014-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Barbara Hall
Screenplay Barbara Hall (created by) (63 episodes, 2014-2017), Alexander Maggio (47 episodes, 2014-2017), Alex Cooley (25 episodes
Starring Téa Leoni, Tim Daly, Patina Miller, Geoffrey Arend, Erich Bergen
Box Office / Audience CBS
Length / Duration To date: 4 seasons / 78 episodes / approx 42mins mins per episode / 54.6 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
policy; foreign affairs; international relations; terrorism; war; influence; information control; leak; controversy; crisis; scandal; threat; opportunity; power; election; campaign; candidate; press conference; event; function; legacy; loyalty; ideology; idealism; negotiation; tactics; strategy; secrets; ; ethics; morals; conflict; chief of staff; press secretary; speechwriter; advisor; staff; president; white house; government; spin; public; professional/private; personal/public; work/life balance;
PPR Characters
Ensemble. Notably: Nadine Tolliver (Bebe Neuwirth, Seasons 1-4) as Secretary of State Elizabeth McCord's (Téa Leoni) chief of staff. Russell Jackson (Željko Ivanek) as White House Chief of Staff. Daisy Grant (Patina Miller) as Elizabeth's press secretary. Mattt Mahoney (Geoffrey Arend) as Elizabeth's speechwriter. Blake Moran (Erich Bergen) as Elizabeth's personal assistant and later acting chief of staff. Jay Whitman (Sebastian Arcelus) as Elizabeth's political advisor, and later chief of staff.
TITLE Malcolm X
Year 1992
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Spike Lee
Screenplay Spike Lee, Marvin Worth
Starring Denzel Washington
Box Office / Audience $48.2M
Length / Duration 202mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events. Based on "The autobiography of Malcolm X" by Malcolm X and Alex Haley (1965)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Low
APPENDICES | PAGE 392
Key Words activism; issue; religion; racism;
PPR Characters Malcolm X (Denzel Washington) becomes a speaker for the Nation of Islam movement.
TITLE Man of Steel
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Zack Snyder
Screenplay David S. Goyer
Starring Henry Cavill, Amy Adams, Kevin Costner, Michael Shannon, Diane Lane, Laurence Fishburne, Russell Crowe
Box Office / Audience $668M
Length / Duration 143mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Action / Fantasy
Source Material Based on DC Comics character Superman. Reboot of the Superman film series, and retells the character's origin story.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words war; military; journalism; reporter; news; media; identity; secrets; celebrity;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Man Of The Year
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Barry Levinson
Screenplay Barry Levinson
Starring Robin Williams, Christopher Walken, Laura Linney, Lewis Black, Jeff Goldblum
Box Office / Audience $41.2M
Length / Duration 115mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire / Drama
Source Material
Original screenplay, however protagonist Tom Dobbs (Robin Williams) character is loosely based on Jon Stewart. Director Barry Levinson originally wanted American radio and tv personality Howard Stern to star in the film as Tom Dobbs, despite Stern having only starred as himself in one other film. Note also that Stephen Colbert (technically) ran for President from October 16 - November 5 2007 after public pressure urging him to do so (the campaign's legitimacy was questioned but Colbert insisted he was serious).
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words campaign; election; candidate; president; entertainment; democracy; populism; votes; conspiracy; truth; polls; media;
PPR Characters Jack Menken (Christopher Walken) as Tom Dobb's manager (turned campaign manager)
TITLE Mars Attacks!
Year 1996
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Tim Burton
Screenplay Jonathan Gems
Starring Jack Nicholson, Glenn Close, Annette Bening, Pierce Brosnan, Natalie Portman
Box Office / Audience $101.4M
APPENDICES | PAGE 393
Length / Duration 106mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire / Fantasy
Source Material Adaptation of cult trading card game "Mars Attacks" by Topps.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words President; press secretary; war; military; assassination;
PPR Characters Press Secretary Jerry Ross (Martin Short)
TITLE Medium Cool
Year 1969
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Haskell Wexler
Screenplay Haskell Wexler
Starring Robert Forster, Verna Bloom, Peter Bonerz, Marianna Hill, Harold Blankenship
Box Office / Audience $5.5M
Length / Duration 110mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay, interspersed with real events.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PPC
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words media; journalism; reporter; news; ethics; morals; headline; frenzy; coverage; cycle; public; civil rights; advocacy; activism;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Mental
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator P. J. Hogan
Screenplay P. J. Hogan
Starring Toni Collette; Anthony LaPaglia; Liev Schreiber; Rebecca Gibney
Box Office / Audience $4M
Length / Duration 116mins
Place of Origin AU
Genre Drama / Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay based on P. J. Hogan's family.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words work/life balance; election; campaign; launch; event; appearance; image; reputation; family;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Milk
APPENDICES | PAGE 394
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Gus Van Sant
Screenplay Dustin Lance Black
Starring Sean Penn, Emile Hirsch, Josh Brolin, James Franco
Box Office / Audience $54.6M
Length / Duration 128mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material Real events/people. Based on the life of politician and gay rights activist Harvey Milk (the first openly gay person to be elected to public office in California). Milk utilised his background as a businessman to become a gay activist
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words activism; activism; issue; civil rights; revolution; ; election; campaign; candidate; votes; public; propaganda; event; protest; news; media; press; headline; interview; democracy; debate;
PPR Characters
Harvey Milk (Sean Penn) himself demonstrates a natural flair for PPR. Scott Smith (James Franco) as Harvey Milk's partner/lover and campaign manager (though note that in the film Smith becomes tired of Milk's devotion to politics and later leaves him - whereas in reality Smith was instrumental to Milk's career as an activist and politician, though Smith was disillusioned by Milk's change from laid-back hippie to ranting-politico he acted as his campaign manager from 1974-1977). Other ensemble characters (who were Milk's associates in real life) include Frank M. Robinson (playing himself) as Milk's associate and speechwriter, Anne Kronenberg (Alison Pill) as Milk's fellow activist and campaign manager in 1977 and his aide when he held office, David Goodstein (Howard Rosenman) LGBT spokesperson and publisher, Bill Kraus (Zachary Culbertson) (who later went on to become a community liaison in the 1980s).
TITLE Miss Sloane
Year 2016
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator John Madden
Screenplay Jonathan Perera
Starring Jessica Chastain, Mark Strong, Gugu Mbatha-Raw, Michael Stuhlbarg, Alison Pill
Box Office / Audience $4.6M
Length / Duration 132mins
Place of Origin FR / US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
lobbying; activism; advocacy; power; game; idealism; agenda; work/life balance; professional/private; personal/public; glamour; dirty work; dark arts; stress; pressure; substance abuse; ambition; exploitation; manipulation; intelligence; power; reputation; spin; strategy; consultant; spokesperson; staff; behind the scenes; corporate; policy; client; government; publicity; research; tactics; media; headline; coverage; press conference; leak; smear; stunt; evidence; fact; frame; information control; in the loop;
PPR Characters Elizabeth Sloane (Jessica Chastain) as a ruthless and successful corporate lobbyist. Ensemble cast.
TITLE Mr. Smith Goes To Washington
Year 1939
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Frank Capra
APPENDICES | PAGE 395
Screenplay Sidney Buchman, Myles Connolly
Starring Jean Arthur, James Stewart
Box Office / Audience $9.0M
Length / Duration 125mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material Based on Lewis R. Foster's unpublished story "The Gentleman from Montana".
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PAL, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
stress; cynicism; dirty work; idealism; intimidate; control; agenda; lobbying; media; money; power; machine; spin; public opinion; votes; enforcer; business; corporate; corruption; democracy; government; blackmail; bribery; deal; deception; manipulation; speech; activism; coverage; news; information control; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters Jim Taylor (Edward Arnold) corrupt political boss and head of the Taylor political machine; Clarissa Saunders (Jean Arthur) secretary and political aide to Jefferson Smith (James Stewart)
TITLE My Fellow Americans
Year 1996
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Peter Segal
Screenplay E. Jack Kaplan, Richard Chapman, Peter Tolan
Starring Jack Lemmon, James Garner, Dan Aykroyd
Box Office / Audience $22.3M
Length / Duration 101mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words President; candidate; corruption; election; bribery; scandal; conspiracy; redemption; press conference; plot;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Network
Year 1976
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Sidney Lumet
Screenplay Paddy Chayefsky
Starring Faye Dunaway, William Holden, Peter Finch, Robert Duvall
Box Office / Audience $23.7M
Length / Duration 121mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
APPENDICES | PAGE 396
Key Words journalism; media; TV; news; headline; entertainment; cycle; coverage; frenzy; scandal; advocacy; activism; opinion; influence; public; popularity;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE 1990
Year 1977-1978
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Wilfred Greatorex
Screenplay Wilfred Greatorex, Edmund Ward, Jim Hawkins, Arden Winch,
Starring Edward Woodward, Robert Lang, Barbara Kellerman (series 1), Lisa Harrow (series 2), Tony Doyle
Box Office / Audience BBC2
Length / Duration 2 seasons / 16 episodes
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words information control; power; agenda; media; journalism; surveillence; spy; government; bureaucracy; system; dictatorship; issues; civil rights; cover up; conspiracy; secret; lie; in the loop;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Nixon
Year 1995
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Oliver Stone
Screenplay Stephen J. Rivele, Christopher Wilkinson, Oliver Stone
Starring Anthony Hopkins, Joan Allen
Box Office / Audience $13.7M
Length / Duration 192mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events. The film begins with the following disclaimer that the film is "an attempt to understand the truth [...] based on numerous public sources and on an incomplete historical record."
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words President; White House; intelligence; power; substance abuse; election; campaign; consultant; trust; truth; scandal; crisis; corruption; conspiracy
PPR Characters
H.R. Haldeman (James Woods) Nixon's chief of staff (and one of the Watergate Seven). John Ehrlichman (J.T. Walsh) campaign staffer and later counsel and assistant to the president for domestic affairs (and one of the Watergate Seven). Herb Klein (Saul Rubinek) Nixon's executive branch communications director. Ron Ziegler (David Paymer) as white house press secretary and assistant to the president. Charles 'Chuck' Colson (Kevin Dunn) Nixon's 'hatchet man' and special counsel (and one of the Watergate Seven). John Dean (David Hyde Pierce) Nixon's White House Counsel. Murray Chotiner (Fyvush Finkel) republican political strategist and close friend to Nixon as well as campaign manager.
TITLE Norma Rae
Year 1979
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Martin Ritt
Screenplay Harriet Frank, Jr., Irving Ravetch
APPENDICES | PAGE 397
Starring Sally Field, Beau Bridges, Ron Leibman
Box Office / Audience $22.2M
Length / Duration 110mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Real events. Based on the true story of Crystal Lee Sutton, which was told in the 1975 book Crystal Lee, a Woman of Inheritance by New York Times reporter Henry P. Leifermann.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words activism; advocacy; lobbying; power; stress; money; grassroots; protest;
PPR Characters Norma Rae (Sally Field) as a working single mother who becomes an activist and part of the union movement. Reuben Warshowsky (Ron Leibman) as a union organiser and strategist.
TITLE O Brother, Where Art Thou
Year 2000
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Joel Coen and Ethan Coen
Screenplay Joel Coen and Ethan Coen
Starring George Clooney, John Turturro, Tim Blake Nelson, John Goodman, Holly Hunter
Box Office / Audience $71.9M
Length / Duration 107mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Action / Crime
Source Material Adaptation. Modern satire loosely based on Homer's epic poem The Odyssey.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words Election; candidate; racism; event; crime; performance; corruption; democracy
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Olympus Has Fallen
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Antoine Fuqua
Screenplay Creighton Rothenberger, Katrin Benedikt
Starring Gerard Butler; Aaron Eckhart; Morgan Freeman
Box Office / Audience $161M
Length / Duration 119mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay. Millennium Films competed against Sony Pictures's "White House Down" (with a similar premise) which was released in the same year. The sequel "London Has Fallen" was released in 2016, with discussions that a third film "Angel Has Fallen" is currently in the works.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI, PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words president; White House; security; terrorism; crisis; press conference; media; news;
APPENDICES | PAGE 398
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Parkland
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Peter Landesman
Screenplay Peter Landesman
Starring James Badge Dale, Zac Efron, Colin Hanks, Billy Bob Thornton, Jacki Weaver, Paul Giamatti, Marcia Gay Harden
Box Office / Audience $1.4M
Length / Duration 93mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events/people, depicting the events following JFK's assissination. Based on Vincent Bugliosi's 2008 book "Four Days in November: The Assination of President John F Kennedy"
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI, PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words president; assassination; FBI; crisis; tragedy; evidence; reaction; investigation; public; event; media; information control;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Parks and Recreation
Year 2009-2015
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Greg Daniels, Michael Schur
Screenplay Greg Daniels, Michael Schur, various
Starring Amy Poehler, Rashida Jones, Paul Schneider, Aziz Ansari, Nick Offerman, Aubrey Plaza, Chris Pratt, Adam Scott, Rob Lowe, Jim O'Heir, Retta, Billy Eichner
Box Office / Audience NBC
Length / Duration 7 seasons / 125 episodes / approx 22mins per episode / 46hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material
Original screenplay. Parks and Recreation was co-created by Greg Daniels who adapted the original BBC version of The Office (2001-2003) for US audiences (see The Office, 2005-2013) and Michael Schur who was a writer on the US version. It was originally commissioned as a spin-off to The Office, though ended up being developed as a stand-alone show that borrowed stylistic elements such as the mockumentary approach and improvised script. The decision to base the series in a local political context was inspired by the success of The Wire (2002-2008) and came in the wake of renewed public optimism about politics following the 2008 US Presidential Election. In the later series, the scripts often draw on or paralleled real events/issues
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PAL, PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words
bureaucracy; community; government; promotion; publicity; public; image; appearance; reputation; idealism; ambition; loyalty; interview; canvassing; debate; press conference; media; personality; public affairs; constituents; votes; consultation; opinion; issue; event; speech; approval; polls; election; campaign; candidate; campaign manager; fundraising; council;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Party Animals
Year 2007
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Brian Grant
APPENDICES | PAGE 399
Screenplay Ben Richards, Robert Jones, Fintan Ryan
Starring Patrick Baladi, Andrew Buchan, Matt Smith, Raquel Cassidy, Shelley Conn, Andrea Riseborough, Clemency Burton-Hill, Pip Carter, Peter Wight
Box Office / Audience BBC Two
Length / Duration 1 series / 8 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 6.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Inspired by observations and research with Westminster staffers
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
research; policy; power; debate; preparation publicity; agenda; attention; affair; lobbying; manipulation; work/life balance; fast paced; crisis; professional/private; personal/public; game; win; money; ambition; ideology; controversy; enemy; press; media; contacts; charity; activism; protest; support; money; interview; debate; truth; lie; blackmail; embarrassment; election; campaign; candidate; canvassing; image; reputation; substance abuse; party; speech; loyalty; glamour;
PPR Characters
Scott Foster (Andrew Buchan) as a smooth, successful and trusted lobbyist from a New Labour background (and protective older brother to Danny) whose idealism and optimism eventually give way to cynical disillusionment. Danny Foster (Matt Smith - of Dr Who fame) as a quietly intelligent and loyal parliamentary researcher working for a junior Labor minister (a less confident homebody younger brother to Scott). Ashika Chandiramani (Shelley Conn) as an ambitious and witty special advisor to a shadow junior Tory minister (who has little patience with the traditional tribalism and adversity between the major parties), and later conservative candidate in a by-election. Kirsty MacKenzie (Andrea Riseborough) as a flirtatious, self-centred, ambitious and manipulative junior parliamentary researcher working with Danny. Matt Baker (Pip Carter) as an insightful, ideological, hardcore libertarian who works with Ashika as a junior researcher, analyst, and confidante (he is also gay and a bit of a poser, though not in an overly camp way).
TITLE Political Animals
Year 2012
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Greg Berlanti
Screenplay Greg Berlanti
Starring Sigourney Weaver, Carla Gugino, James Wolk, Sebastian Stan, Brittany Ishibashi, Ellen Burstyn, Ciaran Hinds
Box Office / Audience USA Network / Warner Bros. Television
Length / Duration 6 episodes / approx 90mins each / 360mins total
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay. The character of Elaine Barrish (Sigourney Weaver) takes inspiration from Hilary Clinton, and the themes are connected with political legacy families.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words work/life balance; journalism; negotiation; foreign affairs; international relations; policy; power; information control; leak; candidate; election; campaign; polls; news; media; reporter; headline; story; source; fake; scandal; crisis; pressure; reputation; image;
PPR Characters Douglas Hammond (James Wolk) as Elaine Barrish's (Sigourney Weaver) son and chief of staff. Barry Harris (Roger Bart) as Elaine's former presidential campaign manager and White House chief of staff. Alice (Kristine Nielsen) as White House Chief of Staff. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Pork Chop Hill
Year 1959
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Lewis Milestone, Gregory Peck
Screenplay James R. Webb
APPENDICES | PAGE 400
Starring Gregory Peck, Rip Torn, George Shibata, Woody Strode, Harry Guardino
Box Office / Audience $2.1M
Length / Duration 97mins
Place of Origin US
Genre War / Drama / Action
Source Material Based on the book Pork Chop Hill: The American Fighting Man in Action by S. L. A. Marshall (1956)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words propaganda; military; image; reputation; publicity; international relations; negotiation;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Power
Year 1986
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Sidney Lumet
Screenplay David Himmelstein
Starring Richard Gere, Denzel Washington, Gene Hackman
Box Office / Audience $3.8M
Length / Duration 111mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words consultant; election; campaign; exploitation; work/life balance
PPR Characters Pete St. John (Richard Gere) successful media consultant; Arnold Billings (Denzel Washington) PR expert
TITLE Primary Colors
Year 1998
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Mike Nichols
Screenplay Elaine May
Starring John Travolta; Emma Thompson; Billy Bob Thornton; Kathy Bates
Box Office / Audience $52.1M
Length / Duration 143mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Comedy / Satire
Source Material Based on journalist Joe Klein's novel "Primary Colors: A Novel of Politics" about Bill Clinton's first presidential campaign in 1992, after having covered the campaign for Newsweek. The novel was first published anonymously but the author was revealed in 1996.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words Campaign; election; candidate; scandal; president; conspiracy; corruption; cover up; debate; cynicism; media; blackmail; propaganda; strategy; secrets; lie
APPENDICES | PAGE 401
PPR Characters
Henry Burton (Adrian Lester) is a political idealist and Stanton campaign staffer; Richard Jemmons (Billy Bob Thornton) is a ruthless political strategist; Daisy Green (Maura Tierney) is the campaign spokeswoman; Howard Ferguson (Paul Guilfoyle) is a "sly political operator"; Libby Holden (Kathy Bates) as a political consultant / investigator / dirt digger.
TITLE Recount
Year 2008
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator Jay Roach
Screenplay Danny Strong
Starring Kevin Spacey, Denis Leary, Laura Dern, Tom Wilkinson, John Hurt, Ed Begley Jr., Bob Balaban
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 116mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events/people. Based on the 2000 United States presidential election, and chronicles the Bush v. Gore case in ruling the election outcome.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words election; campaign; candidate; votes; competition; law; media; parties; public; truth; system; cover up; profanity;
PPR Characters
Ron Klain (Kevin Spacey) as Al Gore's Chief of Staff and Democratic strategist. Michael Whouley (Denis Leary), a Democratic Party political consultant/strategist who is very sweary. Mac Stipanovich (Bruce McGill) as a Republican Party lobbyist from Florida, and advised Katherine Harris (Laura Dern) on how to proceed with the election. Craig Waters (Alex Staggs) as the Florida Supreme Court's communications director and public information officer. Joe M. Allbaugh (Stefen Laurantz) as Bush's campaign advisor.
TITLE Salmon Fishing In The Yemen
Year 2011
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Lasse Hallström
Screenplay Simon Beaufoy
Starring Eway McGregor, Emily Blunt, Kristin Scott Thomas, Amr Waked
Box Office / Audience $34.6M
Length / Duration 107mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Romance / Comedy / Drama
Source Material Based on Paul Torday's 2007 satirical novel of the same name. Also note government spin doctor Patricia Maxwell in the film is gender-swapped from the original Patrick Maxwell in the book.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words press conference; stunt; propaganda; foreign affairs; international relations; money; publicity; press secretary; advisor; consultant; headline; news; media; terrorism; professional/private; personal/public;
PPR Characters
Patricia Maxwell (Kristin Scott Thomas) as the Prime Minister's press secretary / government's chief spin doctor who is eager to spend the money of a foreign investor that can bring in positive press (especially to improve relations between Britain and Arabic nations). Harriet Chetwode-Talbot (Emily Blunt) as the Sheikh's advisor also acts as corporate relations between the Sheikh and the government. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Scandal
Year 1989
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Michael Caton-Jones
APPENDICES | PAGE 402
Screenplay Michael Thomas
Starring John Hurt, Joanne Whalley-Kilmer, Ian McKellen, Bridget Fonda, Britt Ekland, Roland Gift
Box Office / Audience $8.8M
Length / Duration 115mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama / Historical
Source Material Based on 1987 Anthony Summers' book Honeytrap, which was based on the 1963 British Profumo affair.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words scandal; crisis; image; reputation; government; personal/public; professional/private; affair; sex; secret; lie; truth;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE Scandal
Year 2012-2017
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Shonda Rhimes
Screenplay Shonda Rhimes
Starring Kerry Washington, ensemble
Box Office / Audience ABC (US)
Length / Duration 7 seasons / 113 episodes / approx 43mins per episode / 81hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material
Original screenplay. The character of Olivia Pope (Kerry Washington) is partially based on the professional experiences of Judy Smith, a former special assistant and deputy press secretary to President George H. W. Bush, turned crisis management and media relations consultant. Smith's firm Smith & Company advised Monica Lewinsky as well as other high profile clients. Smith serves as a co-executive producer and advisor for Scandal.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
scandal; crisis; management; law; crime; issue; fix; cover up; distract; conceal; distract; reaction; corruption; money; power; damage; diplomacy; white house; president; chief of staff; press secretary; campaign; election; votes; polls; consultant; public; opinion; image; appearance; reputation; identity; secrets; lie; truth; trust; instinct; accusation; gaffe; media; news; interview; press conference; statement; speech; ambition; personal/public; professional/private; work/life balance; affair; murder; tragedy; investigation; research; plan; strategy; information control; leak; agenda;
PPR Characters
Olivia "Liv" Pope (Kerry Washington) as former White House Director of Communications and a renowned professional Washington "fixer". Abigail "Abby" Whelan (Darby Stanchfield) as a researcher/investigator turned White House Press Secretary. Cyrus Beene (Jeff Perry) as former White House Chief of Staff turned presidential running mate. Elizabeth North (Portia de Rossi - seasons 4-5) as political and campaign advisor to the First Lady, and Chief of Staff to the President and later Vice President. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Secret State
Year 2012
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Ed Fraiman
Screenplay Robert Jones
Starring Gabriel Byrne, Charles Dance, Douglas Hodge, Gina McKee, Rupert Graves, Ruth Negga
Box Office / Audience Channel 4
Length / Duration 4 episodes / approx 45mins per episode / 3.5hours
APPENDICES | PAGE 403
Place of Origin UK
Genre Thriller
Source Material Based on Chris Mullin's 1982 novel "A Very British Coup", though similarities are mostly thematic and the adaptation is looser than the original TV Adaptation in 1988. This source material is credited as "inspiration" and the original novel's author Chris Mullin appears in a cameo role as a vicar.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
election; campaign; candidate; democracy; conspiracy; corruption; plot; government; corporate; industry; money; power; public; crisis; tragedy; media; news; journalism; reporter; press conference; investigation; manipulation; secrets; lie; truth; trust; ethics; morals; image; appearance; reputation; polls; information control; leak; work/life balance;
PPR Characters Gina Hayes (Anna Madeley) as Deputy Prime Minister Tom Dawkin's (Gabriel Byrne) press officer. John Hodder (Charles Dance) as the government's snarling and reptilian chief whip.
TITLE See Here, Private Hargrove
Year 1944
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Wesley Ruggles, Tay Garnett
Screenplay Harry Kurnitz
Starring Robert Walker, Donna Reed, Keenan Wynn
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 101mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Romance / War
Source Material Based on best selling book See Here, Private Hargrove 1942 book by Marion Hargrove
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words journalism; media; money; writing; record; spin; image; propaganda; public relations; promotion; military; embarrassment; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters Private Marion Hargrove (Robert Walker) former journalist turned PR-man for the military; Private Mulvehill (Keenan Wynn) scheming colleague of Private Hargrove
TITLE Show Me A Hero
Year 2015
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Paul Haggis
Screenplay David Simon, William F. Zorzi
Starring Oscar Isaac, Bob Balaban, Jim Belushi, Jon Bernthal, Dominique Fishback
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 6 episodes / approx 60mins mins per episode / 6 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Based on non-fiction book Show Me a Hero (1999) by Lisa Belkin
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words work/life balance; lobbying; activism; advocacy; persuasion; power; spin; support; consultant; policy; community; council; government; issue; racism; inequality;
PPR Characters Ensemble. Notably James Surdoval (Michael Stahl-David) as Nick Wasickso's (Oscar Isaac) political consultant. .
APPENDICES | PAGE 404
TITLE Silkwood
Year 1983
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Mike Nichols
Screenplay Nora Ephron, Alice Arlen
Starring Meryl Streep, Kurt Russell, Cher
Box Office / Audience $35.6M
Length / Duration 131mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama / Historical
Source Material Original screenplay. Inspired by the life of labor union activist and nuclear whistleblower Karen Silkwood.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words activism; advocacy; information control; conspiracy; corruption; corporate; secret; lie; cover up; investigation; evidence; paranoia; whistle blower; power; assassination;
PPR Characters Karen Silkwood (Meryl Streep), as a union activist and whistleblower.
TITLE 1600 Penn
Year 2012-2013
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Josh Gad, Jon Lovett, Jason Winer
Screenplay Josh Gad, Jon Lovett, Jason Winer
Starring Josh Gad, Jenna Elfman, Martha MacIsaac, Andre Holland, Amara Miller, Benjamin Stockham, Bill Pullman
Box Office / Audience NBC
Length / Duration 1 season / 13 episodes / approx 22mins per episode / 5hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
gaffe; leak; information control; embarrassment; crazy; scandal; stress; work/life balance; personal/public; professional/private; event; function; glamour; power; influence; protest; activism; campaign; publicity; dysfunction; viral; media; journalism; news; headline; reporter; press conference; interview; White House; president; image; appearance;
PPR Characters Emily Nash-Gilchrist (Jenna Elfman) as the President's (Bill Pullman) second wife and step-mother to his children, as well as former campaign manager and now First Lady. Marshall Malloy (Andre Holland) as the black White House Press Secretary.
TITLE Slattery's People
Year 1964-1965
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Bing Crosby Productions
Screenplay James E. Moser (creator) (36 episodes, 1964-1965), Jack Guss (4 episodes, 1964-1965), William P. McGivern (4 episodes
Starring Richard Crenna, Ed Asner, Tol Avery
Box Office / Audience CBS
Length / Duration 2 seasons / 36 episodes
Place of Origin US
APPENDICES | PAGE 405
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words democracy; bureaucracy; government; truth; integrity; policy; strategy; idealism; aide; reporter; media; issues;
PPR Characters Johnny Ramos (Paul Geary), Slattery's (Richard Crenna) political aide. BJ Clawson (Maxine Stuart), Slattery's secretary. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Speechless
Year 1994
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ron Underwood
Screenplay Robert King
Starring Michael Keaton, Geena Davis
Box Office / Audience $20.7M
Length / Duration 99mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Romance
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words speech writer; campaign; candidate; ethics
PPR Characters Kevin Vallick (Michael Keaton) speech writer for the Republican candidate in the New Mexico gubernatorial election, Julia Mann (Geena Davis) speech writer for the Democratic candidate in the New Mexico gubernatorial election.
TITLE Spin City
Year 1996-2002
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Gary David Goldberg, Bill Lawrence
Screenplay Gary David Goldberg, Bill Lawrence
Starring Michael J. Fox (seasons 1-4), Charlie Sheen (seasons 5-6)
Box Office / Audience ABC (US)
Length / Duration 6 seasons / 145 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 72.5 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy
Source Material
Original screenplay. Fictional events in the series were often inspired by reality (e.g. Mayor Giuliani's foibals and marital problems were used to creat jokes in the later seasons), though reality often echoed the show as well (e.g. Giuliani's living arrangements mimicking Mayor Bostwick's when he is thrown out of his official residence and moves in with two gay men).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words spin; lie; government; staff; aide; speech writer; press secretary; work/life balance; ethics; morals; personal/public; professional/private; image; reputation; gaffe; reporter; journalism; campaign; tactics; strategy; negative; gossip; smear; control; blame;
APPENDICES | PAGE 406
PPR Characters
Paul Lassiter (Richard Kind) as City Hall's press secretary, who is gullible, cowardly, cheap, loudmouthed, and brown-nosing, and often the butt-of-jokes and kept out of the loop about things (seasons 1-6). James Hobert (Alexander Chaplin) as the Mayor's speech writer, who is paranoid, nervous, innocent and easily manipulated, and later becomes Deputy Mayor Mike Flaherty's (Michael J. Fox) secretary (though Hobert thinks of himself as Deputy Deputy Mayor) in season 4 after being fired then rehired (seasons 1-4). Stuart Bondek (Alan Ruck) as the shallow, sexist and womanising chief of staff (seasons 1-6). Carter Heywood (Michael Boatman) as a gay black man who is head of minority affairs (seasons 1-6). Nikki Faber (Connie Britton) as Mike's accountant and City Hall co-worker, she is outgoing, promiscuous, and Paul Lassiter's enemy, as well as often being responsible for preventing Mayor Bostwick embarrassing himself infront of the media and the public (seasons 1-4). Janelle Cooper (Victoria Dillard) as the NYC dim-witted Mayor Randall Winston's (Barry Bostwick) secretary (previously Mike's secretary in Season 1 before being promoted) (seasons 1-4). Stacey Paterno (Jennifer Esposito) as Mike's fiesty secretary in Seasons 2-3. Caitlin Moore (Heather Locklear) as a communications director, marketing consultant, and campaign manager brought in to run Mayor Winston's (Barry Bostwick) campaign for Senator (and replaces James Hobert as the Mayor's speechwriter), which causes tension with Mike who likes to be in control, and ends up romantically involved with both leads (seasons 4-6). Although Deputy Mayor Mike Flaherty's (Michael J. Fox) is a politician, he has a very big hand in spinning and dealing with spin (note that when this character leaves the show at the end of Season 4, he moves to Washington to work as an environmental lobbyist, and meets senator Alex P. Keaton - the name of the character Fox played on Family Ties).
TITLE Spinning Boris
Year 2003
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Roger Spottiswoode
Screenplay Yuri Zeltser, Grace Cary Bickley
Starring Jeff Goldblum, Anthony LaPaglia, Live Schreiber
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 112mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Biopic
Source Material Based on the true story of the 1996 Russian reelection of Boris Yeltsin, where a group of American political consultants were hired to assist with the campaign.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words president; election; campaign; focus group; spin; advertising; consultant; polls
PPR Characters Spin doctors (Political consultants and former Republican campaign operatives) George Gorton (Jeff Goldblum), Dick Dresner (Anthony LaPaglia), Joe Shumate (Live Schreiber)
TITLE State of Affairs
Year 2014-2015
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Alexi Hawley
Screenplay Alexi Hawley (created by) (13 episodes, 2014-2015), Joe Carnahan (2 episodes, 2014-2015), Sarah Kucserka (2 episodes
Starring Katherine Heigl, Alfre Woodard, Adam Kaufman, Sheila Vand, Cliff Chamberlain
Box Office / Audience NBC
Length / Duration 1 seasons / 13 episodes / approx 45mins mins per episode / 9.8 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words information control; intelligence; CIA; spy; terrorism; international relations; foreign affairs;
APPENDICES | PAGE 407
PPR Characters David Patrick (David Harbour) White House Chief of Staff. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE State of Emergency
Year 1975
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator David Askey (3 episodes, 1975)
Screenplay John Gould (creator) (3 episodes, 1975), Hugh Whitemore (3 episodes, 1975)
Starring Michael Gwynn, Patrick Mower, Janet Key, William Gaunt, Ian Gelder
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 3 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 2.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay. Sequel to The Donati Conspiracy (1973).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words propaganda; information control; enforcer; spin; war; support; public; power; democracy; dictatorship; government; system;
PPR Characters Ensemble
TITLE State Of Play
Year 2003
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator David Yates
Screenplay Paul Abbott
Starring David Morrissey, John Simm, Kelly Macdonald, Polly Walker, Bill Nighy, James McAvoy, Marc Warren, Philip Glenister
Box Office / Audience BBC One
Length / Duration 6 episodes / approx 50mins each / 300mins total
Place of Origin UK
Genre Crime / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. This was Paul Abbott's third writing project for the BBC and first attempt at a political thriller. After the success of the series, Abbott was commissioned to write a second series, however the sequel never eventuated as Abbott admitted he struggled to make the story work.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words power; information control; money; secrets; lie; truth; corruption; scandal; spy; assassination investigation; cover up; corporation; deal; affair; sex; murder; reporter; journalism; informant; spin; spin doctor; research; campaign manager; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters
Cal McCaffrey (John Simm) is the former campaign manager to Labor MP Stephen Collins (David Morrissey) and is now a journlist responsible for researching/investigating incidents connected with Collins (note Cal later has an affair with Collins's wife Anne). Andrew Wilson (Michael Feast) is Labor's 'spin doctor' who leaks information to Cal in an attempt to keep Collins's reputation intact, and is later petitioned by Collins and energy Minister George Fergus (James Laurenson) to leak information that will ruin Cal's reputation and put him off the story. Dominic Foy (Marc Warren) is a petty-criminal being paid by oil industry lobbyists Warner-Schloss who support U-EX Oil, and is interrogated/interviewed by the investigative journalists (it is also later revealed that murdered staffer Sonia Baker was an oil industry plant to keep tabs on Collins and Fergus). Cameron Foster (Bill Nighy) is editor of The Herald newspaper who has his story stopped by both U-EX Oil and Westminster (but publishes that he has been 'gagged'), only to be replaced by another more complicit editor (after The Herald's board is pressured by Warner-Schloss and U-EX).
TITLE State Of Play
Year 2009
APPENDICES | PAGE 408
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Kevin Macdonald
Screenplay Matthew Michael Carnahan, Tony Gilroy, Billy Ray
Starring Russell Crowe, Ben Affleck, Rachel McAdams, Robin Wright Penn, Jason Bateman, Jeff Daniels, Helen Mirren
Box Office / Audience $87.8M
Length / Duration 128mins
Place of Origin UK / FR / US
Genre Crime / Drama / Thriller
Source Material Adaptation of a 2003 six-part BBC mini-series, with a condensed plot and changed location.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words power; information control; money; secrets; lie; truth; corruption; scandal; spy; assassination investigation; cover up; corporation; deal; affair; sex; murder; reporter; journalism;
PPR Characters Dominic Foy (Jason Bateman) as a nasty and cynical PR executive working for a subsidiary of PointCorp, who is blackmailed into spilling secrets.
TITLE State of the Union
Year 1948
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Frank Capra
Screenplay Myles Connolly, Anthony Veiller
Starring Spencer Tracy, Katharine Hepburn
Box Office / Audience $3.5M
Length / Duration 111mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material Adaptation of State of the Union (play) by Russel Crouse and Howard Lindsay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words affair; professional/private; relationships; ambition; power; media; machine; money; corruption; campaign; behind the scenes; candidate; press; manipulation; press conference; influence; spin; strategy;
PPR Characters Republican political strategist Jim Conover (Adolphe Menjou); Grant Matthew's (Spencer Tracy) campaign manager Spike McManus (Van Johnson); media mogul and political boss Kay Thorndyke (Angela Lansbury).
TITLE Sweet Smell of Success
Year 1957
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Alexander Mackendrick
Screenplay Ernest Lehman, Clifford Odets, Ernest Lehman
Starring Burt Lancaster, Tony Curtis
Box Office / Audience $2.2M
Length / Duration 96mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Film-Noir
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
APPENDICES | PAGE 409
PPR Category PAL, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words money; glamour; stress; work/life balance; ambition; contacts; morals; ethics; scandal; spin; agenda; media; journalism; press; news; reputation; dark arts; manipulation; deception; lie; story; truth;
PPR Characters Sidney Falco (Tony Curtis) ignoble press agent
TITLE Swing Vote
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Joshua Michael Stern
Screenplay Joshua Michael Stern, Jason richman
Starring Kevin Costner, Paula Patton, Kelsey Grammer, Dennis Hopper, Nathan Lane Stanley Tucci
Box Office / Audience $17.6M
Length / Duration 120mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay, though similar premise to The Great Man Votes (1939).
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words votes; election; campaign; system; reporter; tv; journalism; media; news; influence; polls; candidate; advertising; marketing; debate;
PPR Characters Martin Fox (Stanley Tucci) as the Republican campaign manager. Art Crumb (Nathan Lane) as the Democrat campaign manager.
TITLE Tanner '88
Year 1988
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Garry Trudeau
Screenplay Garry Trudeau
Starring Michael Murphy, Pamela Reed, Cynthia Nixon, Kevin J. O'Connor, Daniel Jenkins, Jim Fyfe, Matt Malloy, Ilana Levine, Veronica Cartwright
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 11 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 6hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire
Source Material Original screenplay, interspersed with real events.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
election; campaign; race; candidate; votes; president; political party; perspective; speech; grassroots; advisor; campaign manager; marketing; advertising; brand; ideology; image; reputation; publicity; exploitation; manipulation; insight; integrity; focus group; civil rights; press conference; interview; event; function; policy; issue;
PPR Characters
T.J. Cavanaugh (Pamela Reed), Jack Tanner's (Michael Murphy) campaign manager. Stringer Kincaid (Daniel Jenkins), Tanner's media manager. Joanna Buckley (Wendy Crewson) as Tanner's girlfriend and deputy campaign manager to his rival Dukakis. Other subsidiary characters. Note there is also some crossover into PPR from other roles (e.g. Deke Connors (Matt Malloy) who produces Tanner's campaign ads, and Emile Berkoff (Jim Fyfe) who is a number crunching statistician).
TITLE Tanner on Tanner
Year 2004
APPENDICES | PAGE 410
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Garry Trudeau
Screenplay Garry Trudeau
Starring Michael Murphy, Pamela Reed, Cynthia Nixon, Matt Malloy, Ilana Levine
Box Office / Audience Sundance Channel
Length / Duration 4 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 2hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire
Source Material Original screenplay. Sequel to mockumentary Tanner '88. Many of the original cast reprise their roles. Like the original, it also utilises a number of real figures in cameo roles (such as Robert Redford, Martin Scorsese, Barack Obama, Bill Clinton), which blurs the boundaries between fiction and reality.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words election; campaign; candidate; event; ; president; political party; grassroots; advisor; campaign manager; marketing; advertising; information control; image; reputation; publicity; manipulation; insight;
PPR Characters T.J. Cavanaugh (Pamela Reed), Jack Tanner's (Michael Murphy) former campaign manager who is now a bitter and bitchy political advisor to John Kerry. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE Thankyou For Smoking
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Jason Reitman
Screenplay Jason Reitman
Starring Aaron Eckhart
Box Office / Audience $39.3M
Length / Duration 92mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire
Source Material
Based on Christopher Buckley's 1994 novel of the same name, however the plot and ending differ to some extent. Note Buckley later wrote another satirical novel called Little Green Men (1999) which has some plot parallels to TYFS and overlaps on some key themes. The rights for Little Green Men have been bought and it has been adapted into a screenplay, but the project has stalled.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words lobbying; money; power; corruption; manipulation; spin; information control; lie; deception; reporter; journalism; marketing; advertising; entertainment; spokesperson;
PPR Characters
Nick Naylor (Aaron Eckhart) as a tobacco lobbyist (also Vice President of the "Academy of Tobacco Studies" - a tobacco lobby group), Bobby Jay Bliss (David Koechner) as a gun lobbyist, Polly Bailey (Maria Bello) as an alcohol lobbyist, (these three describe themselves as "the merchants of death" / "the MOD squad"). Ron Goode (Todd Louiso) is a govt spokesperson from the opening scene, and other subsidiary characters (e.g. Senator Finistirre's (William H Macy) aide) also perform PPR functions.
TITLE The Adjustment Bureau
Year 2011
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator George Nolfi
Screenplay George Nolfi
Starring Matt Damon, Emily Blunt
Box Office / Audience $127.9M
Length / Duration 106mins
APPENDICES | PAGE 411
Place of Origin US
Genre Romance / Thriller / Fantasy
Source Material Based on Philip K. Dick's (o.p. 1954) short story "Adjustment Team", though it is a loose Adaptation.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words press conference; speech; candidate; election; campaign; polls; votes; scandal; news; headline; honesty; truth; aide; campaign manager; consultant; popularity; personal/public;
PPR Characters
David Norris (Matt Damon) as an up-and-coming politician (his speech at the start of the film candidly calls out the manufactured imagery of politics which makes him the favourite in the race) and then political consultant. Charlie Traynor (Michael Kelly - who also plays Doug Stamper in HoC) as Norris's friend, colleague, and campaign manager. Other subsidiary characters as part of Norris's campaign team.
TITLE The Amercianization of Emily
Year 1964
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Arthur Hiller
Screenplay Paddy Chayefsky
Starring James Garner, Julie Andrews, Melvyn Douglas, James Coburn, Joyce Grenfell
Box Office / Audience $4.0M
Length / Duration 115mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama / War
Source Material Based on the 1964 book The Americanization of Emily by William Bradford Huie
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words publicity; propaganda; promotion; persuasion; perception; image; spin; media; public affairs; public relations; war; coverage; news; hero; truth;
PPR Characters
Leiutenant commander Paul "Bus" Cummings (James Coburn) and Admiral William Jessup (Melvyn Douglas) are both party to a fake publicity strategy to promote the war effort. References are also made to the military's "public relations office" and "P.R.O." during the film, though it is not featured on screen.
TITLE The American President
Year 1995
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Rob Reiner
Screenplay Aaron Sorkin
Starring Michael Douglas; Annette Bening; Martin Sheen; Michael J. Fox
Box Office / Audience $107.9M
Length / Duration 114mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Romance / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words election; campaign; policy; lobbying; reputation; relationships; votes; perception; candidate; President; White House; international relations; issue; ethics
APPENDICES | PAGE 412
PPR Characters Sydney Ellen Wade (Annette Bening), environmental lobbyist. A.J. MacInerney (Martin Sheen), White House Chief of Staff. Lewis Rothschild (Michael J. Fox), Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy. Robin McCall (Anna Deavere Smith), White House Press Secretary.
TITLE The Americans
Year 2013-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Joe Weisberg
Screenplay Joe Weisberg
Starring Keri Russell, Matthew Rhys, ensemble
Box Office / Audience FX
Length / Duration To date: 5 seasons / 65 episodes / variable, approx 40-55mins per episode / 56hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Utilises real events from the Cold War period as part of the narrative, as well as being inspired by creator Joe Weisberg's own experiences as a CIA officer.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words war; intelligence; CIA; FBI; information control; contacts; source; frame; blame; truth; lie; trust; release; leak; foreign affairs; international relations; diplomat; negotiation; spy; public; secrets; stress; work/life balance; protect;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE The Best Man
Year 1964
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Franklin J. Schaffner
Screenplay Gore Vidal
Starring Henry Fonda, Cliff Robertson, Lee Tracy, Margaret Leighton, Edie Adams
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 102mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Based on the 1960 play of the same title by Gore Vidal
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words campaign; election; primary; lobbying; president; convention; ruthless; populism; blackmail; idealism; vote; win; work/life balance; ambition; dirty work; power; campaign manager; smear; image; reputation; leak; personal/public;
PPR Characters Don Cantwell (Gene Raymond), ruthless campaign manager for his brother, populist Senator Joe Cantwell (Cliff Robertson), who is vying for presidential nomination. The character of Don Cantwell was openly based on Bobby Kennedy. Other subsidiary characters also perform PR functions.
TITLE The Butler
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Lee Daniels
Screenplay Danny Strong
Starring Forest Whitaker; Oprah Winfrey; ensemble
Box Office / Audience $176.6M
APPENDICES | PAGE 413
Length / Duration 132mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Historical
Source Material Real events/people. Inspired by the life of African-American Eugene Allen, and based on journalist Wil Haygood's 2008 article "A Butler Well Served by This Election" published in The Washington Post. The protagonist Cecil Gaines is loosely based on the real Allen.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words civil rights; racism; White House; president; event; speech; activism; propaganda; protest; war;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. (e.g. James Lawson (Jesse Williams) as leader of a student activist group)
TITLE The Campaign
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Jay Roach
Screenplay Chris Henchy, Shawn Harwell
Starring Will Ferrell, Zach Galifianakis, Jason Sudeikis, Dylan McDermott, John Lithgow, Dan Aykroyd
Box Office / Audience $104.9M
Length / Duration 85mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Original screenplay that lampoons political campaigning and modern elections, in particular campaign finance and corporate influence. The film directly parallels American businessmen Charles G. Koch and David H. Koch (aka the Koch brothers) and their role in political funding and lobbying.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words campaign; election; candidate; votes; corruption; scandal; crisis; power; corporate; influence; money; manipulation; campaign manager; consultant; image; makeover; reputation; advertising; marketing; lobbying; media; news; journalism; reporter;
PPR Characters Mitch Wilson (Jason Sudeikis) as Cam Brady's campaign manager. Tim Wattley (Dylan McDermott) as a political consultant hired by the Motch Brothers to manage Marty Huggins's campaign and image. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE The Candidate
Year 1972
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Michael Ritchie
Screenplay Jeremy Larner
Starring Robert Redford, Peter Boyle
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 109mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material The character of McKay is based on US Senator John V. Tunney. Director Michael Ritchie worked for Tunney's campaign in the 1970 Senate election.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
APPENDICES | PAGE 414
Key Words
campaign; election; candidate; fast paced; work/life balance; stress; pressure; idealism; integrity; personality; ambition; image; media; persuasion; influence; power; spin; strategy; votes; win; advisor; campaign manager; advertising; marketing; celebrity; brand; polls; publicity; TV; news; interview; debate; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters Marvin Lucas (Peter Boyle), a Democratic political strategist. Other ensemble and subsidiary characters.
TITLE The China Syndrome
Year 1979
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator James Bridges
Screenplay Mike Gray, T. S. Cook, James Bridges
Starring Jane Fonda, Jack Lemmon, Michael Douglas
Box Office / Audience $51.7M
Length / Duration 122mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Real events. Actual occurrences at nuclear plants.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words information control; conspiracy; corruption; corporate; secret; lie; cover up; evidence; paranoia; whistle blower; power; spin;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE The Company You Keep
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Robert Redford
Screenplay Lem Dobbs
Starring Robert Redford; Shia LaBeouf; Susan Sarandon
Box Office / Audience $19.6M
Length / Duration 125mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Thriller / Drama
Source Material Based on Neil Gordon's 2003 novel of the same name.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words security; surveillance; FBI; accusation; journalism; reporter; news; editor; tv; headline; frenzy; activism; protest; demonstration; ethics; idealism; smear; secrets; trust; lie; investigation; leak;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. No specific PPR, though there are several active and former members of the Weather Underground movement. Diana (Anna Kendrick) is an FBI agent who leaks information to her ex-boyfriend and reporter Ben Shepard (Shia LaBeouf).
TITLE The Contender
Year 2000
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Rod Lurie
Screenplay Rod Lurie
Starring Gary Oldman, Joan Allen, Jeff Bridges, Christian Slater
Box Office / Audience $22.3M
APPENDICES | PAGE 415
Length / Duration 126mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay however it references the Chappaquiddick incident (1969 car accident involving Senator Ted Kennedy).
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PMI
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words President; Vice President; opposition; candidate; negative; personal/public; sex; smear; scandal; publicity; stunt; corruption; conspiracy; campaign; gender; morals; lie; truth
PPR Characters Jerry Toliver (Saul Rubinek) as President Evan's press secretary, Kermit Newman (Sam Elliott) as Evan's Chief of Staff, William Hanson (Robin Thomas) as Laine Hanson's campaign manager.
TITLE The Deal
Year 2003
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator Stephen Frears
Screenplay Peter Morgan
Starring David Morrissey, Michael Sheen
Box Office / Audience Channel 4
Length / Duration 76mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people. Depicts the relationship (first friendship then adversity) between Gordon Brown and Tony Blair, and their climb up the greasy pole on the way to power, and inspired by the relationship between Aaron Altman (Albert Brooks) and Tom Frunick (William Hurt) in 1987 film Broadcast News. Many of the film's "facts" are drawn from James Naughtie's 2001 book "The rivals: The intimate portrait of a political marriage" (which was the film's working title), as well as Hansard transcripts. Originally planned to depict only the aftermath of Labor leader John Smith's death, but the timeframe was expanded given the significance of the 1992 general election in the Blair/Brown relationship. Note that the ending was changed for the American release after Brown became leader in 2007.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words policy; election; campaign; leader; popularity; image; reputation; loyalty; statement; speech; address; press; journalism; news; death; legacy; public relations; advisor; consultant; strategy; work/life balance;
PPR Characters
Peter Mandelson (Paul Rhys) initially as Neil Kinnock's director of communications, and later advisor to Gordon Brown (David Morrissey) and supporter of Blair's run for leadership (causing tension with Brown who feels Mandelson betrayed their allegiance). Brown's assistant Sue Nye (Joanna Scanlan) and Blair's assistant Anji Hunter (Glenna Morrison) also play minor PPR roles to an extent.
TITLE The Dictator
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Larry Charles
Screenplay Sacha Baron Cohen, Alec Berg, David Mandel, Jeff Schaffer
Starring Sacha Baron Cohen, Anna Faris, John C. Reilly, Ben Kingsley, Jason Mantzoukas
Box Office / Audience $179.4M
Length / Duration 83mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Comedy / Satire
APPENDICES | PAGE 416
Source Material
Original screenplay. However it was inspired by dictators such as Saddam Hussein (and his 2000 novel "Zabibah and the King"), Kim Jong-il, Idi Amin, Muammar Gaddafi, Mobutu Sese Seko, and Sapamurat Niyazov. Drew comparisons with the Marx Brothers 1933 film Dick Soup and Charlie Chaplin's 1940 film The Great Dictator.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words democracy; speech; interview; terrorism; military; civil rights; activism; lie; truth; image; appearance; public; media; ; manipulation; propaganda; power; money; protest;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE The Distinguished Gentleman
Year 1992
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Jonathan Lynn
Screenplay Marty Kaplan, Jonathan Reynolds
Starring Eddie Murphy
Box Office / Audience $46.7M
Length / Duration 112mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay, allegedly loosely based on the 1939 film Mr Smith Goes to Washington
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words lobbying; money; candidate; election; campaign; power; corruption
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. However, Eddie Murphy's character Jeff Johnson performs many PPR functions himself.
TITLE The Donati Conspiracy
Year 1973
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Vere Lorrimer (3 episodes, 1973)
Screenplay John Gould (3 episodes, 1973)
Starring Michael Aldridge, Anthony Valentine, Janet Key, Richard Beckinsale, Ian Gelder
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 3 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 2.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words propaganda; information control; enforcer; spin; war; support; public; power; democracy; dictatorship; government; system;
PPR Characters Ensemble
TITLE The Edge of Tomorrow
Year 2014
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Doug Liman
APPENDICES | PAGE 417
Screenplay Christopher McQuarrie, Jez Butterworth, John-Henry Butterworth
Starring Tom Cruise, Emily Blunt, Bill Paxton, Brendan Gleeson
Box Office / Audience $370.5M
Length / Duration 113mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy
Source Material Based on the 2004 novel All You Need Is Kill by Hiroshi Sakurazaka
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words war; military; agenda; propaganda; image; reputation; spin; win; spokesperson; public affairs; enemy; hero; advertising; marketing; promotion; persuasion;
PPR Characters Major William Cage (Tom Cruise) military spokesperson and public affairs officer
TITLE The Fifth Estate
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Bill Condon
Screenplay Josh Singer
Starring Benedict Cumberbatch, Daniel Brühl, Alicia Vikander, Stanley Tucci, Laura Linney, Anthony Mackie, David Thewlis
Box Office / Audience $8.6M
Length / Duration 128mins
Place of Origin US / IN
Genre Biopic / Drama / Thriller
Source Material Real events/people. The screenplay is adapted from Domscheit-Berg's book "Inside WikiLeaks: My Time with Julian Assange at the World's Most Dangerous Website" (2011), and "WikiLeaks: Inside Julian Assange's War on Secrecy" (2011) by British journalists David Leigh and Luke Harding
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PAL, PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words
freedom of speech; information control; public; journalism; news; media; reporter; investigation; leak; morals; ethics; justice; foreign affairs; international relations; diplomacy; ; confidentiality; secrets; lie; truth; spin; trust; fact; evidence; source; power; deception; corruption; crime; surveillance; whistle blower; crisis; cover up; FBI; war; military; propaganda; speech; press conference; publicity; civil rights; work/life balance; loyalty; betrayal; technology; fraud; identity;
PPR Characters Daniel Domscheit-Berg (Daniel Brühl) as a journalist turned WikiLeaks's spokesperson. Ensemble and subsidiary characters (for example Sam Coulson (Anthony Mackie), as the White House representative and spokesperson).
TITLE The Final Cut
Year 1995
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Mike Vardy
Screenplay Andrew Davies, Michael Dobbs
Starring Ian Richardson, Diane Fletcher, Nick Brimble
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 4 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 3.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
APPENDICES | PAGE 418
Source Material
Adaptation. Sequel to To Play The King (1992) mini series, and final chapter in the BBC's House of Card's trilogy. Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's 1992 novel of the same name (final book in the House of Cards trilogy), with some plot differences to the original novel (though Dobbs rewrote portions of the original for its reissue in 2013). Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man".
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
power; behind the scenes; legacy; vengeance; manipulation; negotiation; support; plot; strategy; tactics; policy; greed; ethics; morals; corruption; reporter; journalism; news; coverage; polls internal relations; public; opinion; image; reputation; corporate; corruption; candidate; campaign; race; election; votes; competition; win; opposition; polls; scandal; conspiracy; bribery; blackmail; system; speech; interview; statement; cover up; ; debate; truth; lie; murder; affair; machiavellian; cunning; ambition; personal/public; professional/private; work/life balance; diplomacy; foreign affairs; international relations; deal; government; access; information control; leak; public; record; crisis;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE The First Family
Year 2012-2015
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Byron Allen
Screenplay Byron Allen
Starring Christopher B. Duncan, Kellita Smith, Jackee Harry, Khylin Rhambo, Yara Shahidi, Sayeed Shahidi, Layla Crawford, John Witherspoon
Box Office / Audience Syndicated (US)
Length / Duration 2 seasons / 36 episodes / approx 20mins per episode / 12hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay. Arguably inspired by the Obama's, though this has been denied by the show's producers.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words
work/life balance; personal/public; professional/private; viral; embarrassment; crisis; scandal; activism; civil rights; media; publicity; news; headline; reporter; press; press conference; image; reputation; appearance; White House; president; campaign; issue; policy; glamour; celebrity; press secretary; gaffe; polls; ratings; approval; function; event; truth; lie; stress;
PPR Characters Rebecca (Mary Passeri) as the President's (Christopher B. Duncan) attractive press secretary. Other subsidiary characters (e.g. John the Speechwriter (Adam Kulbersh), 1 episode)
TITLE The Games
Year 1998-2000
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator John Clarke, Ross Stevenson
Screenplay John Clarke, Ross Stevenson
Starring John Clarke, Bryan Dawe, Gina Riley, Nicholas Bell
Box Office / Audience ABC (AU)
Length / Duration 2 series / 26 episodes / approx 25 mins per episode / 11.25hours
Place of Origin AU
Genre Satire
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
APPENDICES | PAGE 419
Key Words bureaucracy; corruption; ambition; incompetence; gaffe; public service; ethics; morals; media; journalism; reporter; public; press conference; press release; money; power; international relations; interview; sponsorship; lobbying; corporate; crisis; information control;
PPR Characters Gina Riley (Gina Riley) as the "Manager Marketing and Liaison" for the Sydney Organising Committee for the Olympic Games (SOCOG). Nicholas Bell (Nicholas Bell) as the Secretary to the Minister for the Olympics.
TITLE The Ghost Writer / The Ghost
Year 2010
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Roman Polanski
Screenplay Robert Harris, Roman Polanski
Starring Ewan McGregor, Pierce Brosnan, Kim Cattrall, Olivia Williams
Box Office / Audience $60.2M
Length / Duration 128mins
Place of Origin UK / FR / DE
Genre Thriller
Source Material
Adaptation of Robert Harris's 2007 novel "The Ghost", that is a thinly veiled roman à clef (novel with a key aka a novel about real life facts with a fictional facade overlaid) about the Blairs (the film particularly connects Blair to the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the war on terror and the special relationship with the US). The implied allegations in the novel were considered so shocking that had Harris been a less respected journalist/novelist it is unlikely the novel would have been published due to Britain's libel laws. After Blair resigned in 2007, former Fleet Street political editor Harris choose to write the novel full-time in an effort to release it before Blair's own memoirs were published. In the book, recently unseated PM Adam Lang is holed up writing his memoir, and Ruth Lang (Cherie Blair's fictional counterpart) sinisterly manipulates her husband.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words
power; information control; protect; secrets; lie; truth; evidence; corruption; scandal; spy; CIA; security; assassination manipulation; system; foreign affairs; international relations; protest; demonstration; war; investigation; cover up; corporation; deal; legacy; launch; event; editor; civil liberty; whistle blower; news;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. However, Amelia Bly (Kim Cattrall) as Lang's personal assistant does perform some activities vaguely connected with PR, as does the ghostwriter's agent Rick Ricardelli (Jon Bernthal).
TITLE The Good Shepherd
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Robert De Niro
Screenplay Eric Roth
Starring Matt Damon, Angelina Jolie, Robert de Niro, Alec Baldwin
Box Office / Audience $99.5M
Length / Duration 167mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Thriller / Historical / Drama
Source Material
Real events - loosely based on the birth of the CIA and development of counter-intelligence operations. Most characters in the film are inspired by real people e.g. Edward Wilson (Matt Damon) is loosely based on CIA Counterintelligence Staff Director James Jesus Angleton and covert-ops specialist Richard M. Bissell. Eric Roth (screenwriter) had previously attempted to bring Norman Mailer's "Harlot's Ghost" to the screen, which is also a fictionalised chrnoicle of the CIA.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words information control; conceal; conspiracy; secrets; trust; truth; idealism; loyalty; ideology; betrayal; surveillance;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
APPENDICES | PAGE 420
TITLE The Good Wife
Year 2009-2016
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Robert King, Michelle King
Screenplay Michelle King (creator) (156 episodes, 2009-2016), Robert King (created by) (156 episodes, 2009-2016), Adam R. Perlman (22 episodes
Starring Julianna Margulies, Chris Noth, Matt Czuchry, Archie Panjabi, Graham Phillips
Box Office / Audience CBS
Length / Duration 7 seasons / 156 episodes / approx 43mins mins per episode / 111.8 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words law; justice; scandal; secret; lie; gossip; affair; work/life balance; family; personal/public; professional/private; campaign; election; advisor; campaign manager; consultant; chief of staff; strategy;
PPR Characters
Eli Gold (Alan Cumming) as a successful, blunt and intuitive political consultant with a specialisation in crisis management and damage control, who works as Peter Florrick's (Chris Noth) campaign strategist and later chief of staff. Jim Moody (Skipp Sudduth, Seasons 2, 4, and 5) as a political operative and enforcer who Eli Gold often turns to. Vanessa Gold (Parker Posey, Season 3) as Eli Gold's ex-wife who is an ambitious political consultant. Jordan Karahalios (T.R. Knight, Season 4) as a young campaign strategist and political consultant for Peter Florrick, who frequently clashes with Eli Gold. Johnny Elfman (Steven Pasquale, Season 6) as Alicia Florrick's (Julianna Margulies) campaign manager.
TITLE The Great Man Votes
Year 1939
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Garson Kanin
Screenplay John Twist, Garson Kanin
Starring John Barrymore
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 72mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Based on The Great Man Votes (short story) by Gordon Malherbe Hillman
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words ambition; intelligence; agenda; opportunity; power; votes; democracy; bribery; deal; influence; manipulation;
PPR Characters Iron Hat McCarthy (Donald MacBride) scheming political consultant; other subsidiary characters
TITLE The Hollowmen
Year 2008
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Rob Sitch
Screenplay Santo Cilauro, Tom Gleisner, Rob Sitch
Starring Rob Sitch, Lachy Hulme, Merrick Watts, Neil Melville, David James, Stephen Hall, Jacquie Brennan, Santo Cilauro, Nicola Parry
Box Office / Audience ABC (AU)
APPENDICES | PAGE 421
Length / Duration 2 series / 12 episodes / approx 25mins per episode / 5.5hours
Place of Origin AU
Genre Satire
Source Material Original screenplay. Inspired by observations and research of Australian politics by the Working Dog production team.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
policy; power; populism; spin; advisor; marketing; advertising; fast paced; work/life balance; information control; research; tactics; strategy; image; appearance; perception; reputation; legacy; deception; lie; truth; scandal; crisis; agenda; bureaucracy; press; news; headline; media; journalism; preparation; script; government; staff; ethics; morals; gaffe; embarrassment; negative; blame; responsibility; negotiation; shallow; public; polls; issue; money; consultation; in the loop;
PPR Characters
Tony (Rob Sitch) the Prime Minister's Principal Private Secretary. Murph (Lachy Hulme), senior political advisor and director of the Central Policy Unit (CPU). Nick (Merrick Watts), senior political advisor. Ian (Neil Melville) the Prime Minister's Chief of Staff. Mel (Jacquie Brennan), senior media advisor. Theo (Santo Cilauro), head of market research
TITLE The Honourable Woman
Year 2014
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Hugo Blick
Screenplay Hugo Blick
Starring Maggie Gyllenhaal, Philip Arditti, Lubna Azabal, Andrew Buchan, Eve Best
Box Office / Audience BBC Two (UK)
Length / Duration 1 seasons / 8 episodes / approx 58mins mins per episode / 7.7 hours
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words information control; power; secret; lie; turth; trust; threat; surveillance; personal/public; professional/private; corporate; business; conflict of interest; agenda; access; activism; advocacy; lobbying; persuasion; influence; diplomacy; foreign affairs; international relations; cover up; murder;
PPR Characters Ensemble
TITLE The House of Cards
Year 1990
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Paul Seed
Screenplay Andrew Davies, Michael Dobbs
Starring Ian Richardson, Susannah Harker, David Lyon, Diane Fletcher
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 4 episodes / approx 55mins per episode / 3.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
APPENDICES | PAGE 422
Source Material
Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's 1989 novel, and the first part in the House of Cards trilogy (the others being To Play the King '92/'93 and The Final Cut '94/'95). Parallels to Shakespeare's Richard III and Macbeth have been drawn. The series popularised the phrase "You might very well think that; I couldn't possibly comment" as a standard non-confirmation confirmation statement, and has been used in the House of Commons as well as other variations in popular culture (such as by Nicola Murray in The Thick of It). Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man".
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
power; behind the scenes; manipulation; negotiation; support; plot; strategy; tactics; policy; greed; ethics; morals; corruption; reporter; journalism; news; coverage; polls internal relations; public; opinion; image; reputation; corporate; corruption; candidate; campaign; race; election; votes; competition; win; scandal; conspiracy; bribery; blackmail; system; speech; press conference; debate; interview; statement; truth; lie; murder; affair; machiavellian; cunning; ambition; personal/public; professional/private; work/life balance; diplomacy; deal; government; access; information control; leak;
PPR Characters Roger O'Neill (Miles Anderson), the Conservative party's PR cocaine snorting PR consultant who is used as a tool by Francis Urquhart (Ian Richardson) to do his dirty work. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE The Hunger Games
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Gary Ross
Screenplay Suzanne Collins, Gary Ross, Billy Ray
Starring Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Elizabeth Banks, Lenny Kravitz, Stanley Tucci, Donald Sutherland
Box Office / Audience $694.4M
Length / Duration 142mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy / Drama
Source Material
Based on Suzanne Collins 2008 dystopian novel of the same name, and is the first installment in a four film series. Collins's work has faced criticisms for its similarities to Koushun Takami's 1999 novel Battle Royale (also adapted into a film in 2000 by Kinji Fukasaku with the same name), though most critics considered it to be a "veritable pastiche" of other texts, and it has been compared with a number of other films and novels. Collins herself has cited the myth of Theseus, the coverage of the Iraq War, and reality TV as her inspiration.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words propaganda; war; image; money; public; support; news; media; headline; celebrity; hero; spokesperson; interview; promotion; advertising; marketing; tv; event; entertainment; performance; inequality; power; activism; image; brand;
PPR Characters
Effie Trinket (Elizabeth Banks) as the District 12 tribute's chaperone/minder and coordinator. Cinna (Lenny Kravitz) as the District 12 tribute's stylist and image maker. Haymitch Abernathy (Woody Harrelson) as the District 12 tribute's mentor and advocate. Subsidiary characters (e.g. Katniss's prep team Octavia, Venia, and Flavius). Additional characters is the later films also have PR roles (e.g. Plutarch Heavensbee (Philip Seymoure Hoffman) as Head Gamemaker, propagandist, and later Secretary of Communications).
TITLE The Hunger Games: Catching Fire
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Francis Lawrence
Screenplay Simon Beaufoy, Michael deBruyn
Starring Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Elizabeth Banks, Lenny Kravitz, Stanley Tucci, Donald Sutherland, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Jeffrey Wright
Box Office / Audience $865M
APPENDICES | PAGE 423
Length / Duration 146mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy / Drama
Source Material Based on Suzanne Collins 2009 dystopian novel of the same name, and is the second installment in a four film series.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words event; publicity; spokesperson; celebrity; performance; show; image; reputation; information control; power; threat; media; propaganda; morals; ethics;
PPR Characters
Plutarch Heavensbee (Philip Seymoure Hoffman) as Head Gamemaker and propagandist. Effie Trinket (Elizabeth Banks) as the District 12 tribute's chaperone/minder and coordinator. Cinna (Lenny Kravitz) as the District 12 tribute's stylist and image maker. Haymitch Abernathy (Woody Harrelson) as the District 12 tribute's mentor and advocate. Subsidiary characters (e.g. the tributes' prep teams). Additional characters is the later films also have PR roles (e.g. ).
TITLE The Hunger Games: Mockingjay Part 1
Year 2014
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Francis Lawrence
Screenplay Peter Craig (screenplay), Danny Strong (screenplay), Suzanne Collins (adaptation), Suzanne Collins (novel)
Starring Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Donald Sutherland
Box Office / Audience $755.4M
Length / Duration 123mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Fantasy / Thriller
Source Material Based on 2010 novel Mockinjay by Suzanne Collins
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words event; publicity; spokesperson; celebrity; performance; show; image; reputation; information control; power; threat; media; propaganda; promotion; morals; ethics; spin; behind the scenes; win; support; elite; government; hero; revolution; coverage; war; military
PPR Characters Plutarch Heavensbee (Philip Seymoure Hoffman) former head gamemaker as Secretary of Communications and propagandist in the resistance. Cressida (Natalie Dormer) and other members of the Mockingjay's "propo" (propaganda) production team.
TITLE The Hunger Games: Mockingjay Part 2
Year 2015
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Francis Lawrence
Screenplay Peter Craig (screenplay), Danny Strong (screenplay), Suzanne Collins (adaptation), Suzanne Collins (novel)
Starring Jennifer Lawrence, Josh Hutcherson, Liam Hemsworth, Woody Harrelson, Donald Sutherland
Box Office / Audience $653.4M
Length / Duration 137mins
Place of Origin US / DE
Genre Action / Fantasy
Source Material Based on 2010 novel Mockinjay by Suzanne Collins
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PMI, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium
APPENDICES | PAGE 424
Key Words event; publicity; spokesperson; celebrity; performance; show; image; reputation; information control; power; threat; media; propaganda; promotion; morals; ethics; spin; behind the scenes; win; support; elite; government; hero; revolution; coverage; war; military
PPR Characters Plutarch Heavensbee (Philip Seymoure Hoffman) former head gamemaker as Secretary of Communications and propagandist in the resistance. Cressida (Natalie Dormer) and other members of the Mockingjay's "Star Squad".
TITLE The Ides of March
Year 2011
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator George Clooney
Screenplay George Clooney, Grant Heslov, Beau Willimon
Starring Ryan Gosling, George clooney, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Paul Giamatti, Evan Rachel Wood, Marisa Tomei, Jeffrey Wright
Box Office / Audience $76M
Length / Duration 101mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Adaptation of Beau Willimon's 2008 play Farragut North.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
power; idealism; cynicism; candidate; campaign; election; polls; political party; primary; strategy; endorsement; support; negotiation; belief; loyalty; work/life balance; ; ambition; truth; lie; blackmail; secrets; scandal; affair; investigation; journalism; reporter; news; headline; consultant; advertising; marketing; poster; campaign manager; press conference; speech; debate;
PPR Characters
Stephen Meyers (Ryan Gosling), Morris's junior campaign manager. Paul Zara (Philip Seymour Hoffman) as Morris's campaign manager and Meyers's superior and mentor. Tom Duffy (Paul Giamatti) as democratic opponent Ted Pullman's campaign manager. Molly Stearns (Evan Rachel Wood) as an intern for Morris's campaign. Ben Harpen (Max Minghella) as a member of Morris's campaign staff. Mike Morris (George Clooney) as Governor of Pennsylvania and a Democratic presidential candidate, and master of his own campaign. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE The Insider
Year 1999
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Michael Mann
Screenplay Eric Roth, Michael Mann
Starring Al Pacino, Russell Crowe, Christopher Plummer
Box Office / Audience $60.3M
Length / Duration 157mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material
Adaptation of Marie Brenner's Vanity Fair article "The Man Who Knew Too Much". The film fictionalises the true story based on a 60 Minutes segment about a tobacco industry whistle-blower Jeffrey Wigand and CBS producer Lowell Bergman who have to defend Wigand's testimony and attempts by CBS and the tobacco industry to supress it.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words truth; whistle blower; corruption; news; media; journalism; confidentiality; FBI; police; law; manipulation; blackmail; opinion; statement; power; corporate; control; informant justice; investigation; tv; scandal; lie; controversy; conspiracy;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE The Iron Lady
Year 2011
APPENDICES | PAGE 425
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Phyllida Lloyd
Screenplay Abi Morgan
Starring Meryl Streep, Jim Broadbent
Box Office / Audience $115M
Length / Duration 104mins
Place of Origin UK / FR
Genre Biopic / Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events/people. Chronicles the life and career of Margaret Thatcher from her formative years through to the aftermath of the death of her husband Denis. Note that Lord Tim Bell of Belgravia (Thatcher's long-standing advisor and a corporate PR consultant) is not a character in the film.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words image; reputation; makeover; appearance; speech; political party; leader; gender; foreign affairs; international relations; policy; public; protest; election; candidate; votes; war; propaganda;
PPR Characters Gordon Reece (Roger Allam), former tv producer and Thatcher's political strategist. Airey Neeve (Nicholas Farrell), as Thatcher's colleague turned campaign manager (and then head of her private office before his assassination).
TITLE The Kennedys
Year 2011
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Jon Cassar
Screenplay Stephen Kronish
Starring Greg Kinnear, Barry Pepper, Katie Holmes, Tom Wilkinson
Box Office / Audience History Television / ReelzChannel
Length / Duration 8 episodes / approx 45mins each / 346mins total
Place of Origin CA / US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people. Journalist and author David Talbot's 2007 book "Brothers: The hidden history of the Kennedy years", that gives a controversial account of the Kennedy presidency, assissination, and aftermath, was originally used as source material, though Talbot became a preemptive critic after reading the script and lamenting its inaccuracies and negative depiction. Historians Steven M. Gillon (author of 2009 book "The Kennedy Assassination - 24 hours after") and Rovert Dallek were associated with production.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words image; reputation; personality; popularity; election; campaign; candidate; advisor; professional/private; personal/public; secrets; manipulation; blackmail; civil rights; ethics; morals; press conference; journalism; news; power; greed;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE The Killing
Year 2011-2014
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Patty Jenkins
Screenplay Veena Sud
Starring Mireille Enos, Joel Kinnaman, ensemble
Box Office / Audience AMC, Netflix
Length / Duration 4 seasons / 44 episodes / approx 40-60min per episode / 33.5hours
APPENDICES | PAGE 426
Place of Origin US
Genre Crime / Drama
Source Material Based on the award winning and internationally successful Danish television series Forbrydelsen (The Crime) (2007-2012). Reviewers noted similarities to Mark Frost and David Lynch's serial crime drama Twin Peaks (1990-1991)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PMI
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words campaign; election; candidate; accusation; publicity; debate; negative; attention; polls; ratings; smear; money; leak; information control; secrets; lie; trust; truth; affair; corruption; murder; investigation;
PPR Characters
Gwen Eaton (Kristin Lehman) as campaign advisor and lover to Seattle mayoral candidate Darren Richmond (Bill Campbell). Jamie Wright (Eric Ladin) as the machiavellian campaign manager to Seattle mayoral candidate Darren Richmond, who encourages Richmond to exploit Rosie Larsen's murder (and is later discovered to have been involved in the murder). Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE The King's Speech
Year 2010
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Tom Hooper
Screenplay David Seidler
Starring Colin Firth, Geoffrey Rush, Helen Bonham Carter
Box Office / Audience $414.2M
Length / Duration 119mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people but original screenplay. Seidler, who himself developed a stammer following emotional trauma of WWII, was inspired by King George VI's success in overcoming his speech impediment, and was writing about the topic since the 1980s but postponed finalising his work until after the death of The Queen Mother. The screenplay was initially rewritten for the stage, but eventually revised again for the screen, and in the weeks prior to filming incorporated quotes from Lionel Logue's (the therapist) notebooks.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words speech; appearance; spokesperson; radio; announcement; interview; fraud; lie; secrets; truth; image; reputation; power; appearance; radio;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. Lionel Logue (Geoffrey Rush) is a speech and language therapist and amateur actor, rather than PR.
TITLE The Last Hurrah
Year 1958
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator John Ford
Screenplay Frank S. Nugent
Starring Spencer Tracy, Jeffrey Hunter, Dianne Foster
Box Office / Audience $1.1M
Length / Duration 121mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material Adaptation of The Last Hurrah 1956 novel by Edwin O'Connor, which was loosely based on the colourful political career of Boston mayor and Governor of Massachusetts James Michael Curley.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
APPENDICES | PAGE 427
Key Words machine; power; spin; campaign; grassroots; speeches; reputation; image; enforcer; TV; money; corruption; truth; agenda; legacy; enforcer; staff; election; publicity; event; community; journalism; media; reporter;
PPR Characters
Mayor Frank Skeffington (Spencer Tracy); Adam Caulfield (Jeffrey Hunter) a reporter invited to shadow Mayor Skeffington; Amos Force (John Carradine) newspaper mogul; John Gorman (Pat O'Brien) colleague of Mayor Skeffington and an enforcer; Ditto Boland (Edward Brophy) yes-man and aide to Mayor Skeffington;
TITLE The Last King of Scotland
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Kevin Macdonald
Screenplay Jeremy Brock, Peter Morgan
Starring Forest Whitaker, James McAvoy, Kerry Washington
Box Office / Audience $48.4M
Length / Duration 123mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material
Based on journalist Giles Foden's critically acclaimed and award winning 1998 novel of the same name. The novel weaves historical fact and fiction, and focuses on the rise of Ugandan President Idi Amin and his reign as dictator from 1971-1979 from the perspective of his personal physician. Some historians have also drawn parallels between the depiction of Idi Amin in the film and Shakespeare's Macbeth.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words power; corruption; idealism; journalism; media; diplomacy; truth; distrust; betrayal; speech; spokesperson; press conference; dictatorship; control; perspective;
PPR Characters Nicholas Garrigan (James McAvoy) and Idi Amin (Forest Whitaker) both perform PPR functions, despite not being in PR roles. Minor subsidiary characters are also relevant.
TITLE The Makeover
Year 2013
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator John Gray
Screenplay C. Jay Cox
Starring Julia Stiles, David Walton, Camryn Manheim, Georgia Lyman
Box Office / Audience Syndicated
Length / Duration 93mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Romance
Source Material Adaptation of George Bernard Shaw's play "Pygmalion" (1912) that modernises and gender swaps the main characters.
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words election; candidate; campaign; image; appearance; makeover; speech; populism; intelligence; polls; class; elite; personality; public; popularity; professional/private; personal/public; work/life balance;
PPR Characters Hannah Higgins (Julia Stiles) as an education consultant turned political consultant turned campaign manager and communications advisor. Colleen Pickering (Camryn Manheim) as Hannah's former campaign manager and business partner.
TITLE The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit
Year 1956
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Nunnally Johnson
APPENDICES | PAGE 428
Screenplay Nunnally Johnson, Sloan Wilson
Starring Gregory Peck, Jennifer Jones, Fredric March
Box Office / Audience $4.3M
Length / Duration 153mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Based on the 1955 novel (of the same name) by Sloan Wilson
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words family; pressure; professional/private; stress; work/life balance; ambition; legacy; consultant; spin; advertising; marketing; fundraiser; promotion; publicity; campaign; advocacy; activism; corporate; public; money; integrity; honesty;
PPR Characters War veteran Tom Rath (Gregory Peck) who works in PR for a TV network and launches a major mental health campaign
TITLE The Manchurian Candidate
Year 1962
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator John Frankenheimer
Screenplay George Axelrod
Starring Frank Sinatra, Laurence Harvey, Janet Leigh, Angela Lansbury, Henry Silva
Box Office / Audience $7.7M
Length / Duration 126mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Based on the 1959 novel The Manchurian Candidate 1959 by Richard Condon
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI, PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words propaganda; conspiracy; power; information control; persuasion; hero; war; election; candidate; assasination;
PPR Characters Mrs Eleanor Iselin (Angela Lansbury) a cunning, power-hungry schemer who controls her husband Senator John Iselin (James Gregory) and the political career of her son and supposed war hero Raymond Shaw (Laurence Harvey).
TITLE The Manchurian Candidate
Year 2004
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Jonathan Demme
Screenplay Daniel Pyne, Dean Georgaris
Starring Denzel Washington, Meryl Streep, Live Schreiber, jon Voight
Box Office / Audience $96.1M
Length / Duration 130mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Thriller / Drama / Fantasy
Source Material Based on Richard Condon's 1959 novel of the same name and the previous 1962 film.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
APPENDICES | PAGE 429
Key Words doubt; truth; conspiracy; president; campaign; election; political party; FBI; power
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE The Martian
Year 2014
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Ridley Scott
Screenplay Drew Goddard
Starring Matt Damon
Box Office / Audience $630.2M
Length / Duration 141mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Fantasy / Drama
Source Material Based on the 2011 novel "The Martian" by Andy Weir.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words media; news; press; journalism; information control; crisis; government
PPR Characters Annie Montrose (Kristen Wiig) director of media relations for NASA
TITLE The Monuments Men
Year 2014
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator George Clooney
Screenplay George Clooney, Grant Heslov
Starring George Clooney, Matt Damon, Bill Murray, John Goodman, Jean Dujardin
Box Office / Audience $155.0M
Length / Duration 118mins
Place of Origin DE / US
Genre Drama / War
Source Material Based on the 2013 book The Monuments Men by Robert M. Edsel (and contributions from Bret Witter)
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words headline; community; public; opinion; military; war;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
TITLE The New Statesman
Year 1987-1992, 1994
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Laurence Marks, Maurice Gran
Screenplay Maurice Gran (creator) (29 episodes, 1987-1994) / Laurence Marks (creator) (29 episodes, 1987-1994)
Starring Rik Mayall, Marsha Fitzalan, Michael Troughton
Box Office / Audience ITV
Length / Duration 4 seasons / 26 episodes / approx 24mins mins per episode / 10.4 hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Original screenplay
APPENDICES | PAGE 430
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words affair; professional/private; sex; work/life balance; relationships; ambition; cunning; power; media; machine; money; machiavellian; corruption; agenda; behind the scenes; manipulation; influence; spin; strategy; secret; lie; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters Ensemble. Notably Beatrice Protheroe (Vivien Heilbron) as Alan B'Stard's (Rik Mayall) constituency agent and PR manager who his wife Sarah B'Stard (Marsha Fitzalan) was having a lesbian affair with in the first series.
TITLE The Newsroom
Year 2012-2014
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Aaron Sorkin
Screenplay Aaron Sorkin
Starring Jeff Daniels, Emily mortimer, John Gallagher Jr, Alison Pill, thomas Sadoski, Dev Patel, Olivia Munn, Sam Waterston
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 3 seasons / 25 episodes / approx 55mins per episode / 23hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material
Original screenplay. Utilises real events/issues to enhance the sense of realism. Sorkin spent several years periodically observing and researching real-world cable news programs as part of the series' development, and previously created other behind-the-scenes takes on fictional television programs such as Sports Night (1998-2000) and Studio 60 on the Sunset Strip (2006-2007).
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words journalism; reporter; news; media; story; integrity; ethics; morals; leak; release; source; trust; entertainment; technology; ; ; public; reputation; appearance; campaign; activism; spokesperson; press secretary; interview; party; event;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only. Guest stars also include: Taylor Warren (Constance Zimmer - 5 episodes, season 2) as Mitt Romney's campaign spokeswoman and Shelly Wexler (Aya Cash - 3 episodes, season 2) as an Occupy Wall Street advocate.
TITLE The Obama Effect
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Charles S. Dutton
Screenplay Charles S. Dutton, Barry Hankerson, Samuel Z. Jean, Sidra Smith, Celest Walker
Starring Charles S. Dutton
Box Office / Audience $0.1M
Length / Duration 85mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Inspired by real events/people and the fervour/cult around Obama's presidential campaign in 2008.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PPC, PAL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words idealism; campaign; election; public; grassroots; work/life balance; loyalty; advertising; marketing; advertising; promotion; democracy; propaganda;
PPR Characters John Thomas (Charles S. Dutton) as an older insurance salesman who is inspired to join Obama's presidential campaign and becomes an obsessive advocate for his election.
TITLE The Parallax View
APPENDICES | PAGE 431
Year 1974
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Alan J. Pakula
Screenplay David Giler, Lorenzo Semple Jr., Uncredited:, Robert Towne
Starring Warren Beatty, Hume Cronyn, William Daniels, Paula Prentiss
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 102mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Thriller
Source Material Adaptation of the 1970 novel The Parallax View by Loren Singer
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC; PMI
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words information control; cover up; conspiracy; corruption; democracy; enemy; assasination; investigation; news; media; journalism; whistle blower; secrets; security; surveilance;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE The People vs. Larry Flynt
Year 1996
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Miloš Forman
Screenplay Scott Alexander, Larry Karaszewski
Starring Woody Harrelson, Courtney Love, Edward Norton
Box Office / Audience $20.3M
Length / Duration 129mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Historical / Drama
Source Material Based on the US Supreme Court case Hustler Magazine v. Falwell and chronicles the life and career of porn mag editor and publisher Larry Flynt.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words Controversy; religion; civil liberty; media; journalism; law; freedom of speech; public; substance abuse; sex;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE The Politician's Husband
Year 2013
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Simon Cellan Jones
Screenplay Paula Milne
Starring David Tennant, Emily Watson, Ed Stoppard, Lucy Hutchinson, Roger Allam
Box Office / Audience BBC Two
Length / Duration 3 episodes / approx 57mins per episode / 180mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Follows Paula Milne's 1995 drama The Politician's Wife.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
APPENDICES | PAGE 432
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words ambition; power; agenda; competition; professional/private; work/life balance; relationships; behind the scenes; government; spin;
PPR Characters Ensemble
TITLE The Politician's Wife
Year 1995
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Graham Theakston
Screenplay Paula Milne
Starring Trevor Eve, Juliet Stevenson, Ian Bannen
Box Office / Audience Channel 4
Length / Duration 3 episodes / approx 60mins per episode / 185mins
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words scandal; affair; power; information control; ambition; betrayal; dirty work; dark arts; blackmail; bribery; lie; deception; frame; agenda; image; reputation; spin; advisor; aide; government; ethics; morals;
PPR Characters Ensemble
TITLE The Queen
Year 2006
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Stephen Frears
Screenplay Peter Morgan
Starring Helen Mirren, Michael Sheen
Box Office / Audience $123.4M
Length / Duration 103mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Historical / Drama
Source Material Real events. Fictionalised depiction of the British Royal Family's response to Princess Diana's death.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words tragedy; crisis; reaction; popularity; image; confidence; professional/private; personal/public; statement; speech; address; press; tv; journalism; news; headline; death; legacy; public relations;
PPR Characters
Alastair Campbell (Mark Bazeley) as the Director of Communications and Strategy for the Prime Minister - notably he helps PM Tony Blair (Michael Sheen) capitalise on the death of Princes Diana, and prepares a speech for her coining the phrase "the people's princess" (he is also writing this speech after hours and started it immediately following the accident) and later "humanises" the Queen's speech/statement (to include the line "as a grandmother"). Robin Janvrin (Roger Allam) as the Queen's Private Secretary (the principal channel of communication between the monarch and the Commonwealth governments). Additional ensemble/subsidiary characters such as: Janvrin's Secretary and assistant (played by Lola Peploe), Lord Airlie (Douglas Reith), and Blair's staff (his PA played by Kananu Kirimi, his secretary played by Susan Hitch, and his aide played by Julian Firth).
TITLE The Rum Diary
Year 2011
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Bruce Robinson
APPENDICES | PAGE 433
Screenplay Bruce Robinson
Starring Johnny Depp, Aaron Eckhart, Amber Heard
Box Office / Audience $23.9M
Length / Duration 120mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Drama
Source Material
Based on the Hunter S. Thompson novel of the same name, that was written in the early 1960s but not published until 1998. Johnny Depp was a good friend of Thompson and discovered the book manuscript among Thompson's papers. Depp had earlier starred in another adaptation of Thompson's work, the autobiographical roman à clef "Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas" (published in 1971, and the film was released in 1998 and was directed by Terry Gilliam).
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PAL, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words spin; advertising; money; journalism; reporter; news; media; headline; corporate; scandal; corruption;
PPR Characters Hal Sanderson (Aaron Eckhart) an entrepreneur interested in promoting his own ventures
TITLE The Special Relationship
Year 2010
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator Richard Loncraine
Screenplay Peter Morgan
Starring Michael Sheen, Dennis Quaid, Hope Davis, Helen McCrory
Box Office / Audience HBO / BBC Two
Length / Duration 93mins
Place of Origin UK / US
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people. Dramatization of Tony Blair's relationship with Bill Clinton between 1997-2001, and the 'special relationship' between the UK and US (from Blair seeking advice on peace processes in Northern Ireland, to asserting an American intervention in Kosovo), though reflects as early as 1992 when New Labour was being advised by the Clinton camp and includes the souring of the relationship after Kosovo and the prelude to the War in Iraq with Blair taking his first call with incumbent president Bush. The third and final film in writer Peter Morgan's informal "Blair trilogy", following on from The Deal (2003) and The Queen (2006) though with a new director (after Stephen Frears opted out of directing the third film, Morgan was originally slated to make his directorial debut, but pulled out shortly before filming to concentrate on the script and producing). Early script drafts also dealt with Blair's relationship with George W. Bush, though these were later cut to focus on the dynamic between Blair and Clinton.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words foreign affairs; international relations; crisis; power; personality; reaction; reputation; popularity; ideology; image; confidence; professional/private; personal/public; statement; speech; address; press; tv; journalism; news; legacy; public relations; spin; negotiation; strategy; advisor; consultant;
PPR Characters Alastair Campbell (Mark Bazeley) as Blair's spin doctor. Jonathan Powell (Adam Godley) as Blair's chief of staff.
TITLE The Thick Of It
Year 2005, 2007, 2009, 2012
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Armando Iannucci
Screenplay Armando Iannucci, various
Starring Peter Capaldi, Chris Langham, Rebecca Front, Chris Addison, Joanna Scanlan, James Smith
Box Office / Audience BBC
APPENDICES | PAGE 434
Length / Duration 4 series / 24 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 13hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Satire
Source Material
Original screenplay. Inspired by Yes Minister and a desire for a modern political satire that addressed issues in contemporary politics. Much of the dialogue was unscripted and improvised. After the initial US remake for ABC flopped in 2007, Iannucci was invited to produce an new US Adaptation/spin-off in 2010, which resulted in Veep (2012-present)
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
policy; power; populism; spin; spin doctor; profanity; fast paced; work/life balance; angry; information control; tactics; strategy; image; appearance; reputation; manipulation; deception; lie; truth; scandal; crisis; agenda; bureaucracy; press; media; journalism; press conference; interview; preparation script; government; communications director; staff; aide; advisor; speech writer; press secretary; ethics; morals; gaffe; negative; gossip; smear; blame; public service; fix; in the loop;
PPR Characters
Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi), aggressive and abusive director of communications for the government (and later the opposition). Glenn Cullen (James Smith), senior special advisor. Oliver "Ollie" Reeder (Chris Addison), ambitious but inexperienced and spineless special advisor. Terri Coverley (Joanna Scanlan), prudish and straight-laced civil servant who is the departmental director of communications. Robyn Murdoch (Polly Kemp), bullied and frightened civil servant who is the departmental senior press officer. Helen Hatley (Rebecca Gethings) as special advisor to Nicola Murray (series 4). Dr Stewart Pearson (Vincent Franklin), as the passive-aggressive jargonistic new age director of communications for the opposition and then government (series 3-4). Emma Messinger (Olivia Poulet), Ollie's posh and bitchy ex-girlfriend, who is a special advisor for the coalition (series 3-4). Philip 'Phil' Smith (Will Smith) an antagonist of both Ollie and Emma, and another special advisor for the coalition (series 3-4). Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE The Truth / A Dark Truth
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Damian Lee
Screenplay Damian Lee
Starring Andy Garcia; Forest Whitaker, Eva Longoria
Box Office / Audience -
Length / Duration 106mins
Place of Origin CA / US
Genre Thriller / Action
Source Material Original screenplay.
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Low Medium
Key Words CIA; journalism; news; radio; whistle blower; cover up; truth; lie; money; bribery; power; corporate; crisis; ethics; protest; fundraiser;
PPR Characters Morgan Swinton (Deborah Kara Unger) as a Clearbec corporate relations executive who witnesses Renaldo's (Decon Bostick) suicide and is compelled to uncover the truth, though is discouraged by her superiors and told to focus on lunches and fundraisers.
TITLE The Way We Were
Year 1973
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Sydney Pollack
Screenplay Arthur Laurents
Starring Barbra Streisand, Robert Redford
Box Office / Audience $49.9M
Length / Duration 118mins
Place of Origin US
APPENDICES | PAGE 435
Genre Drama / Romance
Source Material Real events. Based on Arthur Laurents time at university and experiences with the HUAC investigations.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL
Prominence of PPR Low
Key Words lobbying; activism; idealism; grassroots; demostration; protest;
PPR Characters Katie Morosky (Barbra Streisand), a vocal and determined activist for various causes.
TITLE The West Wing
Year 1999-2006
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Aaron Sorkin
Screenplay Aaron Sorkin
Starring Rob Lowe, Moira Kelly, Dulé Hill, Allison Janney, Richard Schiff, John Spencer, Bradley Whitford, Martin Sheen, Janel Moloney, Stockard Channing, Joshua Malina, Mary McCormack, Jimmy Smits, Alan Alda, Kristin Chenoweth
Box Office / Audience NBC
Length / Duration 7 seasons / 156 episodes / approx 42min per episode / 109.5 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material
Original screenplay. Built on the success of the 1995 film The American President (in which Martin Sheen played the White House Chief of Staff), Sorkin took unused elements from the film's plot as inspiration for The West Wing, and some reviews described the Bartlet administration as a revisionist take on the Clinton presidency. The show was widely considered to be realistic and well researched (with many political consultants providing support to the writing staff), though was criticised for being overly optimistic and sentimental and lacking in cynicism (that is apparently so pervasive in 'real-world' politics). The series was also criticised for openly portraying liberal left-wing ideals, though was considered to posses enough virtues and core values so as to not alienate Republicans/conservatives. In 2010 Twitter accounts for many of the primary characters were started and provided commentary on real world events mixed with their own fictional timelines.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
policy; public; professional/private; personal/public; work/life balance; advisor; staff; president; white house; government; spin; foreign affairs; international relations; terrorism; war; influence; leak; controversy; crisis; scandal; threat; opportunity; power; election; campaign; candidate; press conference; event; function; legacy; loyalty; ideology; idealism; ; negotiation; tactics; strategy; secrets; ; ethics; morals; conflict; press secretary; speech writer; communications director; campaign manager; chief of staff; walk and talk;
PPR Characters
CJ Cregg (Allison Janney: seasons 1-7) as Press Secretary. Leo McGarry (John Spencer: seasons 1-7) as Chief of Staff and close personal friend to President Josiah "Jed" Bartlet (Martin Sheen) and later Counselor to the President then vice presidential candidate. Josh Lyman (Bradley Whitford: seasons 1-7) as Deputy Chief of Staff, and later leaves the administration to become campaign manager for Matt Santos's (Jimmy Smits: seasons 6-7) presidential bid. Toby Ziegler (Richard Schiff: seasons 1-7) as Communications Director (who is later fired due to allegations of leaking, though is pardoned at the end of the series) and married to a congresswoman. Sam Seaborn (Rob Lowe: seasons 1-4, guest season 7) as Deputy Communications Director. Will Bailey (Joshua Malina, seasons 4-7) as speechwriter and before transitioning to Sam's role of Deputy Communications Director, and later becoming Chief of Staff to the VP, Russell's Campaign Manager and Communication's Director. Donna Moss (Janel Moloney: seasons 1-7) as Josh's senior assistant and later spokesperson for the Russell campaign and then the Santos campaign before becoming the incoming First Lady's Chief of Staff at the end of the series. Mandy Hampton (Moira Kelly: season 1) as a media consultant contracted by the Bartlet administration. Annabeth Schott (Kristin Chenoweth: seasons 6-7) as Deputy Press Secretary and later works for the Santos campaign before being appointed Press Secretary to the incoming First Lady at the end of the series. Note - although Sam (Lowe) was originally intended to be the centre character, Bartlet's (Sheen) popularity with audiences saw his screentime increase which reduced Lowe's signficance (and ultimately resulted in him leaving the series after a pay dispute), and the storylines gravitated towards the character of Josh (Whitford).
TITLE The Wire
APPENDICES | PAGE 436
Year 2002-2008
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator David Simon
Screenplay David Simon
Starring Ensemble
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 5 seasons / 60 episodes / approx 60mins per episode / 60hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Crime / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Loosely based on the experience of David Simon's writing partner and former homicide detective Ed Burns.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words police; surveillance; crime; law; investigation; corruption; bureaucracy; government; system; ; money; manipulation; corporate; headline; media; news; reporter; journalism; story; power; cover up; accusation; deception; truth; lie; secrets; leak; dysfunction; incompetence; betrayal; cynicism; ; policy;
PPR Characters
Norman Wilson (Reg E. Cathey: seasons 4-5) as Mayoral Deputy Chief of Staff and former Campaign Manager. Michael Steintorf (Neal Huff: seasons 5) as Mayoral Chief of Staff. Other subsidiary characters. The series creator (Simon) has stated many characters are composites from real-life Baltimore figures, and the show aimed for realism with truthful characters and an immersive viewing experience.
TITLE Thirteen Days
Year 2000
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Roger Donaldson
Screenplay David Self
Starring Kevin Costner, Bruce Greenwood, Steven Culp, Dylan Baker
Box Office / Audience $66.6M
Length / Duration 145mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama / Historical
Source Material
Real events, with evidence from the 1997 book "The Kennedy Tapes: Inside the White House During the Cuban Missile Crisis" edited by Ernest May and Philip Zelikow, but borrows the title of Robert F. Kennedy's 1969 book "Thirteen Days". Contains some (at the time) newly declassified information but uses more dramatic license in its retelling.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words crisis; president; white house; war; intelligence; information control; diplomacy;
PPR Characters Kenneth P. O'Donnell (Kevin Costner) as political consultant and special assistant to the President, Ted Sorensen (Tim Kelleher) as White House Counsel, Walter Sheridan (Tom Everett) as special assistant to the President, Pierre Salinger (Kelly Connell) as Press Secretary
TITLE Three Kings
Year 1999
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator David O. Russell
Screenplay David O. Russell
Starring George Clooney, Mark Wahlberg, Ice Cube
Box Office / Audience $107.7M
APPENDICES | PAGE 437
Length / Duration 114mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire / Comedy / Action / Drama
Source Material Original screenplay. Draws on real events. Black comedy about US soldiers determined to steal a Kuwait gold cache, set in the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War and the 1991 Iraqi uprising against Saddam Hussein.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words War; public affairs; journalism; tv; negotiation; cynicism; issue; violence; truth; lie; deception; story; information control; secrets;
PPR Characters
Sergeant First Class Troy Barlow (Mark Wahlberg), Staff Sergeant Chief Elgin (Ice Cube) and others both work for the "US Army Civil Affairs and Psychological Operations" division which has chief civil info and public affairs duties. (note also characters Adriana Cruz and Cathy Daitch are competing journalists on the hunt for a story, and Major Archie Gates (George Clooney) and Chief end up working as military advisors to Hollywood action films).
TITLE To Play the King
Year 1993
Type MINI SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Paul Seed
Screenplay Andrew Davies, Michael Dobbs
Starring Ian Richardson, Michael Kitchen, Kitty Aldridge, Diane Fletcher, Nick Brimble
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 4 episodes / approx 50mins per episode / 3.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Drama
Source Material
Adaptation. Sequel to The House of Cards (1990) mini series. Adaptation of Michael Dobbs's 1992 novel of the same name (second book in the House of Cards trilogy), with some plot differences to the original novel (though Dobbs rewrote portions of the original for its reissue in 2013). Dobbs was a speechwriter, Government Special Advisor, and Chief of Staff for the Conservative Party during Margaret Thatcher's government, and was once described by The Guardian in 1987 as "Westminster's baby-faced hit man".
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
power; behind the scenes; manipulation; negotiation; support; plot; strategy; tactics; policy; greed; ethics; morals; corruption; reporter; journalism; news; coverage; polls internal relations; public; opinion; image; reputation; corporate; corruption; candidate; campaign; race; election; votes; competition; win; opposition; polls; scandal; conspiracy; bribery; blackmail; system; speech; press release; public service; announcement; interview; statement; truth; lie; murder; affair; machiavellian; cunning; ambition; personal/public; professional/private; work/life balance; diplomacy; deal; government; access; information control; leak; public; record; crisis;
PPR Characters Sarah Harding (Kitty Aldridge), an intelligent pollster and former journalist, turned media advisor for Francis Urquhart (Ian Richardson). Tim Stamper (Colin Jeavons), an MP, Conservative Party Whip and later Party Chairman, and loyal Urquhart supporter and confidante.
TITLE Too Big to Fail
Year 2011
Type TV MOVIE
Producer/Director/Creator Curtis Hanson
Screenplay Peter Gould
Starring William Hurt, Edward Asner, Billy Crudup, Paul Giamatti, Topher Grace, Cynthia Nixon, Bill Pullman
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration 98mins
Place of Origin US
APPENDICES | PAGE 438
Genre Drama / Historical
Source Material Real events. Based on Andrew Ross Sorkin's 2009 book "Too Big to Fail: The Inside Story of How Wall Street and Washington Fought to Save the Financial System—and Themselves"
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PAL, PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words crisis; power; money; greed; ethics; morals; public relations; public affairs; conflict of interest; corruption; influence; corporate; crime; responsibility; reputation; professional/private; personal/public; campaign; advisor; aide; press; journalism;
PPR Characters
Michele Davis (Cynthia Nixon) as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Public Relations and Director of Policy Planning, and is unhappy with how the financial institutions and other parties that caused the crisis are allowed to dictate the terms of their recovery/rescue. Jim Wilkinson (Topher Grace) as U.S. Treasury Department's Chief of Staff, is also connected to PPR to some extent.
TITLE True Colors
Year 1991
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Herbert Ross
Screenplay Kevin Wade
Starring John Cusack, James Spader
Box Office / Audience $0.42M
Length / Duration 111mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Drama
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PPC, PSG
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words manipulation; affair; corruption; election; campaign; power; ethics; lie; deception;
PPR Characters Peter Burton (John Cusack) aspiring politician and campaign staffer for a congressman. Tim Garrity (James Spader) affluent law graduate rising in ranks at the Department of Justice (and later staffer on Peter Burton's campaign).
TITLE Truth
Year 2015
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator James Vanderbilt
Screenplay James Vanderbilt
Starring Cate Blanchett, Robert Redford, Topher Grace, Elisabeth Moss, Bruce Greenwood
Box Office / Audience $5.6M
Length / Duration 125mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material Based on the 2005 memoir "Truth and Duty: The Press, the President and the Privilege of Power" by Mary Mapes
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words journalism; media; reporter; press; news; investigation; evidence; truth; lies; trust; scandal; agenda;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only
TITLE Twenty Twelve
Year 2011
APPENDICES | PAGE 439
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator John Morton
Screenplay John Morton
Starring Hugh Bonneville, Jessica Hynes, Amelia Bullmore, Olivia Colman, Vincent Franklin, Karl Theobald, Morven Christie
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 2 series / 13 episodes / approx 30mins per episode / 6.5hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Satire
Source Material
Original screenplay, however it was criticised for bearing strong resemblance to the Australian mockumentary The Games (1998-2000), and the BBC was accused of plagiarism which it denied. Twenty Twelve also resulted in a sequel/spin-off series W1A (2014-2015, with a third series expected in 2017). During and after the series broadcast there were a number of parallels drawn between the fictional plot and reality (e.g. athletes arriving in London for the Olympics were delayed as their bus drivers were unfamiliar with London / see Episode 2 "Visitors from Rio").
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PAL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words brand; advertising; marketing; promotion; stunt; publicity; campaign; press; media; consultant; sponsorship; crisis; gaffe; shallow; professional/private; technology; public; image; reputation; legacy; celebrity; viral; ; work/life balance;
PPR Characters
Siobhan Sharpe (Jessica Hynes) as an enthusiastic, defiantly single, and ambitious PR consultant from her PR company Perfect Curve (who secured the Olympic Account), and is the exciteable Head of Brand for the Olympic Deliverance Commission (ODC) who irritates the other characters. Ian Fletcher (Hugh Bonneville) as the unhappily married yet positive and optimistic Head of Deliverance and spokesperson for the ODC and the one who is often left to attempt to clean up the PR messes made by the other managers. Fiona Healey (Morven Christie) as the beautiful and ambitious Head of Legacy, who is pleasant but passive aggressive.
TITLE Utopia
Year 2014-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Rob Sitch, Santo Cilauro, Tom Gleisner
Screenplay Rob Sitch, Santo Cilauro, Tom Gleisner
Starring Rob Sitch, Celia Pacquola, Dave Lawson, Luke McGregor, Kitty Flanagan, Anthony "Lehmo" Lehmann
Box Office / Audience ABC (AU)
Length / Duration To date: 3 seasons / 24 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 12 hours
Place of Origin AU
Genre Comedy / Satire
Source Material Original screenplay
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
bureaucracy; community; government; promotion; publicity; public; image; appearance; reputation; idealism; interview; focus group; consultation; debate; press conference; media; public affairs; constituents; votes; opinion; issue; speech; approval; fundraising; council; policy; power; populism; spin; marketing; advertising; research; strategy; legacy; agenda; press; news; headline; media; journalism; staff; ethics; morals; gaffe; embarrassment; negative; blame; responsibility; negotiation; shallow; public; money;
PPR Characters
Jim Gibson (Anthony Lehmann) as the upbeat, unflappable, though often oblivious government liaison. Rhonda Stewart (Kitty Flanagan) as the department's enthusiastic and vacuous media manager whose agenda is governed by the latest trend. Karsten Leith (Toby Truslove) as an optimistic creative producer who works with Rhonda to achieve her vision.
TITLE V for Vendetta
Year 2005
Type FILM
APPENDICES | PAGE 440
Producer/Director/Creator James McTeigue
Screenplay The Wachowski Brothers
Starring Natalie Portman, Hugo Weaving
Box Office / Audience $132.5M
Length / Duration 132mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Thriller / Drama / Fantasy
Source Material Based on 1988 DC Comic "V for Vendetta" by David Lloyd (and Alan Moore who is uncredited), though the plot and characters are heavily adapted.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words terrorism; revolution; issue; control; power; propaganda; activism; protest; conspiracy; violence; idealism; tv; issue
PPR Characters
Arguably V as an outspoken activist, though more specifically in the ensemble: Roger Dascombe (Ben Miles), the head of the government's propaganda division (the "Mouth") and chief executive of the British Television Network; Lewis Prothero (Roger Allam), the "Voice of London", a propagandist (public figure) for Norsefire, and formerly the Commander of Larkhill concentration camp (later assisinated by V).
TITLE Veep
Year 2012-present
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Armando Iannucci
Screenplay Armando Iannucci, various
Starring Julia Louis-Dreyfus, Anna Chlumsky, Tony Hale, Reid Scott, Timothy Simons, Matt Walsh, Sufe Bradshaw, Kevin Dunn, Gary Cole, Sam Richardson
Box Office / Audience HBO
Length / Duration To date: 6 seasons / 58 episodes / approx 28mins per episode / 27 hours
Place of Origin US
Genre Satire
Source Material Adaptation. Spin-offfor US audiences of the Iannucci's original series The Thick of It (2005-2012). Although Veep is stylistically similar, there is no overlap of characters and the setting is distinctly North American instead of British.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words
Vice President; policy; power; populism; president; white house; negotiation; spin; profanity; fast paced; work/life balance; information control; tactics; strategy; image; appearance; reputation; manipulation; deception; lie; truth; scandal; crisis; agenda; government; legacy; public; opinion; polls; campaign; election; candidate; press; media; journalism; press conference; interview; preparation script; staff; aide; advisor; speech writer; press secretary; ethics; morals; gaffe; embarrassment; negative; gossip; smear; blame; diplomacy; foreign affairs; international relations; responsibility; in the loop;
PPR Characters
Amy Brookheimer (Anna Chlumsky) as Vice President Selina Meyer's (Julia Louis-Dreyfus) hard-working Chief of Staff and later campaign manager, and credits herself as the VP's "trouble-shooter, problem-solver, issue-mediator, doubt-remover, conscience-examiner, thought-thinker and all-round everything-doer". Dan Egan (Reid Scott) as Selina's highly ambitious Deputy Director of Communications, and later unsuccessful lobbyist and senior campaign staffer. Mike McLintock (Matt Walsh) as Selina's lackadaisical Communications Director, and later White House Press Secretary. Jonah Ryan (Timothy Simons), the arrogant and insufferable White House liaison and later congressman. Gary Walsh (Tony Hale) as Selina's loyal and bumbling personal aide. Ben Cafferty (Kevin Dunn) as the burnt-out and hapless White House Chief of Staff, and later political consultant with Kent (series 2-present). Kent Davison (Gary Cole) as the cold, number-crunching senior strategist who is obsessed with polls and Selina's public image, and later political consultant with Ben (series 2-present). Richard Splett (Sam Richardson) as Selina's incompetent campaign assistant (despite having a doctorate in electoral law) and later Jonah's Chief of Staff. Sidney Purcell (Peter Grosv) as an oil industry lobbyist (series 1-2, 4-present). Bill Ericsson (Diedrich Bader) as Joe Thornhill's (Glenn Wrage) campaign manager and later Selina's new Director of Communications and scapegoat (series 3-present). Other subsidiary characters.
APPENDICES | PAGE 441
TITLE W.
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Oliver Stone
Screenplay Stanley Weiser
Starring Josh Brolin, Elizabeth Banks, ensemble
Box Office / Audience $29.5M
Length / Duration 129mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Biopic / Drama
Source Material
Real events/people. Based on the life and presidency of George W. Bush (played by Josh Brolin). Director Oliver Stone said "I want a fair, true portrait of the man. […] It will contain surprises for Bush supporters and his detractors." This was Stone's third film in a trilogy about US Presidents (starting in the 1960s with JFK, continuing with Nixon, and concluding with W.)
Reception/Review Mixed
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PMI
Prominence of PPR Medium High
Key Words campaign; election; candidate; debate; money; power; legacy; press conference; gaffe; president; speech; war; foreign affairs; staff; controversy; consultant; advisor; dirty work; smear;
PPR Characters Karl Rove (Toby Jones) as Deputy White House Chief of Staff and political advisor. Ari Fleischer (Rob Corddry) as White House Press Secretary. David Frum (Colin Hanks) as (one of) Bush's speechwriter. Other subsidiary characters.
TITLE W1A
Year 2014-2015, 2017
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator John Morton
Screenplay John Morton
Starring Hugh Bonneville, Monica Dolan, Jessica Hynes, Sarah Parish, Hugh Skinner
Box Office / Audience BBC Two
Length / Duration 3 seasons / 14 episodes / approx 30mins mins per episode / 7.0 hours
Place of Origin UK
Genre Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay. Follow up of the 2011-2012 series Twenty Twelve, also created by John Morton.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words bureaucracy; government; media; journalism; news; community; work/life balance; publicity; promotion; press; image; reputation; consultation; shallow; agenda; strategy; money;
PPR Characters Ensemble. Notably, Tracey Pritchard (Monica Dolan) as Senior Communications Officer for the BBC, and Siobhan Sharpe (Jessica Hynes) as Brand Consultant for the BBC.
TITLE Wag The Dog
Year 1997
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Barry Levinson
Screenplay Hilary Henkin, David Marnet
Starring Dustin Hoffman, Robert DeNiro, Anne Heche
Box Office / Audience $64.3M
Length / Duration 97mins
Place of Origin US
APPENDICES | PAGE 442
Genre Satire
Source Material
Adaptation of Larry Beinhart's 1993 novel "American Hero" (reissued as Wag the Dog in 2004), though only loosely based on the source material. Beinhart speculated Desert Storm was a scripted operation used as a ploy to get George H. W. Bush reelected, which took its cues from Margaret Thatcher's war in the Falkland Islands.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC, PMI
Prominence of PPR Very High
Key Words Election; campaign; president; Hollywood; scandal; war; spin; spin doctor; consultant; candidate; crisis; corruption; conspiracy; cover up; lie; media; manipulation; press secretary; press conference; White House; fix;
PPR Characters Conrad Brean (Robert DeNiro) as "Mr Fix-it"/spin doctor, Winifred Ames (Anne Heche) as White House aide, Stanley Motss (Dustin Hoffman) as Hollywood producer/director
TITLE War, Inc.
Year 2008
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Joshua Seftel
Screenplay John Cusack, Mark Leyner, Jeremy Pikser
Starring John Cusack, Hilary Duff, Marisa Tomei, Joan Cusack, Dan Aykroyd, Ben Kingsley
Box Office / Audience $1.3M
Length / Duration 106mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Comedy / Satire / Action
Source Material
Original screenplay, partly inspired by Naomi Klein's 2004 article "Baghdad Year Zero" published in Harper's Magazine, though also considered to be the unofficially acknowledged as a sequel to the 1997 comedy/crime film Grosse Point Blank (also starring John Cusack, Joan Cusack, and Dan Aykroyd in similar roles).
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category ALL
Prominence of PPR Medium
Key Words war; military; propaganda; stunt; show; money; power; corporation; reporter; news; violence; truth; lie; cover up
PPR Characters
Brand Hauser (John Cusack) as a hit man/assassin hired by former US Vice President (Dan Aykroyd - as a very Dick Cheney-esque figure) who is the CEO of a corporation (Tamerlane) occupying fictional Turaqistan (which is involved in a war that is being entirely outsourced). Hauser's cover for his next hit is as the corporation's trade show producer (and Chair of the Tamerlane Trade Mission) and event manager/planner - with the trade show (?) later questioned as "a symbol of democratisation or a sleazy public relations stunt?" . During an argument with Hauser, Hauser's assistant Marsha Dillon (Joan Cusack) fumes "my communications degree is finally paying off". Hauser also notes "cultural sensitivity, that's what we're about here babe" (John Cusack). At one point Hauser is shown a screen projecting American "heroes" that includes Donald Trump (as well as John Wayne, Mr T. and others)
TITLE White House Down
Year 2013
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Roland Emmerich
Screenplay James Vanderbilt
Starring Channing Tatum, Jamie Foxx, Maggie Gyllenhaal
Box Office / Audience $205M
Length / Duration 131mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Thriller
Source Material Original screenplay. Competed against Milliennium Films "Olympus Has Fallen" (with a similar premise) which was released in the same year.
Reception/Review Mixed
APPENDICES | PAGE 443
PPR Category PMI, PSG
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words president; White House; security; FBI; military; police; terrorism; war; crisis; press conference; media; news; conspiracy; corruption; power;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only (e.g. Donnie Donaldson (Nicolas Wright) a White House Tour Guide).
TITLE Yes Minister / Yes, Prime Minister
Year 1980-1988
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn
Screenplay Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn
Starring Paul Eddington, Nigel Hawthorne, Derek Fowlds
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 3 series Yes Minister (21 episodes plus two Christmas specials), 2 series Yes, Prime Minister (16 episodes) / 39 episodes / approx 30mins each / 19.5hours total
Place of Origin UK
Genre Satire / Comedy
Source Material Original screenplay. Has had multiple Adaptations (on radio, stage, published prose, a video game, and a TV revival). Considered to be an accurate portrayal of the relationship between public/civil servants and politicians, with plots derived from reality.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR High
Key Words policy; strategy; public service; government; idealism; cynicism; manipulation; persuasion; tactics; publicity; headline; gaffe; bungle; press; criticism; diplomacy; agenda; legacy; power; crisis; reputation; bureaucracy; plot; information control; embarrassment; speech; work/life balance; in the loop;
PPR Characters
Bill Pritchard (Anthony Carrick), Jim Hacker's Press Secretary. Frank Weisel (Neil Fitzwilliam), Jim Hacker's idealistic and crusading political advisor who everybody loathes (in Yes Minister only). Dorothy Wainwright (Deborah Norton), special advisor to Prime Minister Jim Hacker (in Yes, Prime Minister only). Various Chief Whips who act as "gatekeeper" between the Prime Minister, Cabinet, and civil service Departments. Note that although Jim Hacker (Paul Eddington), Sir Humphrey Appleby (Nigel Hawthorne), and Bernard Woolley (Derk Fowlds) do not technically hold PPR roles (though Woolley as Principal Private Secretary is arguably PPR given a PPS runs the minister's private office similar to a chief of staff), they are often concerned/preoccupied with PPR issues (especially Hacker who is publicity hungry, and Sir Humphrey who is a master manipulator). Hacker's (fictional) biography also states he was the campaign manager for Martin Walker's unsuccessful bid for party leadership in 1980.
TITLE Yes, Prime Minister
Year 2013
Type TV SERIES
Producer/Director/Creator Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn
Screenplay Antony Jay, Jonathan Lynn
Starring David Haig, Henry Goodman, Chris Larkin, Zoe Telford.
Box Office / Audience BBC
Length / Duration 1 series / 6 episodes / approx 30mins each / 180mins total
Place of Origin UK
Genre Satire / Comedy
Source Material Adaptation of the 2010-2012 UK stage play (with a number of the theatrical actors reprising their roles for the TV revival), and revival of the 1980-1988 original series (of the same name).
Reception/Review Negative
PPR Category PSG, PPC
Prominence of PPR High
APPENDICES | PAGE 444
Key Words policy; strategy; public service; government; idealism; cynicism; manipulation; persuasion; tractics; publicity; headline; gaffe; bungle; press; criticism; diplomacy; agenda; legacy; power; crisis; reputation; bureaucracy; plot; information control; embarrassment; speech; work/life balance;
PPR Characters Claire Sutton (Zoe Telford), the intelligent and attractive head of policy at Number Ten (the 21st Century version of special advisor Dorothy Wainwright from the original series) who mostly sides with PM Hacker (David Haig) and is willing to get her hands dirty to get the job done.
TITLE Zero Dark Thirty
Year 2012
Type FILM
Producer/Director/Creator Kathryn Bigelow
Screenplay Mark Boal
Starring Jessica Chastain, Jason Clarke, Joel Edgerton
Box Office / Audience $132.8M
Length / Duration 157mins
Place of Origin US
Genre Action / Thriller / Drama / Historical
Source Material
Real events/people. Dramatisation of the international manhunt for Osama bin Laden, from the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks to his death following a military raid on May 2, 2011. The film blends fact and fiction, with composite characters and a number of historical inaccuracies. Screenwriter Mark Boal, a former war journalist, was present during an awards ceremony for the SEAL team that raided bin Laden's compound, where former CIA Director Leon Panetta discussed classified information, and the filmmakers were later accused of having been given improper access to classified material during their research.
Reception/Review Positive
PPR Category PSG, PMI
Prominence of PPR Very Low
Key Words information control; intelligence; CIA; spy; terrorism; international relations; foreign affairs; lie; story; belief;
PPR Characters Subsidiary only.
.
APPENDICES | PAGE 445
APPENDIX C: RESEARCH PROTOCOLS
This appendix provides: a copy of the participant preliminary screening questionnaire; a text
ranking list completed by participants prior to participation; the interview and focus group
protocols and questions sets; and summary information about the selected text clips screened
during primary research for this project.
Participant Screening Questionnaire PAGE 446
Participant Text Ranking List PAGE 448
Interview Protocol and Question Set PAGE 451
Focus Group Protocol and Question Set PAGE 454
Selected Clip Information PAGE 457
APPENDICES | PAGE 446
PARTICIPANT SCREENING (ALL PARTICIPANTS)
SECTION 1: DEMOGRAPHIC DETAILS
1. What is your name?
i. What is your preferred pseudonym?
2. Are you an Australian citizen or permanent resident? YES / NO
i. If you answered NO to Question 2, how long have you been in Australia?
3. How old are you?
4. What is your gender?
5. What is your ethnicity?
6. What is the highest level of education you have obtained (including partially complete qualifications)?
i. If the qualification is above a high school diploma, what area/discipline/field was the qualification
obtained in?
SECTION 2: LIVED EXPERIENCE
1. What industry do you currently work in?
2. What is your current occupation/position title?
3. Have you ever worked in public relations, journalism, politics, professional communication, or another
directly related profession that has regular contact/association with public relations? YES / NO
i. If you answered YES to Question 3, did you last work in public relations or a related profession?
4. In your personal opinion, do you think you have a good understanding of “public relations”?
YES / NO / UNSURE
5. In your personal opinion, do you read the news regularly and keep up with current affairs?
YES / NO / UNSURE
6. In your personal opinion, do you consider yourself to be politically engaged?
YES / NO / UNSURE
7. In your personal opinion, do you think you are media literate and/or communication savvy?
YES / NO / UNSURE
APPENDICES | PAGE 447
SECTION 3: TEXT KNOWLEDGE/FAMILIARITY
This list provides 100 popular films (76) and television series (24) that feature political public relations
professionals and/or practices in some way (e.g. theme, plot element, character). The list is ordered by year of
release and includes texts from 1980 – 2012, and provides additional information including starring cast,
producer/director credit, and genre. All texts are currently accessible to Australian audiences either through
purchase, hire, or public screening.
Please review this list and identify which texts (if any) you have viewed (seen/watched) and/or are familiar
with. In order to be considered “familiar” with a text, you should be able to recall/identify key characters
and/or a basic plot outline. On the list provided, please rank the texts according to the following five-point
scale:
1. Never heard of it
2. Heard of it but haven’t seen it
3. Seen it but don’t recall it
4. Seen it and do recall it
5. Seen it more than once and/or recently
If you have any questions about the listed texts, or how to rank your familiarity with them, please ask the focus
group moderator.
APPENDICES | PAGE 448
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
PARTICIPANT TEXT RANKING LIST
Text ranking scale:
1. Never heard of it.
2. Heard of it but haven’t seen it.
3. Seen it but don’t recall it.
4. Seen it and do recall it.
5. Seen it more than once and/or recently.
Texts were ordered by type and chronology.
TITLE YEAR TYPE TEXT RANKING SCALE
1 2 3 4 5
Power 1986 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Born On The Fourth Of July 1989 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
JFK 1991 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
True Colors 1991 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Bob Roberts 1992 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Distinguished Gentleman 1992 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Malcolm X 1992 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Dave 1993 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Speechless 1994 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Canadian Bacon 1995 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Nixon 1995 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The American President 1995 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
My Fellow Americans 1996 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The People vs. Larry Flynt 1996 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Mars Attacks! 1996 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Independence Day 1996 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Absolute Power 1997 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Wag The Dog 1997 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Air Force One 1997 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Bulworth 1998 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Primary Colours 1998 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Dick 1999 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Election 1999 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Insider 1999 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Three Kings 1999 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Contender 2000 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Thirteen Days 2000 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
O Brother, Where Art Thou 2000 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Spinning Boris 2003 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Head Of State 2003 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
APPENDICES | PAGE 449
Iron Jawed Angels 2004 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Jersey Girl 2004 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Manchurian Candidate 2004 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
TITLE YEAR TYPE TEXT RANKING SCALE
1 2 3 4 5
Good Night, And Good Luck 2005 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Thankyou For Smoking 2005 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
V for Vendetta 2005 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
End Game 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Man Of The Year 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Bobby 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Good Shepherd 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Flags Of Our Fathers 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
All The King’s Men 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Last King of Scotland 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Queen 2006 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Choose Connor / The Politician 2007 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Lions for Lambs 2007 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Charlie Wilson's War 2007 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Swing Vote 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
War, Inc. 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
W. 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Definitely. Maybe. 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Milk 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Hancock 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Frost/Nixon 2008 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
State Of Play 2009 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
In The Loop 2009 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
District 9 2009 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Invictus 2009 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Special Relationship 2010 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Fair Game 2010 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Casino Jack 2010 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Ghost Writer 2010 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The King's Speech 2010 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Rum Diary 2011 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Adjustment Bureau 2011 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Ides of March 2011 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Salmon Fishing In The Yemen 2011 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Captain America: The First Avenger 2011 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Iron Lady 2011 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Big Miracle 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Grassroots 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Campaign 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
APPENDICES | PAGE 450
The Dictator 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Zero Dark Thirty 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Lincoln 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
Argo 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
The Hunger Games 2012 FILM 1 2 3 4 5
TITLE YEAR TYPE TEXT RANKING SCALE
1 2 3 4 5
State Of Play 2003 MINI SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The Kennedys 2011 MINI SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Political Animals 2012 MINI SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
K Street 2003 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Party Animals 2007 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The Hollowmen 2008 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Yes Minister / Yes Prime Minister 1980-1986,
2013 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Spin City 1996-2002 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The West Wing 1999-2006 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The Wire 2002-2008 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Absolute Power 2003, 2005 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The Thick Of It 2005, 2007, 2009, 2012
TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Commander in Chief 2005-2006 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Parks and Recreation 2009-
present TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Boss 2011-2012 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The Killing 2011-2014 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Homeland 2011-
present TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
1600 Penn 2012-2013 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The Newsroom 2012-2014 TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
The First Family 2012-
present TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Scandal 2012-
present TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
Veep 2012-
present TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
House of Cards 2013-
present TV SERIES 1 2 3 4 5
APPENDICES | PAGE 451
INTERVIEW PROTOCOL AND QUESTION SET
PREPARATION
• Confirm participant attendance, location, and time. Check copies of written consent forms, participant information sheets, text reference sheets, pens, business cards etc.
• Check technical requirements are working and access to necessary power source
− Recording equipment (including backup) and screening equipment (e.g. TV/laptop etc.)
− DVD/video files
SCREENING INFORMATION
• Several clips will be selected at the interviewer’s discretion from the list below (these are the same clips and viewing order as shown to focus group participants):
TEXT CLIP LENGTH TIME CUE
The Hollowmen 3mins 53secs 00:30 – 04:23 (Episode 4)
The Campaign 3mins 15secs 54:30 – 57:45
The Ides of March 6mins 40secs 16:20 – 23:00
The Iron Lady 5mins 41secs 38:40 – 44:21
Thank You for Smoking 7mins 43secs 03:00 – 10:43
The Thick of It 6mins 26secs 20:06 – 26:32 (Episode 1)
Wag The Dog 5mins 16secs 12:40 – 17:56
PRELIMINARIES
1. Introduce self
2. Describe research project, purpose, and output
3. Provide and explain information sheet and consent form. Acknowledge the interview will be audio/video recorded
4. Have participants complete the required paperwork
5. Explain the semi-structured nature of the interview and how it will be conducted. (INTERVIEWER’S NOTE: bolded questions are key/primary questions)
6. Describe the texts/clips that the focus groups have been shown. Explain the selection to the interviewee, and outline the structure of the interview (inc. which texts will be shown).
7. Ask if there are any questions before commencing the interview
8. Start the recording, thank the interviewee and have them introduce themselves (for voice recognition purposes)
APPENDICES | PAGE 452
GENERAL (ICE BREAKER/BACKGROUND) QUESTIONS (ENGAGEMENT)
▪ What kind of movies/TV do you like? / What are you favourite? / Were there any notable texts from the list that you can recall (and why)?
▪ (How do you) Describe the work that you do? / (How do you) Describe the work that you do to other people who aren’t in PR (or related industries)?
▪ How do you personally define public relations?
▪ Tell me about (what you think) the purpose of public relations (is).
PRE-VIEWING QUESTION SET/PROMPT
▪ How is political PR different to other types of PR? AND/OR What do you think the role and/or function of PR in politics is (or should be)?
▪ What type of people do you work with in political PR? How is this different from other types of PR?
▪ What do you like/dislike about (working in) political PR?
▪ What do you think society/the public thinks about political PR?
▪ Where do you think society gets their ideas about PR from? / When is political PR most visible to the public?
▪ What comes to mind when you think about PR (and politics) in popular culture?
SCREENING INFORMATION
1. Ask participant if they have anything further to contribute before watching the selected clip(s)
2. Remind participant of the context of the selected clip/s being screened and provide context.
3. Have participant mention any key thoughts/themes/words that come to mind (about how PR was represented) at the end of each clip (interviewer to note these down). These notes may be used to stimulate specific discussion after all the clips have been watched.
TEXT CLIP LENGTH TIME CUE
The Campaign 3mins 15secs 54:30 – 57:45
The Iron Lady 5mins 41secs 38:40 – 44:21
Thank You for Smoking 7mins 43secs 03:00 – 10:43
The Thick of It 6mins 26secs 20:06 – 26:32 (Episode 1)
APPENDICES | PAGE 453
POST-SCREENING QUESTION SET/PROMPT
▪ Tell me about what/how (you think/feel) political PR was represented in the text/s?
▪ In what ways does this portrayal/depiction/representation reflect your own understanding of political PR? AND/OR How is it different from your understanding/identity as a PR professional?
▪ (In your opinion) Do you think representations in popular culture (film & TV) give a realistic/fair/accurate portrayal of PR and its role/function in politics and democratic societies?
▪ What do you think everyday (non-specialist) audiences would think about these portrayals/depictions/representations (in the text/s)?
▪ How do you think these portrayals/depictions/representations (of PR in the text/s) might contribute to people’s understandings of public relations? And PR’s role in politics?
▪ How do you think these portrayals/depictions/representations (of PR in the text/s) might (if at all) influence the reputation of public relations?
NOTE: Can discuss focus group findings/themes if/where/when appropriate/relevant.
CLOSING QUESTIONS (WRAP-UP)
To be asked of interviewee only if time allows.
▪ Why do you think political PR was represented (in the text/s) in this way?
▪ What challenges does PR face as an industry (currently and in the future)?
CLOSING PROCEDURE (EXIT)
1. Check to see if the interviewee would like to add anything further to the discussion, or if they have any questions.
2. Thank the interviewee and provide them with contact information (business card) if they have any further thoughts or would like follow up on their involvement with the project.
3. Leave recorder running until interview has concluded and participant has left.
APPENDICES | PAGE 454
FOCUS GROUP PROTOCOL (EVERYDAY AUDIENCES)
PREPARATION
• Confirm participant attendance, location, and time.
• Check technical requirements are working
− Recording equipment
− Screening equipment (e.g. TV, computer, etc.)
− DVD/video files
• Check suitable number of written consent forms and information sheets, pens, and name tags.
PRELIMINARIES
1. Introduce self
2. Describe research project, purpose, and output
3. Provide and explain information sheet and consent form. Acknowledge the focus group will be audio/video recorded
4. Have participants complete the required paperwork
5. Explain the semi-structured nature of the focus group (e.g. designed to encourage free-flowing conversation between participants) and how it will be conducted (e.g. questions designed as conversation starters, with the moderator tasked with keeping things relatively on track)
6. Describe the texts/clips that will be screened during the focus group
7. Ask if there are any questions before commencing the focus group
8. Start the recording, thank the participants, and have the participants introduce themselves (for voice recognition purposes)
GENERAL (ICE BREAKER) QUESTIONS (ENGAGEMENT)
▪ What kind of movies/TV do you like? / What are you favourite?
▪ (In your opinion) Who do you think has the most power in our society?
• If you had one minute to speak to the entire world, what would you tell them?
• (In your opinion) What do you think about the politics and/or the media in society today?
APPENDICES | PAGE 455
OPENING (PRE-VIEWING) QUESTION SET/PROMPT (EXPLORATORY)
• (In your opinion) What do you think public relations (PR) is?
• (In your opinion) How do you think public relations fits in politics?
• Is political PR important/significant in contemporary society? How/why?
• What type(s) of people (do you think) work in political PR? / What sort of skills do political PR people need to have? / Who do political PR people work with?
• Where do these (your) ideas (about political PR) come from? / What has influenced your ideas/perceptions about politics/PR/journalism?
• The public relations industry and/or numbers of PR professionals have grown rapidly in recent years, particularly in political environments. Why do you think this is?
• When have you come across political communication (professionals or practices) in your everyday life?
• (In your opinion) How can/does political PR contribute to/impact you personally?
VIEWING INFORMATION
1. Now we’re going to watch a series of clips. We will have a discussion after each clip, and then a broader discussion after all the clips have been shown.
2. For each text, explain to participants the text/clip being screened, how long it will go for, and provide context for the scene/clip being shown.
TEXT CLIP LENGTH TIME CUE
The Hollowmen 3mins 53secs 00:30 – 04:23 (Episode 4)
The Campaign 3mins 15secs 54:30 – 57:45
The Ides of March 6mins 40secs 16:20 – 23:00
The Iron Lady 5mins 41secs 38:40 – 44:21
Thank You for Smoking 7mins 43secs 03:00 – 10:43
The Thick of It 6mins 26secs 20:06 – 26:32 (Episode 1)
Wag The Dog 5mins 16secs 12:40 – 17:56
POST-VIEWING (CLIP SPECIFIC) QUESTION SET/PROMPTS
REPEAT FOR EACH CLIP: Thinking about the clip that we just watched…
• How do you think political PR was portrayed/depicted/represented in the text/s.
• What role and/or function did political PR play in this clip?
APPENDICES | PAGE 456
• In what ways does this portrayal/depiction/representation reflect your own understanding of political PR? AND/OR How is it different from your understanding?
• (In your opinion) Do you think it is realistic/consistent with your view of political PR? AND/OR What does it make you think about regarding the role/function of PR in society?
• Text/clip specific question/prompt as per selected clip information
POST-VIEWING (GENERAL) QUESTION SET/PROMPT
Thinking about all the clips we’ve watched today…
• How PR was portrayed/depicted/represented comparatively across the clips/texts? (i.e. what were the similarities/differences)
• Why do you think PR was portrayed/depicted represented (in the text/s) in this way?
• How do representations like this contribute to your understanding of political communication (and its place in society)?
• What can we (audiences) learn about political PR from fictional portrayals/depictions/representations like this?
• What do representations like this tell us (suggest) about PR/communication/the media/ politics/society/etc.?
CLOSING PROCEDURE (EXIT)
4. Check to see if anyone would like to add anything further to the discussion, or if there are any questions.
5. Ask participants if they would like a summary of the session. Provide a summary if required.
6. Thank participants and provide them with contact information (business card) if they have any further thoughts or would like follow up on their involvement with the project.
APPENDICES | PAGE 457
SELECTED CLIP INFORMATION
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
The Campaign
2012 FILM Will Ferrell, Zach Galifianakis, Jason Sudeikis, Dylan McDermott
Jay Roach Comedy
OVERVIEW: Democratic Congressman Cam Brady’s (Ferrell) campaign to run for a fifth term is disrupted by local tourism agent Marty Huggins (Galifianakis) who nominates to run against him at the urging of his influential Republican father and corporate lobbyists the Motch Brothers. The race gets dirty as Cam continues to make mistakes and Marty’s pervasive professional makeover impacts his family. The candidates’ respective campaign managers Mitch (Sudeikis) and Tim (Dylan McDermott) work tirelessly to keep their candidates ahead in the polls by attempting to minimise any voter-averse behaviour, though everyone has a different opinion how far you should go in order to win.
SCENE/CONTEXT: After Congressman Cam Brady has fallen behind in the polls because his opponent Marty Huggins has made him out to be a neglectful father, he decides to have an affair with Huggins’s wife Mitzy, and gets “the best campaign ad guy in the business” to help him put together an ad in response. Cam’s campaign manager Mitch is less than impressed, and tries to reason with him, but Cam is determined to release the ad because he thinks it will help him win the election. TIME: 54.35 – 57.45 DURATION: 3 minutes 10 seconds
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
The Iron Lady
2011 FILM Meryl Streep, Jim Broadbent, Roger Allam, Nicholas Farrell
Phyllida Lloyd Drama / Biography
OVERVIEW: An award winning biography of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The elderly Thatcher (Streep) reflects on her life as she struggles with dementia and the death of her husband Denis (Broadbent). His ghost joins her to comment and comfort her as she remembers the successes and failures in her political career and personal relationships. Thatcher recounts from childhood, through to her formative years in politics, leadership of the Conservative Party, and service as Britain’s first female Prime Minister. She deals with the price her rise to power has had on her and her family, before eventually reaching a permanent state of closure with Denis.
SCENE/CONTEXT: After Thatcher’s decision to consider standing for the leadership of the Conservative Party leadership, she is coached on her image by former television producer turned political strategist Gordon Reece (Roger Allam) and given a makeover, while her confidence is boosted by her campaign manager (and later chief of staff) Airey Neave (Nicholas Farrell). TIME: 38.45 – 44.20 DURATION: 5 minutes 35 seconds (can shorten if time is limited)
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
The Ides of March
2011 FILM Ryan Gosling, George Clooney, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Paul Giamatti, Evan Rachel Wood
George Clooney Drama
OVERVIEW: Stephen Meyers (Gosling) is a brilliant but idealistic political staffer helping to run Governor Mike Morris’s (Clooney) presidential campaign. Before receiving the Democratic nomination, Morris’s campaign hits a snag during the Ohio primary, where endorsement negotiations fall through and Meyers makes the mistake of meeting with the opposing candidate’s campaign manager Tom Duffy (Giamatti) without telling his paranoid boss Paul Zara (Hoffman). Meyers is fired and, sad and cynical after the death of a young intern Molly Stearn (Wood), he goes on a path of revenge and blackmail in an attempt to reinstate his career.
SCENE/CONTEXT: Stephen Meyers (Gosling) is the second in command of Governor Mike Morris’s (Clooney) campaign to win the Democratic nomination for Presidency under Paul (Hoffman) but during the Ohio Primary, after a strategy meeting with the Governor, the other Democratic candidate’s campaign manager Tom Duffy approaches him with a job offer to come work for their candidate instead (because Duffy knows how brilliant Meyers is). TIME: 16.23– 23.00 DURATION: 6 minutes 37 seconds (can shorten if time is limited)
APPENDICES | PAGE 458
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
The Ides of March
2011 FILM Ryan Gosling, George Clooney, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Paul Giamatti, Evan Rachel Wood
George Clooney Drama
OVERVIEW: Stephen Meyers (Gosling) is a brilliant but idealistic political staffer helping to run Governor Mike Morris’s (Clooney) presidential campaign. Before receiving the Democratic nomination, Morris’s campaign hits a snag during the Ohio primary, where endorsement negotiations fall through and Meyers makes the mistake of meeting with the opposing candidate’s campaign manager Tom Duffy (Giamatti) without telling his paranoid boss Paul Zara (Hoffman). Meyers is fired and, sad and cynical after the death of a young intern Molly Stearn (Wood), he goes on a path of revenge and blackmail in an attempt to reinstate his career.
SCENE/CONTEXT: Stephen Meyers (Gosling) is the second in command of Governor Mike Morris’s (Clooney) campaign to win the Democratic nomination for Presidency under Paul (Hoffman) but during the Ohio Primary, after a strategy meeting with the Governor, the other Democratic candidate’s campaign manager Tom Duffy approaches him with a job offer to come work for their candidate instead (because Duffy knows how brilliant Meyers is). TIME: 16.23– 23.00 DURATION: 6 minutes 37 seconds (can shorten if time is limited)
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
Thankyou For Smoking
2005 FILM Aaron Eckhart, William H. Macy, Katie Holmes, Maria Bello, David Koechner
Jason Reitman Comedy / Drama
OVERVIEW: Nick Naylor (Eckhart) is a lobbyist and the chief spokesperson for the Academy of Tobacco Studies. He is very good at his job and talented at defending Big Tobacco even under challenging circumstances. He is friends with Polly (Bello) and Bobby (Koechner), who work for the alcohol industry and gun business respectively, and they often dispute which industry is the most detrimental to society. Nick is challenged by Vermont’s Senator Ortolan Finistirre (Macy), who speaks out against cigarettes, and conflicted because he wants to remain a role model for his son. He is further troubled by Heather Holloway (Holmes), an ambitious reporter who publicly discloses confidences they shared in private, using Nick’s own logic to justify her actions.
SCENE/CONTEXT: Opening sequence, followed by scene where Nick Naylor has been working against the Senator of Vermont’s campaign to put “Poison” labelling on cigarette packets and his son has been asking him what he has been doing and he tries to explain without going into the details (not wanting to encourage his son to smoke). TIME: 3.00 – 12.30 DURATION: 9 minutes 30 seconds (can shorten if time is limited)
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
Wag the Dog
1997 FILM Dustin Hoffman, Robert De Niro, Anne Heche
Barry Levinson Comedy / Drama
OVERVIEW: After the US President is caught in a sex scandal in the lead up to the election and his chance of victory is quashed, his communications director Conrad Brean (De Niro) works quickly to return the president to public favour. Brean joins forces with Hollywood producer Stanley Motss (Hoffman) and instructs him to stage a fabricated war in Albania to make the President look like a hero. Filmed in top-secret with a bottomless budget, the manufactured war is played out in the mass media, with the most emotive-inducing imagery and real special effects used to make a production for which Motss will never be able to claim the credit.
SCENE/CONTEXT: After an emergency “war council” meeting is called when the President is accused of having a sexual affair with a Firefly Girl (girl scout), “Mr Fix-It” communication consultant Conrad Brean (De Niro) and the President’s communication director Winifred Ames (Heche) approach a big time Hollywood Producer Stanley Motss to stage “the appearance of a war.” TIME: 12.40 – 17.00 DURATION: 4 minutes 20 seconds
APPENDICES | PAGE 459
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
The Thick of It
2005, 2007, 2009, 2012
TV SERIES Peter Capaldi, Chris Addison, James Smith, Joanna Scanlan
Armando Iannucci
Comedy
OVERVIEW: Set in the backrooms of British parliament, this award winning series focuses on communications director Malcolm Tucker (Capaldi) and his overseeing of several hapless government ministers in the Department of Social Affairs and Citizenship (DoSAC). It satirises the inner workings of contemporary British government and the political process. Tucker is abusive and intimidating, yet works tirelessly to ensure his ministers toe the party line and stay in public favour. He is both assisted and annoyed by a number of special advisers and civil servants including the sensitive Glenn Cullen (Smith), the ambitious Ollie Reeder (Chris Addison), and the prudish Terri Coverley (Scanlan). The series is often described as the twenty-firstt century’s answer to Yes Minister and has had a feature film spin-off In The Loop (2009) and successful US adaption for HBO Veep (2012-present).
EPISODE: Series One, Episode One When a new Minister wants to attract publicity to his new post, he has to come up with policy on the run in time for the already organized press conference, which results in his making a ridiculous policy suggestion. This leaves government communications in a shambles as the scramble to get on top of what was said at the press conference, what the government’s policy is, and what is being said in the media. SCENE/CONTEXT: After the Minister has a meeting with the government’s communication director Malcolm Tucker advises that the policy has changed and the media will need to be given a new message. The team struggle to do this, and journalist Angela Heaney confronts them about their day of flip-flopping, only to be intimidated by Tucker in return. TIME: 22.45 – 26.32 DURATION: 3 minutes 13 seconds (can shorten if time is limited)
TITLE YEAR TYPE STARRING DIRECTOR GENRE
The Hollowmen
2008 TV SERIES Rob Sitch, Lachy Hulme, Merrick Watts, Jacquie Brennan, Neil Melville
Working Dog Productions
Comedy
OVERVIEW: This Australian series is set in the offices of the Central Policy Unit (CPU), a strategic team personally set up to advise the Prime Minister on which decisions are most likely to keep him popular throughout his term, and ensure he will be re-elected. The CPU is headed by senior strategic advisors Murph (Hulme) and Nick (Watts), who follow directives from the Prime Minister’s private secretary Tony (Sitch) and chief of staff Ian (Melville), and take advice from the Government’s senior media advisor Mel (Brennan). Each episode follows a different political initiative, which is dictated by any given day’s media headlines or carefully constructed in order to gain public popularity. The series was well received by critics and echoes Working Dog’s other productions in its satirical approach and ‘high modern’ media criticism.
EPISODE: Series Two, Episode Four, “Vulnerable to Attack” Opening scene – no episode description necessary. SCENE/CONTEXT: The CPU are conducting focus groups with the public to assess their concerns, fears, and anxieties. Tony flags with Murph that the government is “vulnerable to attack” which causes confusion as to whether there is a terrorist threat or an opportunity for the opposition to embarrass the government. TIME: 00:30 – 04:23 DURATION: 3 minutes 53 seconds
APPENDICES | PAGE 460
SPIN UNSPUN:
UNRAVELLING CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS AND AUDIENCE UNDERSTANDINGS OF
POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS
.
