Fortnight Publications Ltd.

Unionism Taken to TaskAuthor(s): Harry WestSource: Fortnight, No. 252 (Jun., 1987), p. 7Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25551206 .

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or two interesting proposals to put forward.

"Traditionally the nationalist position has been a unitary Ireland.

That was the preferred option in the Forum report and continues to be

the preferred option of all constitutional nationalists. On the other hand

we have to be practical about it and in the short term there is no

possibility of a unitary state."

In the absence of 'a unitary Ireland' the SDLP is profoundly thankful

for the Anglo-Irish agreement: "We are firmly convinced that the

agreement will continue to represent a framework for a solution as far

forward as it is possible to visualise. Indeed the presence of the

agreement -

contrary to what certain people in the unionist and even

Alliance ranks have been saying - is a spur to the SDLP to agree to

devolution rather than a hindrance.

"It has been a major difficulty in the past that nationalists are in a

permanent minority inside Northern Ireland. In any power-sharing

arrangement we would be in a minority within the administration and

therefore, to some extent, at the mercy of a unionist majority. So we

need some safeguards for our position. "The existence of the Anglo-Irish agreement and the guarantee that

gives to nationalists should encourage us to go into a power-sharing

operation, rather than the reverse - simply because, if any arrangements

we entered into were to fail, for any reason, then the position would

revert to the Anglo-Irish situation rather than to the position prior to

the agreement. So I would argue that the agreement is an incentive to

the SDLP to get involved in a devolved power-sharing situation."

Northern nationalists' misgivings about southern politicians are a

further encouragement to the SDLP to seek a devolved arrangement in

the north. Currie shares in the scepticism about Dublin's commitment.

"I was a member of the old Nationalist Party delegations going to

Dublin in the 60s, asking southern governments and politicians of all

shades to do something to ameliorate the position of northern

nationalists. They did nothing for us until we decided to do it for -^

Unionism taken

to task THE INTRODUCTION and implementation of the Anglo-Irish agreement has had a

traumatic effect on the unionist community in Northern Ireland. It has increased sectarian

tension and violence and the IRA has seized

the opportunity of intensifying its campaign in order to provoke further bitterness and

violence. Fortunately this has been kept in

check.

The unionist protest against the Anglo Irish agreement has been greatly weakened by its negative policy. It is tactically preferable to campaign 'for' something rather than

'against' something. A campaign 'for'

involves choosing one's ground to fight on.

The unionist campaign has lacked an

efficient and effective propaganda machine.

Rallies and parades organised to demonstrate

the 'No' protest have provided a vent for

opinions and feelings but as weapons - 18

months into the struggle - such demon

strations must be used sparingly for greater

impact and the continuance of public support. Even the campaign organised through the

councils and area boards is causing acute

embarrassment and threatens to drive a wedge between parliamentary and council repre sentatives. There are many councillors who

have failed to respond to their leadership's directive: they rightly claim that they fought the local government election on a 'Smash

Sinn Fein' ticket and now they are being asked to abandon their council chambers and

boards to the 'Shinners'. The lack of

discipline and difference in emphasis by coun

cillors no longer merits such involvement in

this as a wholesale weapon against the

authority of Anglo-Irish direct rule. This tur

moil should be ended quickly as it only serves

to damage the credibility of unionist unity. The unionist electorate has been patiently

waiting for a positive and constructive polit ical initiative from its leaders and a vision of

hope for its future. The announcement by the

joint unionist leadership some months ago of

the formation of the 'Task Force' - composed

of Messrs McCusker, Robinson and Millar

and charged with the responsibility of

producing realistic constitutional proposals -

gave belated but genuine hope that this

essential task was about to be implemented. The question can properly be asked as to

why this body was not put to work many months ago. However it was encouraging and

refreshing to learn that the Task Force was

inviting various groups and individuals who

had an interest in the future of the province to

present their views on this subject. I and my

colleagues in the Charter Group gladly res

ponded to such an invitation and within recent

weeks we have had two very interesting and

profitable sessions with the Task Force.

Although this body did not disclose the nature of the evidence given to it by other

groups which waited upon it - nor would we

expect it to - yet there was visible evidence of

the fact that the case which we presented for

the return of a devolved government had

already been made by others, even if not in

such detail. We left both meetings feeling satisfied that the weight of evidence given

was strongly in support of the return of a

regional parliament and government to

Northern Ireland.

The Task Force has the undoubted ability to report factually to the two unionist leaders

and I would hope that, when the election is

over, this report will be debated urgently within the councils of both unionist parties.

Any attempt to frustrate or delay such

discussion would be most embarrassing to

the Task Force, which invited the evidence

from so many interested parties, and such

action would also have very serious

repercussions within the unionist family. It has been continually stressed by the

Prime Minister and other ministers that total

integration with Great Britain is not

acceptable to Her Majesty's Government.

This also goes for other political parties

represented at Westminster. Devolved govern ment as a means of regional autonomy is

attainable and it is well known that the

government wishes to end direct rule as soon

as possible. Therefore the unionist campaign must be directed towards a type of autonomy which will replace direct rule.

The only basis for the government sus

taining the authority of the offensive Anglo Irish agreement is through the connecting link of Westminster direct rule. If direct rule

was ended the agreement is left without a

basis of operation. If direct rule goes, so does

the Northern Ireland Office, the Secretary of

State, his ministers and the Maryfield secretariat.

When a new parliament and government has been elected the way should be clear for

both unionist leaders to go to Downing Street, in the newly created situation, and

f^??^- 1

seek from the Prime Minister a precise definition of the exact type of devolved

government attainable to Northern Ireland as

a replacement for direct rule.

With this matter clearly defined the time

would then be opportune for the leaders and

deputies of each of the four main con

stitutional political parties to meet round the

conference table - the only practical way of

resolving this matter - and endeavour to get

agreement on a structure of devolved govern ment which will restore peace, stability and

prosperity to Northern Ireland. In the event of

such an agreement being reached and taken

unitedly to Downing Street by the four party leaders, it is inconceivable that the Prime

Minister would reject such an offer - partic

ularly having regard to the years of political

stagnation in the province. This joint effort by the political leaders

could provide the Northern Ireland people with a fresh vision of what opportunities lie

ahead in uniting the community to build a

new Ulster on the firm foundation of respect for law and order and in which our

constitutional and democratic society demands

that the rights and traditions of all sections of

our community be respected. Above all else, we must accept that the

maintenance of our position within the

United Kingdom is absolutely fundamental to the future well-being of all sections of the

Ulster people. We must have respect for the

laws of the sovereign parliament until such j

times as we can form a democratic legislative and administrative devolved government to

serve all the people of Northern Ireland.

Such a government must rest on a written

and stable constitution which will obliterate

the political uncertainties of the past and

allow our politicians to concentrate their ener

gies on the real issues affecting the lives of

the entire community.

Fortnight June 7

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