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UNINTERRUPTED CONVERSATIONS WITH OUR EEGUN: PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS FOR METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO THE RESEARCH OF AFRICAN MUSIC AND THE MUSIC OF JOHN COLTRANE __________________________________________________ A Dissertation Submitted to Temple University’s Graduate Board ___________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR of PHILOSOPHY ___________________________________________________ By Aaron B. Love August 2014 Committee Members: Dr. Nathaniel Norment, Jr., Advisory Chair, African American Studies, Temple University Dr. Abu S. Abarry, African American Studies, Temple University Dr. Wilbert Jenkins, History, Temple University Dr. Greg Kimathi Carr, External Reader, AfroAmerican Studies, Howard University

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UNINTERRUPTED  CONVERSATIONS  WITH  OUR  EEGUN:    PRELIMINARY  CONSIDERATIONS  FOR  METHODOLOGICAL  

APPROACHES  TO  THE  RESEARCH  OF  AFRICAN  MUSIC  AND  THE  MUSIC  OF  JOHN  COLTRANE  

__________________________________________________    

A  Dissertation  Submitted  to    Temple  University’s  Graduate  Board  

___________________________________________________    

In  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the  Degree  

DOCTOR  of  PHILOSOPHY  ___________________________________________________  

 By  

Aaron  B.  Love    

August  2014                          

Committee  Members:  Dr.  Nathaniel  Norment,  Jr.,  Advisory  Chair,  African  American  Studies,  Temple  University  Dr.  Abu  S.  Abarry,  African  American  Studies,  Temple  University  Dr.  Wilbert  Jenkins,  History,  Temple  University  Dr.  Greg  Kimathi  Carr,  External  Reader,  Afro-­‐American  Studies,  Howard  University  

   

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     ©  

Copyright  2014    

by    

Aaron  B.  Love  All  Rights  Reserved  

                               

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ABSTRACT    

UNINTERRUPTED  CONVERSATIONS  WITH  OUR  EEGUN:  PRELIMINARY  CONSIDERATIONS  FOR  METHODOLOGICAL  APPROACHES  TO  THE  RESEARCH  OF  AFRICAN  MUSIC  AND  THE  MUSIC  OF  JOHN  COLTRANE  

 Aaron  B.  Love  

Doctor  of  Philosophy  Temple  University,  August  2014  Doctoral  Committee  Chair:  Nathaniel  Norment,  Ph.D.  

   

  African  music  and  its  musicians  from  the  Pharaonic  periods  to  Mali  to  the  

Mississippi  Delta  to  the  South  Bronx  have  contributed  some  of  the  most  lasting  

and  influential  cultural  creations  known.  The  music  and  musicians  of  Africa  have  

been  studied  as  early  as  the  early  18th  century.    As  interest  in  African  music  grew  so  

did  the  discipline  of  ethnomusicology.    Ethnomusicology  has  sought  to  understand,  

interpret  and  catalog  the  various  areas  of  African  music.    In  the  United  States  

interest  in  the  music  as  a  continuation  of  African  culture  was  also  sought  after  and  

investigated  as  an  important  area  of  research.    

  The  main  objective  of  this  project  is  to  help  expand  the  methodological  

approaches  in  the  study  of  African  Diasporan  musical  cultures  and  their  

practitioners.  The  author  undertook  a  critical  examination  of  the  previous  works  

on  the  subject  made  by  both  Continental  and  Diasporan  African  scholars,  in  

addition  to  fieldwork  in  the  United  States  and  Africa  (Ghana).    Through  

considering  the  work  songs  of  Pharaonic  Egypt,  the  cosmogram  of  the  Bantu-­‐

Kongo  and  the  life  of  John  Coltrane  in  particular  this  proposed  work  articulates  

new  methodological  tools  in  the  research  of  African  music  and  musicians.    

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IN  MEMORY  

 To   those   who   raised,   instructed,   and   taught   me   in   their   own   way—with  

kindness,   patience,   humor,   love,   commitment,   and   wisdom.    My   Brother,   Javad  

Jahi,  maa  kheru!    My  Jegna,  Dr.  Harrison  Ridley  Jr.,  maa  kheru!  Our  Matriarch;  Our  

Rock;  My  Grandmother,  Evelyn  Jones,  maa  kheru!      

 

 

                                                 

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DEDICATION  

 

To   Maia   Zoe   Love,   my   daughter,   my   firstborn—my   reminder   that   I   did  

something   great,   thank   you   for   sharing   me   with   my   academic   pursuits;   to  

Christopher  H.,  the  son  I  raised  for  just  a  while,  but  will  love  eternally;  to  the  child  

that  chose  not  to  stay;  to  Coltrane  Javad  Jahi  Pearl-­‐Love  my  first-­‐born  second  who  

will  be  arriving  very  soon;  and  to  the  children  yet  to  come.    

Baba  loves  you  all,  always.  

 

 

 

                             

   

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 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  

     

    This  has  been  a   long  travelled  road  to  type  the   final   period  on  what   is   the  

end  of  a  formalized  part  of  my  life  while  simultaneously  resituating  me  firmly  back  

into  my   real   life.     This   work   is   a   gathering   of  my  many   ideas,   curiosities,   fears,  

longings,  and  queries  that  for  so  many  years  has  germinated  within  me.    I  offer  this  

work   as   a   reflection   of   this   wonderment.     Any   errors   within   are   solely   my  

responsibility   and   not   reflective   of   the   ancestors,   communities,   individuals,   and  

organizations   that   I   acknowledge  hereafter.    My   strength  comes   from  those  who  

raised  me,  watched  over  me,  and  saw  me  through.    It  is  to  you  that  I  am  thankful.      

    First,  I  would  like  to  thank  the  Creator  of  all  things  (those  things  we  know  

of  and  those  we  will  never  experience),  who  is  called  on  by  many,  in  many  tongues,  

and  by  many  names.    To  the  Almighty  names  that  my  family  bloodline  has  called  

and  still  call—I  say  thank  you  to  Jehovah,  Jesus,  and  Allah.    And  to  the  name  that  I  

find  most   appropriate   for   my   time   around   the   cosmograph,   I   acknowledge   and  

thank  Olódùmarè.      

As  I  am  nothing  without  those  who  have  mdw  mkt  through  their  life,  love,  

sacrifices,  and  work,  I  humbly  thank  those  whose  examples  I  aim  to  follow.    To  our  

most   recent   pool   of   ancestors;   Amiri   Baraka,   Mabel  Williams,   Nelson  Mandela,  

Chinua  Achebe,  Donald  Byrd,  Richie  Havens,  Albert  Murray,  Stuart  Hall,  Chokwe  

Lumumba,   Vincent   Harding,   Maya   Angelou,   K.   Kia   Bunseki   Fu-­‐Kiau—MAA  

KHERU!    As  well   to  our  pool  of  ancestors  whose   life  and  work  has   informed  this  

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study.     John   Henrik   Clarke,   Ortiz  Walton,   Asa   Hilliard,   “Kofie”   Ghanaba,   Jacob  

Carruthers,   John   Coltrane,   Alice   Coltrane,   Freddie   Hubbard,   Sun   Ra,   Charlie  

Parker,  Nina  Simone,  Abbey  Lincoln,  Henry  Dumas,  and  Louis  Armstrong—MAA  

KHERU!    As  I  live  I  promise  to  stay  committed  to  the  work  you  all  began,  to  teach  

others  about  your  life  and  work,  and  to  support  those  much  more  qualified  than  I  

am  who  are  extending  your  ideas  and  legacies.    Ase!  

    That  I  exist  is  reflective  of  my  bloodline  of  eegun  whose  existence  made  my  

life   possible.     I   honor   and   thank   the  Little   clan   of  Georgia   and   the  Love   clan   of  

Philadelphia  for  all  that  you’ve  given  me  in  whispers,  words,  action,  time,  and  love.  

Ase!      

      To  my   extended   living   family,   I   honor   all   of   you   not   just   because   of   the  

name  or  blood  we  share  but  instead  because  of  the  love  that  it  produces.    I  promise  

that  wherever  and  whenever  you  call  upon  me  that   I  will   surrender  my  needs   to  

the  greater  good  of  our  collective  survival  and  security.    

    To  my  immediate  family  my  entirety  of  existence  I  honor  you  before  all  who  

come  across  this  work.  I  would  be  nothing  if  it  were  not  for  your  encouragement,  

support,  LOVE,  wisdom,  and  at  times  firmness.    I  thank  my  parents,  Dexter  Love  

Sr.  and  Evelina  White  for  bringing  me  to  this  plane  safe  and  raising  me  with  love  

and  an   intense,  habitual  desire   for   learning.    While  we  have   for  many  years  now  

not  seen  eye-­‐to-­‐eye  on  many  things,  I  will  always  be  unmoved  in  my  love  for  you  

and   in   knowing   that   I   am   in   turn   loved   by   you.   To   James  White,   thank   you   for  

being  a  father  to  me  when  I  needed  one.    It  was  rough  during  my  teen  years;  thank  

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you  for  being  strong  enough  to  support  me  even  when  I  kept  you  at  a  distance.    As  

I  grew  I  understood  the  lessons  you  were  teaching  me.    Thank  you!      

    To  my  Aunt  Jean,  you  love  me  in  spite  of  me  not  staying  in  contact  as  much  

as   I   should.     I  hope   to  get  better  at   it.     I   love  you.    Thank  you   for  always  asking  

about   me,   and   never   judging  me   but   always   “just   wanting   what’s   best   for   me.”    

When  I  get  some  money  Ima  get  you  that  Miami  Heat  jersey,  promise.          

    To  my  Aunt  Estella,  Auntee,   Aunts—You   told  me  over  20  years  ago   that   I  

would   have   to   someday   dig   my   own   wells.     I   think   I   have   finally   fulfilled   that  

charge.     Auntee,   you   are   my   constant   and   my   connection   to   our   past.     Your  

example  was  a  living  testimony  to  the  life  I  wanted  to  live  and  the  man  I  wanted  to  

be.    You  will  never  get  how  impressive  your  strength,  African  pride,  and  unabashed  

words  were  and  still  are  to  me.    I  will  never  forget  when  you  set  me  straight  about  

our  people  by  explaining,  “Woodstock?  Boy,  that  wasn’t  for  Black  people.    We  been  

had  peace;   its  white  folk  who  always  tryna  take   it   from  us.”     In  that  moment  the  

lines   started   to   became   so   much   clearer.     It   is   an   honor   to   see   you   stand   in  

Mummums  place.     I   know  she   is  proud  of   you   too.    Thank  you   for   always  being  

there,   for  the  $loans  and  all  around  support.    As  I   live  I  promise  to  always  honor  

and  obey  you.  

    To  my  Uncles,  Andre  and  Odest.    Uncle  Andre!    You  were  and  are  the  

coolest  Black  man  on  the  planet  to  me.    You  loved  and  taught  me  beyond  my  

abilities  to  grasp  as  a  child;  thank  you.    You  were  my  real  life  “Heathcliff  Huxtable.”    

Thank  you  for  the  trips  to  NY,  Reading  Terminal,  Garland  of  Letters,  introducing  

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me  to  “world  musicians”  especially  Andreas  Vollenweider  and  Youssou  N'Dour,  as  

well  as  finally  giving  me  that  sports  coat  that  I  swooned  over  as  a  kid.    If  not  for  

your  love  of  Black  music,  and  your  patience  and  desire  to  share  the  history  with  

me,  I  may  have  never  come  to  know  John  Coltrane  at  such  an  early  age  like  I  did.    

Thanks  for  trusting  me  with  your  vinyl  collection  and  record  player.    The  times  I  

spent  sitting  in  that  chair  listening  to;  reading  the  albums  and  liner  notes;  and  

making  tapes  allowed  me  to  imagine  music  beyond  just  my  time.    It  was  the  music  

that  eventually  opened  the  doors  to  what  became  my  intellectual  pursuits—it  was  

all  connected.    Thank  you  for  it  all!    Uncle  Odest,  as  a  child  you  were  bigger  than  

life  to  me.    I  wanted  to  be  as  athletic  as  you  but  soon  realized  it  wasn’t  my  calling.    

Thank  you  for  understanding  me  and  placing  me  in  my  lane.    I  will  never  forget:  us,  

two  Black  folk  driving  in  the  middle  of  the  night  to  fill  up  gallons  of  bottles  with  

spring  water  straight  from  the  source.    Thanks  for  taking  that  time  out  for  me  and  

letting  me  ride  out  with  you.    It  was  those  types  of  experiences  that  shaped  me  as  a  

child.    Medasi.  

    To  my  brothers  and  sisters.  To  Dexter  Love  Jr.,  my  brother  and  at  times  my  

only  father.    Dex,  you  were  my  first  hero,  never  has  a  little  brother  wanted  to  walk  

in  his  older  brothers  shoes  as  much  as  me.    You  were  rough  but  strong  as  hell.    I  

was  proud  to  be  called  lil’  Dex  as  a  kid.    You  taught  me  as  a  kid  so  much—at  times  

more   than   I  needed   to  know,  Ha!—but   it  was   all   appreciated  and  worth   it.    We  

argued  like  hell,  as  I  got  older,  about  worldviews,  religion,  politics,  etc.    You  were  

reading  Diop   and   others   before   they  were   even  whispers   to  me.     Thank   you   for  

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holding  me   accountable   and   teaching  me   that,   “Our   history   is  more   than   some  

damn  February.”  I  didn’t  get   it  then  but  I  did  eventually.     It   is   in  part  because  of  

you  that  I  know  this  work  exists.    I  pray  for  your  peace  of  mind  and  spirit.    Salute!  

To  my  Older-­‐little   sister  DeVonne  Love.  Deedee,  how  can   I  begin   to  express  my  

gratitude  to  you?    You  were  my  second  mother  and  at  times  my  only  constant.  We  

survived  our  childhood  together.  For  a  while  the  weight  of  our  experiences  almost  

severed  us  apart  at  too  young  an  age.    I  am  glad  that  we  leaned  on  each  other  and  

pushed  away  as  needed.    You  were  there  to  brush  my  hair,  feed  me,  spank  me  and  

snitch,  as  needed,  Ha!    I  didn’t  get  it  all  then,  but  I  know  you  knew  someone  had  to  

do  it  and  for  your  love  and  care  I  will  always  be  indebted.    Watching  you  take  all  

that  was  thrust  at  you  and  to  still  be  so  wise,  giving,  confident,  loving  and  happy  

now  is  a  testimony  to  your  strength.  The  world  should  take  note  of  how  you  did  it.    

Isaiah  and  London  are  blessed  to  have  you  as  a  mother.    Thank  you  for  everything!      

    To  my  little  sisters,  Ena  and  Kimberly.  To  Ena,  the  world  would  say  we  are  

cousins;  we  say  brothers  and  sisters!    You  are  my  hit-­‐man  on  the  low,  shhh!    Your  

loyalty  to  me  is  amazing.    I  honor  the  person  that  you  are.    I  have  watched  you  all  

these  years  and  to  see  who  you  are  becoming  is  a  beautiful  thing.    I  never  thought  

that  my  little  sister  could  school  me  so  much  about  life  and  myself.    Thank  you  for  

that   loannotloan  when   it  was   rough.     You   are   a   gem   filled  with   talent.     I   am   so  

proud  of  your  commitment  to  finishing  your  degree;  I  know  you  won’t  be  stopped.    

I  am  most  proud  of  you  as  a  mother—who  knew  an  only  child  could  have  so  much  

love   in   her   heart   to   share   with   her   children   the   way   you   do.     Evyr,   Cevyn   and  

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Sekou  have  you  to  thank  for  the  wonderful,  intelligent  people  that  they  are  and  the  

amazing  adults  that  they  will  become.    Medasi!    Kimberly  you  were  our  collective  

daughter.    You  brought  an  energy  and  excitement  to  this  family  that  was  needed.    I  

have  been  and  will  always   love  and  be  proud  of  you.     I  know  that  your  thirst   for  

education  will  guide  you  to  the  place  you  wish  to  arrive  at.    As  Auntee  told  me  I  

tell  you  now,  dig  your  own  wells.  

    That  I  lived  an  African  experience  even  unknown  at  times  is  affirmed  by  the  

extended  non-­‐bloodline  families  that  I  have  been  a  part  of.    I  thank  you  all  for  your  

wisdom,  moral  direction,  love,  instruction,  and  protection.    To  my  earliest  families:  

Dalkeith   Street;   The   Roxborough   and   Nicetown/Hunting   Park   Kingdom  Hall   of  

Jehovah’s  Witnesses—thank   you!     To  my   public   school   teachers   and   instructors  

who   cared   about   me   more   than   just   the   school   day.   To   Ms.   Montgomery   in  

particular,   I  will   never   forget   your   instructions   and   introductions   to  our   history.  

Thank  you  for  not  allowing  us  to  read  the  prescribed  literature  and  forcing  DuBois,  

Booker  T,  Ellison,  Morrison,  and  Malcolm  X  on  us.    It  left  an  intellectual  mark  on  

me  that  you  will  never  know.    Your  strength  in  the  face  of  the  administration  on  

our  behalf  will  not  go  unrewarded  by  me.  Your  pedagogy  will  always  be  front  and  

center  in  any  class  I  teach.    Lastly  to  Dr.  Akins,  you  were  my  first  college  professor,  

thank   you   for   understanding   the   life   and   challenges   of   a   first   time,   27   year-­‐old,  

non-­‐traditional   student.  Whatever   I   thought   I   knew   about  African/Black   history  

you  gently  let  me  know  that  it  was  so  much  more  to  learn.    Thank  you  for  walking  

me  through  the  process  of  college  life  and  having  high  expectations  of  us  at  CCP.      

xii

    To  my  Freedom  School  Family  in  Oakland  and  Philadelphia—through  you  I  

believed  that  anything  was  possible.  And  I  realized  that  it  was  possible,  with  a  truly  

committed  group  of  Black  folk  who  are  unapologetically  African!!    Ade,  Jason,  Sean,  

Khalid,  Kelli,  The  Fannie  Lou,  Ella  Baker,  and  William  Still  trainers,  Medasi!  

    To  my   1300  Dover   Road   family!!!     I   wish   that   those  who   talk   about  what  

being   African   in   America   looks   like   could   come   live   with   us   for   a   while.   They  

would  really  see  it  .  .  .  and  get  it.    I  LOVE  YOU  ALL!    Thank  you  for  taking  me  in  as  

one  of  your  own  over  seven  years  ago.    The  love,  pride,  understanding,  empathy,  

micro-­‐economic   infrastructure   that   is   in   constant   motion   and   always   being  

reconceptualized   on   our   block   is   nothing   short   of   beautiful.     Ms.   Paula,   I   have  

learned   and   been   reminded   of   what   Motherwit   and   love   looks   like,   how   you  

balance  the  love  with  the  firmness  with  your  family  and  this  block  is  miraculous,  

thank   you   for   the   garden   and  making   sure   the   babies   have   food   to   eat   for   the  

summer;  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Tone  and  Terri,  the  two  of  you  have  supported  me  and  my  

family  in  ways  that  are  immeasurable,  thank  you  for  always  checking  in  on  us  and  

sharing   your   lives   and   time   with   us;   Paul,   brotha   you   could   write   a  manual   on  

raising  black  boys  that  we  all  could  benefit  from,  I  admire  and  salute  how  you  raise  

lil  Paul  and   Javier;  Lump  Lump—you  are  both  gentle  and  strong,  brotha  you  are  

needed  here  please  stay  around  a  bit;  Ms.  Linda,  thank  you  isn’t  enough  so  I  will  

always  show  you  what  your  love  means  to  us;  Mecca  and  Saleem,  y’all  raise  them  

babies  and  keep  us  all   fed  without  a   sweat,   the   love  you  have   is  boundless;  Tre’,  

xiii

brotha  if  I  could  I  would  show  you  the  beauty  in  this  world  and  let  you  have  at  it,  I  

pray  that  the  Creator  shines  down  on  you  and  places  you  on  your  path.  

    To  my  national  and  Mid-­‐Atlantic  ASCAC  family,  thanks  to  you  all.    You  are  

a   reminder   that   the   real   work   of   intellectual   development   takes   place   within  

community.    Through  you  all  I  have  grown  and  affirmed  that  deep  thought  is  the  

only  way  to  engage  the  historical  memory  of  African  peoples.    I  thank  our  Divine  

Creator   for   assembling   a   cadre   of   committed  Africans   that   lead   and   continue   to  

lead  us  in  the  spirit  of  Djehuti,  Seshet,  and  Maat.    

    To  my  brothas  thank  you  all.    Ryan  Abney,  James  Tyler,  Terrell  Allen,  Kevin  

White,  Sedrick  Miles,  Nkosi  Lessey  Nate  Thompson,  and  Heru  Setepenra  Heq-­‐m-­‐

Ta,  you  have  all  supported  me  in  ways  that  go  beyond  these  pages.    Only  the  walls  

know  our  secrets.    What   the  world   thinks   they  know  about  Black  men  would  be  

extinguished  in  seconds  by  spending  a  day  with  any  of  you.    I  love  and  admire  you  

all.      

    To   my   sistas,   Marsha   Besong,   Bianca   White,   Aura   Townsend,   and   Amy  

Yeboah,  thank  you  all  for  undying  support  and  at  times  your  raw  honesty  when  I  

needed   it.     Your   tenderness   and   advice   has   always   been   in   time.    Marsha,   your  

support  and  love  will  always  be  a  part  of  why  this  dissertation  is  complete.    Bianca,  

I  am  here  because  of  you.    Thank  you  for  getting  a  depressed  young  man  up  and  

taking  me  to  the  front  doors  of  CCP  and  shoving  me  in  firmly.  I  took  your  advice,  

“To  never   take  no   from  anyone  on  the  other  side  of   those  desks”   to  heart.    Your  

belief  in  me  was  beyond  needed  during  the  dark  times.    Medasi!  

xiv

    To  my   students   at   Lincoln,  Drexel,   and  Temple  University,   thank   you   for  

allowing   me   to   work   through   my   ideas   with   you.     I   know   at   times   I   was   a   lil’  

disjointed—I  was   trying   to  make   sense  of  my   ideas   too.    Your   smiles,   questions,  

commitment,  and   fiery  passion  kept  me  enthused  and  always   looking   forward  to  

our   next   class.     To   the   young   scholars   from  Temple   in   our   study   group   with   no  

name,   Nubia,   Elizabeth,   Kezia,   Ebony,   Alaysha,   Osbia,   Kehmari,   Jahlil,   Jarred,  

Raven,  Mr.  Pressley,   and  Autumn,   thank  you  beyond  measure   for   committing   to  

Baba  Carruthers’  Mdw  Ntr  and   Intellectual  Warfare—It  meant  so  much  to  me  to  

have   students   who   understood   that   intellectual   work   happened   after   hours   and  

outside  the  classroom  where  grades  don’t  matter.    Medasi!!!  

    To  my  intellectual  family,  Joshua  Myers—my  younger  brother  but  

intellectual  old-­‐head—continue  to  humbly  set  the  pace  for  us;  Amy  Yeboah—I  

know  I  speak  for  at  least  three  of  us  in  saying  we  wouldn’t  be  graduating  without  

your  push  and  prayers  and  personally  I  couldn’t  ask  for  a  closer  friend  and  sister  

thank  you  for  all  that  you  are;  Heru  Setepenra  Heq-­‐m-­‐Ta—thanks  for  always  

talking  me  and  my  temper  down  off  the  ledge—you’re  next!    Stephanie  Tisdale—

the  world  has  NO  idea  of  your  brilliance,  maybe  we  are  fortunate  to  have  you  all  to  

ourselves;  Akil  Parker—brotha  watching  you  grow  intellectually  the  way  you  have  

over  the  last  few  years  is  so  encouraging  and  validating,  keep  it  up;  Nate  

Thompson—One  day  your  “moment”  will  come  and  I  hope  soon  so  that  you  can  

return  to  the  chaos  of  the  Western  academy  and  let  your  brilliance  be  shown.    To  

my  sister  Angela  M.  Porter,  THANK  YOU,  your  support  and  editorial  efforts  

xv

polished  all  the  rough  edges  on  this  work.    Medasi  for  your  diligence  and  undying  

commitment  to  the  African  survival  thrust.    Sedrick  Miles—brotha  who  knew  we  

would  become  the  friends  that  we  are,  I  admire  your  intellect,  artistic  abilities  and  

drive—folk  will  never  know  just  how  horrible  our  humor  is  behind  closed  doors,  

love  you  bro.    And  all  the  many  others  whose  work  I  hope  to  emulate  thank  you  for  

the  constant  push,  second  set  of  eyes,  support  and  believing  in  me.  

    To  my  future  academic  family  at  Penn  State—Dr.  King  and  the  entire  ARC  

and  AFAM  staff  and  community,  thank  you  for  welcoming  me  with  open  arms  and  

making  my  initial  transition  to  the  other  side  of  the  academy  smooth  and  

nurturing.    I  look  forward  to  the  work  we  will  do  together  beginning  this  fall.    

    To  my   committee  members:   Dr.   Nathaniel   “Pop”   Norment—Pop   you   are  

the   prototype   of   character   for   African   men.   Thank   you   for   always   guiding   me  

through   the   academic   arena   as  well   as   always   holding  me   to   a   high   intellectual  

standard.     I   will   never   forget   the   point   of   a   well-­‐constructed   methodology,  

methods,  materials  and  procedures  chapter  .  .  .  never.    Dr.  Abu  Abarry,  my  earliest  

inspiration   for   this   study   came   from   our   conversations   in   your   African   Folklore  

course.  Thank  you  for  believing  in  the  possibility  of  this  study  at  its  infancy  stage.    

As  well,  thank  you  for  your  support  and  introductions  during  my  studies  in  Ghana.  

Dr.  Jenkins,  thank  you  so  much  for  understanding  the  seriousness  of  this  work  and  

committing   your   time;   even   while   writing   on   sabbatical.     Thank   you   for   your  

sincere  support,  giving  me  your  ear,  and  feedback.    I  look  forward  to  reading  your  

finished  work.    Finally,  to  Dr.  Greg  Kimathi  Carr—If  I  receive  my  PhD  in  Africana  

xvi

Studies,  it  is  because  of  you.    It  is  no  coincidence  to  me  that  I  first  met  you  through  

a  series  of  serendipitous  events  on  Alex  Haley’s  farm.    You  were  teaching  us  about  

mdw   mkt,   and   the  Bantu-­‐Kongo   cosmogram,   all   while   using   Roberta   Flack   as   a  

backdrop   to   the   conversation.     I  was  hooked   instantly.     It  was   you  who   told  me  

that  a  Ph.D.  in  Africana  studies  was  a  real  degree  .   .   .  who  knew?    Thank  you  for  

ALWAYS  being  my  intellectual  stimulate  and  standard.    I  know  that  you  represent  

your   long   line  of   teachers,  but  you  are  my  Seba  and  so  as   I   live   I  work   to   justify  

your  existence,  always.      

      Lastly,   to   my   best-­‐friend,   wife,   and   partner,   Shivon   Pearl-­‐Love.   My   dear  

heart  we  met  in  an  intellectual  space—talking  about  Coltrane  .  .  .  what  a  surprise,  

maybe   it  was  meant   to  be.     It  has  been  a  wonderful   and   rocky   ride  ever   since;   I  

wouldn’t  change  any  of  it.    I  don’t  know  what  price  I  will  have  to  pay  in  the  next  

life  to  deserve  you  now  but  it  is  worth  the  cost.    Thank  you  for  loving  and  teaching  

me   with   kindness.   Your   support,   especially   in   these   last   months,   will   never   be  

taken  for  granted  or  forgotten.    As  much  as  I  talk,  I  never  kid  myself—  I  know  that  

you  are  the  wise  one  in  this  family.  Thank  you  for  showing  me  the  intellectual  and  

softer   side   of   love—it’s   such   a   wonderful   smelling   odor.    Watching   you   in   this  

moment  carrying  our   son   is  a   testament   to  your   strength  and   the  strength  of  all  

the  women  and  men  that  you  descend  from—I  honor  and  thank  you,  your  family,  

and  your  eegun  for  it  all,  Ase!    I  pray  that  our  family  continues  to  grow  strong  and  

that  you  continue  to  love,  support,  and  keep  us  safe.    I  willingly  walk  the  sweetness  

of  this  life  with  you  until  this  life  is  through.    

xvii

    I  end  here.    I  take  nothing  for  granted  because  this  walk  has  not  been  

without  pain,  tears,  insecurities,  over-­‐drafted  accounts,  lost  friendships  and  loves.  I  

would  change  none  of  it  .  .  .  for  what  I  have  lost  I  have  gained  tenfold  and  predict  

that  gifts  without  price  will  continue  to  pile  up.    Mother  Africa’s  people  and  her  

music  have  given  me  life  and  there  is  no  sweeter  sound  than  a  found  purpose.    I  

embrace  the  good  work  reward  uttered  into  existence  by  Baba  Jacob  Carruthers,  

and  echoed  into  our  community’s  permanent  ethos  by  Greg  Kimathi  Carr,  that  

“the  reward  for  good  work  is  more  work.”    I  pray  to  never  look  up  and  realize  I  

have  not  been  entrusted  with  more  work.    Ase,  Ase,  Aseeee!  

 

 

 

 

 

                             

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 TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           PAGE  

 ABSTRACT.........................................................................................................   iii  

IN  MEMORY......................................................................................................   iv  

DEDICATION....................................................................................................   v  

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS....................................................................................  vi  

LIST  OF  TABLES..................................................................................................  xxi  

LIST  OF  FIGURES...............................................................................................   xxii  

EPIGRAPHS........................................................................................................   xxiii  

PREFACE:  THE  INTELLECTUAL  CHALLENGE  SET  FORTH........................   xxiv  

 CHAPTER  

1. INTRODUCTION:  THE  SIGNALING  OF  SOMETHING  NEW.................   1  

  Otito:  Statement  Of  The  Problem.............................................     9         Purpose  Of  Study  And  Research  Questions........................     13  

      Significance  (Necessity)  Of  The  Study......................................     17              Limitations  Of  The  Study.............................................................   18       Definitions  Of  Key  Terms..............................................................     19       Chapter  Summaries........................................................................   20    

2.      LITERATURE  REVIEW  ..............................................................................   23  

  African  Music  Research:  An  Introduction.......................       26  

  Africa  Speaks  .  .  .”  ............................................................................   28  

xix

           “  .  .  .  America  Answers....................................................................   41  

3. RITUALIZING  THE  PROCESS:  AFRICAN  MUSIC  AS  A  DEPARTURE                FOR  ANALYSIS  IN  UNINTERRUPTED  CONVERSATIONS  ...................   49  

      Of  The  Sacred  And  Secular  In  Egyptian  Music:     Inscriptions  Of  The  Draughtsman,  Painters,  And     Sculptors..............................................................................................   56         Work  Songs,  Secular  Songs,  The  Divine  And  Initiations...................   62  

    Our  Chronological  Homework:  (Re)Inscribing  the  Framework  For       Interpretation............................................................................   73  

 4.   RESEARCH  APPROACH:  AN  AFRICAN-­‐CENTERED  PERSPECTIVE.....   78       Framing  The  Study............................................................................   80  

  The  Insider’s  Approach....................................................................   82  

  African  Conceptual  Ways  Of  Knowing..................................     85  

  Rationale  For  Use..............................................................................   87  

  The  Methods......................................................................................   90  

          The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  Cosmology  As  A  Methodological  Device............   93         Materials  And  Procedures..........................................................     97  

5. WHM  MSW:  BREAKING  THE  CONTRACT:  A  RETURN  TO  OUR                              FOUNDATIONS...........................................................................................  99           Motherwit:  Reclaiming  Our  Languages—Reframing         Our  Aesthetic  Values............................................................   105          Radicalized  Traditions:  A  Recoding  Of  Our  Aesthetic  Values   115              The  Germination  Of  Music  From  Words.........................................   120              Of  The  Use  And  Roles  Of  Proverbs...........................................   123                        The  Vee  Of  The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  And  African  Musical  Genealogy...........  129        

xx

6.   JOHN  WILLIAM  COLTRANE’S  FIRST  TWO  MOMENTS  OF  THE           SUN................................................................................................................  139             John  Coltrane’s  Musoni:  “The  Go  Order”...............................................    144                 Improvisational  Developments:  Form  Over  Function............................  150               The  Vaika  Stage:  John  Coltrane’s  Early  Rise...........................................   156    7.     THE  VANGA:  JOHN  COLTRANE  STANDS  UP  STRAIGHT                      IN  HIS  VEE.................................................................................................   162              Proverbial  Retentions  Within  The  Music................................................  170  

   Coded  Language  Of  African  Music..........................................................   173  

  Proverbial  And  Coded  Language  In  Coltrane’s  Compositions..............   175              The  Vunda  Stage:  Coltrane’s  Decline  Into  Mukulu.............................   179  

8.   CONCLUSION............................................................................................  185         BIBLIOGRAPHY.........................................................................................   189             APPENDIX.................................................................................................   196                          

                       

 

xxi

LIST  OF  TABLES    

TABLE     PAGE    

Table   1:        Africana  Conceptual  Categories.....................................................   88    Table   2:      Materials  and  Procedures.................................................................   98    Table   3:   Akan/Coltrane:  Proverbs  Comparisons.........................................   178  

 Table      4:   Portia  Maultsby’s  Map  of  Music........................................................   196    

                                                     

xxii

LIST  OF  FIGURES    FIGURE   PAGE      Figure  1:   Tomb  of  Niankhkhnum  &  Khnumhotep  at  Saqqara.....................   59    Figure  2:      Relief  from  Akhenaten  at  el-­‐Amarna.............................................   67    Figure  3:   Bantu-­‐Kongo  Cosmogram................................................................     95    Figure  4:   Longo  Cosmograph...........................................................................     131    Figure  5:   Muntu  Cosmograph..........................................................................     132    Figure  6:   Vanga:  The  Third  Vee  Stage.............................................................     134    Figure  7:      16th  Street  Baptist  Church  Eulogy................................................   197    Figure  8:   Love  Supreme  Poem............................................................................   199                  

                             

         

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EPIGRAPHS    What,   with   this   focus   on   historical   truth,   might   cultural   workers  contribute   to   the   construction   of   an   African   identity?     Our  contribution   to   the   future  might   begin   with   a   hard-­‐eyed   look   at   the  shaping  of  structures  we  inhabit.    It  is  possible  to  date  these  structures.    It   is  necessary  that   they  be  acknowledged  as  dated.    Beyond  that,  we  need   to   think   of   the   nature   of   human   movement   on   this   continent  before  it  was  divided  up  into  the  slave  pens  Europeans  called  colonies  then,  and  unimaginative  Africans  are  urged  to  call  nations  now,  to  our  constant  detriment.    The  first  step  is  to  get  out  of  the  slave  boxes  we  call   our   national   identities.   Then  we   can   begin   thinking   as  Africans.    That  is  the  message  from  the  ancestors  we  cannot  see,  though  they  are  around  us,  and   from  the  unborn,  equally   invisible   to  us,   though   they  are  in  us.    We  can  hear  it  if  we  care  to  listen  to  the  griots  and  to  read  the  scribes.  

  —Ayi  Kwei  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes            I   believe   that  men  are   here   to   grow   themselves   into   the   full   into   the  best   good   that   they   can  be.  At   least,   this   is  what   I  want   to  do.    You  know?  This   is  my   belief   that  we   are   supposed   to—I   am   supposed   to  grow   to   the   best   good   that   I   can   get   to.     And   as   I’m   going   there,  becoming  this,  and  what  I  become,  if  I  ever  become,  this  will  just  come  out  of  the  horn.  So  whatever  that’s  gonna  be,  that’s  what  it  will  be.  I’m  not   so   much   interested   in   trying   to   say   what   it’s   gonna   be;   I   don’t  know.  But  I  just  hope,  and  I  realize  that  good  can  only  bring  good.          

        —John  William  Coltrane,  July  1966            

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   An   examination   of   modern   African   thinking  about   African   thought   is   long   overdue,   because  in   the   final   analysis   what   Africans   think   about  Africa   in   particular   will   determine   the   future   of  Africans.     The   task   before   the   Africans   both   at  home   and   abroad   is   to   restore   to   their  memory  what  slavery  and  colonialism  made  them  forget.1                    —John  Henrik  Clarke  

 This   essay   is   presented   in   the   spirit   of  disagreement,   challenging   critically   ongoing  activities   in   various   university   communities.    Furthermore   it   is   precisely   because   political,  cultural,   military,   and   technological   problems  are   inter-­‐connected   that   any  aesthetic   principle,  any   work   of   art,   any   cultural   manifestation   or  any   intellectual  discourse  will  have  political  and  philosophical  implications.2  

                                           —Acklyn  Lynch    

PREFACE    

THE  INTELLECTUAL  CHALLENGE  SET  FORTH    

    Our  Seba,3  Jacob  Carruthers,  wrote  in  the  introduction  to  the  Preliminary  

Challenge  of  The  Association  for  the  Study  of  Classical  African  Civilization’s  

(ASCAC)  African  World  History  Project4  that,  “the  main  design  of  the  text  was  to  

provoke  African-­‐centered  scholars  to  develop  a  basic  tool  for  the  liberation  of  the  

1    John  Henrik  Clarke,  foreword  to  Mdw  Ntr:  A    Historiographical  Reflection  of  African  Deep  Thought  2      Acklyn  Lynch,  Nightmare  Overhanging  Darky:  Essays  on  Black  Culture  and  Resistance  (Chicago:      Third  World  Press,  1993),  96.  

3    Seba  within  the  Egyptian  language  of  Mdw  Ntr  is  translated  into  “teacher”  or  “instructor.”    Throughout  this  work,  when  possible,  African  linguistic  terms  will  be  used  to  ground  ideas  within  their  cultural  traditions.    See  note  26.  

4      Jacob  Carruthers,  introduction  to  The  Preliminary  Challenge:  African  World  History  Project,  eds.  Jacob  Carruthers  and  Leon  C.  Harris  (Los  Angeles:  Association  for  the  Study  of  Classical  African  Civilizations,  1997).  

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African  mind.”5    The  challenge  that  Carruthers  issued—built  upon  the  pillars  of  

African  intellectual  thinkers—which  sought  to  “construct  an  African-­‐centered  

historiography”  for  the  liberation  of  Africans,  came  in  part  from  the  liberation  

theorist  David  Walker.    Walker  in  1829  stated:    

When   we   take   a   retrospective   view   of   the   arts   and  sciences—the   wise   legislators—the   Pyramids,   and  other   magnificent   buildings—the   turning   of   the  channel   of   the  Nile,   by   the   sons   of  Africa   or   of  Ham,  among   whom   learning   originated,   and   was   carried  thence   into   Greece.   .   .   .I   say,   when   I   view  retrospectively,  the  renown  of  that  once  mighty  people,  the   children   of   our   great   progenitor   I   am   indeed  cheered.6    

    This  dissertation  is  an  acceptance  of  the  challenge  issued  by  Carruthers  and  

a  contribution  to  the  existing  intellectual  pillars.    This  work  will  explore  the  

themes  of  identity  in  the  musical  productions  of  Africans7  from  the  perspective  of  

what  the  Ghanaian-­‐born  scholar  Ayi  Kwei  Armah  has  called  the  African  view.8    

5    Ibid.,  1.  6    David  Walker,  David  Walker’s  Appeal  to  the  Colored  Citizens  of  the  World,  but  in  Particular,  and  Very  Expressly,  to  Those  of  the  United  States  of   America,  (New  York:  Hill  and  Wang,  1965),  48.  (emphasis  added).  

7    Throughout  this  study,  the  author  will  use  the  terms  African,  African  American,  and  Black  interchangeably  to  refer  to  people  of  African  descent  as  well  as  their  attendant  cultural  practices.  “Black”  will  not  be  used  as  a  marker  of  color  or  race  but  instead  as  a  nationality.    See  John  Henrik  Clarke,  “Africana  Studies:  A  Decade  of  Change,  Challenge  and  Conflict,”  in  The  Next  Decade:    Theoretical  and  Research  Issues  in  Africana  Studies,  ed.  James  E.  Turner,  (Ithaca,  NY:  Africana  Studies  and  Research  Center,  1984),  31-­‐45.    In  delineating  the  clear  distinction  between  the  use  of  Africana  or  Black  Studies,  Clarke  states,  “that  he  preferred  the  former  because  while  Black  is  an  honorable  word  it  has  limitations.”    Black,  Clarke  suggests,  “only  tells  you  how  you  look  without  telling  you  who  you  are,  whereas  Africa,  or  Africana,  relates  you  to  land,  history  and  culture.”    He  concludes  his  observation  by  suggesting  that  “no  people  are  spiritually  and  culturally  secure  until  it  answers  only  to  a  name  of  its  choosing,  a  name  that  instantaneously  relates  that  people  to  the  past,  present,  and  future.”    See  also  Michael  Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks:  The  Transformation  of  African  Identities  in  the  Colonial  and  Antebellum  South  (North  Carolina:  University  of  North  Carolina  Press,  1998),  11.  

 8  Ayi  Kwei  Armah,  The  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes:  A  Memoir  on  the  Sources  and  Resources  of  African  Literature  (Senegal:  Per  Ankh  Publishing,  2006),  227-­‐29.  

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Like  Armah,  and  Walker,  whom  considered  it  a  waste  of  time  lingering  over  

European  assumptions  of  the  impossibility  of  making  connections  between  ancient  

Egyptians  and  Africa,  this  study  will  not  seek  to  prove  that  there  exists  a  deep  

thought9  of  African  intellectual  work  and  cultural  continuity  between  the  music  

produced  on  the  continent  of  Africa  and  of  that  found  in  the  Americas,  primarily  

North  America.    It  is  a  racist  view  to  consider  it  otherwise.    Research  that  belabors  

in  attempts  to  invalidate  racist  views  is  intellectual  regression.                                        

    This  work  also  does  not  seek  to  create  a  hierarchy  of  cultural  productions.    

Neither  does  it  seek  to  explore  European  cultural  intersections  throughout  Africa  

or  in  the  music  produced  by  Africans  in  the  Americas.    My  approach  to  this  work  is  

to  show  the  continuity  of  cultural  patterns  that  existed  in  intentional  African  

communities.10    I  will  “let  the  ancestors  speak”  as  Théophile  Obenga  encouraged,  

9    “Deep  Thought/thinkers”  here  refers  to  the  corpus  of  African  ideas  that  have  originated  from  ancient  African  foundations,  with  regards  to  what  the  West  has  termed  “philosophical”  questions.  Jacob  Carruthers  and  other  Africana  thinkers  prefer  this  particular  term  because  it  speaks  to  a  distinctly  African  way  of  approaching  knowledge,  while  stripping  away  conceptual  confusion  around  the  term,  “philosophy.”    See  Jacob  Carruthers,  Mdw  Ntr:  Divine  Speech:  A  Historiographical  Reflection  of  African  Deep  Thought  from  the  Time  of  the  Pharaohs  to  the  Present  (London:  Karnak  House,  1995).  

 10  My  use  of  community  here  borrows  directly  from  Michael  Gomez’s  concept  of  community.    Gomez  puts  forward  that,  “community  conveys  the  concept  of  a  collection  of  individuals  and  families  who  share  a  common  and  identifiable  network  of  sociocultural  communications  (for  example,  kinship,  dietary  patterns,  labor  conventions,  artistic  expressions,  language)  that  have  their  origin  in  either  a  particular  geographic  area  and  period  of  time  or  a  unique  system  of  beliefs  and  rationalization.    The  size  of  the  community  can  be  broadly  or  narrowly  defined  by  either  expanding  or  contracting  the  area  of  origin  in  question  or  by  adjusting  the  criteria  by  which  a  belief  system  is  determined  as  such.”    Thus,  Gomez  continues,  “it  is  possible  to  speak  of  both  an  African  and  an  Igbo  community  concurrently;  it  is  also  permissible  to  propose  the  existence  of  a  Muslim  community,  as  the  latter  refers  to  a  shared  tradition  of  faith.    However,  the  use  of  the  term  does  not  necessarily  imply  conscious  affinities;  that  is,  those  members  of  varying  backgrounds  who  are  described  as  comprising  an  African  community  in  America  or  who  are  subsequently  included  in  the  emergent  African  American  community  may  not  have  so  viewed  themselves.    Indeed,  that  they  may  not  have  shared  such  a  perspective  speaks  to  the  very  means  by  which  the  African  American  identity  was  

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so  as  to  convey  an  awareness  of  African  culture  at  a  deeper  level.11      It  answers  

Obenga’s  intellectual  rally  cry  for  African  scholars  to  move  beyond  the  limits  of  

Western  historiography  and  to,  “follow  Edward  Wilmot  Blyden  simple  injunction:  

[that]  The  African  must  advance  by  methods  of  his  own.”12    This  proposed  work  

postures  itself  in  the  normative  understandings  of  the  relationships  of  intellectual  

developments  and  cultural  productions.    In  particular  it  attempts  to  concretize  the  

relationships  between  African  scholars,  African  music,  and  its  producers.    The  

necessity  is  not  simply  a  matter  of  addressing  the  absurdities  hovering  around  the  

research,  analysis,  application  and  methodological  approaches  to  African  music;  

primarily  in  the  academic  fields  of  music  history  and  ethnomusicology,  but  

specifically  is  a  matter  of  addressing  the  pressing  need  to  develop  methodologies  

in  the  research  of  African  intellectual  work,  including  its  musical  contributions.  It  

also  seeks  to  add  to  the  long  list  of  conversations  of  African  deep  thinkers,  both  in  

the  distant  past  and  contemporary  thinkers  who  have  engaged  the  idea  of  who  

they  are  in  relation  to  the  Creator,  the  universe,  all  creation  and  their  ancestors,  

and  expressed  those  ideas  through  various  intellectual  endeavors—including  

music.  

 

formed,  namely,  through  a  series  of  related  but  at  times  contradictory  processes,  developing  from  both  within  and  without  the  African  collective.”  See  Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  6.  

11  Théophile  Obenga,  “Who  Am  I?  Interpretation  in  African  Historiography,”  in  The  Preliminary  Challenge:  African  World  History  Project,  31.  

12  Ibid.,  32.  

1

   

Elvin  Jones  leans  to  his  left  and  striking  a  Chinese  gong   opens   the   album   with   an   ethereal,   exotic  splash.     “It’s   the   signaling   of   something  different,”   remarks   Ravi   Coltrane.”   You   don’t  hear  that   instrument  anywhere  else  on  any  John  Coltrane   recording.    He   never   had   one   on   a   gig  before.”     In   one   stroke,   the   hammered   metal’s  distinctive   shimmer   clears   the   air   of   standard  jazz  practice.    

        —Ashley  Kahn13    

CHAPTER  1  

INTRODUCTION:  THE  SIGNALING  OF  SOMETHING  NEW  

    John  William  Coltrane's  (September  23,  1926  -­‐  July  17,  1967)  perpetual  search  

for  meaning  through  his  intellectual  work  as  a  musician,  the  case  study  of  which  

provides  a  subject  for  applying  this  dissertation's  theoretical  architecture,  was  

enabled  by  his  first  distancing  himself  from  received  musical  traditions,  by  first  

"clearing  the  air."    Accordingly,  in  order  to  study  his  or  any  other  similarly  engaged  

cultural  work  in  its  grounding  context,  there  must  first  be  the  creation  of  new14  

approaches—to  clear  the  air—for  the  writing,  researching,  and  analyses  of  the  

13  Ashley  Kahn,  A  Love  Supreme:  The  Story  of  John  Coltrane’s  Signature  Album  (New  York:  Viking,  2002),  97.  

14  It  must  be  noted  that  my  use  of  the  idea  new  here—and  throughout  this  work—where  applicable  does  not  imply  the  notion  of  something  completely  original.    This  position  is  contrary  to  the  Western  Academy’s  insistence  upon  the  new/original  work  structure  of  the  PhD  dissertation.    While  in  the  academy,  I  remain  not  of  the  academy.    My  allegiance  is  to  what  scholars  in  the  category  referred  to  by  St.  Clair  Drake  as  "vindicationists"  have  called  "the  African  way."    As  such,  I  take  my  charge  from  Dr.  Jacob  Carruthers—a  defender  of  the  African  way—who  instructed  African  thinkers  that  their  job  “is  not  to  produce  knowledge  but  to  reproduce  it.    The  ideas  generated  from  the  systematic  study  of  the  past  are  a  part  of  the  collective  African  heritage  and  the  job  of  the  [African  World  History  Project]  is  to  apprehend  those  ideas,  add  a  new  context,  and  reinstate  the  African  vision.”    See  Greg  Carr  and  Valethia  Watkins,  “Appendix  1—Inaugural  Meeting  of  the  African  World  History  Project,”  in  The  Preliminary  Challenge:  African  World  History  Project,  348-­‐49.  (emphasis  added)  

2

African  musical15  traditions.    The  gathering  of  prior  effective  models  and  writings  

will  be  wedded  to  and  used  as  intellectual  foundation  for  the  ideas  introduced  and  

materials  explored  and  analyzed  throughout  this  dissertation.    I  am  not  seeking  to  

divorce  this  work  from  the  fundamental  foundations  of  writers  and  deep  thinkers  

that  understood—or  at  least  made  it  their  attempts  to  understand—the  origins,  

power,  rhythm  and  role  of  music  in  Black  life.    This  role  was  beyond  the  

recreational/spectator/entertainer  exclusivity  that  so  many  outside(r)  writers  and  

researchers  knowingly  or  unknowingly  have  too  often  rested  their  bevy  

instrumental  and  vocal  musical  contributions  into.    Although  I  consider  

relationships  between  that  which  allows  for  a  sensory  response  to  music—in  

particular  the  four  major  psychological  components  of  sound:  pitch,  loudness,  

time  and  timbre—and  its  listener,  I  will  not  engage  in  an  in-­‐depth  analysis  of  these  

threshold  functions.16    While  not  discounting  this  process  in  music  research,  what  

is  needed  is  a  cementing  of  African  music  within  the  context  of  intellectual  

productions,  or  what  Baba  Jacob  Carruthers  commonly  refers  to  as  African  Deep  

Thought.17      

15  African  music  is  understood  in  the  entirety  of  this  work  as  music  of  an  African  origin  produced  by  Africans  wherever  they  may  find  themselves.    For  the  idea  of  cultural  continuity  in  African  music,  see  Kwabena  Nketia,  “The  Study  of  African  and  Afro-­‐American  Music,”  The  Black  Perspectives  in  Music,  Vol.  1,  No.  1  (Spring  1973):  7-­‐15.  For  African  cultural  continuity  as  a  whole,  see  Sterling  Stuckey,  Slave  Culture:  Nationalist  Theory  and  the  Foundations  of  Black  America  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  1987),  chap.  1.    Also  see  Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  1-­‐10.    

16  For  an  in-­‐depth  scientific  treatise  on  music  as  a  sensory  engagement,  see  Carl  E.  Seashore’s  Psychology  of  Music  (New  York:  Dover  Publications,  1967).    As  well  see  Daniel  J.  Levithin’s  exploration  into  music  as  science,  nostalgia,  and  enjoyment  in  his  text,  This  Is  Your  Brain  on  Music:  The  Science  of  Human  Obsession  (New  York:  Plume  Printing,  2007).    Lastly,  see  David  Byrne’s  recent  work,  How  Music  Works  (San  Francisco:  McSweeney’s,  2012).                                                  

17    Jacob  Carruthers,  in  one  of  his  many  scholarly  contributions,  suggests  that  modern  African  Deep  Thought  developed  in  the  context  of  argumentation  about  getting  out  of  the  predicament  in  which  

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    Our  departure  into  Black  music  should  not  begin  with  the  episodic  

challenges  of  colonization,  enslavement,  or  white  supremacy.    Instead  it  should,  as  

suggested  by  Obenga,  engage  the  most  ancient  of  philosophies  from  the  Pharaonic  

periods  and  move  forward,  both  spatially  and  temporally,  as  Africans  left  the  

borders  of  their  homeland—be  it  chosen  or  forced.18  Movements  did  not  divorce  

its  people  from  their  music.    Music  is  a  cultural  production  of  African  history  and  

its  people  and  thusly  avails  itself  of:  

…all  ideas  about  why  to  do  things,  how  to  do  things,  the  language  required  to  convey  those  ideas,  and  the  tools  and  techniques  involved  in  doing  them.  Although  a  major  task  in  and  of  itself,  it  is  not  enough  to  describe  African  culture  and  stop  there.    Although  ideas  of  description  and  explanation  flow  rather  naturally  into  one  another,  they  are  distinct,  yet  overlapping  processes  in  historical  explanation.19    

 Obenga  broadens  his  inquiry  of  the  essential  question  “who  am  I?”  beyond  the  

elementary,  suggesting  that  the  answer  to  this  question  at  once  raises  and  teases  

out  within  the  African  context  of  culture  multidimensional,  complex  and  

philosophical  dimensions.20    This  daunting  panorama  speaks  to  the  need  to  

Africans  have  been  during  the  course  of  modern  history.    The  predicament,  he  states,  started  with  the  massive  slave  industry  established  by  the  Europeans.    And  onto  this  biological  onslaught  was  grafted  the  master  stroke  of  the  philosophically-­‐grounded  doctrine  of  white  supremacy  in  the  18th  century.    See  Carruthers,  Mdw  Ntr:  Divine  Speech,  7.  

18  In  explaining  the  concept  and  origins  of  what  he  calls  philosophy,  Obenga  suggests  “that  if  the                                                                                                            object  of  philosophy  remains  the  human  effort  to  discover  ordered  thought  .  .  .  then  it  is  irrefutable  that  Pharaonic  Egypt  was  the  very  cradle  of  philosophical  speculation  as  we  know  it.”  While  Obenga  does  not  use  the  term  Deep  Thought,  Carruthers  suggest  that  the  two  ideas;  philosophy  and  deep  thought,  are  aligned.    It  is  through  this  lens  that  the  writer  suggests  African  music  should  be  seen  and  by  extension  an  examination  of  African  music  should  thus  begin  from  the  Pharaonic  periods.  See  Théophile  Obenga,  African  Philosophy  of  the  Pharaonic  Period  (New  Brunswick:  Transaction  Publishers,  1989).  

19  Obenga,  African  Philosophy  of  the  Pharaonic  Period,  31.  20  Ibid.    

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develop  new  approaches  to  examine  African  musical  functions.    These  functions  

are  found  in  the  interrelationship  of  cultural  norms  within  African  traditions  and  

rituals  that  intersect  in  material  and  ephemeral  aesthetic  productions.    Essentially,  

we  must  engage  the  idea  of  historical  cultural  memory  as  it  informed  African  

identities  and  cultural  inquiries.    Ayi  Kwei  Armah  considers  identity  to  be  

paramount  to  efficient  group  cooperation  that  can  lead  to  long-­‐term  cooperative  

action  and  efficient  group  behaviors  toward  a  chosen  goal.    Culture  in  his  

estimation  is  the  “medium  that  prepares  a  society  for  that  kind  of  efficient  

behavior.  Identity  is  its  basic  product.”21    Musical  ideas  and  expressions  that  are  

passed  on  are  among  the  oldest  mediums  of  identity  transmissions.    Leonard  

Brown  states:    

One  of  the  oldest  human  methods  of  passing  the  music  on  is  the  oral/aural  tradition,  in  which  musical  knowledge  and  performance  practice  is  carried  on  through  a  people’s  memory  and  history.    In  North  American  musical  cultures,  this  tradition  is  shared  between  certain  old  indigenous  civilizations  and  the  relatively  new  Black  American  culture.22    

As  Africans  faced  the  challenges  of  cultural  infringement  from  the  north  and  east  

from  Arab  invasion  and  from  the  West  primarily  from  European  invaders,  the  

means  and  methods  of  their  musical  productions  were  altered  or,  as  Kenyan  born-­‐

21  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  234-­‐35.  22  Leonard  Brown,  ed.,  “You  Have  to  Be  Invited:  Reflections  on  Music  Making  and  Musicians  Creation  in  Black  American  Culture,”  in  John  Coltrane  and  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom:  Spirituality  and  the  Music  (Oxford  University  Press,  2010),  3.    

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writer  Ngugi  wa  Thiong’o  would  state,  “dismembered.”23    This  dismemberment  of  

Africa,  Thiong’o  suggests:  

 .  .  .  occurred  in  two  stages.    During  the  first  of  these,  the  African  personhood  was  divided  into  two  halves:  the  continent  and  its  diaspora.    The  requirement  of  the  slave  plantation  demanded  the  physical  removal  of  human  resources  from  the  continent  to  work  on  land  stolen  from  other  subject  peoples,  mainly  native  Caribbeans  and  Native  Americans.    The  result  was  an  additional  dismemberment  of  the  diasporic  African,  who  was  now  separated  not  only  from  his  continent  and  his  labor  but  also  from  his  very  sovereign  being.    The  subsequent  colonial  plantations  on  the  African  continent  have  led  to  the  same  result:  division  of  the  African  from  his  land,  body,  and  mind.24      

The  challenge  then  became  one  of  developing  processes  of  remembering,  

techniques  for  preserving  this  state  of  bringing  back  to  ones'  mind  an  awareness  of  

things  that  has  been  known,  done  or  experienced  in  the  past.    When  dealing  with  

the  relationship  of  memory  to  group/national  identities  Dr.  Greg  Carr  asks:  

What  happens  when  memory  is  interrupted,  more  correctly,  radically  intersected  by  an  alien  experience,  or  uprooted  from  its  familiar  existential  context  and  repositioned  in  a  hostile  and  potentially  fatal  environment?25      

Carr   begins   the   process   of   answering   this   question   when   he   references   Paget  

Henry’s   contemplation   of   the   appearance   of   the   phenomenology   of   "blackness"  

and  a  survival  and  resistance  response  whereby:  

 .  .  .  African  people  adapted  their  worldview  to  fit  the  challenges  posed  by  the  burdens  of  this  experience.  He  

23  Ngugi  wa  Thiong’o,  Something  Torn  And  New:  An  African  Renaissance  (New  York:  Basic  Civitas  Books,  2009),  5.  

24  Ibid.  25  Greg  E.  Kimathi  Carr,  “The  African-­‐Centered  Philosophy  of  History:  An  Exploratory  Essay  on  the  Genealogy  of  Foundationalist  Historical  Thought  and  African  Nationalist  Identity  Construction,”  in  The  Preliminary  Challenge:  African  World  History  Project,  294.        

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[Henry]  argues  that  the  immediate  and  ongoing  challenge  of  resisting  the  annihilation  of  African  existence  shaped  African  attitudes  in  a  way  that  introduced  two,  theretofore,  unexisting,  challenges  to  non-­‐being:  the  possibility  of  damnation  represented  by  the  Christian  tradition;  and  the  negation  of  cultural,  spiritual  and  possibly  physical  existence  represented  by  race.26    

Acknowledging  this  pragmatic  journey  of  survival  and  resistance  without  naming  

it  as  such,  the  African-­‐Louisianan  composer  Louis  Armstrong  once  stated,  “what  

we  play  is  life.”27    If  the  music  produced  by  some  of  our  earliest  composers  in  

modern  history  was  linked  to  their  existence,  their  lived  experiences,  their  

narratives,  and  their  reasons  for  living,  then  it  behooves  us  to  not  only  peel  back  

the  layers  of  musicians'  lives  but  also  to  connect  the  intellectual  genealogy  of  the  

culture  that  produced  them  and  that  they  use  as  bulwarks  against  personal  and  

group  assault.    I  contend  that  researchers  must  ask  fundamental  questions  that  

will  propose  answers  that  give  us  greater  insight  into  the  functions  of  Black  music  

to  extend  the  idea  of  African  community  and  continuity.      

    Currently  these  insights  are  lacking—primarily  because  of  flawed  

methodologies—  in  the  disciplines’  of  ethnomusicology  and,  unfortunately  but  

predictably,  Africana  studies.    Ethnomusicology  is  the  dominant  voice  in  the  field  

of  “world”  music.    The  rise  in  recent  years  of  African  contributors  to  the  field  of  

Ethnomusicology  is  producing  effective  changes  in  methodologies.  However,  this  

has  yet  to  properly  frame  the  study  of  Black  musicians  within  the  cultural  context  

and  scope  of  a  larger  African  cultural  constellation,  and  as  a  result  is  reaffirming  

26  Ibid.  27  Louis  Armstrong  (source  unknown).      

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flawed  foundational  research  methods  in  Black  musicians'  narratives  as  a  whole  

and  African  derived  music  in  particular.    Ashenafi  Kebede  observes  that:  

For  the  past  decade,  research  in  the  area  of  music  change  has  been  an  important  branch  of  ethnomusicology,  a  young  discipline  that  is  often  described  as  an  objective  study  of  music  in  culture.    However,  the  field  has  not  kept  pace  with  the  overwhelming  changes  in  music  that  are  taking  place  in  this  fast-­‐moving  world  of  mass  communication.      Although  the  number  of  Africans,  Asians,  and  Afro-­‐Americans  in  the  Society  of  Ethnomusicology  is  growing,  and  their  contributions  increasing,  the  society  is  still  dominated  by  Caucasian  scholars.    With  a  few  outstanding  exceptions,  European  and  American  ethnomusicologists  and  educators  still  approach  the  study  of  African  music  with  the  erroneous  but  common  assumption  that  all  non-­‐European  traditions  form  an  inferior  stage  of  development  to  that  of  European  music.28    

As  my  interests  are  primarily  rooted  in  the  discipline  of  Africana  studies,  this  

dissertation  hopes  to  contribute  to  the  field  and  “establish  an  intellectual  space  to  

develop  alternative”  methods  and  methodologies  in  the  research  of  African  

music.29  

    Much  of  the  research  in  ethnomusicology  utilizes  the  comparative  method.    

The  comparative  method  has  been  applied  to  show  the  cultural  connections  of  

African  music  to  African  American  music.    Call  and  response,  for  instance,  is  often  

times  referenced  to  demonstrate  the  continuance  of  cultural  forms  from  West  

African  communal  drum  performance;  to  the  southern  plantation  work  songs  of  

the  enslaved;  to  the  South  Bronx  in  live  rap  performances.    This  approach,  much  

28    Ashenafi  Kebede,  Roots  of  Black  Music:  The  Vocal,  Instrumental,  and  Dance  Heritage  of  Africa  and  Black  America  (New  Jersey:  Prentice-­‐Hall,  1982),  117,  122.    

29    Valethia  Watkins,  “Black  Feminist  Gender  Discourse  (1970-­‐Present):  A  Critique.”  PhD  diss.,  Temple  University,  1998,  p.  5.  

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like  other  areas  of  comparative  studies,  has  led  to  some  answers  and  ideally  many  

more  questions,  but  it  has  not  effectively  connected  the  "why?"  and/or  "to  what  

purpose?"  functions  that  music  serves  in  the  global  African  community.    

Conversely,  while  questions  of  scales  and  musical  structure  are  of  tangential  

importance  to  this  study,  analytical  questions  rather  than  descriptive  inquiries  are  

paramount  to  the  discourse.    What  is  long  overdue  is  the  cultivation  and  

concretization  of  an  intellectual  frame  for  the  research  of  African  music  and  its  

musicians  within  what  Carr  has  characterized  as  long-­‐view  genealogy  grounded  in  

African  cultural  foundations.  This  is  a  prerequisite  to  connect  traditional  African  

musical  productions  with  present  day  music  forms  and  narrate  the  genealogy  of  

what  the  Ewe  of  Ghana  refer  to  as  the  adanu30  of  music.  

                             

30  Essential  to  this  work  is  language  reclamation.  When  possible  the  author  will  use  terms,  words,  and  phrases  from  the  surplus  of  African  linguistic  choices  to  express  and  convey  key  ideas,  concepts  and  traditional  philosophy.    For  an  explanation  of  the  Ewe’s  use  of  adanu  (art)  and  adanudcwclawo  (artist),  see  Nissio  Fiagbedzi,  An  Essay  on  the  Nature  of  the  Aesthetic  in  The  African  Musical  Arts  (Ghana:  Royal  Crown  Press,  2005).    See  note  1.  

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Books  on  Afro-­‐American  music  rarely  attempt  to  place  this  music  within  the  general  framework  of  American   society   and   within   the   specific  structure   of   the  music   industry.     This   is   not   so  much   a   history   of   black   music   as   it   is   a  sociological  study  of  its  development,  its  use  and  misuse.                                                —Ortiz  Walton31  

Otito:  Statement  Of  The  Problem32  

    The  genealogical  narrative  approach  to  exploring  traditional  musical  arts  

within  the  narrative  of  African  meaning  making  is  an  endeavor  that  is  both  

exhaustive  and  dense.    Ortiz  Walton  aptly  asserts  that,  if  approached  correctly,  the  

writing  of  Black  music  should  focus  on  its  foundational  developments;  its  purposes  

and  functions;  and  how  writings  about  Black  musicians  and  Black  music  have  been  

ineffective  in  its  approaches.  The  multitude  of  regional,  ethnic,  and  varying  nation  

group’s  approaches  to  music  making,  the  array  of  batteries  of  instruments;  

spiritual  beliefs;  folklore  and  many  other  aspects  of  adanu  makes  the  undertaking  

a  lifetime  of  endeavors.    Michael  Gomez  states:  

Given  advances  in  the  study  of  Africa,  it  is  possible  to  push  beyond  perfunctory  discussions  of  great  Sudanic  empires  (read  Ghana,  Mali,  and  Songhay)  in  the  attempt  to  say  something  about  the  African  past.    We  can  now  discuss  with  greater  accuracy  the  origins  of  subject  African  populations  and  the  specific  forms  of  their  cultural  and  political  accouterments.    For  although  there  are  striking  similarities  of  culture  and  social  and  political  organization  in  the  various  regions  

31  Ortiz  Walton,  Music:  Black,  White  &  Blue—A  Sociological  Survey  of  the  Use  and  Misuse  of  Afro-­‐American  Music  (New  York:  William  Morrow  &  Company,  1972),  vi.  

32  Otitio  is  a  Yoruba  word,  which  among  many  other  meanings  conveys  the  idea  of  truth.    See  M.T.  Drewal,  Yoruba  Ritual—Performers,  Play,  Agency  (Bloomington:  Indiana  University  Press,  1992),  204;  Oyekan  Owomoyela,  Yoruba  Proverbs  (University  of  Nebraska  Press,  2005),  252.    See  note  29.      

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of  Africa,  there  are  also  important  differences.  The  key  to  understanding  the  process  by  which  these  diverse  groups  of  immigrants  attempted  to  fashion  a  sociocultural  coherency  is  an  appreciation  of  the  nature  of  these  differences.33      

While  many  researchers  and  scholars  have  contributed  to  this  conversation,  much  

more  research  is  needed  to  connect  traditional  African  adanu  and  the  musical  

productions  of  Africans  in  the  Diaspora  as  part  of  a  continuous  creative  process;  a  

cultural  process  that  experienced  interruptions  because  of  episodic  challenges.    

This  research  should  push  beyond  loose  connections  and  instead  focus  its  queries  

into  how  the  music  created  in  the  Americas  not  only  has  music-­‐to-­‐music  

connection  but  also  is  a  part  of  a  larger  intellectual  and  philosophical  historical  

cultural  narrative.    Noted  Ghanaian  scholar,  Kwabena  Nketia34  challenges  the  

researcher  as  such:  

Considerable  progress  has  already  been  made  in  descriptive  studies  of  African  and  Afro-­‐American  music  as  single  cultures  .  .  .  .  It  is  undoubtedly  in  the  field  of  comparative  music  research  African  and  Afro-­‐American  scholars  can  make  their  distinctive  contribution  to  the  kind  of  integrated  study  that  we  now  seek.    We  need  to  go  beyond  the  present  emphasis  on  random  comparisons  and  the  search  for  origins,  which  end  up  in  mere  speculation  of  conjecture.35    

Similar  to  Nketia’s  query  into  how  external  disruptions  would  affect  the  traditions  

and  most  importantly  the  process  of  meaning  making  of  Ghanaian  music—and  by  

33  Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  5.  34  Joseph  Hanson  (J.H.)  Kwabena  Nketia    has  written  on  the  developments,  political,  growth,  expansion,  history  and  intellectual  roots  of  African  music  making  for  over  60  years.    His  groundbreaking  text  The  Music  of  Africa  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton  &  Co.  1974)  is  still  one  of  the  seminal  texts  on  the  study  of  African  music.    

35  J.H.  Kwabena  Nketia,  “The  Study  of  African  and  Afro-­‐American  Music,”  in  The  Black  Perspective  in  Music,  vol.  1m  No.  1,  (Spring  1973),  7-­‐15.    

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extension  African  music  as  a  whole—this  is  a  solution  to  the  episodic  disruption  of  

enslavement;  disruptions  that  dismembered  the  African  from  their  cultural  

foundations.    Engaging  the  cultural  deep  thought  of  Africans  should  at  its  premise  

be  without  pathological  beginnings  or  as  reactionary  agents  to  tragedy.      Though  

concerning  herself  with  African-­‐centered  educational  norms  in  her  research,  Amy  

Yeboah’s  directive  is  worth  noting  here:  

In  other  words,  if  you  look  back  far  enough  you’ll  see  that  African  people  were  doing  well  until  Europe  viciously  entered  the  conversation.    Through  these  episodic  disruptive  phases  of  the  slave  trade  the  function  and  process  of  learning  for  African  people  would  also  be  impacted.  Yet,  from  the  initial  capture,  to  the  barracoon  (slave-­‐pen),  through  the  transatlantic  trek  (Middle  Passage)  and  the  seasoning  process,  African  people  took  hold  and  developed  approaches,  adaptations  and  improvisational  ways  to  educate  their  children  to  strive  for  excellence.36  

My  intentions  are  to  frame  the  examination  of  African  music  cultural  producers  as  

inscribers  of  meaning.    This  work  hopes  to  recover  how  African  people  —in  spite  

of  the  tragedies  of  the  Maafa;37  while  shackled  by  the  ruling  class’  reactionary  Slave  

Codes;  in  constant  rebellion  against  the  illegal  American  democratic  policies  of  Jim  

Crow;  in  the  face  of  COINTELPRO  and  the  innumerable  attacks  against  their  

36  Amy  Yeboah,  “(RE)Inscribing  Meaning:  An  Examination  of  the  Effective  Approaches,  Adaptations  and  Improvisational  Elements  in  Closing  the  Excellence  Gap  for  Black  Students.”  PhD  diss.,  Temple  University,  2013,  p.  6.  

37  Maafa  is  Kiswahili  for  “disaster.”    The  term  has  been  used  and  popularized  largely  through  the  efforts  of  Marimba  Ani  in  Let  the  Circle  Be  Unbroken:  The  Implications  of  African  Spirituality  in  the  Diaspora  (New  York:  Nkoninfo  Press,  1997).    The  notion  of  an  African  holocaust  gives  way  to  the  notion  of  Maafa,  which  affords  a  larger  conceptual  frame  in  which  to  view  the  processes  of  human  aggression  visited  by  European  upon  African  people  globally  over  the  past  half  millennium.  

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humanity  —  lived  and  continued  to  inscribe  memory  through  aesthetic  cultural  

productions.    Leonard  Brown  aptly  asserts:  

These  performance  aesthetics  were  created  by  the  early  black  pioneers  of  the  music—women  and  men  .  .  .  The  music  had  evolved  from  ancestral  legacies  of  sorrow  songs,  spirituals,  field  hollers,  shouts,  work  songs,  and  sankeys  through  the  blues  of  deadly  Reconstruction  into  the  early-­‐  and  mid-­‐twentieth-­‐century  experiences  of  black  folks  migrating  north,  east,  and  west  seeking,  at  the  very  least,  a  civil  living  situation  not  fraught  with  daily  threats  of  intimidation,  dehumanization,  humiliation,  and  death  experienced  in  the  American  South.38    

The  answers  and  additional  questions  expand  the  larger  framework  of  research  

that  Carruthers  suggested  is  needed  to  resume  African  civilizations  after  a  long  

disruption.39    This  disruption,  caused  by  European  invasion,  Carruthers  explains  is  

no  longer  chattel  slavery  or  even  still-­‐worrisome  socio-­‐political  colonialism  but  

instead  intellectual  domination.40  Applying  white  supremacy41  to  the  suppression  

of  the  musical  arts  of  Africa  is  not  an  exaggeration  of  European  intellectual  

domination.    As  recently  as  1957  Nketia  observed:  

The  student  of  African  musical  practice  in  changing  Africa  is  often  haunted  by  a  feeling  of  urgency.    He  must  hasten  to  collect  examples  of  the  variety  of  musical  types  cultivated  in  a  given  area  before  they  are  lost  forever.    This  feeling  is  justifiable  not  only  on  account  of  the  accelerated  pace  of  change  in  Africa  but  also  because  the  dynamic  agents  of  musical  change  are  

38  Brown,  6.  39  Carruthers,  Mdw  Ntr:  Divine  Speech,  1.    40  Ibid.  41  See  note  12.  

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foreign,  powerful  and  greatly  alluring.42  

As  such,  musical  arts  as  a  part  of  the  culture  of  African  people  must  be  approached  

as  a  field  of  intellectual  inquiry  with  the  impulse  of  removing  disruptions  and  

exhuming  the  space  for  uninterrupted  conversation.    So  rather  than  be  content  

with  the  comparative  model  of  musical  examination  the  challenge  set  forth  is  to  

connect  these  lesser  spoken  strands  that  are  reflective  of  the  Black  radical  tradition  

that  started  with  the  essential  query  of  why.  

Purpose  Of  Study  And  Research  Questions  

    This  research  will  interrogate  several  broad  areas  of  African  music  as  a  

contribution  to  the  afore-­‐discussed  project  of  discipline  and  methodological  

development  in  Africana  studies.    Its  inquiries  into  the  subject  are  grounded  in  

four  afore-­‐discussed  thematic  assumptions,  summarized  for  convenience  here:    

  1.     Traditional  and  historical  African  culture  and  history  must  be  the                     foundation  to  examine  African  cultures  produced  in  the  diaspora.    

2.     Inquiry  seeking  answers  to  research  questions  of  cultural  continuity  must  come  primarily  from  Africans  themselves  and  thinkers  and  cultural  workers  of  African  descent.  

    3.      The  development,  production,  and  preservation  of  culture  did  not         occur  in  a  cultural  vacuum43.        

4.     The  methods  and  methodologies  employed  to  research  cultural                  continuity  cannot  be  loosely  connected.  Cultural  continuance  from  one  geographical  space  to  another  must  place  an  emphasis  on  the  function  of  cultural  production  rather  than  its  form.  

   

42  J.H.  Nketia,  “Modern  Trends  in  Ghana  Music,”  in  African  Music,  vol.  1,  No.  4  (1957),  13.  43  This  idea  of  the  cultural  vacuum  will  be  explored  and  teased  out,  infra.  

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If  the  current  approaches  to  researching  African  music  and  musicians  are  flawed  it  

enables  the  disruptions  and  intellectual  domination  of  yet  another  area  of  African  

brilliance  to  persist.44    This  suggested  approach  to  the  researching  and  

documenting  of  African  music  is  not  a  new  approach.    It  is  the  approach  that  

African  scholars  throughout  the  diaspora  have  suggested  and  directed  upcoming  

scholars  to  undertake  for  some  time.    Nketia  for  example  observed  in  1973  that:  

So  far,  the  importance  of  the  music  of  Africa  in  historical  studies  of  Afro-­‐American  music  has  tended  to  be  seen  more  as  providing  a  point  of  departure  than  as  something  that  continues  to  be  relevant  to  the  present.    African  music  studies  have  similarity  tended  to  be  insular.  There  has  been  a  tendency  to  confine  investigations  to  the  African  continent  and  leave  the  African  Diaspora  out  of  the  account.    Very  few  historical  studies  of  some  depth  have  appeared,  partly  because  of  the  lack  of  documents  and  partly  because  of  the  interdisciplinary  techniques,  which  such  studies  demand  of  the  investigator.45    

    Across  the  Atlantic  in  the  same  year  David  Baker  sought  for  research  in  

Black  music  that  was  from  the  worldview  of  its  participants.    Black  music,  Baker  

states,  “must  have  an  articulation  and  description  of  its  needs  from  the  Black  

perspective.    This  is  axiomatic.  We  cannot  abdicate  from  our  culture  and  give  it  to  

those  who  exist  outside  of  it.”46      

44  Nketia  suggests  that  the  approach  and  methods  to  “collecting  authentic  African  music  cannot  be  disputed  even  if  they  appear  to  be  guided  by  a  museum-­‐cultural  outlook,  for  it  is  only  through  systematic  collection,  study  and  documentation  of  this  material  that  the  evolution  of  African  music  can  be  adequately  studied  in  the  future.”    See  Nketia,  “Modern  Trends  in  Ghana  Music,”  in  African  Music,  vol.  1,  No.  4  (1957):  13.  

45  Nketia,  “The  Study  of  African  and  Afro-­‐American  Music,”  Black  Perspective  in  Music,  vol.  1,  No.  1  (Spring  1973):  7-­‐15.  

46  David  Baker,  “A  Periodization  of  Black  Music  History,”  in  Reflections  on  Afro-­‐American  Music,  ed.  Dominique-­‐Rene  de  Lerma  (Ohio:  Kent  State  University  Press,  1973),  159.    

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What  then  is  to  be  undertaken  is  a  systematic  genealogical  approach  to  the  culture  

of  what  Nketia  has  termed,  “African  Art  Music.”47  

Informed  by  the  aforementioned  thematic  assumptions,  this  dissertation  will  seek  to  answer  the  following  research  questions:        

1. How  does  a  broad  genealogy  of  African  music  reveal  some  of  its  major  functions  in  African  communities?

     This  inquiry  will  identify  major  forms  and  functions  of  African  music  and  of  its  

producers  as  a  prerequisite  for  analyzing  John  Coltrane's  contribution  to  the  

genealogy.    It  will  not  attempt  to  examine  the  entirety  of  all  African  musical  

productions.    Following  the  concept  of  "long-­‐view  genealogy,",  it  will  identify  

classical  Egyptian  musical  forms  and  functions,  and  then  connect  select  spatial  and  

temporal  musical  expressions    throughout  the  African  continent,    highlighting  

several  aspects  of  musical  form  and  functions  that  relate  to  the  study  of  Coltrane's  

work  in  this  dissertation  

2.     How  did  Africans  continue  to  create  and  inscribe  cultural  meaning  using  music  in  spite  of  episodic  challenges?  

 This  question  engages  the  episodic  challenges  of  enslavement  and  colonialism  as  a  

necessary  contemporary  prerequisite  for  understanding  the  cultural  meaning  

making  practices  at  work  in  the  contributions  of  John  Coltrane.    While  this  

dissertation  does  not  begin  its  inquiries  of  African  cultural  productions  with  

enslavement  it  connects  this  period  to  the  history  of  African  people.    In  other  

words  how  did  Africans  make  sense  of  their  place  in  the  world  prior  to  the  

47    Kwabena  Nketia,  African  Art  Music  (Accra:  AFRAM  Publishing,  2004).  

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disruption  of  enslavement  and  colonialism  and  how,  like  Coltrane,  did  they  

maintain  these  functions  in  their  cultural  production  wherever  they  found  

themselves?    

 3.   How  can  African  philosophical  and  cosmological  ideas  be  used  to  

inform  the  study  of  the  development  of  the  music  and  its  functions  to  the  rest  of  Africa,  using  the  work  of  John  Coltrane  as  a  demonstrative  case  study?48      

 This  question  frames  the  second  half  of  the  intellectual  heart  of  the  study.  It  draws  

on  extant  Africana  studies  methods  and  a  select  African-­‐derived  worldview  (the  

Bantu-­‐Kongo)  to  create  a  research  methodology  framed  within  the  African  

worldview  of  historical  memory.  Testing  this  methodology's  assumptions  with  the  

limited  case  study  of  John  Coltrane,  it  seeks  to  inform  the  written  works  of  African  

musicians  going  forward  as  well  as  to  correct  erroneous  approaches  and  analysis  of  

past  approaches.    In  particular,  what  the  latter  is  suggesting  is  that  the  

methodologies  used  in  the  biographies  of  African  musicians  are  overwhelmingly  

flawed.    The  exploratory  nature  of  this  question  seeks  to  place  African  musicians,  

their  music,  performances  and  compositions  within  the  genealogy  of  African  

adanu.    It  will  apply  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmography  and  its  functions,  usages,  and  

implications  in  the  formulating  of  new  approaches  to  research  in  African  music  as  

exhibited  in  the  life  of  musician  John  Coltrane,  using  the  case  study  as  an  exemplar  

48  Théophile  Obenga  in  African  Philosophy:  The  Pharonic  Period  2780-­‐330  BC  (Senegal:  Per  Ankh,  2004),  puts  forth  the  conclusion  that,  “In  sum  there  is  between  the  Pharonic  Egypt  and  the  rest  of  Africa  an  unquestionable  cultural  kinship.”      

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to  demonstrate  how  the  concepts  of  the  cosmogram  can  be  applied  to  an  effective  

methodology  in  the  narrations  of  African  musicians  and  music.  

Significance  (Necessity)  Of  The  Study  

    African  cultural,  spiritual  and  aesthetic  traditions  have  been  incorrectly  

studied,  manipulated  and  exploited  by  many.    As  such,  the  campaign  of  defining  

our  history,  our  cultures  and  our  civilizations  on  our  own  terms  must  become  a  

priority.    The  constant  and  prevalent  lies  of  the  history  of  African  people  

necessitate  the  urgency  of  accurate  understandings  of  African  cultures.    Each  

generation  must  contribute  to  the  intellectual  gathering  of  ideas,  concepts,  

methodologies  and  methods  in  the  remembering  of  African  cultural  productions.    

This  is  a  gathering  of  those  ideas.    It  takes  on  the  responsibility  of  examining  

African  phenomena  from  an  Africana  perspective.    The  tendencies,  according  to  

Joseph  Ki-­‐Zerbo,  “to  explain  all  the  features  of  African  culture  by  the  theory  of  

outside  influence  must  be  rejected.    This  does  not,  however,  mean  denying  any  

outside  influence,  but  simply  involves  defining  it  carefully.”49    And  while  the  

preceding  areas  have  been  closely  researched  they  have  rarely  been  placed  in  the  

contexts  of  the  long  view  genealogy  of  the  history  of  African  modalities.    This  is  

consideration  of  James  Stewart's  observation  that,  “The  necessity  for  a  sequestered  

body  of  critical  thought  is  part  of  moving  our  music  toward  the  future,  where  the  

music  we  will  supply  will  be  applied  to  the  departments  we  will  create  in  the  

49  Joseph  Ki-­‐Zerbo,  “African  Prehistoric  Art,”  General  History  of  Africa  vol  1:  Methodology  and  African  Prehistory,  ed.  J.  Ki-­‐Zerbo  (Paris:  UNESCO,  1981),  675.  

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world.”50      

Limitations  Of  The  Study  

    As  with  any  study  there  are  challenges  to  the  research.    This  study  is  no  

exception.    The  first  major  challenge  to  this  study  was  the  perpetual  challenge  in  

what  Greg  Carr  has  called  "Disciplinary  Africana  Studies"51  To  use  one  major  

subject  as  a  test  case  for  applying  a  simultaneously-­‐developing  analytical  

framework.    Using  John  Coltrane  life  and  music  as  the  model  for  the  proposed  new  

methodology  is  limiting  considering  the  countless  African  musicians  that  have  

contributed  greatly  to  the  history  of  cultural  meaning  making.    The  purpose  of  this  

study  is  to  demonstrate  new  epistemological  research  devices  to  the  discipline  of  

African  Studies.    As  such,  many  more  musical  artist  should  be  considered  for  

future  research  utilizing  the  infra  proposed  methodological  scheme.        

    A  second  limitation  of  this  study  is  the  utilization  of  one  severely  distilled  

African  worldview  paradigm.    The  normative  assumption  that  undergirds  this  

work  is  that  the  peoples,  cultures  and  ways  of  knowing  throughout  time  and  space  

from  Africa  are  all  worth  considering.    This  study  gathered  many  of  the  linguistic,  

philosophical  and  cultural  norms  from  varying  communities  across  Africa.    

However,  in  its  preliminary  considerations  for  the  proposed  new  methodology,  the  

Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmology  was  necessarily  privileged.    Cosmograms  are  used  

alongside  other  devices  to  explain  the  creation  of  the  universe  and  humankind.    

50  Jimmy  Stewart,  “Introductions  to  Black  Aesthetics  in  Music,”  The  Black  Aesthetic,  ed.  Addison  Gayle,  Jr.  (New  York:  Anchor  Books,  1971),  87.    (emphasis  added)  

51  Greg  Carr,  “What  Black  Studies  Is  Not:  Moving  from  Crisis  to  Liberation  in  Africana  Intellectual  Work,”  Socialism  and  Democracy  25  (March  2011):  178-­‐91.  

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They  also  contain  the  philosophies,  wisdom  and  historical  memory  of  their  

communities.    The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram,  then,  is  a  small  sample  of  the  many  

available  African  cosmographs.    The  underutilization  of  other  philosophical  

devices  is  recognized  within  this  study  as  a  necessity  in  future  studies.      

 

Definitions  Of  Key  Terms  

Form  over  function Suggestive  of  foundational  ideas  and  norms  informing  the  process  of  music  making  rather  than  the  instruments  (forms)  used  

Cultural  continuity Refers  to  the  way  in  which  traditional  cultures  engaged  with  present  lived  realities  and  continued  traditional  cultures  in  spite  of  challenges  

Cosmograph/cosmogram/  Cosmology

Refers to the way in which communities mapped and explained the known universe and the lived human experiences within it

Cultural  meaning  making Refers  to  the  types  of  music,  art,  dance  and/or  narratives  created  during  a  period.  

Content  analysis A systematic study of texts, recordings, and artifacts for meaning and

African-­‐centered  methodology  

A research approach which privileges traditional African ways of knowing and doing as its mechanism for inquiry

   

 

 

 

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Chapter  Summaries  

      This  dissertation  operationalizes  an  Africana  studies  methodology  largely  

through  applying  a  historical  narrative  approach.    The  narrative  approach  places  

historical  memory  within  the  context  of  a  larger  methodological  schema.    In  doing  

such  it  privileges  the  entirety  of  the  context  in  which  lived  experiences  occurred.    

The  narrative  approach  does  not  overly  concern  itself  with  the  events  of  history.    

The  narrative  approach  connects  the  past  with  the  present  and  proposes  future  

narratives.    History  as  narrative  develops  the  core  research  question  within  the  

larger  context  of  the  cultural,  political,  spiritual,  and  philosophical  norms  of  a  

people.    This  project,  while  focused  on  African  music,  addresses  the  complexities  

of  its  primary  subject  within  the  context  of  the  development,  production,  life,  and  

connections  of  that  which  came  before  him  and  those  connected  to  him,  that  

which  they  affected,  that  which  altered  them  and  that  which  follows  them.    As  

such  the  case  study  chapters  within  this  work  are  preceded  by  the  methodological  

and  conceptual  chapters,  arranged  in  accretive  and  complementary  fashion.      

      Pursuant  to  research  questions  one  and  two,  chapter  two  examines  the  

literature  relative  to  the  study  of  African  music.    In  particular  it  will  consider  the  

literature  that  offered  insight  into  the  sonic  of  music,  its  functions  and  usage.    

While  including  the  literature  that  contributes  insight  into  these  areas  as  a  whole  

within  music,  the  literature  that  will  primarily  be  reviewed,  will  be  those  that  

offers  insight  into  African  music  and  its  history.    Secondly  the  literature  review  will  

examine  works  that  begin  the  task  of  suggesting  how  African  music  should  be  

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researched.    A  focus  will  be  placed  on  works  that  are  contrary  to,  as  well  as  those,  

that  are  reflective  of  the  possibilities  of  this  current  work’s  eventual  suggestions.    

Finally,  the  literature  review  will  summarize  scholars  whose  work  has  provided  an  

intellectual  bridge  that  this  work  crosses  and  extends.      

      Chapter  three  will  offer  a  counter  narrative  of  African  music  as  a  dimension  

of  historical  memory,  serving  principally  to  "clear  the  air"  after  which  chapter  four  

will  propose  the  methodological  frame  to  consider  the  dissertation's  case  study  

subject.    Within  chapter  three,  however,  a  general  idea  of  the  methodology  

detailed  in  chapter  four  will  be  introduced  and  core  concepts  and  ideas  will  be  

explicated.  

      As  a  prerequisite  to  answering  research  question  three,  chapters  four  and  

five  will  detail  the  methodology  that  this  work  utilizes  for  its  departure.    This  work  

is  principally  theoretical  and  as  such  it  assumes  the  right  to  certain  intellectual  

liberties  that  have  not  been  taken  advantage  of  fully  in  previous  theoretical  works  

that  considered  African  music  research.    Chapter  four  will  outline  the  broad  rules  

for  generating  methodology  in  Africana  studies,  ending  with  an  introduction  of  the  

primary  methodological  tool  to  be  applied  in  this  study,  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  

cosmography.  The  primary  focus  of  Chapter  five  will  be  to  breach  the  major  ideas  

couched  in  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmography  as  a  West  African  iteration  of  a  classical  

African  philosophical  impulse  to  restore  memory  (called  Whm  Msw,  or  repetition  

of  birth  in  Ancient  Egyptian  language.    The  cosmograph  and  other  normative  

approaches  derived  from  Africana  meaning  making  sources  will  inform  the  

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theoretical  structure  of  the  study’s  methodology  and  how  it  can  be  utilized  for  

future  research,  analysis  and  approaches  into  African  music  and  musician’s  lives.      

    Pursuant  to  the  third  research  question,  chapters  six  and  seven  

operationalize  the  theoretical  model  outlined  in  chapters  three  through  five.    A  

broad  case  study  of  John  William  Coltrane,  and  his  music,  will  be  used  as  the  

exemplar  to  demonstrate  the  afore-­‐outlined  research  methodology.  Chapter  eight  

will  conclude  with  a  brief  statement  of  the  study’s  research  findings,  its  intended  

usage,  and  recommendations  for  further  research.  

                                       

   

     

 

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The   use   of   the   word   “music”   in   the   title   of   this  study   and   its   subsequent   use   in   the   chapters   of  this  study  has  been  necessitated  by  the  lack  of  a  better  word  and  by  fact  that  this  study  is  written  in   a   non-­‐African   language.   A   better   word  equivalent   to   “music”   and   more   appropriate,   in  African   terms,   would   be   “singing-­‐drumming-­‐hand-­‐claapping-­‐xylophone-­‐playing-­‐aerophone-­‐blowing”  (all  that  as  one  word).  And  this  must  be  so  because  even  the  acoustic  criteria  employed  by  theorists   fail   to   strike   any   standard  classification.52  

            —N.N.  Kofie    

CHAPTER  2    

LITERATURE  REVIEW:  INTRODUCTION    

      While  this  specific  study  has  not  been  attempted  in  prior  dissertation  

research  in  Temple  University’s  Department  of  African  American  Studies,  it  builds  

upon  existing  Africana  centered  bodies  of  knowledge  developed  in  the  context  of  

the  department’s  efforts  to  develop  theoretical  architecture,  academic  vocabulary  

and  research  methods  particular  to  the  discipline  of  Africana  studies.  Therefore,  it  

is  not  in  itself  a  completely  original  conceptual  project..    Moreover  several  theories  

and  areas  of  research  inform  this  work;  as  such,  it  posits  itself  within  existing  

bodies  of  knowledge  while  framing  itself  outward  in  orientation  to  them.    There  

has  been  tremendous  work  done  to  demonstrate  the  continuity  of  various  aspects  

of  African  cultures  and  of  those  found  in  the  Americas.    The  fascination  and  

52  N.  N.  Kofie,  Contemporary  African  Music  in  World  Perspectives  (Accra:  Ghana  Universities  Press,  1994),  12.  

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curiosity  of  what  music  is  and  what  it  does  to  both  performer  and  listener  has  

stirred  countless  theories  and  investigations.        

      This  study  focuses  on  the  ways  in  which  John  Coltrane’s  work  is  

representative  of  how  African  music  and  its  producers  remained  culturally  

grounded  throughout  time  and  space.    Its  curiosity  is  spurred  in  part  by  the  role  of  

cultural  retentions,  which  forms  only  part  of  the  study.    As  a  prerequisite  for  

determining  where  the  current  study  fits  in  scholarship  in  Africana  studies,  the  

primary  purpose  of  this  literature  review  are  two-­‐fold:  

  1)  to  collect  the  prior  research  that  serves  as  a  bridge  to  this  current  work  as  a  

part  of  Africana  studies;    and    

  2)  to  collect  the  work  that  fails  to  properly  engage  African  music  research,  

thereby  underscoring  the  necessity  of  this  project  in  relation  to  related  academic  

fields  and  disciplines.        

      To  familiarize  the  listener  with  the  subject  matter  being  considered,  the  

literature  review  will  be  divided  into  two  sections.    Section  one  broadly  reviews  

how  African  music  both  within  and  outside  of  the  continent  of  Africa  has  been  

researched.    Section  two  surveys  the  work  of  those  whose  research  anticipates  the  

conceptual  departure  in  my  proposed  work  of  connecting  the  function  and  

research  elements  of  African  music  study.      

      It  must  be  noted  that  this  written  work  is  greatly  informed  by  the  aural  

stimuli  and  impulses  of  African  music.    As  such  it  tethers  itself  to  the  mastery  

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impulse  of  improvisation  as  found  in  BAM:  Black  American  Music,  53  or  GBM:  

Great  Black  Music,54  in  that  it  improvises  off  of  noted  compositions  (research  

approaches),  however,  all  the  while  maintaining  an  adherence  to  foundational  

arrangements  and  rhythmic  structures  —African  traditional  norms—as  placed  

forth  by  antecedent55  time  keepers  within  the  genealogy  of  African  deep  thought.56    

A  measure  of  syncopated  freedom  and  license  has  been  taken.    Ortiz  Walton  

notes,  “In  Africa,  on  the  other  hand,  syncopation  was  a  necessary  and  vital  part  of  

the  musical  structure.    It  was  built  right  into  the  music  and  the  languages  that  the  

music  reflected.    African  writing  can  thus  be  achieved  through  the  subtle  use  of  

music.”57    Or  as  John  Coltrane  would  say,  “I  start  in  the  middle  of  a  sentence  and  

move  [in]  both  directions  at  once.”    The  literature  review—and  this  entire  work—

follows  Trane’s  lead  in  that  many  of  its  sections  bleed  into  one  another  and  draw  

from  one  another  rhythmically  so  as  to  synchronize  the  entirety  of  ideas  into  a  

recognizable  academic  composition.      

 

         

53  Black  American  Music,  BAM,  is  a  term  originated  by  Nicholas  Payton  in  part  to  remove  the  genre  label  of  “jazz”  from  African  foundational  music.    See  the  interview  with  pianist  Orrin  Evans  for  further  explanation  of  the  term.    Philadelphia  City  Paper,  “The  Changes,”  January  26,  2012.    Shaun  Brady.    

54  See  Kalamu  ya  Salaam,  “It  Didn’t  Jes  Grew:  The  Social  and  Aesthetic  Significance  of  African  American  Music,”  African  American  Review  29,  no.  2,  Special  Issues  on  the  Music  (Summer  1995),  Indiana  State  University.  

55  The  works  of  John  W.  Work,  James  Weldon  and  J.  Rosamond  Johnson,  Zora  Neal  Hurston,  Willis  James,  Alain  Locke,  Eva  Jessye,  Robert  Nathaniel  Dett,  W.E.B.  Dubois,  and  Hall  Johnson  must  be  noted  for  their  early  scholarship  of  Black  music  and  its  African  origins.      

56  For  a  treatment  of  African  deep  thought,  see  Jacob  Carruthers’,  Mdw  Ntr:  Divine  Speech  (see  note  9)..  

57  Ortiz  Walton,    “A  Comparative  Analysis  of  the  African  and  the  Western  Aesthetics,”  in  The  Black  Aesthetic,  ed.  Addison  Gayle,  Jr.  (New  York:  Anchor  Books,  1971),  159-­‐160.  

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African  Music  Research:  An  Introduction58    

      Modern  research  and  writing  regarding  African  musical  concepts,  

instruments  and  performances  can  be  dated  to  the  eighteenth  century.    Both  John  

Barbot59  and  William  Bosman60  recorded  their  observations  of  instruments  and  

musicians  while  on  the  Coast  of  Guinea  in  1705  and  1732.    While  in  the  Ashanti  

region,  T.E.  Bowdich  recorded  some  of  his  observations  of  concerts  and  

aerophones61,  in  particular  “long  hollow  reed”  flutes  in  the  early  1800s62.    In  1912  

Robert  Milligan  published  The  Fetish  Folk  of  West  Africa,63  among  other  

descriptions  he  devoted  a  chapter  to  his  experiences  in  Cameroon,  discussing  in  

detail  the  Bulu  peoples’  musical  and  dance  styles  and  instruments.      

      These  early  forays  into  categorizing  African  musical  production  developed  

as  the  field  of  musicology  was  making  inroads  into  the  Western  academy.    K.F.F.  

Chrysander  is  generally  credited  with  the  creation  of  the  field  and  eventual  

discipline  of  musicology.  In  relating  the  development  of  the  field,  the  Harvard  

Dictionary  of  Music  states  that  “musicology”  is:  

A  term  adopted  from  French  (musicologie)  to  denote  the  scholarly  study  of  music.  It  is  the  equivalent  of  the  German  term  Musikwissenschaft  (science  of  music),  

58  See  chapter  two  epigraph.  The  term  “African  Music”  is  limiting  and  misleading  in  that  it  creates  for  the  listener  the  possibility  of  a  “single  clearly  identifiable  phenomenon”.  However,  throughout  this  work  part  of  the  author’s  attempt  is  to    enage  the  limitations  of  this  term  and  demostrate  the  complexities  of  African  music  and  the  research  involving  said  complexities.  

59  John  Barbot,  A  Description  of  the  Coast  of  North  and  South  Guinea:  Churchill’s  Voyages  (London:  1723).  

60  William  Bosman,  A  New  and  Accurate  Description  of  the  Coast  of  Guinea  (Knapton:  1705).  61  The  primary  musical  instrument  categories  in  African  music,  including  the  aerophones,  will  be  considered  later  in  this  work.      

62  T.E.  Bowdich,  Mission  to  Ashantee  (London:  John  Murray,  1819).      63  Robert  Milligan,  The  Fetish  Folk  of  West  Africa  (London:  Fleming  H.  Revell,  1912).  

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which  was  introduced  by  F.  Chrysander  in  the  preface  of  his  Jahrubucher  fur  musikalische  Wissenschaft  (1863)  to  emphasize  the  idea  that  musical  studies  should  be  raised  to  the  same  standards  of  seriousness  and  accuracy  that  had  long  been  adopted  for  the  natural  and  sciences  as  well  as  the  humanities.64    

Any  study  that  seeks  to  demonstrate  the  genealogy  of  African  music  must  explore  

the  spatial  complexities  of  African  music  as  it  traveled  from  the  continent  to  the  

Americas.  In  his  four-­‐volume  treatise  on  African  music,  Karlton  Hester  notes,  “It  is  

important  to  examine  the  African  past  carefully  if  we  are  to  recognize  the  elements  

of  African  tradition  that  lie  at  the  foundation  of  African-­‐American  music  and  

culture.”65  Because  of  the  enormity  of  the  continent  and  its  languages,  oral  history,  

countries  and  regional  variances,  engaging  the  entirety  of  African  music  is  a  very  

daunting  task.66    One  major  factor  in  conceptualizing  “African  music”  is  the  

limitations  of  the  researcher  knowledge  of  the  overall  culture  that  they  are  

examining.    This  literature  review  addresses  these  challenges  by  collecting  the  

ideas  and  theories  and  contributions  from  the  plethora  of  Pan-­‐African  scholars  

who  considered  the  complexities  of  African  music  and  its  connections  to  African  

history,  spirituality,  memory,  resistance,  and  intellectual  productions.  

64  Willi  Apel,  Harvard  Dictionary  of  Music  (Cambridge:  Belknap  of  Harvard  UP,  1969),  558.  65  Karlton  Hester,  From  Africa  to  Afrocentric  Innovations  Some  Call  “Jazz”—The  Afrocentric  Roots  of  “Jazz”  and  African  Music  in  the  Americas:  Antiquity-­‐1910  vol.  1.  (Ithaca:  Hesteria  Publishing,  2000),  xii.  

66  Nketia  notes  that,  “Over  seven  hundred  distinct  languages  are  spoken  by  these  societies;  and  although  these  languages  can  be  grouped  into  larger  families,  in  some  cases  many  hundreds  of  years  separate  the  members  of  such  families  from  their  parent  languages.  The  counterpart  of  this  linguistic  situation  exists  in  music,  for  the  music  of  Africa,  like  its  language,  is,  so  to  speak,      ‘ethnic-­‐bound.’    Each  society  practices  its  own  variant.    Hence  one  can  speak  of  the  Yoruba  variety  of  African  music,  the  Akan,  the  Ewe,  the  Senufo,  or  the  Nyamwezi  variety,  and  so  on.”    See  Nketia,  African  Music,  4.  

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Africa  Speaks  .  .  .  67  

        Developments  in  and  access  to  new  technology  has  always  been  akin  to  

music  and  its  recording,  production  and  distribution.68    Musical  recordings  have  

contributed  to  our  ability  to  communicate  with  the  past  through  a  vast  catalogue  

of  recorded  music,  recorded  interviews,  and  live  performances.    Technology  would  

also  contribute  mightily  to  scholars’  capacity  to  conduct  research  in  African  music.    

Like  many  other  world  traditions,  however,  African  music  has  primarily  been  an  

orally,  apprentice-­‐transmitted  tradition.    In  the  revised  edition  of  his  Studies  in  

African  Music69,  Ghanaian  scholar  Alexander  Agordoh  suggests  that:  

African  musicology  began  with  the  invention  of  the  recording  machine,  which  partly  compensates  for  the  absence  of  a  written  musical  tradition  (with  the  notable  exception  of  the  ancient  notation  of  the  Ethiopian  church).  Apart  from  a  few  sporadic  recordings,  the  first  important  collections  of  cylinders  date  from  the  first  decade  of  the  20th  century;  an  example  is  the  collection  made  in  1905  by  Pater  F.  Witte70  in  Togo.71        

67  This  title  along  with  the  remainder  of  the  phrase    (…America  Answers)  comprise  the  headers  of  this  and  the  immediately  following  chapter  subsection.  The  phrase  is  borrowed  from  the  iconic  title  of  noted    Ghanian  drummer,  Guy  Warren  aka  “Kofie”  Ghanaba’s  1956  album  Africa  Speaks,  America  Answers.    

68  Two  recent  works  that  examine  the  rise  of  technology  and  its  abilities  to  nurture  and  grow  Pan-­‐African  relationships  are  worth  considering  for  the  scholar  interested  in  pursuing  this  idea  further.    See  Tsitsi  Ella  Jaji,  Africa  in  Stereo:  Modernism,  Music  and  Pan-­‐African  Solidarity  (Oxford  University  Press,  2014)  and  Alexander  G.  Weheliye,  Phonographies:  Grooves  in  Sonic  Afro-­‐Modernity,  (Duke  University  Press,  2005).    

69  A.A.  Agordoh,  Studies  in  African  Music  (Ghana:  Ho  New  Age  Publication,  2010),  1.  70  My  search  for  additional  informaton  on  the  Pater  F.  Witte  collection  has  lead  to  more  than  one  dead  end.    I  encourage  future  readers  of  this  work  to  continue  the  search  for  Witte’s  collection  and  to  conect  it  to  the  early  field  of  continental  African  music  recordings.      

71  Agordoh,  Studies  in  African  Music,  1.  

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Agordoh  offers  a  structure  that  researchers  can  use  to  begin  framing  more  salient  

questions  in  their  research  of  African  music,  or  what  he  aptly  calls  African  

musicology.    In  spite  of  technological  advances,  Agordoh  suggests  that  the  music  

of  Africa  is  still  widely  unknown.  According  to  Agordoh,  creating  the  music  is  one  

thing  .  .  .  the  proper  assessment  of  the  music  is  another.      He  calls  for  a  paradigm  

that  would  privilege  the  development  of  historical  depth  and  perspective  in  the  

assessing  of  African  music’s  rich  and  layered  makeup.    He  states,  “Beyond  the  

range  of  living  memories  what  has  been  discovered  consists  of  no  more  than  a  

musical  instrument  here  or  there,  or  a  picture  in  which  people  or  instruments  are  

shown  in  a  musical  or  social  setting.”72      

  For  a  view  into  the  distant  past,  Agordoh  posits  that  one  must  turn  to  the  

most  available  prehistorical  and  archeological  work.    His  repositioning  of  research  

coordinates  places  scholars  within  a  longer  timespan  of  some  30,000-­‐15,000  years  

prior,  beginning  with  the  emergence  of  man  as  a  toolmaker,  including  the  

invention  of  the  bow.    The  bow,  in  his  assessment,  was  not  just  for  hunting  or  

shooting  an  arrow  but  was  also  used  for  the  production  of  sound.    He  asserts  that  

the  earliest  known  references  to  African  music  from  classical  antiquity  also  

concerns  North  Africa.    Agordoh  properly  situates  the  development  of  the  bow  as  a  

musical  instrument  in  North  Africa,  suggesting  that  the  harvest  of  recorded  

archaeological  contributions  from  Kemet  (Ancient  Egypt)  have  yielded  the  most  

evidence.    Agordoh  establishes  a  trail  that  the  researcher  must  travel  to  make  

72  Ibid.  

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connections  from  classical  Africa  to  present  day  African  musical  productions.73    

The  strength  of  this  work  is  in  its  creation  of  categories  of  musical  use,  which  

include:  Music’s  role  in  the  lives  of  African  communities;  festival  music;  

distribution  of  instruments  in  Africa;  and  particularly  the  insight  he  offers  into  the  

varying  national  groups  of  Africa  and  their  corresponding  musical  tropes.      

      One  of  the  many  contributions  to  research  methodology  in  the  study  of  

African  music  to  be  found  in  Agordoh’s  text  are  located  in  Chapter  Eleven,  “A  

Guide  to  Thesis  Writing  in  African  Music”.    This  chapter  provides  a  map  for  the  

budding  scholar  to  write  about  and  research  African  Music.    Agordoh  suggests  

specific  areas  in  African  music  that  have  been  overlooked  or  under-­‐researched  as  

prime  candidates  for  future  research.    To  “calibrate  both  organization  and  

execution”  of  the  researcher’s  efforts,  Agordoh  charges  the  future  researcher  by  

stating,  “A  successful  investigator  in  African  Music  should  be  inquisitive,  perceptive,  

objective,  discriminate,  impartial,  candid,  diligent,  persistent,  creative  and  erudite.”74    

Agordoh’s  suggestion  correctly  connects  the  theoretical  and  pragmatic  concerns  of  

researching  African  music.    His  lucid  outlines  and  suggestions  at  the  conclusion  of  

his  text  are  highly  illustrative  of  the  heavy  lifting  required  by  future  scholars  

committed  to  this  work  who  may  lack  adequate  training  and  apprenticeship  to  

execute  their  research  agendas.      

73  Agordoh’s  suggestion  here  is  similar  to  Jacob  Carruthers’  stated  reasons  for  studying  Ancient  Egypt  in  order  to  gain  greater  insight  into  the  earliest  civilizations.    Notwithstanding  the  role  that  Kush  played  in  history,  Carruthers  offers  four  rationales  for  prioritizing  Egypt  in  research.    Two  of  his  four  positions  are  of  note  here:  The  sparcity  of  information  available  about  Kush’s  history  and  culture;  and    the  vast  amounts  of  information,  inclucing  archeological  and  written  texts,  available  to  us  from  Egypt.  See  Jacob  Carruthers,  “Why  We  Study  Kemet,”  (unknown  publisher  and  year),  1.  

74  Agordoh,  Studies  in  African  Music,  179.      

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        Cameroonian  musical  scholar  Frances  Bebey’s  1969  text,  African  Music  a  

Peoples  Art,  was  one  of  the  earliest75  in  the  field  to  begin  to  canonize  the  complex  

cultures  of  African  music.    Writing  from  the  periphery  of  what  was  then  primarily  

a  field  dominated  by  outsiders,  Bebey  observed  that:  

Over  the  past  thirty  years,  films,  photographs,  and  records  have  brought  certain  aspects  of  African  music,  its  musicians,  and  its  cultural  context  to  the  attention  of  Western  audiences.    Unfortunately,  however,  the  aim  of  most  film  producers  and  record  companies  is  commercial  success  and  thus  they  have  tended  to  emphasize  the  exotic  and  the  unexpected  at  the  expense  of  the  real  substance.    By  doing  so,  they  have  rendered  a  serious  disservice  to  African  cultures  generally  and  to  music  in  particular.    The  initial  curiosity  of  a  Western  audience  can  be  followed  all  too  easily  by  contempt  for  a  way  of  life  that  is  so  unlike  their  own  and  by  inability  to  appreciate  the  music  that  seems  to  be  so  much  dissonance  and  noise.76    

Bebey  shrewdly  sensed  that  access  to  African  musical  history  and  performances  

afforded  by  improving  recording  technology  would  lead  ultimately  to  increased  

appropriation  and  misconstrual  by  Westerners.    At  the  time  of  his  writing  he  

suggested  that  during  the  previous  twenty  years  the  West  had  begun  paying  even  

more  attention  to  African  cultures  through  numerous  conferences,  one  of  which  

was  the  First  World  Festival  of  Negro  Arts  held  in  April  of  1966  in  Dakar.77      

75  Kwabena  Nketia’s  The  Music  of  Africa  was  published  in  1974.    Bebey’s  African  Music  was  published  in  Englsih  in  1975,  however  his  original  edition,  Musique  De  L’Afrique,  was  published  in  1969.      

76  Francis  Bebey,  African  Music  a  People’s  Art  (Brooklyn:  Lawrence  Hill  Books,  1969),  1.  77  While  Bebey  does  not  advocate  against  the  rise  of  music  festivals  and  conferences  there  appeared  to  be  challenges  spurred  in  part  from  the  cultural  hegmony  of  foreign  nations—mainly  Europe  and  America—challenges  in  particular  that  concerned  the  protection  and  finacial  benefits  of  African  muscians  and  their  music.  See  Ayi  Kwei  Armah’s  essay,  “The  Festival  Syndrome,”  in  Remebering  the  Dismembered  Continent  (Senegal:  Per  Ankh,  2010),  133-­‐38.  

32

      Considering  the  impending  challenges  that  would  arise  from  musical  

conferences,  concerts,  and  particularly  written  texts  focused  on  African  music  

during  the  1960-­‐1970’s,  Bebey’s  contributions  are  crucial  in  researching  African  

music.    Bebey  asserts  that  there  are  no  shortcuts  to  understanding  African  musical  

cultures.    A  culture  that,  “until  now  has  attracted  scant  public  attention,  partly  

because  of  its  apparently  highly-­‐specialized  nature,  but  also  because  it  has  

previously  been  described  in  terms  that  have  tended  to  imprison  it  inside  the  

covers  of  scholarly  treatises  instead  of  making  it  accessible  to  all  men.”78    In  order  

to  reject  hegemonic  ideas  and  to  work  from  the  inside  out  of  the  music  to  avoid  

preconceived  notions  of  what  music  should  sound  like,    

      Bebey  posits,  that  hours  [or  years  .  .  .  or  a  lifetime?]  of  attention  is  needed  

for  a  real  understanding  of  African  music.    His  admonition  to  undertake  a  

sustained  method  as  the  optimal  approach  for  researching  African  music  is  worth  

quoting  at  length:  

Then  again,  many  Westerners  think  of  music  as  an  expression  of  emotions.    Actually,  music  is  too  abstract  to  be  capable  of  rendering  truly  life  like  descriptions  but  Westerners  are  trained  to  seek  certain  signs.    For  instance,  the  major  key  is  supposed  to  convey  joy  and  the  minor  key  sorrow,  but  there  is  no  logical  basis  for  this  contention  and  the  reverse  could  just  as  easily  be  true.    In  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  the  very  popular  minor  mode  was  not  necessarily  used  to  indicate  sorrow.    In  other  words,  Western  music  implies  the  existence  of  certain  Western  music;  it  is  evident  that  this  hermetic  approach  does  not  facilitate  

78  Bebey,  African  Music,  vi.  

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the  understanding  of  a  music  based  on  totally  different  premises.          

Bebey  additionally  considers  the  hegemony  that  exists  in  the  classifying  and  

codification  of  Western  music  with  that  of  African  music.  He  states:  

Another  factor,  which  must  not  be  overlooked,  is  that  in  the  West  music  is  considered  as  a  pure  art  form.    Listening  to  music  is  a  pleasure  to  be  enjoyed  for  its  own  sake.    People  go  to  concerts  or  buy  records  simply  to  enjoy  music.    Those  artists  who  combine  music  with  another  art,  such  as  choreography,  are  all  too  rare.  Music  is  used  as  an  accompaniment  to  films  or  plays,  rather  than  forming  an  integral  part  of  them.    Even  in  opera,  that  true  marriage  of  theatre  and  music,  the  latter  can  be  divorced  from  the  rest  and  enjoyed  for  its  own  sake.    Music  is  an  autonomous  and  independent  art.    It  is  barley  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  those  newspapers  that  have  separate  columns  devoted  to  “The  Arts”  and  “Music”  virtually  imply  that  music  is  not  art  at  all.  For  all  these  reasons  and  many  others,  Westerners  are  frequently  at  a  loss  to  understand  the  music  of  black  Africa:  the  concepts  of  Africans  are  so  totally  different.    African  musicians  do  not  seek  to  combine  sounds  that  are  pleasing  to  the  ear.  Their  aim  is  simply  to  express  life  in  all  its  aspects  through  the  medium  of  sound.  79    

 African  Music  a  People’s  Art  establishes  itself  with  two  primary  positions:  1.  Music  

in  African  communities  is  centric  to  the  life  of  its  people.  It  is  a  part  of  their  lives  

from,  “the  cradle  to  the  grave”;  and  2.  The  range  of  expression  that  African  music  

covers  is  limitless,  “including  spoken  languages  and  natural  sounds.”    Bebey’s  

insistence  upon  the  limitations  of  Western  standards  when  researching  African  

79  Bebey,  African  Music,  2-­‐3.  

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music  is  telling  in  that  it  indicted  much  of  the  prior  research  conducted  and  future  

research  that  would  emerge  from  Music  Studies  and  Ethnomusicology  

departments.  His  insights  extended  beyond  the  written  word.    Ruling  out  the  

widely  popular  use  of  musical  transcriptions  as  accompaniment  to  musical  texts,  

Bebey  opted  instead  to  refer  readers  directly  to  original  recordings.    He  prioritized  

the  importance  of  the  reader  having  not  only  a  point  of  reference  with  the  text  and  

music,  but  also  through  the  discography  that  accompanies  it,  a  personal  

experiential  documentation.    This  approach  forces  the  reader  and/or  researcher  to  

leave  the  text  and  to  experience  the  music  and  its  performers.    

    Kwabena  Nketia’s,  The  Music  of  Africa  is  another  foundational  text  for  

researchers  in  Africana  Studies,  History  and  Music  Studies.    Nketia  uses  the  

internal  challenges  of  enslavement  in  Africa  as  introduced  by  external  forces  in  his  

analysis  to  partially  explain  the  nonhomogeneous  cultural  nature  of  African  music.  

The  Music  of  Africa  in  many  ways  mirrors  and  supplements  the  contributions  of  

Bebey’s  African  Music.    Nketia’s  text,  partly  because  of  his  body  of  prior  academic  

work,  university  teaching  and  performed  and  recorded  compositions,  has  become  

the  primarily  referenced  source  in  the  field.80    Nketia’s  work  is  generally  

considered  a  survey  reader.    His  ‘topics’  section  are  organized  as  follows:  1.The  

Social  and  Cultural  Background;  2.  Musical  Instruments;  3.  Structures  in  African  

Music;  and  4.  Music  and  Related  Arts.  These  topical  headings  may  at  first  glance  

80  For  greater  biographical  insight  into  Nketia’s  life,  music,  and  theories,  see  Eric  A.  Akrofi,  Sharing  Knowledge  and  Experience:  A  Profile  of  Kwabena  Nketia:  Scholar  and  Music  Educator  (Accra:  AFRAM  Publications,  2002).    

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appear  to  categorize  generalized  description.    However,  in  spite  of  its  accessibility,  

the  text’s  depth  of  research  and  analysis  provides  the  reader  with  nothing  short  of  

a  long-­‐view  historical  and  cultural  narrative  of  African  music’s  forms  and  functions.    

This  volume,  in  Nkeita’s  words,  “attempts  to  provide  a  broad  survey  of  the  musical  

traditions  of  Africa  with  respect  to  their  historical,  social,  and  cultural  

backgrounds  as  well  as  an  approach  to  musical  organization,  musical  practice,  and  

significant  aspects  of  style.”81      

    Nketia  establishes  four  major  factors  that  contribute  to  the  diversity  of  

traditions  in  African  music:  Cultural  differences;  inter-­‐cultural  interactions;  

contact  with  external  cultures;  and  European  contact.    The  cultural  differences,  

Nketia  notes,  “tended  to  be  perpetuated  by  the  kinds  of  political  units  into  which  

African  peoples  traditionally  grouped  themselves.”82    The  case  that  Nketia  

establishes  is  strong  and  worth  noting,  but  exception  must  be  taken  to  the  way  the  

text  narrates  the  relationships  between  Arab  slavers  and  enslaved  Africans.    For  

instance,  when  discussing  the  interchange  or  borrowing  of  musical  instruments  or  

musical  ideas,  Nketia  states,  “It  must  be  emphasized  that  the  interchange  between  

African  and  Arabic  cultures  did  not  benefit  only  Africa.    In  the  field  of  music,  the  

adoption  of  the  African  drum  ganga  in  North  Africa  is  a  noteworthy  example  of  

reciprocal  borrowing.    Secondly,  it  was  not  only  Africa  that  benefited  musically  

from  Islamic  civilization.”83      

81  Kwabena  Nketia,  The  Music  of  Africa  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton,    1974),  ix.      82  Nketia,  African  Music,  6.    83  Ibid.,  11.      

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    While  accurately  conveying  one  of  the  means  through  which  societies  are  

culturally  influenced  by  one  another,  Nketia  unintentionally  conveys  the  often-­‐

proposed  narrative  of  optimal,  non-­‐imposed  stripping  of  one’s  culture.    His  

misguided84  step  in  this  area  in  The  Music  of  Africa,  if  not  disconnected  from  

future  narratives,  reinforces  incorrect  and  bogus  theories  of  African  musical  

survivals  in  the  United  States  and  effective  methods  of  sustaining  and  improvising  

the  cultural  norms  that  inform  them.      

    A  key  strength  of  Nketia’s  work  lies  not  only  in  the  attention  given  to  

researching  and  presenting  widely  documented  features  that  varying  African  

traditions  share  but  also  in  his  insistence  on  unpacking  subtle  nuances  of  a  

national  group’s  specific  cultural  productions.  Through  analytical  observations  and  

limited  illustrations,  Nketia’s  work  does  not  get  caught  up  in  the  ethnographic  

snare  of  data  dumping,  “that  does  not  add  significantly  to  the  text”.    This  method  

allows  Nketia  to  grapple  with  the  musical  commonalities  that  exist  between  many  

national  groups  in  Africa.      

    One  of  the  major  aspects  of  The  Music  of  Africa  worth  noting  is  Nketia’s  

explanations  of  the  training  and  recruitment  of  musicians.    He  distinguishes  

between  informal  aspects  of  music  and  musical  performances  in  African  

communities  the  intentional  selection  and  apprenticeship  of  future  musicians.    

This  dissertation  utilizes  Nketia’s  emphasis  on  apprenticeship  rites  to  highlight  

84  Nketia’s  misstep  is  far  from  the  glaring  errors  in  some  of  his  contemporaries  research.  For  one  alarming  example,  see  Lois  Ann  Anderson’s  “The  Interrelation  of  African  and  Arab  Music,”  in  Essays  on  Music  and  History  in  Africa,  ed.  Klaus  P.  Wachsmann  (Northwestern  University  Press:  1975),  143-­‐69.    

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and  demonstrate  the  continuity  of  this  practice  in  the  cultivation  of  BAM  

musicians  and  the  need  to  underscore  and  affirm  this  rite  in  contemporary  GBM  

productions.    In  spite  of  the  aforementioned  methodological  challenges  in  

examining  African  music,  Nketia  and  Bebey  suggest  that  the  task,  though  daunting,  

is  necessary.    Bebey  notes  that,  if  the  study  is  to  be  meaningful,  “African  music  

must  be  studied  within  the  context  of  traditional  African  life.”85    Both  Bebey  and  

Nketia’s  concerns  are  not  with  the  research  itself  but  in  the  kind  of  research  that  

facilitates  the  findings  and  analyses  of  the  music.      

    Dr.  N.N.  Kofie’s  text  Contemporary  African  Music  in  World  Perspectives86,  is  

concerned  with  integrating  the  study  of  traditional  languages  when  approaching  

the  research  in  African  music.    While  accepting  some  of  the  limitations  associated  

with  using  foreign  research  models,  he  is  much  less  accepting  of  foreign  terms  and  

theories  utilized  in  the  research.      

    In  chapter  two,  “Western  Epistemology  and  Musical  Perception  in  African  

Cultures”,  a  major  strength  of  the  text,  Kofie  examines  the  pitfalls  of  parallel  

research.    Parallel  research  begins  with  the  researcher  looking  for  similarities  

between  their  culture  and  the  one  under  investigation.    This  method  of  research  

also  demands  that  the  researcher  finds  (read:  forces)  words  or  names  for  a  

particular  phenomenon  in  the  studied  culture  because  of  a  similar  phenomenon  

having  a  title  or  name  in  their  culture.    Kofie  identifies  the  Hellenic  (Platonic)  

85  Bebey,  African  Music,  5.    86  N.  N.  Kofie,  Contemporary  African  Music  in  World  Perspectives  (Accra:  Ghana  Universities  Press,  1994).    

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roots  of  this  approach,  which  views  knowledge  of  a  thing  as  being  connected  to  

naming  its  parts  and  implying  its  relationship  to  its  parts.    He  admonishes  the  

African-­‐centered  researcher  to  steer  clear  of  this  method  in  their  analyses.        

    Kofie’s  attempts  to  decouple  the  research  of  African  music  from  the  

discipline  of  ethnomusicology.    He  also  encourages  future  researchers  to  avoid  

ethnomusicology’s  emphasis  on  systematic  musicology,  trappings  that  encourage  

baseless  speculation.    Kofie’s  push  is  for  more  analytical  investigations  into  African  

musical  history.    His  interest  and  encouragement  into  African  music  seeks  to  

explain  the  why  behind  what  “ethnic”  groups  in  Africa  do  as  opposed  to  simply  

recording  musical  scales  and  structures.    He  is  unapologetic  and  straightforward  in  

who  and  what  his  work  is  most  concerned  with.    He  understands,  for  example,  the  

challenges  in  learning  musical  traditions  faced  by  Ghanaian  schoolchildren  forced  

to  learn  foreign  musical  traditions  of  “missionary  or  missionary-­‐trained  teachers”,  

who,  as  a  consequence,  may  possibly  begin  to  look  unfavorably  at  traditional  

musical  practices.      

    Kofie  posits  the  naiveté  of  Western  forms  of  research  that  ultimately  

suggest  that  African  music  is  incapable  of  advancing.    He  identifies  this  position  as  

a  threat  to  the  cultural  heritage  of  African  music  that  leads  to  further  stagnation  in  

research.    His  cross  culture  disciplinary  study  seeks  to  uncover  relationships  

between  traditional  music  and  man.      

    Kofie  acknowledges  the  presence  of  foreign  influences  in  indigenous  music  

but  insists  that  one  cannot  become  completely  musically  acculturated  with  a  

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perspective  anchored  in  interpretive  frames  borrowed  from  outsiders.    There  must  

be  something  “funny  or  wrong”  with  outsider’s  music  to  the  indigenous  group,  

Kofie  argues,  even  if  they  accepted  the  outsider’s  cultures;  including  Christianity.    

That  something,  he  states,  “though  unconscious,  may  be  traceable  to  the  cultural  

norms  of  a  people—hence  the  semiotic  approach  to  this  study  which  may  also  be  

described  as  a  search  for  extrageneric  meaning  in  African  music.”87    Acculturation  

to  Kofie  does  not  imply  a  hierarchy  in  culture  or,  “a  less  developed  culture  looking  

up  to  a  more  developed  one.”88    While  insisting  on  the  prominence  of  African  

cultural  norms  framing  research  into  African  music,  Kofie  does  not  completely  

dismiss  the  improbability  of  cultural  interactions.    

      The  sixth  chapter:  “Toward  a  Theory  for  Aesthetics  in  African  Music”,  while  

placed  at  the  end  of  the  text,  provides  the  crescendo  to  Kofie’s  work.    Utilizing  

empirical  observations,  “partly  objectively  and  partly  by  questioning  individuals  as  

to  what  they  considered  beautiful  in  specific  tunes”89,  Kofie  negotiates  the  social  

contract  between  musician  and  listener.    This  social  contract  is  easily  broken  when  

one  party  infringes  on  the  other.    Kofie  problematizes  the  imposition  of  aesthetic  

theories  of  beauty  on  a  community  without  considering  that  community’s  

normative  ideals  of  the  beautiful.    His  primary  target  is  that  of  the  “Western  

stratum  of  composer  and  listener—a  stratum  which  tends  to  look  down  upon  

traditional  African  music  while  not  knowing  what  to  appreciate  in  its  newly  

87  Ibid.,  6.  88  Ibid.,  6.    89  Ibid.,  80.  

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acquired  tastes.”90    Those  that  seek  to  impose  cultural  norms  also  engage  in  the  

process  of  rendering  absent  or  insignificant  those  of  other  groups.      

      In  order  to  capture  a  normative  sense  of  the  complicated  nature  of  what  is  

beautiful  in  African  aesthetics  Kofie  crafts  an  exploratory  semantic  and  aesthetic  

theory.    His  theory  consists  of  sixteen  definitions  of  beauty,  each  categorized  in  an  

appropriate  context.    The  criteria  are:  

1. Anything  is  beautiful  which  possesses  the  simple  quality  of  beauty  2. Anything  is  beautiful  which  has  a  specific  Form  3. Anything  is  beautiful  which  is  an  imitation  of  Nature  4. Anything  is  beautiful  which  results  from  successful  exploitation  of  a  

Medium  5. Anything  is  beautiful  which  is  the  work  of  Genius  6. Anything  is  beautiful  which  reveals  (1)  Truth,  (2)  the  spirit  of  Nature,  (3)  the  

Ideal,  (4)  the  Universal,  (5)  the  Typical  7. Anything  is  beautiful  which  produces  Illusion  8. Anything  is  beautiful  which  leads  to  the  desirable  Social  effects  9. Anything  is  beautiful  which  is  an  Expression  10. Anything  is  beautiful  which  causes  Pleasure  11. Anything  is  beautiful  which  excites  Emotions  12. Anything  is  beautiful  which  involves  the  Processes  of  Empathy  13. Anything  is  beautiful  which  promotes  a  Specific  emotion  14. Anything  is  beautiful  which  heightens  Vitality  15. Anything  is  beautiful  which  induces  Synaesthesis91  

 The  exemplars  that  follow  the  definitions  illustrate  Kofie’s  theory  of  beauty  as  

functional.    His  exemplars  range  in  distinction  and  usage,  allowing  the  researcher  

a  wide  foundation  in  which  to  ground  their  specific  research  agenda.    Kofie’s  

semantic  and  aesthetic  theory  simplifies  the  often-­‐complicated  understandings  of  

African  ideas  of  beauty  while  simultaneously  illuminating  the  complexity  in    

traditional  African  aesthetics.    He  seeks  to  diminish  the  potential  confusion  that  

90  Ibid.,  79.  91  Ibid.,  92.    

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could  arise  from  definitions  of  what  constitutes  the  beauty  in  music  as  purported  

by,  “those  who  concern  themselves  with  the  loftiest  academic  speculations  which  

hardly  yield  anything  but  confusion  .  .  .  .”92      

      The  contribution  to  methodology  of  Kofie’s  assertion  [see  definition  8]  that  

“Anything  is  beautiful  which  leads  to  the  desirable  Social  effects”  allows  the  

researcher  to  embrace  a  non-­‐universal  formula  in  his  work;  in  his  words,  “what  is  

recorded  here  is  not  to  be  taken  as  a  formula  for  all  Ghanaians.”93    And  while  his  

aim  is  directed  at  the  composer  and  teachers  of  music  in  particular,  his  opines  are  

certainly  of  worth  to  the  researcher  whose  intent  is  to  be  centered  in  the  African  

way  of  knowing,  researching,  and  doing.      

 .  .  .  America  Answers”94  

    Borrowing  from  the  album  title  of  “Kofi”  Ghanaba,  95  Robin  Kelley  in  his  

2012  text,  Africa  Speaks,  America  Answers:  Modern  Jazz  in  Revolutionary  Times96  

recognizes  that  hundreds  of  musicians  have  tethered  their  music  to  both  American  

and  African  models.    This  tethering  of  models  and  structures  led  musicians  to  

promote  “trans-­‐national  dialogues  and  developed  innovative  fusions,  and  found  in  

such  intercultural  exchanges  insurgent  political  and  cultural  voices.”      Africa  

Speaks,  America  Answers,  originally  developed  as  parts  of  a  lecture  series  that  

92  Ibid.,  95.    93  Ibid.,  96.      94  See  note  50.  95  The  inclusion  of  quotations  around  Kofi  is  out  of  respect  for  Ghanaba’s  prefered  name,  plainly:  Ghanaba.    While  studying  in  Ghana  during  the  summer  of  2011,  I  visited  his  student  and  friend  in  Anyaa,  Ghana,  Nii  Noi  Nortey,  who  explained  to  me  that  Ghanaba  never  embraced  Kofi  as  a  day  name  but  instead  prefered  to  be  called  and  known  as  Ghanaba.  

96  Robin  Kelley,  Africa  Speaks,  America  Answers:  Modern  Jazz  in  Revolutionary  Times  (Harvard  University  Press,  2012).      

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Kelley  presented  at  Harvard  University  while  in  the  throes  of  writing  his  tome  on  

the  life  of  Thelonious  Monk97,  concerns  itself  with  honoring  the  lives  and  musical  

contributions  of  Randy  Weston,  Kofie  Ghanaba,  Ahmed  Abdul-­‐Malik  and  Sathima  

Bea  Benjamin  respectively.    The  selected  musicians  discussed  by  Kelley  “pushed  

back  against  the  notion  of  unique  black  American  identity,  choosing  instead  to  

identify  with  Africa—to  privilege  Africa.”98    Kelley  uses  the  shared  Pan-­‐African  

ideology  of  these  iconic  figures  to  underscore  the  necessity  of  writing  transnational  

histories  of  modern  and  traditional  music.  Kelley  believes  that  developing  

transnational  historiographies  of  this  nature,  “sheds  light  on  the  vexing  

relationships  between  art,  politics,  and  spirituality,  and  contributes  to  a  more  

global  interpretation  of  jazz  history.”  99    

    Kelley’s  research  does  not  delve  into  the  African  roots  of  jazz,  nor  is  its  

primary  foci  the  examination  of  Black  jazz  musicians’  support  of  African  liberation  

struggles.    Rather,  the  text  is  partly  an  extension  of  Jason  Stanyek’s  theory  of  

“intercultural  collaborations”.    Collaborative  moments  are  those  performances  that  

are  intersected  by  time  and  space,  and  Staynek  explores  how  these  interactions  

give  birth  to  new  music  and  musical  norms.    This  dissertation  borrows  from  this  

theory  but  does  not  limit  itself  to  contemporary  interactions.    In  a  methodological  

gesture  toward  the  “Sankofa”  (return  to  get)  principle  in  Akan  cultures,  it  attempts  

to  reach  back  to  collect  communal  cultural  norms  that  inform  the  development  of  

97  See  Robin  Kelley,  Thelonious  Monk:  The  Life  and  Times  of  an  American  Original  (New  York:  The  Free  Press,  2009).    

98  Kelley,  Africa  Speaks,  4.      99  Ibid.,  xii.      

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new  musical  norms  and  continue  to  offer  assistance  to  the  improvisational  nature  

of  musical  creations.      

    I  would  argue  against  Kelley’s  position  that,  “the  diasporic,  trans-­‐Atlantic  

conversations  of  these  artists  were  less  about  recovering  an  atavistic  past  than  

creating  new  music;  they  ran  much  deeper.”100    If  Kelley’s  position  is  asserted  with  

regard  to  musical  form  only  then  a  counter  argument  is  moot.    However,  if  the  

implication  of  his  assertion  are  used  to  describe  function  as  well  as  creation,  then  

his  notion  must  be  unpacked  to  reveal  the  nuanced  (known  and  unknown)  ways  in  

which  African  musicians  ascribed  in  their  performances  and  production  to  the  

long  reaching  narrative  of  African  music’s  communal  nature  and  function.      

    Samuel  Floyd  carries  the  mantle  of  crossing  the  waters  and  revealing  

connections  that  exist  between  African  cultures  and  developments  in  the  music  

produced  in  America  by  Africans.    Floyd’s,  The  Power  of  Black  Music:  Interpreting  

its  History  from  Africa  to  the  United  States,101  is  a  heavy-­‐hitting  theoretical  

investigation  that  echoes  the  mastery  impulse  of  Sterling  Stuckey’s  Slave  Culture:  

Nationalist  Theory  and  the  Foundation  of  Black  America.    Floyd’s  contributions  to  

the  field  of  Black  music  research  are  innumerable.    The  conclusions  that  he  draws  

are  full  of  objective  intellect,  rationality,  and  reason  and  are  counterbalanced  with  

experiential  cultural  memory.    The  personal  and  avowedly  subjective  impulse  

grounding  his  work  makes  his  analysis  illuminating  and  informative  to  the  present  

100  Ibid.,  9-­‐10.  101  Samuel  A.  Floyd,  The  Power  of  Black  Music:  Interpreting  Its  History  from  Africa  to  the  United  States  (New  York:  Oxford  University  Press,  1995).    

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project.    The  Power  of  Black  Music  is  informed  by  the  biographies  and  

autobiographies  of  major  figures  in  Black  music,  further  informing  this  

dissertation’s  biography-­‐grounded  theorization.  

    Floyd’s  work  considers  the  experiences  and  music  of  musicians  whose  “lives  

were  formed  and  motivated  by  African  cultural  memory  and  its  mythological  and  

interpretive  values.”    Utilizing  the  contributions  of  Black  literary  theorists—most  

notably  the  work  of  Henry  Louis  Gates’  The  Signifying  Monkey:  A  Theory  of  African  

American  Literary  Criticism102—Floyd  creates  a  paradigm  for  researching  Black  

music.    As  with  Stuckey’s  aforementioned  historiographical  re-­‐imagining,  Floyd’s    

inquiries  are  framed  within  the  history,  context  and  cosmology  of  Ring  Shout  

performances.    As  such,  his  approach  to  African  music  research  is  not  “a  

traditional  music  history,  but  an  interpretation  of  the  origin  and  development  of  

African-­‐American  music,  and  music  culture.”103    It  is  this  dissertation’s  position  

that  if  the  Ring  Shout  can  be  utilized  as  a  mode  of  interpretive  framing,  the  Bantu-­‐

Kongo’s  cosmograph  can  also  be  considered  for  constructing  methodology,  on  

similar  grounds.    Floyd’s  position  on  the  Ring  Shout  and  its  implications  of  Black  

music’s  cultural  continuity  are  not  informed  by  the  theories  of  Melville  Herskovits,  

George  Pullen  Jackson  and  Richard  Waterman;104  however  he  does  embrace  some  

of  the  survivalist  theories  posited  by  Jackson.    

102  Henry  Louis  Gates,  Jr.,  The  Signyfying  Monkey:  A  Theory  of  African  American  Literary  Criticism  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  1989).  

103  Floyd,  Power  of  Black  Music,  25.  104  See  Melville  Herskovits,  “Problem,  Method,  and  Theory  in  Afro-­‐American  Studies,”  Afroamerica  1,  no.  1  (1947):  5-­‐24.    Also:  Jackson,  White  Spirituals  of  the  Southern  Uplands  (Chapel  Hill:  University  

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      Floyd  extends  his  query  beyond  descriptive  studies—an  area  of  study  that  

Kwabena  Nketia  urged  future  researchers  to  steer  clear  of.105    His  research  does  not  

lead  him  into  inquiries  of  music-­‐to-­‐music  comparative  characteristics,  but  instead  

seeks  to  demonstrate  that:  

African  survivals  exist  not  merely  in  the  sense  that  African-­‐American  music  has  the  same  characteristics  as  its  African  counterparts,  but  also  that  the  musical  tendencies,  the  mythological  beliefs,  and  assumptions,  and  the  interpretive  strategies  of  African  Americans  are  the  same  as  those  that  underlie  the  music  of  the  African  homeland,  that  these  tendencies  and  beliefs  continue  to  exist  as  African  cultural  memory,  and  that  they  continue  to  inform  the  continuity  and  elaboration  of  African-­‐American  music.106  

 Floyd’s  attempt  in  his  analyses  is  to  create  a  comprehensive  aesthetic  for  the  

proper  critique  and  approach  to  Black  music.    In  addition  his  goals  are  to  1.  Suggest  

a  basis  for  discourse  among  intellectuals  on  musical  difference;  and  2.  To  help  

break  down  the  barriers  of  “high”  and  “low”  art.    Floyd’s  audience  is  clearly  both  

music  scholars  and  non-­‐music  scholars.    He  wants  his  work  to  be  “read,  

appreciated  and  interpreted  by  all.”    This  intersectional  approach  opens  space  for  

the  non-­‐traditional  academic  to  lend  interpretations  and  new  ways  of  knowing  to  

the  field  of  Music  Studies.      

    The  significance  of  Floyd’s  work  lays  in  the  connections  that  he  makes  

between  Black  music  and  African  spirituality  and  cosmologies.    His  examinations  

of  North  Carolina  Press,  1933);  Jackson:  White  and  Negro  Spirituals  (New  York:  Augustin,  1943).    Lastly:  Waterman,  “‘Hot’  Rhythm  in  Negro  Music,”  Journal  of  the  American  Musicology  Society  1  (1948):  24-­‐37.        

105  See  note  25.  106  Floyd,  Power  of  Black  Music,  5.  

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consider  in  particular  the  cosmology  of  Ifa  and  its  Orishas  and  its  connections  to  

music  and  ultimately  prepare  the  inquiry  into  how  these  beliefs  transformed  in  the  

Americas.    Relying  on  the  aforementioned  utilized  concept  of  cultural  memory,  

Floyd  insists  that  certain  creations,  beliefs  and  actions  of  a  community  are  

nonfactual  and  non-­‐referential  but  are  still  “true”  and  “right”.    According  to  Floyd,  

cultural  memory  in  the  context  of  music  drives  the  music  and  music  drives  the  

memory.    Floyd’s  arguments  throughout  the  text  lend  support  for  the  necessity  of  

new  approaches  and  theories  in  the  perceptions  of  Black  music.  

    In  his  text  Re-­‐Searching  Black  Music,107  Jon  Michael  Spencer  grapples  with  

the  lack  of  effective  models  to  engage  the  culture  of  Black  music.    Spencer  

concerns  himself  with  the  most  effective  ways  to  research  Black  music  and  include  

bodies  of  knowledge  that  exist  within  Black  music  in  particular  and  the  Black  

community  in  general.    He  prefaces  his  interrogation  with  an  examination  of  

Samuel  Floyd’s  roundtable  discussion  at  the  1993  National  Conference  on  Black  

Music  Research.    Floyd’s  “integrative  model”,  Spencer  notes,  attempts  to  “propel  

black  music  scholarship  beyond  the  standard  approaches  of  historical  musicology  

and  ethnomusicology.”108      

    Spencer  insists  that  as  Black  people  are  historically  spiritual,  the  baseline  

discipline  for  an  integrative  inquiry  must  include  theology.    He  notes  that  

musicology  and  theology  brings  together  essential  elements  of  Black  experience.    

Putting  these  two  complimentary  worlds  in  dialogue,  according  to  Spencer,  forces  

107  Jon  Michael  Spencer,  Re-­‐Searching  Black  Music,  (Knoxville:  University  of  Tennessee  Press,  1996).  108  Spencer,  1.  

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researchers  rooted  in  either  side  of  the  disciplines  to  learn  the  language  of  the  

other  discipline.    Spencer  contests  that  music  should  be  the  only  baseline  

discipline  used  in  our  interrogation  across  cultures.    In  chapter  1  of  his  text,  he  

argues  that  African  rhythm  is  the  foundation  of  Black  culture.    This  position  lays  

the  foundation  for  how  Spencer  presents  his  theories  throughout  the  remainder  of  

the  text.    He  states,  “The  rhythmic  nature  of  all  Afro-­‐cultural  produce  requires  

musicological  language  to  discourse  about  it.”109      

    Spencer  introduces  his  theology  argument  as  a  baseline  discipline  in  

Chapter  2.    Religion  as  a  foundation  of  the  Black  community  demands  that  any  

research  focused  on  Black  experiences  include  spirituality  in  the  analysis.    Spencer  

uses  Folk,  Pop,  and  European  Classical  music  as  exemplars  throughout  the  

remaining  chapters  to  model  his  proposed  methodology.      

    A  challenge  in  Spencer’s  work  is  that,  while  advocating  for  theology  and  

music  as  baseline  disciplines  for  integrative  inquiry,  he  does  not  call  for  a  full  

departure  from  Western  methods.    Spencer  firmly  rejects  the  notions  that  science,  

“which  has  ruled  in  the  West  since  the  European  Enlightenment”,  should  be  the  

privileged  tool  used  for  analysis  into  queries  of  Black  lives.    However,  he  believes  

that  varying  methods  should  be  brought  into  the  conversations.    He  cites  the  work  

of  Nicholas  Cooper-­‐Lewter  that  looks  at  the  integration  of  theology  and  

psychotherapy  as  a  musicological  praxis.    Spencer  considers  Cooper-­‐Lewter’s  “soul  

therapy,”  which  incorporates  these  two  disciplines  in  therapy.    The  challenge  of  

109  Ibid.,  8.      

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Spencer’s  acceptance  of  these  methods  is  that  they  are  out  of  the  context  of  the  

African  modalities  he  otherwise  champions.    If  Spencer’s  intent  is  to  interrogate  

lived  Black  experiences  authentically,  he  has  not  resolved  the  problematic  of  

working  with  the  use  of  models  that  privilege  foreign  ways  of  knowing,  some  of  

which  are  counterintuitive  to  the  survival  of  the  Pan-­‐African  community.    Spencer  

notes,  “In  fact  because  theomusicology  evolved  out  of  my  study  of  the  blues  that  I  

have  argued  that  it  is  the  musicological  discipline  whose  research  is  least  reductive  

of  the  momentousness  of  black  music.”110    As  a  contribution  to  the  literature  on  

both  the  methodology  and  the  applied  study  of  Africana  musical  traditions  from  

the  discipline  of  Africana  Studies,  the  present  work  asserts  that  only  a  

methodology  deeply  rooted  in  African  studies  can  fully  ground  such  interrogations.  

Spencer’s  work  is  useful,  however,  for  the  theories  that  he  suggests  and  the  idea  of  

merging  knowledge  bases.    However,  these  mergers  must  emerge  from  and  be  

grounded  in  the  canon  of  African  ways  of  knowing.      

   

110  Ibid.,  59  

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The   first   is   African   music,   the   second   Afro-­‐American,  while  the  third   is  a  blending  of  Negro  music   with   the   music   heard   in   the   foster   land.    The   result   is   still   distinctively   Negro   and   the  method  of  blending  original,  but  the  elements  are  both  Negro  and  Caucasian.  

                                 —  W.E.B.  Dubois111    

Black   Music   is   African   in   origin,   African-­‐American   in   its   totality,   and   its   various   forms  (especially   the   vocal)   show   just  how   the  African  impulses  were  redistributed  in  its  expression,  and  the   expression   itself   became   Christianized   and  post-­‐Christianized.  

       —Amiri  Baraka112  (LeRoi  Jones)113    

CHAPTER  3  

RITUALIZING  THE  PROCESS:  AFRICAN  MUSIC  AS  A  DEPARTURE  FOR    ANALYSIS  IN  UNINTERRUPTED  CONVERSATIONS  

        African  music  has  a  long  history  that  stretches  across  a  continent.    Its  

history  continues  in  North  America  and  situates  itself  there.    The  present  study’s  

use  of  the  life  and  music  of  John  Coltrane  presumes  the  saxophonist’s  modal  and  

normative  musical  origins  are  in  Africa.  Housed  within  the  music  of  African  

peoples  are  histories,  cultures  and  social  implications  too  vast  and  pronounced  to  

ignore.    This  music  couched  in  America—albeit  in  non-­‐optimal  circumstances—  

continued  to  germinate  and  encase  histories,  language,  ways  of  knowing,  ideas,  

111      W.E.B.  DuBois,  Souls  of  Black  Folk,  (Dover,  1994),  159.  112      This  epigraph  was  written  by  Amiri  Baraka  whose  name  at  the  time  was  LeRoi  Jones.          Throughout  this  work  I  will  refer  to  him  as  “Amiri  Baraka,”  or  “Baraka”  in  spite  of  the  name  used  for  specific  publications.    For  a  compelling  reason  for  using  Baraka  see:  Fred  Moten,  In  the  Break:  The  Aesthetics  of  the  Black  Radical  Tradtion,  (Minneapolis:  University  of  Minnesota  Press,  2003),  271-­‐72,  note  1.  

113       Amiri   Baraka,“The   Changing   Same:   R&B   And   New   Black   Music,”   The   Black   Aesthetic,   ed.          Addison  Gayle,  (Doubleday  &  Co,  1971),  114.    

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and  deep  thought.    This  chapter  concerns  itself  with  articulating  a  methodology  

for  the  present  study  that  is  informed  by  the  cultural  norms  that  influenced  the  

developments,  practices,  and  functions  of  early  African  music.    It  does  this  by  

consistently  reaching  back  toward  the  earliest  known  developers  of  music  so  as  to  

connect  the  rituals  that  existed  in  the  music,  that  continued  in  America,  and  that  

exist  today.    The  task  is  one  of  accessing  social  memory  in  an  attempt  to  retrieve  a  

history  coded  with  meanings  that  has  been  suppressed  and/or  unimagined  as  a  

conceptual  whole.    As  such,  this  chapter  will  depart  from  standard  methodology  

chapters  by  identifying  archetypical  examples  of  African  musical  practice  and  

cultural  worldview  used  in  contexts  that  will  be  identified  later  as  consistent  with  

the  life  and  work  of  Coltrane.    

    Many  have  ventured  into  the  arena  of  African  music  research  and  Black  

American  music  and  its  roots  and  cultural  foundations.    Some  have  sought  to  

divorce  the  experiences  of  Blacks  in  the  Americas  and  the  music  that  they  would  

produce  from  African  music.  Black  American  music  would  emerge  as  a  marker  for  

Black  national  culture  and  national  identity.    There  are  those  that  have  sought  to  

ascribe  its  influences  and  inspirations  as  an  American  phenomenon  born  of  

enslaved  peoples  or  as  an  exclusive  American  creation.    Simultaneously,  there  have  

been  timekeepers  who  have  made  it  their  business  to  do  the  intellectual  heavy  

lifting  and  push  back  against  these  theorists  and  to  protect  and  preserve  this  rich  

musical  culture.  They  have  not  only  shown  the  cultural  ties  that  exist,  but  they  

have  also  sought  to  inscribe  meanings  to  the  culture  of  African  music.      

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      These  inquiries  have  been  mitigated  by  embracing  the  necessity  of  

beginning  the  research  with  the  earliest  impulses  of  music  creations.    Paramount  

to  this  research  is  stationing  the  developments  of  musical  productions  from  Africa  

beginning  with  Pharaonic  Egypt.    Encouraged  by  the  explicit  imperative,  “to  

examine  the  real  historical  record  of  the  entire  African  continent  from  the  

beginnings  of  recorded  history  to  the  present.”    The  challenge  to  this  research  is  

that  most  of  what  we  have  today  in  the  way  of  African  music  from  Egypt  is  

intersected  with  and/or  informed  by  more  recent  waves  of  invasion,  enslavement,  

and  colonialism.    However  daunting  this  challenge  is,  to  begin  outside  of  Egypt  

negates  the  long  arc  of  intellectual  musical  productions,  forms  and  functions  that  

would  influence  later  creations—both  within  and  outside  of  Africa.    Musician  and  

scholar  Karlton  Hester,  who  begins  his  exploration  into  African  music  before  the  

slave  trade  and  locates  it  in  Northern  Africa  primarily  Egypt,  114  affirms  the  

challenge  of  this  task  when  he  states:  

Exploring  the  complex  history  of  a  continent  as  large  and  diverse  as  Africa  within  a  few  introductory  pages  is  an  impossible  task.    But  it  is  possible  to  explore  the  origins  of  African  people  and  to  raise  relevant  questions  regarding  the  contexts  and  circumstances  within  which  “jazz”  emerged  and  evolved.115  

      Hester  is  correct  in  his  summation;  however,  his  observations  do  not  

exonerate  one  from  the  responsibility  of  retrieving  buried  traditions,  and  

114  Karlton  E.  Hester,  From  Africa  to  Afrocentric  Innovations  Some  Call  Jazz:  The  Afrocentric  Roots  of  Jazz  and  African  Music  in  the  Americas:  Antiquity-­‐1910:  Chapters  1-­‐4,  vol.  1.  (Hesteria  Records  &  Publishing  Company,  2000).  

115  Hester,  2.    

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reconnecting  the  disconnected.116    Where  does  the  African-­‐centered  scholar  begin  

her  departure  into  the  great  expanse  that  is  African  music?    The  links  that  have  

been  connected  between  both  Egyptian  and  West  Africa’s  musical  traditions  are  

meager.  Where  is  there  in  the  power  of  Black  music  the  possibility  of  ritualized,  

uninterrupted  dialogues  between  past  and  present  communities  of  Africans?  

Extending  Jon  Michael  Spencer’s  call  for  the  centrality  of  spirituality  in  the  

development  of  African-­‐centered  methodologies,  Marimba  Ani  suggests  that  

ritualized  space,  “Joins  the  spiritual  and  earthly  spheres.”117    As  such,  she  continues,  

“ritual  during  slavery  brought  the  spirits  and  our  ancestors  to  us.    In  spirit  

possession  we  became  spirits.    We  communicated  and  joined  our  ancestors.”118    

Ani’s  understanding  is  not  foreign  to  African  peoples.    The  practice  and  

participation  of  ritual  and  tradition  intersect.    However,  they  are  not  mutually  

exclusive  in  the  continuation,  preservation  and  improvisation  of  culture.    Whereas,  

tradition  is  the  what  of  the  cultural  practices,  ritual  is  the  why.    Tradition  

encompasses  the  what,  the  sensory  responses  and  development  of  one’s  culture.    It  

does  not,  however,  answer  the  why  or  completely  facilitate  the  continuance  and  

preservation  of  culture—this  is  the  function  of  ritual.    Ritual,  as  the  why  cements  

tradition  into  our  eternity.    Ritual  practices  are  the  refusal  to  move  away  from  the  

inherent  established  cultural  norms  of  a  people  in  spite  of  temporal  or  spatial  

changes.    Additionally,  ritual  as  why  enforces  to  the  next  generation  that  their  

116  See  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  chap.  11,  13.      117  Marimba  Ani,  Let  the  Circle  Be  Unbroken:  The  Implications  of  African  Spirituality  in  the        Diaspora  (New  York:  NkonimfoPublications,  1997),  26.  

118  Ibid.  

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existence  is  married  to  the  continuation  of  the  practice  of  culture  —e.g.,  dance,  

language,  spirituality,  deep  thought  and  music—for  reasons  that  may  or  may  not  

always  be  understood  but  instead  is  done  and  continued  because  it  always  has  

been  done.      

      What,  then,  are  rituals  that  are  born  of  African  music  that  allow  for  

communication  with  our  ancestors  as  the  first  step  to  creating  normative  theory  

for  examining  contemporary  Africana  musical  creations?    Rituals  emerge  in  the  

context  of  what  Jan  Vansina  identified  as  ‘true  traditions’  that  “transmit  evidence  

to  future  generations.”119  The  necessity  to  listen  to  the  wisdom  of  our  ancestors  is  

not  a  novel  cliché—it  is  axiomatic.    Armah  admonishes:  

I  like  to  think  the  scribes  who  created  the  literature  of  ancient  Egypt  sent  their  thoughts  out  into  the  universe  as  gifts  offerings  to  kindred  spirits,  past  and  future.    They  put  so  much  of  their  intelligence  and  energy  into  their  art  that  five  thousand  years  later,  their  images  and  words  still  speak  to  us,  telling  us  a  great  deal  we  need  to  know:  who  they  were,  what  they  looked  like,  what  they  thought  and  did.    If  we  listen  carefully  enough,  we  might  even  hear  them  suggest  what  we  can  learn  from  their  passage  here.120    

Scribed  texts  and  inscriptions  have  left  us  with  an  abundance  of  materials  to  piece  

back  together  that  which  has  been  lost,  incorrectly  researched,  or  largely  ignored.    

Armah  advises  that,  “The  material  and  intellectual  record  of  ancient  Egypt  leaves  

no  doubt  as  to  the  technical,  intellectual  and  artistic  skills  of  the  people  who  

119  Jan  Vansina,  “Oral  Tradition  and  Its  Methodology,”  General  History  of  Africa,  vol  1:  Methodlogy  and  African  Prehistory,  ed.  J.  Ki-­‐Zerbo  (Paris:  UNESCO,  1981),  144.  

120  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  210.      

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produced  ancient  Egyptian  civilizations.”121  Contemporary  music—especially  since  

the  advent  of  sheet  music  or  recording  machines—  offers  some  insight  into  music  

of  faraway  times  and  peoples.    Early  African  peoples’  ideas  are  conveyed  in  modern  

musical  approaches.    Sidney  Finkelstein  observed  that:    

There   is   music   to   be   heard   today   which   can   give   us  some  idea  of  the  character  of  this  ancient  music.  There  is   the   blues   music   brought   into   being   by   the   Negro  people   of   the   United   States   at   the   end   of   the  nineteenth   and   beginning   of   the   twentieth   century.    Such  music  has  ancient   roots  and   is  at   the  same  time  modern,   to   the  extent   that   it   reflects   the   feelings  and  struggles   of   people   today.     It   is   a   music   partly  traditional,   in   the   germ   melodic   shapes   that   it   uses  over  and  over  again,  and  partly  improvisational.122  

 African  music  has  ageless  roots;  roots  that  are  deserving  of  our  time  and  attention.    

Hester  queries,  “Why  is  it  important  to  glance  at  the  achievements  of  an  ancient  

African  music  and  its  sociocultural  past  to  understand  the  evolution  of  African  

American  music?”123    He  answers:  

We  are  left  with  perplexing  historical  inconsistencies  if  we  fail  to  provide  some  historical  background  to  offset  the  racist  propaganda  that  perpetuates  the  politics  and  mentality  of  the  slavery  era.  Understanding  that  important  ancient  kingdoms  existed  throughout  Africa,  not  only  in  Egypt  and  Nubia,  but  also  in  Ghana,  Mali,  Songhay,  Kanem-­‐Bornu,  Benin,  and  other  regions  of  the  African  continent,  challenges  stereotypical  notions  depicting  Africans  as  “savages”—a  notion  that  fails  to  explain  how  “socially  inferior”  African  Americans  invented  one  of  the  world’s  most  sophisticated,  

121  Ibid.,  226.      122  Sidney  Finklestein,  How  Music  Expresses  Ideas  (New  York:  International  Publishers,  1952),  12.    123  Hester,  From  Africa  to  Afrocentric  Innovations  Some  Call  Jazz,  4.  

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intriguing,  and  beautiful  genres  of  twentieth-­‐century  music.124    

Hester’s  hypophora  here  emphasizes  the  priority  of  national  self-­‐identities.    

Identities  are  molded  by  the  messages  and  memories  inscribed  into  a  group’s  

music.    Similarly,  Armah  admonishes  the  African-­‐centered  researcher  to  consider  

instances  in  available  text  and  literature,  “in  which  producers  of  ancient  Egyptian  

literature  and  African  oral  traditions  defined  the  identity  of  their  [own]  society.”125    

If  we  listen  ‘carefully  enough’,  even  the  most  remote  of  what  we  know  about  how  

they  incorporated  music  into  their  daily  lives,  can  be  of  benefit  to  our  research,  

analysis  and  research.    

    What  has  been  lost  can  be  retrieved.    Utilizing  the  Akan  proverb  of  the  

aforementioned  Sankofa  bird,  Armah  writes  that:    

The  bird  is  shown  in  mid-­‐flight:  history  flows  on.  Its  forward  motion  is  not  in  doubt;  nevertheless,  the  bird  is  aware  of  having  dropped  something  valuable,  indeed,  indispensable.  It  therefore  casts  its  vision  backward,  not  with  any  intention  of  reversing  time  and  returning  to  the  past  to  live  there,  but  with  the  purpose  of  retrieving  from  past  time  just  that  element  of  value  that  should  not  have  been  lost,  prior  to  continuing  its  interrupted  motion.126        

If  inclinations  of  ancient  rhythms  in  contemporary  music    are  to  be  found—

heard—today,  research  consideration  of  exemplars  such  as  John  Coltrane  must  be  

grounded  in  ‘casting  our  vision  backward’,  beginning  with  Egypt  and  panning  out  

124  Ibid.,  4-­‐5.      125  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  225.  126  Ibid.,  118.  

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to  West  Africa  for  our  consideration  of  Africa’s  musical  intellectual  origins  and  

normative  methodological  groundings.  

   

Certain   formulaic   phrases   used   in   ritual  ceremonies   occur   with   the   regularity   and  frequency   of   key   cultural   indicators.     One   such  phrase   is   an   invocation   to   all   the   protective  deities   of   the   Egyptian   universe.     Naturally,   it  requires  the  supplicant  priests  to  turn  in  all  four  directions  as  they  call  upon  the  “  .  .  .  neterw  resy,  mehtet,  imentet,  iabet.”  [gods  of  the  south,  north,  west,  east.]  

                             —Ayi  Kwei  Armah127    

It   appears   that   long   ago   [the   Egyptians]  determined   on   the   rule   .   .   .   that   the   youth   of   a  State  should  practice  in  their  rehearsals  postures  and  tunes  that  are  goods.    These  they  prescribed  in   detail   and   posted   up   in   temples,   and   outside  this   official   list   it   was,   and   still   is,   forbidden   to  painters  and  all  other  producers  of  postures  and  representations   to   introduce   any   innovation   or  invention,  whether  in  such  productions  or  in  any  other   branch   of   music,   over   and   above   the  traditional   forms   .   .   .   .    As  regards  music,   it  has  provided   possible   for   the   tunes   which   possess   a  natural   correctness   to   be   enacted   by   law   and  permanently  consecrated.    

            —Plato128    

Of  The  Sacred  And  Secular  In  Egyptian  Music:    Inscriptions  Of  The  Draughtsman,  Painters,  And  Sculptors  

      The  preceding  epigraphs  and  observations  highlight  the  intersections  of  

Egyptian  musical  philosophies.    Uninterrupted  conversations  with  our  ancestors  

127  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  230.  128  Plato,  Laws,  (trans.  R.G.  Bury:  Loeb  edition,  1967),  656-­‐57.  

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begin  with  acknowledging  the  integral  foundations  of  how  they  maintained  

relationships  with  the  spirit  world.    African  music  involved  the  artist  and  the  

musicians  but  at  all  points  included  the  spirit  world  or  the  Netcheru.129  

      Our  main  glimpse  into  the  world  of  early  Egyptian  music  is  through  the  

inscriptions  and  renderings  of  the  artists  of  the  time.    African  music,  Bebey  notes,  

“is  nearly  always  coupled  with  some  other  art  form  .  .  .  .”130    Because  specific  

musicians  remain  relatively  obscure  we  gain  glimpses  through  the  artists.    Lise  

Manniche  who  has  researched  and  written  extensively  about  early  Egyptian  music  

comments  that:  

The  Egyptian  artist  had  one  main  task:  to  render  his  subject  in  a  manner  which  was  to  him  the  correct  one.  While  pictorial  representations  abound  and  classical  authors  give  an  occasional  glimpse  of  musical  practices  in  Egypt,  literary  sources  concerning  Egyptian  music  are  in  general  meager.    Such  representation  on  public  and  private  monuments  are  carved  or  painted  with  great  accuracy  and  they  can  tell  us  a  good  deal  about  the  instruments  and  how  they  developed  over  time,  the  techniques  used  to  play  them  and  the  types  of  ensembles  that  were  enjoyed  at  different  periods.131    

It  is  through  an  examination  of  the  artist’s  renderings  of  Egyptian  musicians  and  

the  remaining  intact  instrument  artifacts132  that  we  gain  insight  into  the  

beginnings  of  the  earliest  of  African  music.    Manniche  states,  “Without  the  

draughtsman,  the  painter  and  the  sculptor  we  would  know  little  about  the  people  

129  For  an  introduction  to  Egyptian  spiritual  cosmologies  including  the  Netcheru,  see  Mfundishi        Jhutyms  Ka  n  Heru  Hassn  K  Sali’s  Spiritual  Healers  are  Warriors  (Kera  Jhuty  Heru  Neb-­‐Hu:  2003).  

130  Bebey,  African  Music,  14.  131  Lise  Manniche,  Music  and  Musicians  in  Ancient  Egypt  (British  Museum  Press,  1991),  9-­‐11.      132  See  note  59.      

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who  played  the  ancient  instruments,  many  of  which  have  survived.”133    These  

surviving  artifacts  and  instruments  provide  a  narrative  into  the  world  of  the  

Egyptian  musician.    They  are  material  and  intellectual  records.    Recordings,  which  

Armah  states,  “leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  technical,  intellectual  and  artistic  skills  of  

the  people  who  produced  ancient  Egyptian  civilizations.”134    In  addition  they  

address  the  uncertainties  of  what  music  said  about  their  own  identity.        

    Hester  places  Egyptian  music  into  three  categories:  the  secular,  the  sacred  

and  the  military.    These  categories  would  frequently  intersect  given  the  view  of  the  

sacred  and  secular  in  African  deep  thought.    Ashenafi  Kebede  does  not  locate  his  

observation  specifically  within  ancient  Egypt  but  they  are  worth  noting  here:    

Sacred  songs  in  general  serve  the  objectives  of  religious  worship;  the  human  voice  is  thus  used  as  a  medium  of  communication  with  the  supernatural,  with  a  god  or  gods,  to  enhance  religious  meditation  or  to  advance  peace  and  harmony  between  a  person  and  his  universe.    Chanting,  a  recitation  of  religious  texts,  is  used  to  appease  spirits  or  deities  in  both  monotheistic  and  polytheistic  religions  in  the  world.    We  discover  here  probably  the  most  important  of  all  functions  of  music:  a  person’s  desire  for  communication  with  the  unknown,  the  supernatural,  or  a  supreme  being  through  the  use  of  sacred  chants  and  songs.135    

The  four  major  categories  of  instruments  would  all  at  some  point  be  located  in  

ancient  Egypt:  membranophones,  (instruments  which  produce  a  sound  by  a  

vibrating  membrane);  aerophones,  (instruments  which  produce  sound  vibrating  

133  Manniche,  9.  134  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  226.  135  Ashenafi  Kebede,  Roots  of  Black  Music:  The  Vocal,  Instrumental  and  Dance  Heritage  of  Africa  and  Black  America  (New  Jersey:  Prentice  Hall,  1982),  4.      

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columns  of  air);  idiophones,  (instruments  which  produce  sound  in  of  themselves);  

and  chordophones,  (instruments  which  produce  sounds  from  vibrations  of  

strings).136    The  membranophones—drum  batteries  primarily—  while  almost  

always  associated  with  African  musical  types,  are  scarcely  depicted  before  the  12th  

Egyptian  Dynasty.137      Drums  in  processions  for  the  Netcheru  make  their  

appearance  along  with  military  styled  trumpets  during  and  prominently  after  the  

12th  Dynasties.    Iconographical  depictions  of  sacred  devoted  ceremonies  and  rituals  

showing  musicians  with  sistren,  lute,  harps,  and  lyres  accompanied  by  dancers  are  

prominent  throughout  Egypt  from  the  4th  Dynasty  on.  [see  Figure  1]  Depictions  of  

funeral  procession  during  these  periods  dominate  the  representation  of  musicians  

and  instruments.      

 

Figure  1.  Musicians  and  dancers.  Tomb  of  Niankhkhnum  and  Khnumhotep  at              Saqqara;  5th  Dynasty    

 

136  See  Lise  Manniche’s  Ancient  Egyptian  Musical  Instruments  (Berlin:  Deutscher  Kunstverlag,  1975),  which  categorizes  and  illustrates  Pharaonic  era  musical  instruments,  as  well  as  Kwabena  Nketia’s  The  Music  of  Africa,  chapters  6  through  9  for  a  detailed  explanation  of  these  categories  within  the  context  of  West  African  musical  origins  and  performances.      

137  Throughout  this  section  refereneces  to  various  periods  of  Egyptian  kingdoms  and  dynasties  will  be  sited.    A  detailed  explanation  or  chrnological  timeline  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this  research.  For  a  clear,  beginner’s  chronology  and  historiography  of  the  Pharonic  periods  of  Egypt,  see  UNESCO’s  General  History  of  Africa  vol  2:  Ancient  Civilizations  of  Africa,  ed.  G.  Mokhtar  (PaParis,  1990),  62-­‐78.          

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Manniche  notes  that:  

Most  representation  of  musicians  stem  from  the  tombs  of  private  individuals,  officials  of  the  king,  servants  of  the  gods,  workmen  and  so  on.    Temple  walls  also  bear  some  musical  representations,  but  mainly  in  connection  with  public  feasts  and  processions.  It  is  on  the  monuments  of  private  individuals  that  we  find  representations  of  music  as  part  of  the  cult  of  the  gods.    For  example,  a  singer  of  the  god  Amun  would  set  up  a  commemorative  slab  portraying  himself  playing  his  harp  and  singing  face  to  face  with  a  deity.138    

Artist  inscriptions  also  give  us  insight  into  the  relationships  between  music  and  

Egyptian  cosmological  beliefs.    One  such  depiction  is  found  in  a  staircase  wall  in  

the  temple  of  Heset  in  Dendera.    Heset,  representative  of  music,  dance,  love,  

fertility  and  what  Manniche  classifies  as  cosmic  music  has  at  this  temple  a  hymn  

penned  for  her:    

  The  sky  and  its  stars  make  music  to  you.     The  sun  and  the  moon  praise  you.     The  gods  exalt  you.     The  goddesses  sing  to  you.139  

Manniche  states  that,  “The  concept  of  cosmic  music  may,  however,  have  more  

ancient  roots.”140    There  are  countless  artist  renderings  in  the  Middle  Kingdom  

 (-­‐2060  —  -­‐1785)  of  cosmological  drawings  involving  musicians.    One  depiction  

noted  by  Manniche  is  set  in  the  open  air  with  a  harpist  playing  a  six-­‐stringed  harp  

with  six  red  disks  above  his  head.    On  one  tomb  a  passage  has  been  inscribed  on  a  

wall  that  refers  to  the  owner  having,  “danced  like  the  planets  of  the  sky.”    

138  Manniche,  10-­‐11.      139  Ibid.,  12.  140  Ibid.      

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Manniche  suggests  that,  “It  is  just  possible  that  this  is  rare  evidence  from  the  

Pharaonic  Period  of  the  idea  of  ‘universal  harmony’  in  an  astronomical-­‐musical  

sense,  which  is  expressed  more  explicitly  in  later  writings.”141    Lacking  the  training,  

cultural  orientation  or  intellectual  predisposition  to  place  the  tomb’s  passage  

within  the  context  of  traditional  African  life,  Manniche  misses  an  opportunity  to  

uncover  a  strong  connection  between  man/women  and  the  universe  as  viewed  in  

Ancient  Egyptian  and  broader  African  cosmological  and  intellectual  contexts..    The  

passage  does  illustrate,  however,  the  harmonic  necessity  of  Egyptian  life  with  the  

natural  world;  including  the  unchartered  universe—the  unknown.      Francis  Bebey  

firmly  states:  

But,  whereas  Western  music  is  rather  an  inadequate  form  of  expression,  the  same  can  by  no  means  be  said  of  African  music.    The  African  musician  does  not  attempt  to  imitate  nature  by  means  of  musical  instruments;  he  reverses  the  procedure  by  taking  natural  sounds  and  incorporating  them  in  to  his  music.  To  the  uninitiated  this  may  result  in  cacophony,  but  in  fact  each  sound  has  a  particular  meaning,  as  those  who  have  had  firsthand  experience  of  African  life  can  testify.142  

 Manniche  for  all  of  her  contributions143  fails  here  to  consider  that  traditions  are  

literary  and  musical  works,  and  should  as  Vansina  suggested  be,  “studied  as  such,    

141  Ibid.  (emphasis  added)  142  Bebey,  African  Music,  3.  143  Lise  Manniche  is  a  European  scholar  who  has  written  extensively  on  Egyptian  cultures.  Her  foci  include  Egyptian  music,  perfumes,  cosmetics,  medicinal  herbs  and  sex.  Her  training  is  not  centered  in  an  African  way  of  knowing  and  doing  but  the  intellectual  lifting  that  she  has  done  is  worthy  of  consideration.  John  Henrik  Clarke’s  statement  is  worth  noting  here  [his  remarks  were  not  in  reference  to  Manniche,  but  instead  were  directed  at  Lady  Lugard],  “In  spite  of  her  confusions,”  her  efforts  cannot  be  ignored.    My  use  of  Manniche  then  in  this  work  is  much  like  Clarke’s  approach  to  White  researchers.    Clarke  summarizes,  “That  don’t  mean  I  ignore  books  written  by  Whites,  

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just  as  it  is  necessary  to  study  the  social  environment  which  underlies  the  content  

of  every  expression  of  a  given  culture.”144    Manniche’s  suggestion  of  a  “universal  

harmony”  approach  to  musical  instructions  and  productions  aptly  invokes  the  

influence  of  music  on  the  day-­‐to-­‐day  lives  of  the  community.    

      The  developments  of  specific  sounds,  rhythms,  and  functions  of  music  

would  be  carried  out  of  Egypt  and  into  the  various  geographical  spaces  that  

marked  subsequent  waves  of  African  migration.    They  would  take  these  normative  

concepts  with  them  and  adapt  them  to  their  current  lived  conditions  and  the  

natural  environmental  changes.    Analysis  of  these  adaptations  to  their  particular  

natural  environments  offers  some  understanding  of  the  subtle  and  pronounced  

material  instrument  changes  that  we  find  throughout  Western  Africa  as  compared,  

for  instance,  to  its  Northern  regions.    Let  us  now  consider  a  few  areas  of  daily  life  

that  evidence  the  incorporation  of  music  within  Pharaonic  Egyptian  communities.  

Work  Songs,  Secular  Songs,  The  Divine,  And  Initiations  

      Much  of  what  we  know  about  secular,  work  and  devotional  praise  music  in  

the  African  tradition  begins  with  Africans  in  America.    A  large  area  of  the  literature  

concerning  itself  with  Black  music’s  culture  and  history  dedicates  tremendous  

amounts  of  research  to  the  work,  the  leisure  and  the  spiritual  songs.    This  

truncated  genealogy  carries  the  same  normative  flaws  as  the  afore-­‐discussed   because  I  ain’t  no  fool.    I  know  Whites  have  done  some  monumental  work  we  need  to  look  at.    They’ve  had  the  money,  and  they’ve  had  the  research  skills,  and  I  will  not  ignore  them.”    See  Clarke,  “The  World  War  Against  African  History  Since  1968,”  ed.  Greg  Kimathi  Carr,  Compass:  Critical  Commentaries  (The  Association  for  the  Study  of  Classical  African  Civilizations,  2014),  31.    See  also  Greg  Carr  in  Jared  Ball’s  I  Mix  What  I  Like!  A  Mixtape  Manifesto,  (Oakland:  AK  Press,  2011),  9.    (epigraph)  

144  Vansina,  “Oral  Tradition  and  its  Methodology,”  144.  

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linkage  of  Black  American  Music  exclusively  with  its  American  context.  While  this  

is  an  important  area  worthy  of  research  the  long  arc  of  the  field  of  inquiry  requires  

that  we  go  back  farther.      

      The  origins  of  the  musical  cultures  and  their  functions  poured  out  of  Nile  

Valley  civilizations;  through  migration,  germinated  in  newly  formed  nation  

groups;  and  finally,  improvised  and  adapted  to  the  circumstances  of  the  Americas.    

Establishing  the  origins  of  this  area  of  music  in  America  dismembers  this  

genealogy  and  excises  a  consideration  of  the  contributions  of  the  early  Nile  Valley  

African  periods.    To  disregard  these  contributions—to  not  listen—  is  to  divorce  

scholarly  researcher  from  the  possibility  of  conversations  with  our  earliest  of  

ancestors.    Armah’s  wise  admonition—though  specifically  addressing  concerns  of  

land  ownership—is  extremely  valuable  to  this  conversation:  

What  if  the  dead  ancestors  want  to  tell  us  that  the  things  to  do,  if  we  find  petroleum  under  our  soil,  is  not  to  sell  any  of  it  at  all  but  to  keep  it  here,  to  find  out  what  those  so  eager  to  take  it  off  out  hands  [plan  to]  do  with  it,  and  to  do  it  here  if  that  is  the  intelligent  thing  to  do?  Listen  with  your  mind.  The  message  of  African  ancestors  is  that  if  we  knew  who  we  are,  and  what  our  continent  is  worth,  we  would  not  be  selling  anything  but  what  we  make  with  our  brains  and  hands  and  machines,  at  fixed  prices  by  ourselves.145  

 

What  the  Blacks  of  the  Nile  developed  as  normative  in  relation  to  their  music  

should  be  examined,  analyzed  and  then  carried  forward  into  contemporary  

considerations  of  Black  music.    The  knowledge  that  was  left,  that  music  critics  

145  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  237.      

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charged  artists  such  as  John  Coltrane  as  exploring  under  “Eastern”  influences  and  

that  is  still  being  communicated,  is  vital  for  creating  a  salient  Africana  Studies  

methodology.  

      The  sacred  and  secular  songs  considered,  in  an  optimal  geographical  space  

and  time  context,  allow  us  to  begin  the  narrative  of  a  people’s  relationship  to  

music  more  accurately.    Amiri  Baraka  notes  in  Blues  People  that,  “Undoubtedly,  

none  of  the  African  prisoners  broke  out  into  ‘St.  James  Infirmary’  the  minute  the  

first  of  them  were  herded  off  the  ship.  We  also  know  that  the  first  African  slaves,  

when  they  worked  in  those  fields,  if  they  sang  or  shouted  at  all,  sang  or  shouted  in  

some  pure  African  dialect.”146      

      Works  songs  in  particular  are  understood  as  songs  that  grew  out  of  day-­‐to-­‐

day  labor  experiences.    These  songs  were  consequently  sung,  altered,  and  passed  

on  from  adult  to  child.    The  child  in  turn  continued  these  songs  as  they  entered  

the  work  force.      Eileen  Southern  situates  her  characterization  of  the  work  song  in  

the  antebellum  American  South.  Time  and  space  notwithstanding  her  definition  is  

worth  noting  here:  

Singing  accompanied  all  kinds  of  work,  whether  it  consisted  of  picking  cotton,  threshing  rice,  stripping  tobacco,  harvesting  sugar  cane,  or  simply  doing  the  endless  jobs  on  the  plantation,  such  as  clearing  away  the  underbrush  or  repairing  fences.    Music  served  the  double  function  of  alleviating  the  monotony  of  the  work  and,  at  the  same  time,  spurring  workers  on  to  fresh  efforts.      

146  Jones,  Blues  People,  xi.    

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A  different  type  of  song  was  that  of  the  lone  worker  as  he  went  about  his  assignment  of  mending  fences  or  building  a  barn  or  cooking  a  meal.  Tempo,  text,  melody—all  these  things  reflected  his  mood  of  the  moment.147    

    A  long-­‐view  theoretical  methodology  extends  Eileen  Southern’s  spatial  and  

temporal  placement  of  the  work  songs  prior  to  enslavement.    Such  a  method,  

applied  in  this  dissertation,  insists  that  the  world  that  John  Coltrane  and  his  

immediate  elders  and  ancestors  inherited  from  the  Africans  created  in  America  

was  an  extension  of  worlds  that  they  lived  in  before  enslavement.    These  were  

cultures  that  thrived  before  their  lives  came  into  existence;  it  was  an  inherited  

culture  that  they  were  born  of  and  into.    As  such  the  work  songs  that  Southern  

describes  do  not  have  their  generative  moment  on  American  soil,  but  are  instead  a  

perpetually  renewing  staple  of  African  life,  growing  each  generation  along  a  

continuous  line  of  historical  cultural  production.    Contrasting  differences  in  

traditional  African  music  and  European  music,  John  Roberts  suggests  that:  

African  music  differs  from  European  music  in  that  it  is  much  more  functional.    Up  to  a  point  all  music  anywhere  has  a  function:  to  please  the  gods,  or  to  make  work  go  better,  or  simply  to  give  pleasure.  Yet  there  is  no  doubt  that  in  Africa  it  is  more  closely  bound  up  with  the  details  of  daily  living  than  in  Europe.  There  is  an  immense  amount  of  music  for  special  purposes.148  

 As  was  previously  noted,  because  there  was  little  to  no  separation  between  the  

sacred  and  the  secular  in  the  African  worldview,  it  is  possible  to  consider  how  

147  Eileen  Southern,  The  Music  of  Black  Ameircans:  A  History,  2nd  ed.  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton  &  Co,  1983),  160.  

148  John  Storm  Roberts,  Black  Music  of  Two  Worlds  (Praeger  Publishers,  1972),  5.  (emphasis          added)  

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complimentary  to  the  full  arc  of  daily  living  music  produced  for  these  settings  

could  be.    Agordoh  states,  “In  Africa,  stress  is  placed  upon  musical  activity  as  an  

integral  and  functioning  part  of  the  society.    Music  is  used  for  initiation  

ceremonies,  rituals  and  sacrifices,  death  and  funerals  for  work,  hunting  and  for  

healing.”149    What  is  needed  is  a  proper  context  to  situate  these  purposes.    Sterling  

Stuckey  cautions  that:  

Too  often  the  spirituals  are  studied  apart  from  their  natural,  ceremonial  context.    The  tendency  has  been  to  treat  them  as  a  musical  form  unrelated  to  dance  and  certainly  unrelated  to  particular  configurations  of  dance  and  dance  rhythm.    Abstracted  from  slave  ritual  performance,  including  burial  ceremonies,  they  appear  to  be  under  Christian  influence  to  a  disproportionate  extent.    Though  the  impact  of  Christianity  on  them  is  obvious  and  considerable,  the  spirituals  take  on  an  altogether  new  coloration  when  one  looks  at  slave  religion  on  the  plantations  where  most  slaves  were  found  and  where  African  religion,  contrary  to  accepted  scholarly  wisdom,  was  practiced.150    

Returning  to  the  abundant  corpus  of  artist  renderings  of  music  in  Pharaonic  Egypt,  

we  gain  insight  into  the  context  of  classical  African-­‐era  work  songs.    Work  songs  

could  be  depicted  in  hunting  narratives  as  well.    Instruments  depicted  in  these  

settings  included:  clappers,  rattles,  jingles,  flute  and  the  body—not  just  limited  to  

clapping—other  parts  of  the  body  were  slapped  to  vibrate  musical  sounds.      

149  Agordoh,  Studies  in  African  Music,  28.  150  Sterling  Stuckey,  Slave  Culture:  Nationalist  Theory  &  the  Foundations  of  Black  America  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  1987),  27.  

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Manniche  suggests  that,  prior  to  the  Pharaonic  periods,  the  evidence  of  work  

songs  reliefs  are  very  difficult  to  interpret.151    While  depictions  of  labor  requiring  

rhythmic  synchronicity  which  imply  music  can  be  found  in  reliefs  from  as  early  as  

the  so-­‐called  Old  Kingdom  (c.  3100-­‐2500  b.c.e.)  some  of  the  earliest  distinct  

depictions  of  African  work  songs  can  be  found  from  a  building  from  the  New  

Kingdom  period  of  Akhenaten  at  el-­‐Amarna  dated  around  1365  B.C.    This  scenic  

relief  drawing  shows  women  in  a  highly  wooded  area  with  tambourines—both  

round  and  rectangular—in  hand,  scaring  birds  from  trees.  [see  Figure  2]  

 

 

Figure  2.  Relief  from  a  building  of  Akhenaten  at  el-­‐Amarna.  Scaring  birds  with            tambourines.    Bebey’s  representation  of  the  hunter-­‐gatherer  groups  in  Central  Africa  underscores  

the  continuance  of  work  and  music  conjoining.    He  notes:  

This  communal  music  may  be  quite  elaborate  in  form,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Pygmies  who  inhabit  the  equatorial  forest.    They  live  by  hunting,  gathering,  wild  fruits,  and  bartering  with  villages  on  the  edge  of  the  forest;  all  their  daily  occupations  are  accompanied  by  music.152  

151  Manniche,  Music  and  Musicians,  16.  152  Bebey,  African  Music,  18.      

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 The  connection  of  the  fusion  of  music  and  life  in  Central  Africa  takes  on  a  

particular  significance  to  the  methodology  applied  in  this  dissertation:  The  West-­‐

Central  African  cosmologies  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  share  deep  regional  affinities  with  

Central  Africans,  including  a  veneration  of  nature,  small-­‐group  governance  

structure  and  collaborative  structure  for  music-­‐making.    Further,  elements  of  the  

Bantu-­‐Kongo  Cosmogram,  which  provides  the  primary  lens  for  the  present  study’s  

examination  of  the  life  and  work  of  John  Coltrane  as  African  musical  exemplar  can  

be  found  among  these  populations.  

    During  the  era  of  Pharaonic  Egypt’s  Old  Kingdom,  boating  scenes  are  

prominently  depicted,  which  Manniche  suggests  “show(s)  how  a  musical  

instrument  could  also  be  used  to  flush  out  water-­‐fowl.”153    One  depiction  shows:    

A  light  papyrus  boat  being  manoeuvred  [sic]  through  the  marshes  by  an  oarsman  and  a  helmsman,  while  two  men  stand  in  the  boat.  A  boy  holding  two  decoy  birds  in  one  hand  blows  into  a  tube.    Unfortunately  the  relief  is  damaged  and  the  lower  end  of  the  instrument  is  missing,  but  it  has  been  tentatively  interpreted  as  a  trumpet.    If  so,  it  would  be  the  earliest  example  of  such  an  instrument  in  Egypt,  but  it  may  equally  well  be  a  megaphone.  The  trumpet’s  primitive  ancestor,  or  a  reed  instrument;  it  may  even  be  a  blowpipe  and  not  a  musical  instrument  at  all.154    

The  text  of  this  scene  can  be  read  from  several  areas  of  interest.    The  possibility  of  

an  early  aerophone  developmental  chronology  is  one  reading  of  this  depiction.    

This  historical  genealogy  of  the  aerophone  is  satisfactory  enough  for  the  music  

153  Manniche,  Music  and  Musicians,  17.  154  Ibid.  

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researcher.    As  Manniche  notes,  the  tube  being  blown  by  the  boy  could  possibly  be  

an  early  trumpet.    If  not  a  trumpet,  then  possibly  an  earlier  rudimental  instrument  

of  the  same  family:  perhaps  the  megaphone.    The  chronology  within  this  depiction  

locates  one  of  the  earliest  of  non-­‐membranophone  instruments  of  the  African  Nile  

Valley.    

    Another  area  of  interest  in  this  relief  that  contributes  greatly  to  the  

construction  of  Africana  Studies  research  methodology  for  the  study  of  African  

musical  cultural  norms  and  archetypes  concerns  the  passengers  in  the  boat.    Less  

pronounced,  but  immensely  significant  to  this  conversation,  is  the  depiction  of  the  

two  boatmen,  the  two  men  standing  and  the  singular  boy.    The  numeric  notations  

are  not  necessarily  of  import  here.    What  is  significant  to  this  reading  is  the  

possibility  of  an  artistic  rendering  of  ritualized  musical  apprenticing  taking  place  

in  this  relief.    We  cannot  glance  over  the  presence  of  the  “boy”  figure  among  men  

who  is  allowed  to  grasp  the  decoy  birds  and  play  an  instrument.    A  major  aspect  of  

the  musical  tradition  of  African  music,  regardless  of  setting,  was  the  initiation  of  

musicians  through  apprenticing.      

    What  can  we  take  from  this  relief  for  an  emerging  methodology?    One  

possibility  is  that  the  “boy”  figure’s  presence  is  inconsequential  to  the  hunting  

process  depicted  in  this  work  setting.    Though,  from  what  has  been  widely  

researched  regarding  African  hunting  groups,  we  can  with  some  level  of  certainty  

conclude  that  it  is  highly  unlikely  that  just  anyone  was  allowed  to  accompany  

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hunters  on  expedition;  it  in  of  its  self  being  a  sacred  act.155    In  addition  the  

functionality  of  the  “boy’s”  instrument—  to  ‘flush  out  waterfowl’—underscores  a  

process  of  selection,  guidance  and  training.    If  we  argue  that  his  playing  was  not  to  

draw  out  prey  we  still  have  to  conclude  that  a  certain  level  of  efficiency  is  still  

needed  to  perform  even  the  simplest  of  notes,  sounds,  and  or  songs  on  the  

aerophone  that  he  is  in  possession  of.    This  would  dovetail  with  continuing  

expectations  of  apprenticeship  in  global  African  music  traditions.  

    Let  us  refer  to  Bebey  to  extend  the  frame  of  this  conversation.    Bebey  

establishes  two  basic  facts  regarding  African  musical  cultures:  1.  That  music  is  an  

intricate  part  of  African  life,  “from  the  cradle  to  the  grave”  and  2.  That  music  in  

Africa  “covers  the  widest  possible  range  of  expression,  including  spoken  language  

and  all  manner  of  natural  sounds.”156    Bebey  states  that  these  two  facts  would  make  

one  conclude  that,  “everyone  in  Africa  must,  by  definition,  be  a  musician.”157    This  

conclusion  could  incorrectly  be  made  of  the  “boy”  figure  as  well.      

      The  role  of  apprenticing  within  African  communities  is  crystalized  when  

the  contents  of  the  boating  relief  are  aligned  with  Bebey’s  musical  inferences.    

Participation  in  African  ritual  musical  ceremonies  was  not  open  to  all.    One  was  

invited,  trained,  and  initiated.    Bebey  states,  “Strict  rules  govern  the  choice  of  

155  The  Ndembu  people  of  Zambia  for  instance  perform  the  Isoma  ritual  as  one  of  their  chidikas  (special  engagement  or  obligation).    The  Isoma  chidika  deals  with  procreation.    During  the  Isoma—accompanied  by  male  and  female  singers—a  Wuyag’a  initiation  is  performed  for  inclusion  into  the  hunter  cult.    See  Victor  Turner,  The  Ritual  Process:  Structure  and  Anti  Structure  (Chicago:  Aldine  Publishing,  1969),  4-­‐37.      

156  Bebey,  African  Music,  17.  157  Ibid.  

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instruments  to  be  used  on  specific  occasions  and  the  musicians  who  are  permitted  

to  play  them.”158      

      Nketia  underscores  Bebey’s  position  when  he  notes,  “Since  the  success  of  a  

musical  event  depends  to  a  large  extent  on  good  musical  leadership,  the  

recruitment  of  musicians  is  something  of  prime  concern  to  social  groups,  

especially  where  performances  are  based  on  differential  participation  and  role  

distribution  that  demand  specialization.”159        

      Musical  training  in  Egypt  did  occur  informally;  such  as  parents  singing  to  

their  young  children,  or  older  children  hearing  simple  work  songs160  such  as  the  

following  call-­‐and-­‐response  performance  found  commonly  above  tombs  of  the  Old  

Kingdom:  

  Q:  O  West!    Where  is  the  shepherd,  the  shepherd,  the  shepherd  of     the  West?  

  A:  The  shepherd  is  in  the  water  with  the  fish.    He  speaks  with  the               phagos-­‐fish  and  converses  with  the  oxyrhnchus-­‐fish.161      

 Still,  however,  a  highly  specialized  process  for  selection  and  training  of  musicians  

for  important  positions  and  events  shepherded  the  development  of  apprentice  

musicians.    

      Nketia  notes  that  customs  of  the  Baganda  people  of  East  Central  Africa  

dictates  that  anyone  aspiring  to  be  a  flutist  of  the  royal  ensemble  had,  “to  be  in  

attendance  at  the  Palace  from  the  age  of  ten  to  twelve  years,  until  he  had  learned  

158  Ibid.  (emphasis  added)  159  Nketia,  The  Music  of  Africa,  56.    160  See  Agordoh,  Studies  in  African  Music,  chap.  3,  for  additional  instances  of  parental  led  musical  training.  

161  Manniche,  Music  and  Musicians,  17.  (emphasis  added)  

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to  play  the  instrument  well  and  had  “listened  to  the  ensemble  for  several  years.”162  

Many  of  these  young  musicians  were  live  in  students  who  trained  with  relatives,  

fathers  or  master  musicians.  The  sacred  selection  of  musicians  was  so  important  

that  it  sometimes  went  beyond  the  realm  of  the  living.  On  some  occasions  it  

involved  spirit  mediation.    Recalling  a  conversation  with  a  Baule  musician  of  West  

Africa,  Bebey  tells  us:  

Because  of  a  dream—or  a  vision—a  man  who  never  touched  a  musical  instrument  before  in  his  life  became  the  best  harp-­‐lute  player  in  his  region.    How  did  he  intend  to  pass  on  his  art?  Would  he  teach  his  own  children  to  play  or  did  he  look  upon  it  as  a  personal  gift?    Here  is  his  own  reply:  “I’m  not  dead  yet,  so  I  can’t  teach  anyone  else  to  play  the  instrument.    When  I  die  the  dwarf-­‐genii  will  choose  my  successor.  It  could  even  be  someone  who  isn’t  a  member  of  my  family.163  

 Bebey  insists  that  this  recollection  is  not  one  of  naivety  but  instead  demonstrates  

the  association  between  humans  and  music,  a  “mystical,  almost  magical  

relationship”164  between  these  two  entities.  The  relationship  of  the  spirit  world  and  

the  musician  are  affirmed  in  this  final  statement  of  Bebey’s  conversation  with  the  

Baule  musician:  

This  story  also  demonstrates  that  people  sometimes  learn  to  play  an  instrument  because  they  have  been  more  or  less  forced  to  do  so.    Music  is  a  communal  undertaking  and  people  tend  to  become  musicians  not  so  much  from  personal  vocation  as  from  a  need  to  fulfill  a  social  obligation.165    

162  Nketia,  The  Music  of  Africa,  61-­‐62.  163  Bebey,  African  Music,  20.  164  Ibid.    165  Ibid.,  22.  

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    This  intersection  of  spirit  and  musicianship  in  the  African  worldview  is  an  

unambiguous  relationship.    If  engaged  and  properly  contextualized,  the  work,  

secular  and  sacred  songs  depicted  on  reliefs,  inscribed  on  tombs,  and  elsewhere  in  

Pharaonic  Egypt,  can  greatly  aid  future  approaches  to  African  music  research.    

Note  again  Nketia’s  observation,  “So  far,  the  importance  of  the  music  of  Africa  in  

historical  studies  of  Afro-­‐American  music  has  tended  to  be  seen  more  as  providing  

a  point  of  departure  than  as  something  that  continues  to  be  relevant  to  the  

present.”166  

Our  Chronological  Homework:    (Re)  Inscribing  The  Framework  For  Interpretation  

      In  most  areas  of  African  music,  then,  if  the  starting  point  of  investigation  

begins  with  Pharaonic  Egypt,  the  spirituals  of  the  American  South  will  not  be  

researched  in  isolation  as  only  a  response  to  harsh  social  conditions,  but  integrated  

as  part  of  a  protracted  rich  cultural  history  and  living  genealogy.    This  kind  of  

genealogical  research  prioritizes  the  humanity  of  the  group  in  question  as  opposed  

to  privileging  the  hierarchy  in  rule.    To  avoid  these  links—  to  not  do  as  Clarke  says,  

“our  chronological  homework”167—  is  disastrous  to  the  field  of  African  music  

research.      

166  Nketia,  “The  Study  of  African  and  Afro-­‐American  Music,”  8.  167  Clarke  warns  that  the  world  war  against  our  history  and  our  place  in  history  continues.    One  key  element  in  this  war  he  posits  was  the  attempt  to  “say  Egypt  was  a  part  of  western  Asia  or  a  part  of  Europe.”    To  combat  this  affront  he  admonishes  African-­‐centered  scholars  to,  “understand  Nile  Valley  chronology.”    If  scholars  understood  and  did  not  ignore  or  “write  off”  these  important  chronologies  in  Egyptian  history,  they  would  avoid  being  “goddamned  lazy  scholars  [that]  haven’t  done  [their]  work.”    See  Clarke,  “The  World  War  against  African  History  since  1968,”  27.      

 

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    The  major  focus  in  African  music  research  continues  to  neatly  carve  away  

pieces  of  these  communities  and  to  develop  interpretive  narratives  in  almost  

complete  isolation.    This  continues  despite  attempts  in  what  Greg  Carr  has  called  

“Disciplinary  Africana  Studies”  to  ensure  that  the  existence  of  prior  influences  is  

no  longer  written  out  of  the  history.    Well-­‐established  erroneous  research  

approaches  to  the  study  of  African  music  include  the  continuing  partitioning  of  

Pharaonic  Egypt  away  from  Africa  and  positing  its  original  musical  traditions  as  

Northern  and  Arab;  trekking  almost  exclusively  to  West  Africa  in  search  of  the  

drum  and  dance;  and  traversing  across  the  Atlantic  to  beginning  the  musical  

traditions  of  African  people  there  with  enslavement.    This  pastiche  approach,  like  

many  others,  is  rendered  useless  in  an  Africana  Studies  methodological  context  

that  privileges  the  long  narrative  of  African  cultural  contributions.      

    Scholarship  has  yet  to  undertake  the  serious  tracing  of  pathways  of  ritual  

preservation  by  which  what  has  been  dichotomized  as  “sacred”  and  “secular”  music  

and  song  was  deposited  in  West  Africa  as  communities  and  families  migrated  

south  out  of  Egypt.    Our  understanding  of  the  music  produced  in  more  recent  eras  

and  its  functions  are  not  as  limited  as  that  of  the  music  of  Pharaonic  Egypt.    The  

migration  of  Africans  out  of  Egypt  did  not  detach  them  from  the  roots  of  their  

cultural  norms.    Nketia  notes  that:  

When  we  turn  to  the  rest  of  Africa,  we  find  African  societies  whose  musical  cultures  not  only  have  their  historical  roots  in  the  soil  of  Africa,  but  which  also  form  a  network  of  distinct  yet  related  traditions  which  overlap  in  certain  aspects  of  style,  practice,  or  usage,  

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and  share  common  features  of  internal  pattern,  basic  procedure,  and  contextual  similarities.    These  related  musical  traditions  constitute  a  family  distinct  from  those  of  the  West  or  the  Orient  in  their  area  of  emphasis.      The  most  important  characteristic  of  this  family  of  musical  traditions  is  the  diversity  of  expressions  it  accommodates,  a  diversity  arising  from  different  applications  of  common  procedures  and  usages.    In  part,  this  may  be  the  outcome  of  the  complex  historical  grouping  of  African  peoples  into  societies  ranging  from  as  few  as  two  thousand  people  to  as  many  as  fifteen  million.168      

    The  initial  work  of  Bebey  and  Nketia  in  the  mid  1950’s  to  the  late  60’s,  

began  to  displace  the  era  of  little  being  known  about  ‘Authentic  African  music.’169    

Nketia  and  Bebey  sought  to  introduce  the  world  to  traditional  African  music.    

Their  refusal  to  abridge  or  co-­‐op  these  long  standing  tradition  have  laid  the  

groundwork  that  future  scholars  similarly  committed  can  build  upon.    The  

research  was  not  to  be  insulated;  however  the  field  continues  to  have  to  be  

protected  and  developed.    Bebey  noted  that  the  field  had  attracted  sparse  ‘public  

attention’  and  that  it  may  it  part  be  “because  it  has  previously  been  described  in  

terms  that  have  tended  to  imprison  it  inside  the  covers  of  scholarly  treatises  

instead  of  making  it  accessible  to  all  men.”170      

    The  music  of  West  Africa  is  a  continuum  of  traditions  born  out  of  and  

resembling  the  cultural  norms  of  Pharaonic  Egypt.    Incumbent  upon  the  African-­‐

centered  researcher  is  an  imperative  to  always  start  from  the  beginning.    Consider  

168  Nketia,  Music  of  Africa,  4.  169  Bebey,  African  Music,  1.  170  Ibid.,  vi.    

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the  aforementioned  reliefs,  tomb  inscriptions  and  material  findings.  These  

artifacts  of  the  varying  periods  of  Pharaonic  Egypt  aid  tremendously  in  our  

understanding  of  the  fabric  from  whom  the  contemporary  work,  secular  and  

spiritual  songs  were  spun.    It  is  vital  that  we  connect  these  narratives.    The  

challenge  that  the  African-­‐centered  scholar  is  faced  with  is  one  of  disengagement.    

How  do  we  decouple  our  research  from  established  traditions?    This  is  the  

question  constantly  hovering  above  and  around  our  work.    If  we  research  music  of  

African  origins,  would  an  application  of  Western  standards  (read:  methodologies)  

ever  correctly  convey  the  correct  rhythms  (read:  analysis)  that  we  seek  to  establish.    

Manniche,  with  all  of  her  access  to  original  texts,  would  not  consider  associating  

the  styles  and  functions  of  work  songs  during  the  10th  dynasty  of  Egypt,  to  the  

hunter  melodies  of  the  Yoruba,  with  the  field  hollers  of  an  enslaved  Akan  woman  

in  Hazlehurst,  Mississippi.    The  charge  to  develop  methods  that  will  is  not  

Manniche’s.    This  is  not  an  indictment  of  her  research.    Africana  Studies  work  does  

not  require  interpretation  from  outsiders.    Note  Kofie’s  remarks  on  this  matter:  

All  too  often  African  scholars  are  accused  of  echoing  their  master’s  voices  without  finding  out  how  what  they  may  have  learnt  applies  to  African  reality.    This  is  an  attempt  to  use  some  of  the  methods  of  a  discipline  to  solve  African  problems.  The  book  deals  with  pertinent  issues  in  African  music  but  makes  references  to  non-­‐African  music  where  necessary.    The  reason  is  simply  that  African  music  is  rediscovering  itself  after  interacting  with  Western  music.    Many  if  not  all  the  terms  used  in  describing  African  music  are  “Eurocentric”  and  can  only  be  understood  from  the  European  point  of  view.171  

171  Kofie,  Contemporary  African  Music,  2.    

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 The  western  origins  of  African  music  research  are  evident.    The  African-­‐centered  

researcher  has  to  imagine  new  approaches  to  properly  convey  the  ideas  of  these  

musical  cultures.    The  findings  unearthed  by  outsiders—the  work  that  our  

Ancestors  have  inscribed—have  left  us,  “a  roadmap  to  the  things  that  [we]  need  to  

reclaim.”172    Our  research  can  consider  the  entirety  of  concepts  found  in  Ancestral  

inscriptions  from  as  far  back  as  we  can  authenticate.    The  texts  are  there  for  us  to  

read.173  Developing  effective  methodologies  that  can  be  utilized  in  future  research  

will  animate  our  national  identities.    These  identities  will  be  similar  to  those  that  

Armah  spoke  of  as  being  a  basic  product  of  a  society’s  culture.174    

  With  this  in  mind,  the  previous  two  chapters  have  sketched  a  working  

genealogy  of  African  musical  practice  with  readily  identifiable  archetypes  and  

conceptual  similarities.  The  following  chapter  applies  these  grounding  archetypes  

and  conceptual  similarities  to  create  the  Africana  Studies  methodology  and  

technique  to  be  applied  to  the  subsequent  study  of  John  Coltrane  as  African  

musical  exemplar.  

 

 

 

 

172  Carr  in  Jared  Ball’s,  I  Mix  What  I  Like!:  A  Mixtape  Manifesto,  9  (epigraph).  173  Text  here  is  understood  to  be  anything  that  can  be  read.    The  notion  of  reading  in  this  context  is  not  reserved  for  a  literal  text  only.    Instead  is  qualified  as  any  aesthetic  development  that  bears  ideas  and/or  concepts  for  consideration,  analysis  or  translation.      

174  See  note  15.  

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Each   dissertation   in   the   Temple   University  Department   of   African-­‐American   Studies   must  for  all  practical  purposes  be  two  dissertations   in  one.   In   addition   to   the   specific   subject   area  covered,  each  dissertation  must  deal  as  a  matter  of   responsibility   with   the   broad   issue   of   the  development  of  paradigms  of  Africology.  

—Greg  Carr175    

Maybe   I   was   listening   with   the   wrong   part.  Maybe  she  was  communicating  love  to  the  Black  soul  and  I  was  using  Western-­‐trained  ears.  

          —Barbara  Crosby176      

 CHAPTER  4  

 RESEARCH  APPROACH:  AN  AFRICAN-­‐CENTERED  PERSPECTIVE  

   

    This  study  utilizes  an  African-­‐centered  methodology  to  guide  its  analysis,  

theories  and  subsequent  findings.    The  case  study  at  its  foundation  employs  the  

long-­‐view  genealogy  of  African  phenomena  to  inform  the  basis  of  its  research  

findings.      

    Many  of  the  ideas  posited  in  this  work  are  interpretive.    However,  it  does  

not  venture  out  of  the  constructs  of  African  analysis  in  its  interpretations.    The  

African-­‐centered  perspective,  according  to  Molefi  Asante,  “places  African  ideals  at  

the  center  of  any  analysis  that  involves  African  culture  and  behavior.”177    Asante  

also  asserts  that  it  is  “a  frame  of  reference  wherein  phenomena  are  viewed  from  

175  Greg   Carr,   “African   Philosophy   of   History   in   the   Contemporary   Era:   Its   Antecedents   and            Methodological   Implications   for   the  African  Contribution   to  World  History.”     PhD  diss.,   Temple  University,  1998,  p.  114.  

176    Barbara  Crosby,  introduction  to  Nikki  Giovanni,  Gemini:  An  Extended  Autobiographical  Statement  on  My  First  Twenty-­‐Five  Years  of  Being  a  Black  Poet  (New  York:  Penguin  Books,  1977),  ix.  

177    Molefi  Asante,  The  Afrocentric  Idea  (Philadelphia:  Temple  University  Press,  1998),  6.  

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the  perspective  of  Africa’s…people,  concepts,  and  history  from  an  African  world  

view.178      

    The  analysis  will  extend  the  African-­‐centered  scholarly  positions  related  to  

the  music  of  Africa  and  Africans  in  the  Americas  by  considering  the  following  

beliefs:  

1. African  musical  productions  are  a  part  of  the  intellectual  arena  and  unbroken  genealogy179  of  African  historical  memory;  

 2. The  music  created  by  Africans  in  the  Americas  is  connected  to  both  the  

literature  and  oratory  performances  of  African  traditional  cultures;    

3. The  music  created  in  America  by  enslaved  and  free  Africans  is  not  merely  a  response  to  adverse  condition  found  in  the  Americas;  

 4. Biographies  of  African  American  musicians  are  flawed  because  of  their  

inability  to  connect  the  musicians  to  their  African  antecedents;        The  major  impetus  of  this  study,  as  with  all  similarly  situated  work  in  Disciplinary  

Africana  Studies,  originates  from  a  lack  of  proper  methodologies  and  research  

tools  that  can  correctly  analyze  the  long  memory  of  African  ways  of  knowing,  

produced  through  cultural  developments.    This  lack  of  effective  methods  

necessitates  the  main  objective  of  this  work.    At  the  inception  of  Africana  Studies  

as  a  discipline  in  the  Western  Academy  there  has  been  a  demand  from  scholars  to  

develop  methodologies  derived  from  an  African-­‐centered  perspective  to  research  

African  people  and  traditions.    Talmadge  Anderson,  reminds  us  of  Nathan  Hare’s  

proposal  at  the  outset  of  Black  Studies.    Hare,  Anderson  notes,  “proposed  from  the  

beginning  that  Black  scholars  must  develop  new  norms  and  values  grounded  in  a  

178    Molefi  Asante,  “The  Afrocentric  Idea  in  Education,”  Journal  of  Negro  Education  (1991):  170,  180.  179  On  the  concept  of  “unbroken  genealogy,”  see  Carr,  “What  Black  Studies  Is  Not,”  181.  

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new  (African)  ideology  and  from  such  ideology  new  methodologies  might  

evolve.”180    Essential  to  this  study  is  the  use  of  effective  methodologies,  languages,  

ideas,  philosophical  concepts  and  methods  that  have  been  developed  within  the  

discipline  of  Africana  Studies  and  by  others  outside  of  the  discipline  to  research  

the  vast  cultures,  histories  and  peoples  of  African  descent.      

    Because  this  is  a  study  anchored  in  the  discipline  of  Africana  Studies,  it  is  

aligned  with  a  normalize  set  of  constructs  that  directs  the  research,  intra.    These  

constructs  from  the  inception  of  the  discipline  challenged  what  Anderson  calls,  

“the  traditional  theoretical  and  methodological  constructs  from  the  study  of  

African  people.”181    Stipulating  that  African  peoples  and  their  history  are  reflective  

of  a  distinct  set  of  knowing  and  understanding  of  their  place  in  the  world,  Africana  

Studies  research  methodologies  must  evolve  out  of  historical  and  collective  African  

memory.    This  study,  then,  discards  prior  methods  that  have  a  pretense  of  accruing  

to  neutral  value  systems  but  instead    “turn  out  to  be  disguised  ideology.”182    

Framing  The  Study  

      This  study  grows  out  of  the  call  for  improved  methodologies  that  can  

effectively  frame  the  history,  functions  and  use  of  African  music.    Music  historian  

Portia  Maultsby  identifies  a  void  caused  by    a  lack  of  systematic  efforts  to  

document  the  Black  music  tradition  as  a  functional  dimension  of  Black  culture.    

180  Talmadge  Anderson,  “Black  Studies:  Overview  and  Theoretical  Perspectives,”  in  The  African  American  Studies  Reader,  ed.  Nathaniel  Norment  Jr.  (Durham:  Carolina  Academic  Press,  2007),  474.  

181  Ibid.        182  James  Turner,  “African  Studies  and  Epistemology:  A  Discourse  in  the  Sociology  of  Knowledge,”  in  The  African  American  Studies  Reader,  ed.  Nathaniel  Norment  Jr.  (Durham:  Carolina  Academic  Press,  2007),  78.  

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She  explains  that,  without  this  void,  research  materials  could  have  been  available  

to  enhance  scholars’  understanding  of  cultural  continuity  and  change.    She  

summarizes  by  stating:  

The  lack  of  systematic  efforts  to  document  the  Black  musical  tradition  as  a  functional  dimension  of  Black  culture  has  created  a  void  in  resource  materials  that  could  enhance  our  understanding  of  cultural  continuity  and  change.    Since  the  turn  of  the  century,  studies  have  been  made  of  various  Black  music  genres;  many  of  them  published  before  the  late  1960’s,  and  dominated  by  the  works  of  sociologists  from  the  University  of  North  Carolina,  offer  little,  if  any  insight  into  the  relationship  between  Black  music  and  Black  culture.  This  void,  in  part,  stems  from  the  use  of  an  inappropriate  methodology  for  research,  which  led  to  the  development  of  a  conceptual  framework  that  does  not  consider  music  as  a  manifestation  of  culture.  In  addition,  conclusions  presented  in  some  of  these  studies  are  influenced  by  the  biases  of  primarily  white  writers,  whose  cultural  orientation  limited  their  capabilities  to  critically  assess  the  social  significance  of  the  Black  music  tradition.183    

In  addition  to  helping  to  address  a  lack  of  effective  music  research  methodology  

this  work  also  considers  the  plethora  of  flawed  biographies  of  too  many  African  

musicians.    Biographies  of  Louis  Armstrong,  Duke  Ellington,  Nina  Simone,  Charlie  

Parker,  Miles  Davis,  Billie  Holiday  are  just  a  few  of  many  biographies  that  have  

been  written  with  failed  or  underdeveloped  approaches  to  linking  Africana  

genealogies  to  the  lives  and  culture  of  the  musicians  studied.    The  lives  of  the  

183    Portia  Maultsby,  “The  Role  of  Scholars  in  Creating  Space  and  Validity  for  Ongoing  Changes  in  Black  American  Culture,”  Black  American  Culture  and  Scholarship:  Contemporary  Issues,  ed.  Bernice  Johnson  Reagon  (Washington,  DC:  Smithsonian  Institution  Press,  1985),  13.    

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individuals  whose  music  has  had  a  global  influence  has  been  an  area  of  interest  for  

many  years  by  numerous  researchers.    This  study  examines  the  lived  experiences  of  

African  musicians  and  considers  saxophonist  John  William  Coltrane’s  life  as  an  

exemplar  to  model  the  methodology  introduced  in  this  chapter.    Leonard  Brown  

observes  “that  the  musical  and  spiritual  legacies  of  John  Coltrane  are  some  of  the  

most  powerful  and  significant  in  the  history  of  American  and  global  music.”184    It  is  

therefore  crucial  that  the  examination  and  narrative  of  Coltrane’s  life  and  musical  

productions  be  couched  in  African-­‐centered  methodology.      

    Central  to  this  study  is  the  consideration  of  African  music  as  an  aesthetic  

production  and  as  an  extension  of  the  intellectual  underpinnings  of  African  ways  

of  knowing  and  conceptualizing  their  known  world.    This  study’s  reinterpretation  

of  African  music  history  and  methodology  in  Music  Studies  is  grounded  in  a  

methodological  frame  built  upon  1.  The  Insiders  Approach;  and  2.  African  

Conceptual  Ways  of  Knowing.      

The  Insider’s  Approach  

    Ethnomusicology  is  the  dominant  voice  in  the  field  of  music  research.    

More  specifically,  its  prime  objective  is  the  consideration  of  non-­‐European  musical  

aesthetics.    The  field  is  plagued  with  European-­‐centered  researchers  with  

oppositional  assumptions  that  are  all  too  frequently  counter  to  the  normative  

assumptions  in  global  African  musical  traditions.    Non-­‐African-­‐centered  

researchers  assert  that  components  that  make  up  the  production  of  African  

184    Leonard  Brown,  ed.,  “Preface,”  in  John  Coltrane  &  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom:  Spirituality  and  the  Music  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  2010),  vii.    

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cultural  products  are  “the  integral  results  of  their  particular  cultural  

communality.”185    The  persistent  presence  of  anti-­‐African  bias  in  ethnomusicology  

requires  that  the  majority  of  research  on  African  music  and  life  narratives  of  

musicians  be  carried  out  using  the  general  assumptions  of  African-­‐centered  

approaches.      

    Ethnomusicology  has  at  least  one  conceptual  tool  and  research  technique  

that  can  be  repurposed  for  this  study.    The  insider’s  approach,  an  underutilized  

strategy  in  ethnomusicology,  shares  objectives  with  African-­‐centered  

methodological  research  approaches.    A  guiding  assumption  of  this  study  is  that  

African  music  produced  on  the  continent  and  in  the  diaspora  is  rooted  in  a  long  

arc  of  African  historical  memory.    As  such,  an  insider’s  approach  to  this  study  will  

privilege  group  identity  and  allow  for  explanation  of  musical  norms  within  one’s  

culture.    The  insider’s  approach  also  informs  methodological  tools  that  nonmusical  

research  specialists  can  use  to  engage  and  analyze  African  musical  production,  

musicians,  and,  in  the  present  study’s  case,  the  life  and  work  of  John  Coltrane  on  

internally-­‐generated  terms  generated  outside  of  Western  musical  research  norms  

and  hegemony.    In  the  first  edited  text  on  John  Coltrane,  Leonard  Brown  states:  

This  book  uses  the  “insider’s  approach”  because  this  approach  acknowledges  and  values  the  study  of  music  in  culture  as  identified  and  defined  in  its  own  terms  and  viewed  in  relation  to  its  own  society  by  individuals  who  can  view  its  field  as  members  of  the  music  culture  as  musicians  and  nonmusical  specialists.186  

185  Jimmy  Stewart,  “Introduction  to  Black  Aesthetics  in  Music,”  in  The  Black  Aesthetic,  ed.  Addison  Gayle,  Jr.  (New  York:  Anchor  Books,  1971),  76.  

186  Brown,  “Preface,”  viii.    

84

 Furthermore,  this  approach  facilitates  research  into  an  area  of  Coltrane’s  life  and  

compositions  that  has  not  yet  been  proposed  or  addressed.  The  insider’s  approach  

gives  context  and  enables  an  analysis  of  African  musical  cultures  that  have  not  

been  examined  by  outsiders  or  generated  distinct,  culturally  grounded  approaches  

within  Western  frameworks  of  research.    The  insider’s  approach  has  its  own  set  of  

assumptions,  including  one  that  guides  this  study:  The  idea  that  Africans  

throughout  the  world  have  musical  aesthetic  traditions  that  developed  without  

external  influences.    Jimmy  Stewart  notes  that  these  particular  musical  traditions  

have  determined  the  values,  functions,  forms  and  philosophies  within  the  music.187    

    Building  upon  the  intent  of  Leonard  Brown’s  volume,  this  work’s  objectives  

are  to:    

1. Acknowledge  the  continued  relevancy  and  significance  of  John  Coltrane’s  musical  and  spiritual  legacy  in  contemporary  times;  

2. Provide  broad,  rich,  and  new  insights  and  understanding  to  the  roles  and  functions  of  music  in  Black  America’s  continued  aspirations  for  freedom  and  equality,  then  and  now;  

3. Contribute  to  greater  knowledge  and  understanding  of  how  John  Coltrane’s  sound  and  music  are  rooted  in  Black  American  spirituality;  and  

4. Increase  knowledge  and  understanding  of  the  majesty  of  John  Coltrane’s  impact  and  influence  as  a  representative  of  great  master  artists  and  intellectuals.    

 Both  Brown  and  Stewart  share  observations  that  scholarship  on  African  musical  

aesthetics  is  inundated  with  “white  cultural  paternalism”  that  passes  judgment  on  

Black  musical  creations.    As  such  Stewart  admonishes,  “The  incongruity  of  this  

187  Stewart,  “Introduction  to  Black  Aesthetics  in  Music,”  78.    

85

situation  as  a  condition  of  a  disjunct  cultural  situation  has  been  exacerbated  at  this  

present  moment  to  the  point  that  our  present  necessity  for  a  sequestered  body  of  

critical  thought  is  not  even  debatable.”188    As  a  methodological  device,  the  insider’s  

approach  allows  an  insider  to  gather  knowledge  of  the  roles  and  functions  of  

African  music  and  to  merge  my  lived  experiences  as  a  member  of  this  musical  

community  with  research,  analysis  and  theories  that  I  develop.    

African  Conceptual  Ways  Of  Knowing  

    This  study  recognizes  the  importance  of  John  Coltrane’s  music  and  

intellectual  contribution  to  the  history  and  genealogy  of  African  music.    It  also  

addresses  the  urgent  need  of  new  insights  and  understanding  of  African  music’s  

forms  and  functions.  This  study  considers’  Brown’s  intent  as  a  suitable  way  to  

engage  African  music  and  its  musicians.    However,  Brown’s  American  point  of  

departure  is  not  entirely  suitable  for  this  study.    This  study,  as  previously  stated,  

considers  the  long  arc  of  African  historical  memory.    The  methods  used  to  

construct  new  paradigms  have  been  assembled  in  this  study  to  address  the  

following  questions:    

1. What  are  the  effective  ways  to  research  African  music  and  musicians?  2. What  African-­‐centered  ways  of  knowing  can  be  utilized  as  an  

epistemological  device  to  engage  the  research?  3. How  can  the  family  and  lived  experiences  of  John  Coltrane  be  used  as  an  

exemplar  to  model  new  approaches?    In  order  to  effectively  address  these  questions,  the  inside  researcher  must  divorce  

himself  from  foreign  epistemologies.    As  such,  this  methodology  pushes  the  

188    Ibid.  

86

departure  of  the  research  of  African  music  far  beyond  the  borders  of  America’s  

encroachment  upon  African  cultures.    Greg  Carr  states,  “Any  study  of  African  

people  which  does  not  begin  with  the  recognition  of  and  systematic  re-­‐connection  

to  both  the  concept  of  African  cultural  identities  and  the  specific,  lived  

demonstration  of  them  will  only  continue  to  erase  Africans  as  full  human  begins  

and  actions  in  world  history.”189    African  musical  approaches  have  been  

undergirded  by  their  philosophies,  which  are  “animated  by  a  total  vision  of  life.”190    

Inasmuch  as  these  beliefs  and  values  shape  musical  approaches,  they  demand  that  

researchers  recognize  the  foundations  for  these  views.    The  foundations  of  African  

music  philosophies  begin  with  the  Pharaonic  period  of  Egypt.      

    Beginning  our  study  in  Egypt  and  moving  through  time  and  space  allows  

this  music  research  to  pose  innovative  queries  to  prior  research.  Questions  

include:  What  functions  did  music  serve  in  intentionally  African  communities?    

What  were  processes  of  cultural  transmission  from  one  generation  to  another?    In  

what  ways  did  Africans  improvise  in  the  face  of  the  ordeals  of  the  episodic  

moments  of  enslavement?    What  is  an  effective  African-­‐derived  epistemological  

model  that  can  be  utilized  to  fashion  biographies  of  African  musicians  (this  

question  primarily  concerns  itself  with  developing  a  paradigm  that  captures  the  

life  of  John  Coltrane  within  an  African-­‐centered  lived  experience)?      

 

189  Greg  Carr,  “Teaching  and  Studying  the  African(a)  Experience:  Definitions  and  Categories,”  in      School  District  of  Philadelphia  African-­‐American  History  High  School  Course  Curriculum  (Philadelphia:  Songhai  Press,  2006),  12.  

190  Stewart,  “Introduction  to  Black  Aesthetics  in  Music,”  80.  

87

Rationale  For  Use  

    This  study  employs  the  six  theoretical  classifications  of  Carr’s  Africana  

Conceptual  Categories  model  as  a  methodology  in  tandem  with  the  integration  of  

select  secondary  considerations.  [see  Table  1]  This  model  has  the  ability  to  capture  

cultural  norms  of  historical  and  contemporary  African  ways  of  knowing  and  being.    

It  closely  considers  the  historical,  philosophical  and  linguistic  norms  of  African  

communities  and  its  decedents  when  interrogating  their  cultural  productions.    

Carr  notes  that,  “Each  category  is  always  present  in  human  interaction:  being  able  

to  distinguish  between  them  as  they  relate  to  the  African  experience  in  recent  

human  history  (1500-­‐present)  will  aid  immeasurably  in  helping  us  understand  the  

difference  between  Africana  Studies  and  the  simple  study  of  materials  involving  

Africana.”191  

191  Greg  Carr,  “Africana  Studies  and  the  Six  Conceptual  Categories:  A  System  for  Studying  African  People,  Places  and  Culture,”  in  Introduction  to  Afro-­‐American  Studies  I:  Course  Syllabus  (Spring  Semester,  2010),  7.  

88

Table  1.  Concept   Primary  Inquires   Secondary  Considerations  

Social  Struc

ture  

What  is/are  the  social  structures  in  place  for  the  people  discussed?  In  other  words,  what  social  structure  do  the  people  being  discussed  live  under  at  the  time  we  are  studying?    

Under  optimal  conditions,  e.g.,  prior  to  enslavement  and  colonialism,  what  were  the  forms  and  functions  of  music  in  African  communities  within  African  nations?    How  did  the  forms  and  functions  of  the  music  change  during  the  periods  of  enslavement,  colonialism,  and/or  of  imposed  ideologies?  

Gov

erna

nce  

   

How  did  the  Africans  being  studied  organize  themselves  during  this  period  and  under  the  particular  social  structure  they  find  themselves  in  and/or  subject  to?  

How  did  intentional  African  communities  regardless  of  their  current  conditions—be  it  optimal  or  not—maintain,  organize  and  transmit  cultural  music  norms  to  each  concurrent  generation?    What  are  the  rules  that  govern  the  selection,  training  and  initiation  of  potential  musicians?  

Way

s  of  Kno

wing/  Systems  of  

Thou

ght  

   

What  ways/views/senses  (e.g.  ideas  about  the  nature,  purpose,  function  and  process  of  existence  and  being)  did  Africans  develop  to  explain  the  worlds  they  lived  in  during  the  period  being  studied,  and  how  did  they  use  those  ways  to  address  fundamental  issues  of  living  during  this  period?      

How  was  music  used  as  an  extension  of  the  intellectual  understandings  of  these  communities’  ways  of  knowing  and  responses  to  conditions  as  they  presented  themselves?    In  addition  what  traditional  knowledge  systems  can  be  appropriated  into  a  methodology/epistemological  device  to  research  and  write  about  African  music  and  musicians?  

Scienc

e  an

d  Te

chno

logy

 

 

 

What  types  of  devices  were  developed  to  shape  nature  and  human  relationships  with  animals  and  with  each  other  during  this  period  and  how  did  they  affect  Africans  and  others?      

As  technology  advanced  and  was  improved  upon  what  affects  did  it  have  on  the  development  of  musical  instruments  and  musician  performances  as  well  as  the  oral/aural  transmission  of  the  music?    What  effects  did  technology  have  on  the  Pan-­‐African  community  of  musicians  and  its  audience?  

89

Mov

emen

t  and

 Mem

ory  

 

How  did/do  Africans  remember  this  experience?    Experiences  that  include:  life/communities  before  enslavements,  the  enslavement  period,  ritual  and  traditional  ways  of  doing.  

How  is  music  used  to  explain  these  experiences?    How  is  the  prominence  of  musical  performance  in  these  ritualized  and  traditional  spaces  explained/understood?    What  is  the  process  for  initiation  as  a  performer  in  these  ritualized  spaces?  

Cultural  M

eaning

-­‐  Mak

ing  

   

What  specific  art,  dance  and/or  inscriptions  (literature/orature),  otherwise  characterizable  as  “texts  and  practices”  did  Africans  create  during  this  period?  

How  can  we  use  a  time  and  space  orientation  to  understand  the  music  produced,  and  improvised  so  as  to  decouple  ourselves  from  commodified  imposed  genre  classifications?        

 

This  conceptual  model  provides  required  space  for  the  consideration  of  the  vast  

cache  of  phenomena  of  African  experiences  to  be  interrogated  through  a  lens  

whose  orientation  is  rooted  in  ancient  African  ways  of  knowing  and  being.    This  

study  does  not  concern  itself  with  how  Africans  made  sense  of  the  world  by  

analyzing  their  cultural  norms  in  the  context  of  oppressive  social  structures.    The  

employment  of  the  Africana  Conceptual  model  allows  us  to  decouple  from  

theoretical  frames  that  insist  on  pathological  beginnings  and  cultural  synthesis.    

This  model  forces  us  to  imagine  ways  of  seeing  the  world  through  African  oral  

transmissions,  folklore,  primary  and  secondary  texts.      

    Decoupling  this  work  from  prior  used  theoretical  frames  allows  for  the  

utilization  of  the  introduced  methodological  model  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  

cosmography.    The  employment  of  the  Africana  Conceptual  Categories  aligned  

90

with  the  proposed  Bantu-­‐cosmology  methodology  supports  the  development  of  

the  methodology  in  its  application  throughout  this  study  and  in  particular  in  

exemplar  of  John  Coltrane’s  life  as  a  demonstration  of  the  model.    The  conceptual  

categories  allow  the  proposed  model  to  consider  the  lives  of  African  people  and  

their  cultural  norms  from  their  particular  lived  experiences.    As  such  the  

conceptual  categories  will  be  considered  at  each  Vee  phase  of  Coltrane’s  life  and  in  

addition  as  cultural  and  historical  norms  are  engaged  the  primary  inquires  and  

secondary  considerations  will  inform  the  analysis.    

The  Methods    

    The  theoretical  nature  of  this  work  requires  tools  that  carve  out  a  previously  

non-­‐extant  academic  space.  This  study  uses  these  newly  minted  academic  methods  

to  uncover  underutilized  forms  for  research  in  African  music.    The  study  applies  a  

two-­‐prong  approach  to  its  inquiry.      

    The  first  of  these  prongs  is  content  analysis.    The  content  includes  texts,  

inscriptions  and  artifacts  of  Pharaonic  Egypt  that  offer  us  insight  into  the  musical  

traditions  of  African  communities.    Additionally,  an  analysis  of  West  African  and  

Black  American  musical  traditions  writings  and  oral  transmissions  concerns  itself  

with  threading  the  continuity  of  cultural  norms  through  the  transmission  between  

communities  of  musicians.    The  changes  (or  what  Eurocentric  scholars  call  the  

“evolution  of  the  music”)  can  be  attributed  to  African  musicians’  intellectual  

responses  to  the  cultural  subterfuge  of  imposed  definition  of  community.  Ron  

Wellburn,  speaking  of  Black  music  in  America,  notes:  

91

If  we  speak  of  the  “development”  of  music,  that  term,  like  “evolution,”  ought  to  be  understood  as  having  had  an  involuntary  impetus.    It  is  the  politics  of  culture  in  the  United  States  that  is  responsible  for  the  character  of  black  music.192  

An  imperative  exists  for  new  tools  to  research  the  aesthetics  of  African  music.    This  

research  asks  how  Africans,  in  spite  of  episodic  disruptions  over  the  straits  of  time  

and  space,  maintained  and  reproduced  musical  traditions  from  their  historical  

memory.  

    These  tools  allow  for  the  engagement  of  the  bevy  of  biographies  written  

about  John  Coltrane.    While  Coltrane  did  not  write  his  own  biography,  this  study  

does  an  analysis  of  additional  written  material,  including  his  interviews,  liner  notes,  

written  letters,  and  interviews  by  those  close  to  him.    Outsiders  have  written  the  

overwhelming  majority  of  biographies  of  Coltrane.    Their  work  proclaims  a  level  of  

appreciation  for  Coltrane  and  his  music.    However,  as  outsiders  they  suffer  from  

what  Leonard  Brown  describes  as  the  inability  to  listen,  hear  and  really  appreciate  

Coltrane’s  music.193    Brown  observes  that,  at  the  time  of  Coltrane’s  greatest  

notoriety,  jazz  critics  were  primarily  white  and  had  “little  to  no  knowledge  of  or  

respect  for  Black  American  history  and  culture.”194      

    Many  current  Coltrane  biographers  share  another  trait.    While  they  are  

knowledgeable  of  the  prescribed  set  of  norms  concerning  aesthetic  values  and  

competency  based  on  Western  models,  they  lack  the  ability  to  consider  the  long-­‐

192  Ron  Wellburn,  “The  Black  Aesthetic  Imperative,”  in  The  Black  Aesthetic,  126.  193  Brown,  “In  His  Own  Words:  Coltrane’s  Responses  to  His  Critics,”  13.    194  Ibid.  

92

view  genealogy  that  informs  John  Coltrane’s  historical  memories  and  musical  

inheritance.    As  such,  the  analysis  of  Coltrane’s  own  words,  the  recollection  of  

those  closest  to  him,  and  those  who  have  written  about  him  as  insiders  is  crucial  to  

the  development  of  the  aforementioned  biographical  methodology.      

    The  second  prong  of  this  study’s  method  applies  a  narrative  analytical  lens  

derived  from  the  afore-­‐mentioned  cosmology  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  as  an  

epistemological  device  to  express  the  collective  wisdom  and  experiences  of  African  

music  and  musicians.    The  use  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmology  as  a  research  device  

places  us  almost  entirely  outside  Western  modalities  of  music  research.    Seba  

Kimbwandende  Kia  Bunseki  Fu-­‐Kiau  states  that  his  desire  for  the  second  edition  of  

his  text  Tying  the  Spiritual  Knot  was  for  researchers  to  use  it  as  “one  of  the  basic  

tools  to  understanding  the  “scientific”  structures  of  the  development  of  old,  

African  traditional  scholarship  and  its  ancient  schools.”195    Fu-­‐Kiau  asserts  that  

these  basic  conceptual  tools  require  sharpening  for  the  full  realization  of  the  

explanatory  value  of  the  raw  materials  that  is  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmology,  a  

mound  of  raw  materials  that  serve  the  interest  of  the  individual  and  society.    This  

study  uses  the  cosmology  and  the  “secret  aspects  of  the  Bantu  teaching”196  as    an  

epistemological  device  for  analyzing  John  Coltrane’s  life  and  work  as  an  exemplar  

of  African  music  and  musicians,  thereby  enhancing  its  dual  contribution  to  

Africana  Studies  methodology  and  the  application  of  that  methodology  to  the  

195  Kimbwandende  Kia  Bunseki  Fu-­‐Kiau,  Tying  the  Spiritual  Knot:  African  Cosmology  of  the  Bantu  Kongo—Principles  of  Life  &  Living  (Canada:  Athelia  Henrietta  Press,  2001),  14.  

196  Ibid.  

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subject  at  hand.  

The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  Cosmology  As  A  Methodological  Device  

      The  next  step  in  assembling  a  research  methodology  for  the  current  study  

requires  the  reiteration  of  “The  African  Worldview”  as  the  foundational  concept  

for  unpacking  and  agreeing  upon  aesthetic  meanings  and  intents  of  language  and  

music.  This  non-­‐negotiable  point  of  departure  is  informed  by  the  works  of  

foundationalist  thinkers  in  the  area  of  African-­‐Centered  theory.197    Approaching  

the  cosmology  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  and  utilizing  it  as  a  methodology  of  inquiry,  

according  to  Greg  Carr,  “requires  integrating  the  African-­‐Centered  Worldview  and  

the  Black  Radical  Tradition  in  a  balance  of  the  relationship  between  historical  

events  and  narratives  of  those  events.”198    The  integration  of  these  historical  and  

narrative  events  encompasses:  1.  The  earliest  of  African  memories  and  cultures;  2.  

The  experiences  of  the  Maafa  and  subsequent  enslavement  in  America;  3.  The  

adaptation  and  improvisation  of  cultural  norms  under  harsh  conditions;  and  4.  

The  apprenticing  in  and  transmission  of  cultural  norms  to  the  next  generation.    

The  imperative  to  assert  and  utilize  this  proposed  methodology  comes  from  a  lack  

of  suitable  models  that  utilize  African  ways  of  knowing  to  research  the  purposes  of  

African  derived  music  or  to  narrate  the  lives  of  African  musicians.  Portia  

Maultsby’s  observation  is  worth  recalling  again:    

197  See  note  176.      198  Greg  Carr,  “‘You  Don’t  Call  the  Kittens  Biscuits’:  Disciplinary  Africana  Studies  and  the  Study  of  Malcolm  X,”  in  Malcom  X:  A  Historical  Reader,  eds.  James  Conyers  Jr.  and  Andrew  P.  Smallwood  (Durham,  Carolina  Academic  Press,  2008),  353-­‐75.  

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This  void,  in  part,  stems  from  the  use  of  an  inappropriate  methodology  for  research,  which  led  to  the  development  of  a  conceptual  framework  that  does  not  consider  music  as  a  manifestation  of  culture.  In  addition,  conclusions  presented  in  some  of  these  studies  are  influenced  by  the  biases  of  primarily  white  writers,  whose  cultural  orientation  limited  their  capabilities  to  critically  assess  the  social  significance  of  the  Black  music  tradition.199    

The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmology  is  a  symbolic  understanding  of  the  universe  and  life  

in  it,  including  the  position  of  human  beings  relative  to  seen  and  unseen  forces.    It  

offers  a  creation  narrative  as  well  as  what  the  Pharaonic  Egyptians  would  have  

called  a  “Sebayt,”  or  wisdom  teaching  of  morals,  ways  of  doing  and  beliefs.    This  

understanding  lays  the  groundwork  for  the  present  study’s  approach  to  music  

research.  The  researcher  approaching  this  music  must  understand  the  historical  

world  that  the  African  musician  inhabits  and  not  just  narrate  the  short  time  span  

of  their  lives.    To  the  contrary,  in  order  for  the  researcher  to  be  effective  she  must  

consider  in  every  way  possible  the  long  historical  memory  of  the  culture  that  

produced  the  musician  and  the  music  that  they  subsequently  produce.    If  the  

musician  has  a  sense  of  obligation  to  this  cultural  memory,  their  creative  work  will  

speak  to  it.    Therefore,  the  researcher’s  intent  must  be  to  code  and  recode  this  

long-­‐view  history,  a  process  that  can  only  take  place  if  they  understand  the  

nuances  of  the  culture.    

199  Portia  Maulstby,  “The  Role  of  Scholars  in  Creating  Space  and  Validity  for  Ongoing  Changes  in  Black  American  Culture,”  13.  

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Figure  3.  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram.  

   

            The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram  [see  Figure  3]  is  made  up  of  two  primary  lines.    

These  intersecting  vertical  and  horizontal  lines  designate  the  separations  of  worlds  

and  the  life  cycles  of  the  muntu  (human).    The  kalunga  along  the  horizontal  line  of  

the  cosmogram  represents,  among  other  ideas,  the  division  of  terrestrial  life,  

muntus,  submarine  life  and  the  spiritual  world.  The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  assert  that  an  

ocean  of  water  divides  the  physical  and  spiritual  world.      

              Fu-­‐Kiau  explains,  “Kalunga  became  also  the  idea  of  immensity,  

[sensele/wayawa]  that  one  cannot  measure;  an  exit  and  entrance,  source  and  

origin  of  life,  potentialities  [n’kingunzambi]  the  principle  god-­‐of-­‐change,  the  force  

that  continually  generates.”200    The  kalunga,  according  to  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo,  

200  Fu-­‐Kiau,  Tying  the  Spiritual  Knot,  21.      

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entered  the  mbungi  (the  vast  emptiness)  and  charged  it  with  enough  energy  to  

generate  all  things  into  existence.      

             Represented  at  each  watershed  demarcation  along  the  cosmogram  are  sun  

points.201    Each  of  these  points  along  the  cosmogram  has  its  specific  meaning  and  

color.    Starting  from  the  lowest  point  and  going  vertically  counterclockwise,  the  

musoni  (yellow)  is  the  beginning  of  life.    It  is  what  Fu-­‐Kiau  calls  the  “go  order  to  all  

beginnings.”  The  kala  (black)  represents  birth.    This  moment  is  where  one  is  born  

into  existence  out  of  the  mbungi  and  into  the  physical  world  and  where  speech  

begins.    The  highest  moment  along  the  cosmogram’s  physical  half-­‐sphere  is  the  

tukula  (red).  The  tukula  is  crucial  to  the  development  of  the  muntu  and  the  kanda  

(community).  The  tukula  represents  maturity  and  leadership.  The  tukula    also  

signals  the  highest  human  aspiration  in  the  physical  world.    Fu-­‐Kiau  expounds  that  

in  this  moment,  “inventions,  great  works  of  art,  etc.,  are  accomplished  while  

passing  through  this  zone  of  life.”202    As  life  rounds  the  cosmogram,  it  enters  the  

luvemba  (white)  phase.    The  luvemba  is  the  end  of  the  physical  experience,  as  we  

understand  it.    In  the  luvemba  human  beings  enter  our  climactic  transition  into  

the  spiritual  world—beneath  the  kalunga  line.  

    African  music  must  be  researched  on  African  terms.  In  spite  of  the  severe  

circumstances  that  required  responses  illustrative  of  slight  changes  in  the  shape  of  

201  The  idea  of  the  Vee  is  so  sacred  within  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  belief  system  that  it  was  not  publicy  discussed  until  1966  by  local  masters.    Fu-­‐Kiau  informs  us  that  the  “Kikumbi  institution  was  the  only  institution  that  disseminated  not  only  the  secrecy  and  sacredness  of  the  first  ‘V’  to  its  candidates,  but  its  mystic  meanings  as  well.”  (Fu-­‐Kiau,    127,  130).  

202  Ibid.,  140.      

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the  music,  it  is  still  tethered  to  the  foundational  assumptions  in  African  cultural  

creation.    Wellburn  sternly  admonishes  us,  “We  cannot  afford  to  allow  our  music  

to  remain  a  surrogate  for  white  American  psychosexual  allusions.”203    Wellburn  

speaks  of  events  in  the  future  that  would  necessitate  the  development  of  music  

that  is  a  reflection  of  our  “strong  relationship  to  our  mystical  nature  and  

conception  of  the  universe”.204    These  developments  would  be  a  continuum  of  our  

motions  towards  emancipation.      The  present  study  echoes  Wellburn  concern  

regarding  the  protection  of  scholarship  on  Black  music  and,  ultimately,  Black  

music  itself.    As  such,  the  subscribed  methodology  and  methods  utilized  

throughout  this  study  work  to  sustain  the  survival  of  the  music  and  its  musicians  

throughout  the  world,  wherever  Africans  find  themselves,  as  well  to  restrict  the  

harassment  from  without  through  commonly  used  hegemonic  research  methods.  

Materials  And  Procedures  

    This  study  uses  a  two-­‐pronged  critical  research  method  approach.  [see  

Table  2].  This  approach  includes  a  content  analysis  of  archival  data  and  primary  

source  texts  as  well  as  the  application  of  the  secondary  questions  informed  by  the  

major  categories  from  the  Africana  Conceptual  Categories  matrix.    The  sampling  

and  data  collection  is  divided  into  three  main  categories.    The  criteria  for  each  

category  were  then  used  to  engage  the  three  research  questions.    

   

203  Wellburn,  141.  204  Ibid.  

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Table  2.  

RESEARCH  QUESTION  

DATA  SAMPLE   METHOD  

 What  is  the  genealogy  of  African  music?    And  what  were  some  of  its  major  functions  in  the  African  community?  

 Archival  data,  architectural  reliefs,  and  primary  source  texts  for  Dynastic  Egypt,  Akan,  and  Western  Africa  

 Content  Analysis:  Primary  source  materials  from  Pharaonic  Egypt  and  Western  African  communities  were  analyzed  for  cultural  meaning  as  interpreted  through  translation  from  archeological  reliefs  and  primary  texts.    After  analysis  and  translation  functions  and  forms  of  cultural  continuity  in  musical  cultures  were  considered  between  the  Egypt  and  West  Africa.  

 How  did  Africans  continue  to  create  and  inscribe  cultural  meanings  through  music  in  spite  of  enslavement?  

 Archival  data,  primary  source  texts  of  interviews  from  various  jazz  musicians—living  and  deceased    Interviews,  letters,  album  titles;  covers;  and  liner  notes  on  John  Coltrane  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmograph  

 Content  Analysis  and  Second  Consideration  Questions    

 How  can  African  philosophical  and  cosmological  ideas  be  used  to  inform  the  development  of  the  music  and  its  functions  to  the  rest  of  Africa?  

 Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmograph      

 Implementing  of  proposed  methodology  using  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmograph:  The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmographic  philosophies  were  utilized  as  an  epistemological  device  in  the  developing  of  the  proposed  music  research  methodology.    In  addition  John  Coltrane’s  life  and  musical  career  was  used  as  an  exemplar  in  the  demonstration  of  the  methodology.      

       

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Damn  the  rules,   it's  the  feeling  that  counts.  You  play      all  twelve  notes  in  your  solo  anyway.         —John  William  Coltrane205    

 This  is  the  music  of  the  African  muse/I  just  want  to   be   of   use   to  my   ancestors/It’s   holy  work   and  it’s  dangerous  not  to  know  that  ‘cause  you  could  die  like  an  animal  down  here.    

          —Abbey  Lincoln206            

 CHAPTER  5  

 WHM  MSW  

BREAKING  THE  CONTRACT:  A  RETURN  TO  OUR  FOUNDATIONS207    

    It  was  noted  at  the  onset  of  this  dissertation  that  one  of  its  primary  foci  

would  be  to  develop  a  methodology  for  utilizing  traditional  African  ways  of  

knowing  to  analyze  and  suggest  effective  ways  to  interpret  African  musical  

traditions.    The  totality  of  this  work  reaches  back  to  embrace  the  distant  and  

recent  past  as  well  as  present  experiences  of  African  people’s  existence  and  ways  of  

knowing:  Their  wells  of  deep  thought.    This  chapter  presents  a  corpus  of  ideas  that  

have  been  produced  from  foundationalist  thinkers  engaged  in  acts  of  conceptual  

recovery  of  traditional  African  philosophies.    These  foundationalists  prioritize  the  

205  John  Coltrane,  source  unknown.  206  Abbey  Lincoln,  Ford  Foundation  Jazz  Study  Group  (notes  taken  by  Fred  Moten,  November  1999).  207    Whm  Msw:  The  Repetition  of  the  Birth  (pronounced  without  vowels)  was  declared  over  four  thousand  years  ago  by  Amen  M  Hat  during  the  Egyptian  Middle  Kingdom.    Whm  Msw,  according  to  Jacob  Carruthers,  was  a  route  to  restore  divisions  and  conflicts  from  previous  eras.    During  the  whm  msw,  Carruthers  notes,  “Old  texts  were  revised  and  new  genres  were  established  for  the  creation  of  new  literary  directions.”    Of  particular  interest  in  Carruthers’  summation  was  that  the  whm  msw  was  not  only  to  recall  from  memory  past  histories  but  instead,  “was  the  establishment  of  a  new  edifice  on  the  firm  foundations  of  ancient  traditions.”    More  on  the  whm  msw  and  its  implicatons  will  be  discussed,  infra.    See  Jacob  Carruthers,  “An  African  Historiography  for  the  21st  Century,”  47-­‐72;    and  Carr  and  Watkins,  “Appendix  1—Inaugural  Meeting  of  the  African  World  History  Project,”  327-­‐53  (see  note  14).  

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“restoration  of  the  African  image.”208    In  so  doing,  they  tethered  African  

philosophies  and  ways  of  knowing  and  doing  from  across  the  continent  to  the  

process  of  formal  intellectual  inquiry.    This  continental  departure  led  them  to  

“emphasize  that  Kush  and  Kemet  are  to  the  rest  of  Africa  what  Greece  and  Rome  

are  to  the  rest  of  Europe.”209      

    This  is  an  attempt  to  restore  to  our  national  identity  ancient  ways  of  doing.  

These  ancient  ways  are  timely  and  effective  for  our  present  day  and  for  generations  

yet  to  come.    They  are  the  ways  transmitted  from  the  Netcheru  to  the  scribes,  the  

djelis  would  in  turn  pass  it  along  to  elders,  who  would  then  entrust  it  to  the  

younger  generation  to  protect  and  instruct  those  yet  to  come.    In  all  of  these  

movements,  the  musician  was  present.    In  this  intergenerational  system,  musicians  

took  note  of  these  ways  and  expressed  them  through  sound.    Carruthers,  quoting  

Joseph  Ki-­‐Zerbo  states  that,  “History  is  the  memory  of  nations.  Unless  one  chooses  

to  live  in  a  state  of  unconsciousness  and  alienation,  one  cannot  live  without  

memory,  or  [with]  a  memory  that  belongs  to  someone  else.”210  The  musicians  were  

central  in  and  to  the  recording,  recoding  and  interpreting  matters  of  importance  

and  encoding  that  historical  memory  through  compositions.      

    The  tools  used  to  restore  historical  memory  will  determine  how  nationhood  

projects  are  navigated.    The  tools  will  determine  our  intellectual  directions.  Seba  

Clarke’s  metaphor  of  the  compass  is  worth  noting  here:  

208  Carruthers,  “An  African  Historiography  for  the  21st  Century,”  African  World  History  Project,  65.  209  Ibid.  210  Ibid.,  48.      

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History,  I  have  often  said,  is  a  clock  that  people  use  to    tell  their  political  time  of  day.    It  is  also  a  compass  that  people  use  to  find  themselves  on  the  map  of  human  geography.  History  tells  a  people  where  they  have  been  and  what  they  have  been.    It  also  tells  a  people  where  they  are  and  what  they  are.    Most  importantly,  history  tells  a  people  where  they  still  must  go  and  what  they  still  must  be.211    

A  recurrent  theme  of  this  dissertation  and  the  academic  genealogy  in  which  it  

works  has  been  the  proposition  that  normative  set  of  assumptions  must  be  

established  before  the  direction  of  a  study  is  finalized.  Emphasizing  the  

relationship  of  an  individual  or  group’s  ideological  positions  to  their  social  choices,  

Valethia  Watkins  notes,  “The  assumption  one  holds  will  shape  the  kinds  of  

answers  one  seeks  and  can  influence  the  types  of  questions  a  researcher  is  likely  to  

ask.”212    The  assumptions  collected  in  this  chapter  stem  from  research  on  the  ethos  

of  African  cultural  norms.  These  assumptions  hold  that  cultural  aesthetics  that  

were  created  and  developed  have  extended  histories.    The  cultural  productions  

birthed  from  the  labor  of  the  musicians  are  not  contemporary  reactions  to  world  

events  but  are,  rather,  memories  affixed  into  their  history.    These  memories  are  

fluid  and  extend  beyond  our  sensory  notions  of  time  and  space.    They  couch  

themselves  in  present  moments  but  are  reflections  of  the  past  and  future.    In  The  

African-­‐Centered  Philosophy  of  History  Greg  Carr  writes:  

The  ways  in  which  humans  apprehend  and  order  time  and  space—and  their  particular  definitions  of  memory  and  reason  as  well—reflect  their  particular  experiences  and  the  cultures  that  they  have  developed  to  make  

211  Clarke,  foreword  to  African  World  History  Project,  xvii.    (emphasis  added)  212  Watkins,  “Black  Feminist  Gender  Discourse,”  22.    

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sense  of  those  experiences  in  a  systematic,  structured,  and  institutional  fashion.  Still,  there  are  commonalities  in  the  materials  and  methods  that  humans  use  to  know  and  use  to  make  sense  of  time  and  space  that  form  the  basic  building  blocks  of  human  identity.213    

Thus  the  necessity  of  whm  msw—the  rebirth:  a  return:  a  reclamation  of  that  which  

has  been  forgotten—misappropriated.      

      Across  the  Atlantic  on  American  shores—dismembered214  and  enslaved,  

Africans  held  on  to  cultural  traditions,  and  when  needed—which  was  very  

frequent—stylized  production  forms  from  available  materials  found  in  the  

geographical  space  that  they  survived  [≠  lived]  in,  and  improvised  the  cultural  

functions  to  necessitate  the  time;  be  it  affixed  or  extended.    Nathan  Mackey  

suggests  that  these  improvisational  moments  are  broken  claims(s)  to  connection.215    

The  broken  claim  to  connection  is  a  deployed  assertion  of  music  and  speech.  Fred  

Moten  infers  that  these  assertions  occur,  “between  Africa  and  African  America  that  

seek  to  suture  corollary,  asymptotically  divergent  ruptures  .  .  .  .”216    The  objective  

here  is  to  bring  back  to  our  national  identity  intentional  practices  of  cultural  

norms.    These  divergent  ruptures  were  in  need  of  sutures  because  of  the,  “advent  

of  the  slave  industry  and  subsequent  colonization  as  painful  disruptions  that  must  

be  repelled  by  building  on  the  foundations  of  African  traditions.”217  It  is  in  these  

moments  that  Africans  in  America  began  to  create  a  non-­‐traditional  memory.    

213    Carr,  “The  African-­‐Centered  Philosophy  of  History,”  293.      214    See  notes  23,  24.      215    Nathaniel  Mackey,  “Bedouin  Hornbook,”  Callaloo  Fiction  Series,  vol.  2  (Lexington:  University  Press  of  Kentucy,  1986),  34.  

216    Fred  Moten,  In  the  Break:  The  Aesthetics  of  the  Black  Radical  Tradition  (Minneapolis:  University  of  Minnesota  Press,  2003),  6.  

217  Carruthers,  “An  African  Historiography  for  the  21st  Century,”  African  World  History  Project,  66.  

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Carruthers  calls  it  a  move  toward,  “Pan-­‐African  memory—racial  memory  if  you  

please.”218      

      This  non-­‐traditional  racial  memory  born  from  historical  memory  and  

necessitated  by  current  conditions  began  a  phenomenon  of  reinterpretation.219    

Their  existing  circumstances  left  enslaved  Africans  with  few  alternatives  to  

maintain  their  cultural  norms.    Of  these  limited  choices,  reinterpretation,  Gomez  

suggest  was  the  lone  option.  In  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  he  notes:  

In  music,  art,  folklore,  language,  and  even  social  structure,  there  is  sufficient  evidence  to  conclude  that  people  of  African  descent  were  carefully  selecting  elements  of  various  cultures,  both  African  and  European,  issuing  into  combinations  of  creativity  and  innovation.    They  borrowed  what  was  of  interest  from  the  external  society,  and  they  improved  upon  previously  existing  commonalities  of  African  cultures  in  such  ways  that,  with  regard  to  music  for  example,  the  slaves’  “style,  with  its  overriding  antiphony,  its  group  nature,  its  pervasive  functionality,  its  improvisational  character  .  .  .  remained  closer  to  the  musical  styles  and  performances  of  West  Africa  and  the  Afro-­‐American  music  of  the  West  Indies  and  South  America  than  to  the  musical  style  of  Western  Europe.”220      

Armah  sums  up  the  role  of  the  African  scholar  even  when  we  find  ourselves  in  less  

than  optimal  spaces.    He  states,  “The  relevant  fact  is  that  we  have  an  antidote  to  

the  poisons:  if  we  step  outside  of  our  formal  education,  we  can  look  at  African  

realities  and  from  our  well-­‐researched  perceptions  build  up  an  accurate  vision  of  

218  Ibid.  219  Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  10.      220  Ibid.,  10-­‐11.  

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our  world,  a  worldview.”221    Crucial  to  this  process,  Armah  suggests,  is  the  

translation  and  recovery  of  African  languages  and  cultural  aesthetics.  

     

       

           

   

221  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  135.  

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there  is  a  phantom  language  in  my  mouth.  a  tongue  beneath  my  tongue.  will  i  ever  remember  what    i  sound    like.  will  i  ever  come  home.         —african  american  i    i  lost  a  whole  continent.  a  whole  continent  from  my  memory.  unlike  all  other  hyphenated  americans  my  hyphen  is  made  of  blood.  feces.  bone.  when  africa  says  hello  my  mouth  is  a  heartbreak  because  i  have  nothing  in  my  tongue  to  answer  her.  i  do  not  know  how  to  say  hello  to  my  mother         —african  american  ii    can  you  be  a  daughter.  if  you  have  no  mother  language.         —african  american  iii222    The  slaves’  suffering  and  the  fury  of  the  revolt  is  united  in  a  belief:  freedom.    The  means  from  this  freedom  cannot  adhere  to  the  concept  of  beauty  prevalent   in   white   aesthetics;   it   necessarily   has  to  be  a  subversion  of  those  aesthetics.              —Jorge  Lima  Barreto223  

   

Motherwit:  Reclaiming  Our  Languages—Reframing  Our  Aesthetic  Values  

        Subsumed  in  our  traditions  are  two  mediums  of  culture  that  are  

instrumental  in  our  reclamation  project.    The  first  of  these  is  language.    The  

second,  often  informed  by  the  former,  and  of  equal  importance  is  aesthetics.    

These  two  complimentary  systems  have  to  be  considered  in  the  developing  of  a  

222  Nayyirah  Waheed,  SALT  (CreateSpace  Independent  Publishing  Platform,  2013),  109-­‐11.  223  Jorge  Lima  Barreto,  Quoted  in  Arnaldo  Xavier,  “The  Greatest  Poet  God  Creole,”  Callaloo  18,      no.  4  (1995):  781.  

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suitable  framework  to  build  a  methodological  approach  to  music  that  suitably  

encompasses  African  culture  and  values.      

    Both  language  and  aesthetic  ideals  inform  our  assumptions.    Through  these  

two  systems  we  are  presented  from  birth  with  concepts  of  meaning,  definitions  of  

beauty  and  notions  of  the  profane.  In  fact  Ngugi  wa  Thiong’o  posits  that,  “since  

culture  does  not  just  reflect  the  world  in  images  but  actually  through  those  very  

images  conditions  a  child  to  see  that  world  in  a  certain  way,  the  colonial  child  was  

made  to  see  the  world  and  where  he  stands  in  it  as  seen  and  defined  by  or  reflected  

in  the  culture  of  the  language  of  impositions.”224  Cultural  ideals  are  engrained  into  

societal  fabrics  that  we  will  engage  knowingly  or  unconsciously.      

    There  is  power  within  language  and  aesthetic  values.    Leonard  Koren  notes  

that,  “Virtually  everything  we  know  about  the  world,  except  that  which  is  

genetically  encoded,  comes  to  us  through  our  senses  ad  is  then  intellectually  

processed  in  one  way  or  another.”225  The  dominance  of  these  systems  is  self-­‐

evident  and  can  be  used  to  our  benefit.    In  Something  Torn  and  New,  Thiong’o  

again  writes,  “Language  is  a  communication  system  and  a  carrier  of  culture  by  

virtue  of  being  simultaneously  the  means  and  carrier  of  memory—what  Frantz  

Fanon  calls  bearing  the  weight  of  civilization.”226    Aesthetic  values  that  are  often  

influenced  by  language  systems  can  be  crippling  when  wielded  over  an  oppressed  

group.      

224  Ngugi  wa  Thiong’o,  Decolonizing  the  Mind  (Harare:  Zimbabwe  Publishing  House,  1986),  15-­‐16.  225  Leonard  Cohen,  Which  “Aesthetics”  Do  You  Mean:  Ten  Defnitions  (California:  Imperfect  Publishing,  2010),  53.  

226  Thiong’o,  Decolonizing  the  Mind,  20.  

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Clyde  Taylor  states  in  The  Mask  of  the  Art  that:  

This  book  tries  to  make  a  contribution  to  an  important  but  still  scattered  discussion.  The  way  people,  things,  and  ideas  are  influenced  by  the  social  and  political  interests  mediating  their  presentation—the  politics  of  representation—has  become  increasingly  relevant  with  the  enlarged  role  played  by  filtering  and  reproduction  in  our  diet  of  intellectual  impressions.    Specifically,  I  challenge  the  veracity  and  probity  of  the  “aesthetic,”  the  overdeveloped  paradigm  for  control  of  our  values  regarding  art  and  beauty,  an  eighteenth-­‐century  intellectual  plantation  from  whose  grip  most  of  us  have  yet  to  free  ourselves.227    

Language  and  its  power  in  the  control  of  oppressive  regimes  reinforce  the  regimes  

ideology.    Gomez  notes  that,  “Language  was  co-­‐conspirator  in  the  process  of  

enslavement,  a  veritable  “colonization  of  the  mind.”  Language  became  

synonymous  with  the  condition  of  servility,  and  as  such  was  reinvented,  having  

vaulted  over  symbolism  to  achieve  substance  itself.”228    Many  foundationalist  

thinkers  have  long  considered  reclamation  of  African  languages  as  paramount  in  

resolving  the  strains  of  enslavement  and  colonization.    Languages  are  reservoirs  of  

our  history.    Adisa  Ajamu  notes  that  the,  “use  of  African  language  addresses  one  of  

the  key  issues  on  the  construction  of  an  African  world  history:  the  learning  and  use  

of  African  languages  as  a  technique  for  decolonizing  the  African  mind.”229    

    Beyond  the  range  of  language  are  the  ideological  underpinnings  of  what  

Clyde  Taylor  calls  the  “hypodermic  effect”.    This  effect  described  by  Taylor  is,  “a  

227    Clyde  Taylor,  The  Mask  of  the  Art:  Breaking  the  Aesthetic  Contract—Film  and  Literature,  (Bloomington:  Indiana  University  Press,  1998),  xiii.    

228    Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  171.      229    Carr  and  Watkins,  “Appendix  1  –  Inaugural  Meeting  of  the  African  World  History  Project,”  337  (see  note  14).  

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belief  that  an  image  projected  to  an  audience  enters  that  audience’s  consciousness  

like  a  hypodermic  needle  injection  into  the  mainstream  of  its  mind”230  What  

Taylor  suggest  is  of  some  significance.    In  as  much  as  we  are  dismembered  from  

traditional  languages  and  are  almost  completely  tethered  to  foreign  linguistic  

forms  our  historical  memory  will  continue  to  remain  disrupted.    To  the  extent  that  

our  language  choices  are  couched  in  oppressive  regimes  our  memories  will  

continue  to  be  projected  to  us  as  forgeries.231    Taylor  makes  note  of  a  common  

‘liberation-­‐minded’  creed,  “to  learn  the  oppressor’s  language  is  to  imbibe  his  

culture,  and  to  imbibe  his  culture  is  to  submit  to  cultural  inferiority.”232  

The  process  of  recovery  and  restoration  of  traditional  African  languages  offers  one  

of  the  most  impactful  solutions  to  the  study  of  “getting  our  problems  straight.”    

Congolese  scholar  Kimbwandende  Kia  Bunseki  Fu-­‐Kiau’s  states:  

Africanists  and  all  African  wisdom  lovers,  likewise,  must  be  interested  in  the  study  of  African  languages  in  order  to  avoid  yesterday’s  biased  blunders.    How  can  someone  be  a  true  Africanist  if  he/she  is  not  able  to  speak  a  single  African  language?    How  could  he/she  represent  a  system  he/she  dares  not  truly  taste  and  feel?    Food  tastes  good  only  if  one  can  taste  and  feel  the  mind  and  heart  of  the  person  who  cooked  it.    This  applies  to  cultures  as  well.    A  systematic  understanding  therefore  is  possible  only  if  one  can  taste  and  feel  the  radiation  beauty  [n’nienzi  a  minienie]  of  the  language  that  generates  that  culture.233    

230    Taylor,  The  Mask  of  the  Art,  177.  231  This  idea  is  taken  in  part  from  Cedric  Robinson’s  tome  Forgeries  of  Memory  and  Meaning:  Blacks  and  the  Regimes  in  American  Theatre  and  Film  before  World  War  II  (Chapel  Hill:  University  of  North  Carolina  Press,  2007).    

232  Taylor,  The  Mask  of  the  Art,  176.  233  Fu-­‐Kiau,  Tying  the  Spiritual  Knot,  10-­‐11.  

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What  Fu-­‐Kiau  suggests  is  axiomatic.    In  order  to  understand  our  culture,  

traditional  languages  must  be  engaged.    Language  is  the  essence  of  the  culture,  the  

kernel  through  which  traditional  ideas  stem  and  in  this  setting  is  reanimated.  

Thiong’o  suggest  that  culture  is  loss  not  only  in  the  dismembering  of  language  but  

also  with  the  imposition  of  a  foreign  tongue.    He  infers  that:  

To  starve  or  kill  a  language  is  to  starve  and  kill  a  people’s  memory  bank.    And  it  is  equally  true  that  to  impose  a  language  is  to  impose  the  weight  of  experience  it  carries  and  its  conception  of  self  and  otherness—indeed  the  weight  of  its  memory,  which  includes  religion  and  education.234    

Kalamu  ya  Salaam  concretizes  Fu-­‐Kiau  and  Thiong’o’s  complimentary  views  in  his  

1995  essay  “It  Didn’t  Jes  Grew:  The  Social  and  Aesthetic  Significance  of  African  

American  Music.”    Salaam  looks  at  GBM  as  a  medium  in  which  African  languages  

exist  and  culture  germinated  and  bloomed.  Salaam  writes  that  he:  

addresses  language  as  both  a  basic  means  of  communication  and  as  a  tool  for  artistic  expression;  the  foundational  aesthetics  of  African  American  music  which  I  refer  to  as  GBM  (Great  Black  Music);  and  the  state  and  significance  of  the  four  major  genres  of  GBM  in  the  contemporary  setting—Gospel,  or  religious  music;  Jazz;  and  Black  Pop  or  R&B,  which  includes  everything  from  Jump  Blues,  Doo-­‐Wop,  Soul,  and  Dunk  to  New  Jack  Swing  and,  arguably,  Rap  (as  an  extension  of  R&B).    This  essay  is  an  attempt  not  simply  to  explain  what  GBM  is  and  how  it  functions  within  the  Black  community,  but  to  contextualize  both  the  total  significance  of  and  worldview  implicit  in  GBM.235        

234  Thiong’o,  Decolonizing  the  Mind,  20.      235    Salaam,“It  Didn’t  Jes  Grew:  The  Social  and  Aesthetic  Significance  of  African  American  Music,”  African  American  Review  29,  no.  2,  Special  Issues  on  the  Music  (Summer  1995),  Indiana  State  University,  351-­‐52.  

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Restoring  African  language  then  is  not  for  the  exclusive  exercise  of  memory  and  

repetition  but  also  serves  as  a  silo  of  culture,  a  practice  where  conversations  with  

our  cultural  antecedents  can  take  place  intergenerationally.    This  process  is  not  an  

easy  undertaking  or  a  casual  engagement.  Fu-­‐Kiau  admonishes  that  the  relevance  

of  his  text  should  not  be  seen  as  unimportant  but  instead  as  a  contribution  to  the  

accumulative  experience  of  knowing  and:  

Not  [as]  a  collection  of  some  data  for  some  academic  exercise  which,  usually,  consists  of  transferring  bones  from  one  graveyard  to  another.    It  is  a  mound  of  raw  materials  that  require  sharp  tools  and  trained  minds  to  work  with  for  individual,  societal,  and/or  academic  interests.236      

 Much  like  the  functional  applications  of  African  proverbs—  to  express  the  

collective  experiences  and  wisdom  of  its  people—  musical  productions  within  

African  traditions  serve  a  similar  purpose.    Even  within  the  confines  of  

enslavement  the  function  of  music  and  its  producers  remained  essentially  the  

same.    Music  served  as  translator  for  enslaved  Africans,  especially  during  the  

momentary  challenge  of  communication,  through  the  process  of  forced  language  

divorcing.237  The  creation  of  new  musical  developments  still  adhered  to  historical  

236    Fu-­‐Kiau,  Tying  the  Spiritual  Knot,  14.  237  This  does  not  suggest  that  Africans  completely  lost  or  discontinued  usage  of  their  traditional  languages,  syntax,  etc.    Evidence  supports  the  fact  that  the  earliest  of  Africans  enslaved  in  America  retained  and  passed  on  traditional  languages  to  future  generations.    Over  time  and  through  future  generations,  many  traditional  African  languages  were  synthesized  into  the  dominant  tongue  and  eventually  said  languages  riffed  off  of  English  primarily.    All  the  while,  however,  traditional  syntax  and  ideas  remained  in  use  even  to  this  day.    For  ways  in  which  languages  in  varying  African  communities  in  America  were  transmitted  and  translated  and  how  English  was  rejected,  learned  and  adapted,  see  Michael  Gomez,  “Talking  Half  African,”  in  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks.    Lisa  Green’s  master  work,  African-­‐American  English:  A  Linguistic  Introduction  (New  York:  Cambridge  University  Press,  2002)  is  worthy  of  consideration.    In  addition,  Geneva  Smitherman’s  Talkin  and  

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memory.  Salaam  approaches  this  process  of  translation  through  the  sacred  act  of  

naming.    He  asks:  

So  what  shall  we  call  this  child?    Naming  is  a  sacred  act.    For  slaves  and  the  descendants  of  slaves,  naming  is  not  only  sacred;  naming  is  also  revolutionary.    When  a  slave  names  her  or  himself,  in  effect  that  slave  consciously  asserts  a  sense  of  self  which  exists  outside  of  the  purview  and  control  of  the  master.    Naming  can  be  as  simple  as  selecting  a  few  words  to  call  a  newborn  baby,  or  as  complex  as  selecting  and  propagating  a  word  or  phrase  to  call  a  people  or  land.238  

 This  naming  ritual  extended  into  the  development  of  music.    Salaam  adds,  “But  

although  we  were  denied  expression  of  our  native  languages,  being  the  creative  

people  we  are,  we  not  only  developed  our  own  approach  to  the  master’s  tongue,  

but  we  went  one  better:  We  created  a  nonverbal  language  which  expressed  our  

worldly  concerns  as  well  as  our  spiritual  aspirations.    This  language  we  created  is  

‘the  music.’239    Salaam  suggests  that  Great  Black  Music  became  our  native  tongue  

in  this  process  of  recovery  and  cultural  retention.    He  summarizes  in  this  way:  

Why  do  I  claim  GBM  as  the  “mother  tongue”  and  SAE  [Standard  American  English]  as  a  second  language,  with  what  was  once  called  “Black  English”  as  a  third  

Testifyin—The  Language  of  Black  America  (Detroit:  Wayne  State  University  Press,  1977)  makes  considerable  contributions  to  the  context  and  history  of  Black  language  use  within  Black  culture.    Also  of  interest  here  is  Sterling  Stuckey,  Slave  Culture:  Nationalist  Theory  &  the  Foundations  of  Black  America  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  1987),  75,  which  notes  one  observer’s  recollection  of  Africans  in  Rhode  Island  on  election  day,  demonstrated  “great  delight  to  the  young  and  animated  sons  of  Africa,”  who  found  the  time  to  entertain  and  instruct  by  telling  tales  in  their  native  languages.    In  fact,  the  announcement  of  the  election  of  a  new  governor  of  the  blacks  was  known  to  occasion  “a  general  shout  .  .  .  every  voice  upon  its  highest  key,  in  all  the  various  languages  of  Africa,”  which  meant  a  sense  of  community,  of  underlying  cultural  unity,  was  felt  despite  linguistic  and  other  differences  among  them.”  (emphasis  added)  

238    Kalamu  ya  Salaam,  “Naming  and  Claiming  Our  Own,”  Black  American  Culture  and  Scholarship:  Contemporary  Issues,  77.  

239  Salaam,“It  Didn’t  Jes  Grew:  The  Social  and  Aesthetic  Significance  of  African  American  Music,”                              352.  

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category  somewhere  between  the  two?    GBM  was  developed  as  a  language  of  communication  and  cultural  affirmation  among  ourselves  and  specifically  ourselves.  “Black  English”  was  our  means  of  day-­‐to-­‐day  communication  among  ourselves  about  mundane  and  ordinary  matters.240    

 Salaam’s  ideas  underscore  the  linguistic  work  of  Nissio  Fiagbedzi.    Fiagbedzi,  in  

Nature  of  the  Aesthetic  in  the  African  Musical  Arts  describes  the  efforts  of  the  Ewe  

people  of  Ghana  in  preserving  their  cultural  identity  and  musical  worldview  

through  language.    The  Ewe  found  a  way  to  resolve  the  forced  language  of  

missionaries  to  delineate  the  Western  imposed  idea  of  art  with  that  of  their  

traditional  way  of  knowing  the  musical  arts.    The  Ewe’s  word  for  art  is  adanu.    

Nissio  states  that  adanu:  

Translates  to  be  clever,  able,  and  skillful  but  also  cleverness  or  zaza  (in  the  sense  of  being  mentally  quick,  resourceful,  and  ingenuous).    Similarly  the  verbs  do-­‐adanu  meaning  to  advise  transforms  into  adanudodo  (the  act  of  counseling  or  one  such  counsel  given).241  

 Thus  the  musical  arts  of  the  Ewe  is  best  understood  as  adanudowo  or  performative  

arts  or  occupations  that  involve  the  creation,  performance,  and/or  production  of  

humanly  organized  sounds  that  are  acceptable  as  musical  and  African  primarily  by  

Africans.    And  while  there  is  no  umbrella  term  for  music  in  traditional  Ewe  

language,  it  should  be  noted  that  music  to  the  Ewe  reveals  truth.      

Fiagbedzi  summarizes  the  importance  of  musical  arts  as  such:  

240  Ibid.,  354.  241  Nissio  Fiagbedzi,  An  Essay  On  The  Nature  of  The  Aesthetic  in  The  African  Musical  Arts  (Ghana:  Royal  Crown  Press  Limited,  2005),  2.  

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The  Ewe  frequently  describes  the  musical  arts  as  modzakadenu  (li.,  modzaku:  boredom;  de:  remove:  nu:  thing  i.e.  boredom-­‐removing  object).    This  attraction  away  from  pain  made  emphatic  by  observed  differences  in  Nature  as  well  as  in  society  provide  the  condition  for  making  aesthetic  choices  that  satisfy  rather  than  displease;  are  of  perceived  merit  rather  than  worthlessness;  beautiful  rather  than  ugly;  motion  based  rather  than  static,  and  balancing  more  preferably  than  imbalanced  or  unbalancing.242      

    What  then  in  the  absence  of  an  ability  to  write  in  traditional  African  

languages  can  the  African-­‐centered  scholar  utilize  to  ground  their  work  in  

historical  memory  of  their  people?    If  the  languages  convey  ideas,  meanings,  

history  what  is  lost  in  our  use  of  foreign  languages?    What  ideologies  are  being  

reinforced—perhaps  even  subtly—in  our  work  to  create  new  theories  and  

epistemologies  that  advances  our  interests?    Armah  speaks  of  Arab  and  European  

languages  and  the      ambivalence  among  Africans  in  using  such  languages  as  

logical.243    This  move  away  from  oppressive  regimes  and  back  toward  traditional  

languages  is  a  slow  walk.    It  is  a  long-­‐range  effort  that  involves  planning,  mastery  

and  training.  We  must  still  be  tacticians  in  our  approaches.    Armah’s  

admonishment  is  worth  noting  in  its  entirety  here:  

However,  if  as  writer  we  see  ourselves  as  not  only  in  the  hot,  immediate  fight  for  power,  but  in  the  long-­‐range,  value  oriented  effort  to  envision,  then  to  design  and  create  a  better  society,  then  two  considerations  become  important:  First,  no  longer  is  the  need  for  speed  in  the  process  of  social  change  so  urgent  and  immediate  that  we  can  divorce  style  from  substance  or,  

242  Ibid.,  21.  243  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  241  

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indeed,  sacrifice  style  altogether.  Second,  if  what  we  want  to  do  is  to  plan  for  long-­‐range  change,  then  we  cannot  hide  behind  the  claim  that  time  is  short.    We  know  we  have  the  time  to  examine  our  craft  in  all  its  historical  depth,  and  we  can  afford  to  study  the  necessary  connection  between  substance  and  style.244    

The   theories   that   we   imagine   and   the   epistemologies   that   we   create—while   for  

now  may  be  written  in  the  language  of  the  oppressor—notwithstanding,  the  ideas  

that   they   suggest   and   call   into   existence   must   be   couched   in   African   ways   of  

knowing.    

   

244  Ibid.,  242-­‐44.    Armah’s  admonition  here  is  reflective  of  ideas  that  Malcolm  X  noted  in  his  Message  to  the  Grass  Roots  speech,  (Malcolm  X  Speaks,  Selected  Speeches  and  Statements,  ed.  George  Breitman,  New  York:  Pathfinder,  1965,  11-­‐13)  over  fifty  years  prior.    In  his  short  talk  to  the  congregants  of  the  Northern  Negro  Grass  Roots  Leadership  Conference  in  Detroit,  Malcolm  introduced  many  of  the  modern  ideas  of  revolutionary  movements  from  Africa  of  the  time  and  wedded  them  with  the  necessary  actions  for  Africans  in  the  Americas  to  work  towards  their  liberation.    In  suggesting  the  reciprocal  benefits  of  historical  research,  Malcolm  X  offered,  “that  history  is  best  prepared  to  reward  our  efforts.”    He  undergirds  his  observation  in  the  following  passage,  “And  when  you  see  that  you’ve  got  problems,  all  you  have  to  do  is  examine  the  historic  method  used  all  over  the  world  by  others  who  have  problems  similar  to  yours.  And  once  you  see  how  they  got  theirs  straight,  then  you  know  how  you  can  get  yours  straight.”  Malcolm  pulled  from  the  rebellious  narratives  of  1)  the  Mau  Mau  of  Kenya;  2)  indigenous  South  African’s  resistance  to  apartheid;  3)  the  revolts  of  the  Algerians  against  the  French  and  4)  our  brothers  and  sisters  throughout  the  Congo  who  fought  against  Belgium  rule.  Malcolm’s  historical  narrative  crossed  the  Atlantic  and  coalesced  the  struggles  of  Africans  in  California,  New  York,  and  Michigan,  “as  a  common  cause  .  .  .  against  a  common  enemy.”    Malcolm’s  admonition  reinforces  the  idea  that  the  intentional  recovery  and  restoration  of  traditional  African  languages  offers  one  of  the  most  impactful  solutions  to  the  study  of,  “getting  our  problems  straight.”      

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The   decade   of   the   forties   provided   an   anchor   as  well   as   a   point   of   reference   for   resolving   the  contradictions  and  discontinuities  which  erupted  in   American   culture.   The   bankruptcy   of   racism  and  labor  exploitation  had  been  defiantly  exposed  by   its   victims,   who   changed   the   terms   of   the  discourse  as  well  as  the  mode  of  discourse.    Post  World  War   II  America  would  never  be   the  same  again—uptown   or   downtown—   as   the   voices   of  resistance   grew   stronger   and   more   assertive.    Now   is   the   Time,   Things   To   Come   and   A   New  World’s  A-­‐Coming  boldly  led  us  to  Freedom  Now  Suites  and  A  Love  Supreme.  

—Acklyn  Lynch245    

My  men   and  my   race   are   the   inspiration   of  my  work.    I  try  to  catch  the  character  and  mood  and  feeling   of   my   people.     The   music   of   my   race   is  something  more   than   the  American   idiom.     It   is  the  result  of  our  transplantation  to  American  soil  and   was   our   reaction   in   plantation   days   to   the  life  we   lived.    What  we   could  not   say  openly  we  expressed   in   music.     The   characteristic  melancholic   music   of   my   race   has   been   forged  from  the  very  white  heat  of  our  sorrows  and  from  our   groping.   I   think   the   music   of   my   race   is  something  that  is  going  to  live,  something  which  posterity  will  honor  in  a  higher  sense  than  merely  that  of  music  of  the  ballroom.  

—Duke  Ellington246  

Radicalized  Traditions:  A  Recoding  Of  Our  Aesthetic  Values  

    Before  advancing  it  must  be  agreed  that  our  contemporary  problems  cannot  

be  solved  without  memory.247    My  mention  of  this  understanding  here  is  to  

245  Acklyn  Lynch,  “Black  Culture  in  the  Early  Forties,”  Nightmare  Overhanging  Darky:  Essays  on    Black  Culture  and  Resistance,  101.      

246  Notes  from  the  Duke  Ellington  album  The  Blanton  Webster  Band  (Blue  Bird,  1940-­‐42).  247  This  statement  is  taken  from  Dr.  Greg  Carr,  who  constantly  reminds  his  students  of  the  need  for  historical  memory  in  our  responses  and  solutions  to  current  conditions.    This  reminder  implies  that  

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address  a  challenge  that  continues  to  present  itself  in  academic  research  of  African  

music.  Unfortunately,  all  too  often,  departures  into  Black  radical  movements  are  

written  as  if  they  began  in  the  late  1950’s  to  1960’s.    These  movements  are  seldom  

written  without  mention  of  the  pronounced  contributions  of  Black  music  of  the  

era.    Geneva  Smitherman  suggested  in  the  late  1970’s  that  writing  about  the  

significance  of  Black  music  in  the  Black  experience  had  become  cliché.248    

Alluding  to  the  extensive  writing  about  Black  music  Seba  Asa  Hilliard  adds,  

“Perhaps  no  better  documented  area  of  the  variety  of  human  experiences  in  the  

United  States  exists  than  that  of  music.”249    The  decade  of  the  1960’s  however  is  an  

imagined  utopia  of  Black  rage  and  regime  resistance  for  many  vindicationalist  

scholars.250    

    This  period  so  affixed  in  the  mind  of  historians  and  musicologists  whose  

research  interest  prioritizes  modern  Black  music  seldom  allows  them  to  

interrogate  a  time  or  space  beyond  these  decades  or  beyond  American  soil.251    The  

research,  reading,  and  writing  are  complimentary  tools  in  the  process  of  liberation.    Memory,  then,  in  this  context,  resists  knee-­‐jerk  reactions  from  intentional  controversial  modern  “problems”  that  are  in  fact  distractions  from  the  longer,  deeper  systemic  challenges  facing  the  Pan-­‐African  community.    This  idea  from  Carr  is  reflective  of  the  wise  words  from  his  Seba,  John  Henrik  Clarke,  who  often  reminded  us  that,  “Any  group  of  people  who  begin  their  history  with  slavery  will  see  everything  after  that  [enslavement]  as  an  accomplishment.”  

248    Smitherman,  Talkin  and  Testyfyin,  50-­‐51.  249    Asa  Hilliard,  The  Maroon  Within  Us:  Selected  Essays  on  African  American  Community     Socialization  (Black  Classic  Press,  1995),  23.  

250    See  Carruthers,  “An  African  Historiography  for  the  21st  Century,”  pp.  64-­‐66,  for  his  vindicationists  theory.      

251  One  glaring  example  of  this  is  Stanley  Crouch’s  response  to  John  Coltrane’s  compositions  and  playing  during  the  periods  of  1964  to  1967.    Crouch—whom  Greg  Carr  categorizes  as  a  Neo-­‐Liberal  (“What  Black  Studies  Is  Not,”  178-­‐91)—in  his  special  kind  of  revisionist  history  states:  “In  fact,  much  black  nationalism  was  really  about  enormous  self  hatred  and  contempt  for  Negro-­‐American  culture.    Its  vision  misled  certain  black  people  into  denying  the  depth  of  the  indelibly  rich  domestic  influences  black  and  white  people  had  had  on  each  other,  regardless  of  all  that  had  been  wrought  

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creative  uprising  in  America  that  birthed  the  songs,  hymns,  movements,  

recordings,  and  dances  of  the  1960’s  were  informed  from  an  extended  narrative  

that  occurred  before  the  horrific  challenges  of  Jim  Crow  and  a  political  racist  

system.    In  other  words,  as  Ralph  Ellison  persuasively  indicates,  “black  history  and  

culture  are  infinitely  more  complex,  proactive,  affirmative,  and  internally  driven  

than  mere  responses  to  white  oppression.”252    Historical  memory  tells  us  that  Black  

resistance  on  American253  soil  began  when  they  realized  that  as  captives  they  

would  not  be  returning  home;  that  America  was  a  foreign  land;  that  the  languages  

they  spoke  was  not  English;  their  customs  and  cultures  were  not  of  the  Western  

world,  “and  that  every  morning  at  a  certain  time  certain  work  had  to  be  done  and  

that  they  would  probably  be  asked  to  do  it.”254    This  was  the  animation  of  the  

wailing  and  the  blues  in  America  for  enslaved  Africans.    However,  it  was  not  the  

beginning  of  their  intellectual  musical  responses  to  lived  conditions  and  

by  slavery  and  segregation.  The  greatest  of  John  Coltrane’s  music  reflects  that  confluence  of  races  and  influences.    A  country  Negro  from  North  Carolina,  Coltrane  was  as  much  an  heir  to  all  that  Bach  and  his  descendants  gave  the  world  as  he  was  to  the  blues.    He  was  an  heir  to  all  that  Negroes  had  done  with  the  saxophone  and  what  he  admired  in  Stan  Getz.    None  of  Coltrane’s  music,  early  or  late,  ever  sounded  like  African  music  because  his  bands  didn’t  play  on  one  and  three,  which  Africans  do,  and  because—until  the  end—they  swung,  which  Africans  do  not—nor  does  anybody  else  unaffected  by  that  distinctly  Negro-­‐American  contribution  to  phrasing.  “For  those  who  persist  in  calling  jazz  African  music,  I  ask  but  one  question:  Where  in  Africa  is  there  anything  that  resembles  Art  Tatum  or  Coleman  Hawkins?”  Crouch,  “Coltrane  Derailed,”  Jazz  Times  (Sept.  2002).  

252    Ralph  Ellison,  Shadow  &  Acts,  quoted  from  Waldo  E.  Martin  Jr.,  No  Coward  Soldiers:  Black  Cultural  Politics  and  Postwar  America  (Cambridge:  Harvard  University  Press,  2005),  5.  (emphasis  added)  

253  For  an  in-­‐depth  historical  treatment  of  Black  resistance  in  America,  see  Cedric  Robinson,  Black  Movements  in  America  (New  York:  Routledge,  1997).  

254  Baraka,  Blues  People,  xii.    Michael  Gomez  suggests  a  similar  process  during  the  barracoon  and  Middle  Passage  phase  of  enslavement  Gomez  states,  “The  barracoon  and  Middle  Passage  constituted  the  hazy  beginning  of  the  process.    In  the  midst  of  turmoil  and  confusion,  in  the  center  of  the  storm,  certain  facts  gradually  began  to  come  into  focus.    The  first  was  the  most  obvious:  all  who  were  in  chains  were  black,  and  nearly  all  who  were  not  were  white.    This  would  suggest  to  the  former  that  skin  color  was  in  some  way  central  to  the  call  to  suffer.”  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  165.  

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experiences.    The  improvisational  responses  to  new  conditions  were  bound  to  

foundational  adherences  though  adapted  to  suit  their  current  lived  conditions.    

Albert  Murray  writes  in  The  Hero  and  the  Blues:  

To  refer  to  the  blues  idiom  is  to  refer  to  an  established  mode,  an  existing  context  or  frame  of  reference.  But  then  not  only  is  tradition  that  which  continues;  it  is  also  the  medium  by  which  and  through  which  continuation  occurs.    It  is,  or  so  it  seems  in  the  arts  at  any  rate,  precisely  that  in  terms  of  which  the  objectives  of  experimentation  are  defined,  and  against  which  experimentation  begins.    Perhaps  a  better  word  for  experimentation  as  it  actually  functions  in  the  arts  is  improvisation.    In  any  case,  it  is  for  the  writer,  as  for  the  musician  in  a  jam  session,  that  informal  trial  and  error  process  by  means  of  which  tradition  adapts  itself  to  change,  or  renews  itself  through  change.255      

    This  imagined  world  of  the  vindicationalist  school  presents  challenges  to  

developing  a  music  methodology  that  concerns  itself  with  extending  the  

framework  of  meaning  making  beyond  our  contemporary  times.    To  recode  

knowledge—to  build  a  new  structure  in  the  rigid  academic  cesspool  is  a  threat  to  

the  objectives  and  accepted  thoughts  and  methodologies  of  this  hierarchy.    

Objectives,  which  Carruthers  note,  “keep  us  intellectually,  politically,  economically  

and  socially  dependent.”256    An  African-­‐centered  methodology  to  music  stems  

from  a  push  against  these  objectives.    An  allegiance  to  change  is  not  without  its  

challenges.    Clyde  Taylor  observes:  

The  recodification  of  knowledge  gets  us  embroiled  in  sometimes  painful  ironies  and  contradictions.  At  the  

255  Albert  Murray,  The  Hero  And  The  Blues  (New  York:  First  Vintage  Books,  1973),  72.  (emphasis  added)  

256  Carruthers,  African  World  History  Project,  10.  

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moment  their  efforts  finally  win  some  recognition  under  the  banner  of  the  aesthetic  (like  the  dubious  recognition  of  a  “Black  renaissance”  in  a  special  cover  story  in  Time  magazine  in  October  1994)  some  cultural  narrators  of  emergent  populations  may  become  irritated  to  hear  that  the  banner  salutes  a  corrupt  deal.    This  news  may  be  taken  as  an  even  more  painful  contradiction  if  their  economic  livelihood  depends  on  their  credibility  within  the  art-­‐culture  system.  Reframing  knowledge  always  means  disrupting  social  and  personal  histories  that  people  are  caught  up  in  living  at  the  moment.257    

Indispensable  to  our  approach  to  researching  African  music  culture  is  an  

agreement  that  the  methodologies  of  the  oppressor  are  counterintuitive  to  our  

own  liberation.    GBM  pianist  Cecil  Taylor  embraced  the  idea  that  his  musical  

approaches  had  to  be  connected  to  a  genealogy  from  which  he  arose.    He  relays,  

“I’m  really  quite  happy,  or  becoming  more  comfortable  with  the  conception  that  

[Duke]  Ellington,  after  all,  is  the  genius  I  must  follow,  and  all  the  methodological  

procedures  that  I  follow  are  akin,  more  closely  aligned  to  that  than  anything  

else.”258      

    African  music  is  worthy  of  interrogation  —our  aesthetic  values  emerge  out  

of  this  foundation—and  a  methodology  that  privileges  its  historical  foundations  is  

crucial.    

       

257  Taylor,  240.  (emphasis  added)  258    Cecil  Taylor  in  Spencer  Richards,  liner  notes,  Cecil  Taylor,  Live  in  Vienna,  Leo  1988.    May  1988.  

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In   the   beginning   was   the  Word,   and   the  Word   was   with   God,   and   the   Word   was  God.  

       —John  1:1    Our  words   represent   us,   for   they   are   our  words.  Our  words  declare  our  vision  of  the  world   and   our   relationship   to   it.  We   are  our  words.  

      —Michael  Gomez259    Words  don’t  go  there.  

    —Charles  Lloyd260    

The  Germination  Of  Music  From  Words    

    Do  words  sometime  get  in  the  way?    Does  the  allegiance  to  improvisation  

and  adaptation  within  Black  musical  experiences  alleviate  the  need  for  words?    

Does  Lloyd’s  observation  that  ‘words  don’t  go  there’,  suggest  that  words  and  sound  

(music):  while  both  creators  of  vibrations  are  not  mutually  exclusive.    Is  there  

something  lost  in  words  that  only  music  can  convey.    Fred  Moten  queries,  “Where  

do  words  go?    Are  they  the  inadequate  and  residual  traces  of  a  ritual  performance  

that  is  lost  in  the  absence  of  the  recording?”261    African  idioms  of  the  spoken  word  

suggest  that  there  are  creational  powers  in  the  speech/thoughts.    That  words  carry  

power  and  intent  is  understood  in  the  original  Kemetic  ideas  of  Mdw  Ntr  (the  

words  of  God;  Divine  speech),  Mdw  Nfr  (Good  speech),  and  Tf  (Idle  chat)  

respectively.    That  they  generate  ideas  and  actions  is  understood  in  the  Dogon’s  

259    Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  173.      260  “Editors  Note,”  Moment’s  Notice:  Jazz  in  Poetry  and  Prose,  eds.  Art  Lange  and  Nathaniel  Mackey  (Minneapolis:  Coffee  House  Press,  1993),  x.  

261    Moten,  In  the  Break,  42.  

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usage  of  the  phrase  Nommo.    Adisa  Ajuma  writes,  “Nommo  represents  the  African  

conception  of  the  generative  and  productive  power  of  the  word.    In  this  context  

the  use  of  language  becomes  a  means  of  giving  potency,  authenticity,  and  agency  

to  the  human  experience  while  simultaneously  creating  and  affirming  reality.”262  

    An  African  way  of  doing  does  not  separate  words  from  music:  music  from  

sound:  sound  from  words.    Mutuality  is  encouraged.    When  words  met  a  certain  

limit,  sound  through  the  medium  of  music  was  utilized.    Words  are  encoded  with  

ideas  that  are  in  turn  indexed  with  rhythm  and  created  into  sounds.    Music  is  a  

complimentary  extension  of  words.    Dr.  Robert  Rhodes  sheds  a  very  important  

light  onto  the  way  that  intellectual  utterances  are  extended  by  music.  Rhodes,    

speaking  about  the  intricacies  of  U.S.  foreign  diplomacies  notes:    

This  is  a  complicated  question  that  needs  further  elaboration.  Best  way  to  get  further  elaboration  is  to  listen  to  my  favorite  Horace  Silver  record,  “(scatting),  beep—boop—ba—di—bo—da.”    You  guys  [speaking  to  the  audience]  know  how  to  rap,  when  we  were  younger  you  had  to  know  how  to  bebop—it  was  much  harder—you  had  to  remember  the  changes.263    

Context  of  the  previous  conversation  aside;  Rhodes  in  his  nod  to  bebop  and  BAM  

musician  Horace  Silver  illustrates  how  Black  music  simplifies  ideas  by  unraveling  

the  complexities  of  words  and  themes.    Musicians  gather  the  figure  of  speeches,  

tales,  proverbs,  syntax,  ideology,  and  traditions  of  their  people  and  express  them  

through  music.    Smitherman  notes  that,  “The  black  musician,  his  or  her  way  of  life  

262    Adisa  Ajuma,  African  World  History  Project,  197.  263  Robert  Rhodes,  at  Gerald  Horne’s  lecture,  “The  Hidden  History  of  Black  Internationalism  in  the        United  States,”  presented  by  UBIQUITY  at  Howard  University,  September  20,  2013.    

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and  talk,  provide  a  kind  of  standard  in  the  Black  English-­‐speaking  community.”264    

Ben  Sidran  in  Black  Talk  extends  Smitherman’s  idea  by  stating:  

My  basic  assumption  is  that  black  music  is  not  only  conspicuous  within,  but  crucial  to,  black  culture.    It  has  often  been  asserted  that  music—its  place  in  society  and  its  forms  and  functions—reflects  the  general  character  of  the  society.    It  has,  however,  rarely  been  suggested  that  music  is  potentially  a  basis  for  social  structure.  Yet  I  contend  that  music  is  not  only  a  reflection  of  the  values  of  black  culture  but,  to  some  extent,  the  basis  upon  which  it  is  built.    This  places  on  the  importance  of  musical  expression  a  stress  alien  to  the  tradition  of  Western  cultures.265    

These  oral  modes  of  communication  served  as  a  fundamental  medium  of  cultural  

preservation  for  enslaved  Africans  who  had  an  understanding  of  an  existence  prior  

to  their  present  conditions.  The  oral  dispensing  of  cultural  norms  that  African  

values  are  built  upon  allowed  for  creative  embedding  with  philosophies  essential  

to  community  continuity.  When  these  philosophies  are  transplanted  in  new  spaces  

the  underpinnings  of  them  are  informed  by  an  exchange  of  ideas.  These  exchanges  

of  ideas  across  time  and  space  involved  an  intellectual  exchange  as  well.      

Edward  Said  interrogates  the  actions  of  intellectual  artifacts  as  it  moves  from  time  

and  space.266    Said’s  assertion,  according  to  Michael  New,  is  that  the  “cultural  and  

intellectual  life  are  usually  nourished  and  often  sustained  by  this  circulation  of  

ideas,  and  whether  it  takes  the  form  of  acknowledged  or  unconscious  influence,  

264  Smitherman,  52.  265  Ben  Sidran,  Black  Talk  (NewYork:  Holt,  Rinehart  &  Winston,  1971),  xiii.  266    See  Edward  Said,  “Traveling  Theory,”  in  The  Edward  Said  Reader,  eds.  M.  Bayoumi  and  A.  Rubin  (New  York:  Vintage  Books),  195-­‐217.    

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creative  borrowing,  or  wholesale  appropriation,”  occurs.267    Music  as  intellectual  

developments  thusly  is  a  circulation  of  ideas.  Ideas  that  circulated  not  from  the  

outside  world  of  the  captors  that  hovered  around  Black  communities  but  instead  

circulated  internally  from  within  intentional  Black  communities.    However,  Gomez  

notes,  that  there  were  parameters  built  around  the  selection  of  a  common  tongue:  

In  anglophone  North  America,  English  was  the  obvious  solution.    But  it  could  not  be  white  folk’s  English.    The  African  could  not  simply  parrot  what  he  heard  from  the  very  fount  of  oppression.    No,  the  words  had  to  be  altered.    The  syntax  had  to  conform  to  that  which  was  more  reminiscent  of  home.  The  meter  required  attenuation  so  that  when  spoken,  the  language  would  be  as  deracinated  as  possible.    So  the  African  put  his  indelible,  undeniable  imprint  on  the  language,  re-­‐creating  it  in  his  own  image  to  the  degree  possible.268    

The  importance  of  self-­‐dialogue  was  a  significant  issue  that  would  arise  in  these  

communities  during  enslavement.    One  form  of  a  common  tongue  that  united  

Black  communities  in  the  years  following  enslavement  was  the  use  of  folk  speech  

and  proverbs.    The  use  and  application  of  proverbs  will  be  considered  in  the  

ensuing  section.      

Of  The  Use  And  Roles  Of  Proverbs  

    A  common  inquiry  in  music  research  concerns  itself  with  non-­‐lyrical  

compositions.    How  does  one  contextualize  the  meanings  and  ideas  of  African  

compositions  that  are  without  words?    How  do  we  begin  to  understand  the  

267  Michael  J.  New,  “‘Black  Metaphysical  Grace’:  Theorizing  the  Movement  of  Music  in  the  Black  Diaspora,  the  Case  of  Cymande,”  in  Expanding  What  We  Know  Through  Research  Across  the      African  Diaspora,  eds.  Keith  B.  Wilson  and  Kevin  J.  A.  Thomas  (Minneapolis:  Tasora  Books,  2009),  103-­‐20.  

268  Gomez,  Exchanging  Our  Country  Marks,  172.  

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meanings  of  —  jazz  compositions,  hymns,  blues,  work  songs,  field  hollers  etc.—

and  place  them  in  a  correct  context  if  they  are  composed  without  words  that  

suggest  their  ideas.    The  space  between  words  and  music  is  an  in-­‐between  space,  

where  words  have  not  quite  connected  with  sound  to  inform  context.    This  space  is  

bridged  by  proverbs.  

    Proverbs  are  a  key  element  in  the  transitions  from  words  to  music.  

Linguistic  expert  Dell  Hymes  classifies  proverbs  as,  “speech  acts  in  that  they  are  

shaped  by  specific  sociocultural  factors  within  a  given  speech  community.”269    

Proverbs  are  primarily  told  through  the  spoken  word.    The  Akan  aesthetics  of  the  

proverbs  in  its  classical  development  was  primarily  used  to  encapsulate  the  

collective  wisdom  and  experiences  of  the  people.    Kofi  Opoku  states:  

that  proverbs  have  many  uses  in  African  societies;  they  may  express  an  eternal  truth;  they  may  be  a  warning  against  foolish  acts  or  be  a  guide  to  good  conduct.    African  proverbs  express  the  wisdom  of  the  African  people  and  are  a  key  to  the  understanding  African  ways  of  life  in  the  past  and  in  the  present.  The  main  purpose  of  the  Akan  proverbs  is  to  express  the  accumulated  wisdom  and  experiences  of  past  generation.270        

Akan  culture  is  saturated  with  proverbs  and  are  deeply  rooted  in  the  lived  

experiences  of  the  people.  Almost  everyone  in  traditional  African  communities  

became  a  living  carrier  of  proverbs,  and  are  interwoven  in  local  languages.”    The  

art  of  the  Akan  and,  by  extension,  their  proverbs  are  not  merely  for  aesthetic  

contemplation,  but  it  is  a  part  of  a  complex  system  of  thought.  This  complex  

269  Dell  Hymes,  Foundations  in  Sociolinguistics  (Philadelphia:  University  of  Pennsylvania,  1974),  53.  270  Ibid.,  xxi.  (emphasis  added)  

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system  among  other  things  articulates  ideas,  engages  moral  precepts  and  

memorializes  the  dead.    Through  the  use  of  proverbs  the  living  utter  the  wisdom  

of  the  ancestors.    J.  T.  Milimo  states,  “It  is  in  the  proverbs  that  our  people  stored  

up  all  their  wisdom  and  experiences  of  the  centuries,  but  especially  because  it  was  

this  wisdom  of  our  forbearers  which  led  them  to  find  simple  but  adequate  means  

of  teaching  about  life.”271    Proverbs  are  significant  in  the  socialization  process,  

mental  development,  abstract  thinking,  rhetorical  devices  in  arguments,  and  are  

indices  of  cultural  assimilation,  and  are  used  to  defend  or  prosecute  in  legal  

settings.    Issac  O.  Delano  states,  “In  Yoruba  society  no  one  can  be  considered  

educated  or  qualified  to  take  part  in  communal  discussions  unless  he  is  able  to  

quote  the  proverbs  relevant  to  each  situation.”272      

  The  power  of  proverbs  is  very  apparent  in  the  African  judicial  processes  in  

which  the  participants  argue  proverbs  that  intend  to  serve  as  past  precedents  for  

their  present  actions.    In  addition  they  are  heavily  used  in  resolving  daily  conflicts.  

Within  Akan  communities’  proverbs  are  necessary  verbal  tools  that  can  be  used  to  

achieve  the  goal  of  reducing  conflict.    Nii  O.  Quarcoopome  offers  that,  “Oral  

traditions  are  continually  evolving  and  their  meanings  are  changing.    Thus  the  

application  of  proverbs,  songs,  and  other  verbal  forms  to  the  imagery  in  works  of  

art  may  well  be  modified  to  reflect  new  thinking  and  shifting  social  and  political  

271  J.T.  Milimo,  Bantu  Wisdom  (Lusaka:  Zambia  Printing,  1972),  27.  272  Issac  Delano,  Yoruba  Proverbs:  Their  Meaning  and  Use  (Ibadan:Oxford  University  Press,  1966),  9.  

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conditions.”273    As  an  aesthetic  they  embellish,  adorn  or  enrich  everyday  

conversation;  they  put  salt  into  what  is  said.274    Proverbs  are  not  used  arbitrarily  or  

in  common  conversation.    They  are  void  of  meaning  if  they  are  not  applied  in  the  

correct  context.    The  proper  usage  of  the  proverb  is  for  the  wise.    The  Akan  say,  

Oba  nyansafo  wobu  be,  na  wonka  no  asem,  (the  wise  person  is  spoken  to  in  proverb  

not  in  plain  talk).    This  notion  is  the  antithesis  of  another  Akan  expressions  which  

states,  Okwasea  na  wobu  no  be  a,  wokyere  no  ase,  (when  a  fool  is  told  a  proverb,  the  

meaning  of  it  has  to  be  explained  to  him).      

  The  retention  of  proverbs  in  our  contemporary  times  is  everywhere.    Jack  

Daniel  states,  “Almost  everyone  knows  some  of  them  but  no  one  has  adequately  

defined  them.    They  offer  conventional  wisdom…but  many  people  report  that  they  

heard  their  mothers  and  grandmothers  use  them  most  often.”275  Daniel  observes  

that,  “Proverbs  are  an  index  of  cultural  continuity  and  interaction—  they  provide  a  

mirror  to  the  world  of  African  and  Diasporic  people,  they  continue  to  exist  in  Black  

popular  culture  and  bear  directly  on  the  issue  of  African  survivals  in  the  New  

World.”276  Kofi  Opoku  states,  that  within  the  Akan  culture,  “proverbs  are  also  

expressed  in  the  language  of  the  drums  and  the  sounds  of  the  horns.”277    The  

communal  appropriation  of  proverbs  into  musical  production  is  a  natural  

273  Nii  O  Quarcoopome,  “Art  of  the  Akan,”  Art  Institute  of  Chicago  Museum  Studies  23,  no.  2  (The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago:  African  Art):  137.  

274    Opoku,  xxi.  275    Jack  L.  Daniel,  Geneva  Smitherman-­‐Donaldson  and  Milford  A.  Jeremiah,  “Makin'  a  Way  Outa                            No  Way:  The  Proverb  Tradition  in  the  Black  Experience,”  Journal  of  Black  Studies  17,  no.  4  (June,  1987):  482-­‐83.    

276  Ibid.,  484.  277  Ibid.,  xx.      

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transition.    Much  like  the  norms  associated  with  musical  spaces  within  African  

communities  the  process,  in  which  proverbs  are  learned,  transmitted,  passed  on  

and  used  are  similar.      

    Of  particular  interest  are  the  specific  instances  when  proverbs  are  utilized  

as  well  as  the  individuals  that  are  trained  in  their  usage.    For  much  like  music  in  

African  communities  proverbs  are  everywhere  and  are  used  by  many.  However,  

there  are  still  those  that  are  apprenticed  and  trained  in  their  specific  use  and  

entrusted  with  passing  on  their  nuanced  meanings  and  historical  memory  of  them  

to  the  next  generation.  Leonard  Brown  explains,  “The  black  community  had  

required,  even  demanded,  music  of  a  certain  type  and  feeling—something  that  

expressed  their  trials  and  tribulations,  hopes  and  dreams,  wants  and  needs  .  .  .  .    

The  musician’s  role  was  to  understand  and  express  all  this  through  and  in  the  

music.”278    Fu-­‐Kiau’s  description  of  the  use  of  proverbs  in  African  communities  is  

similar  to  the  ways  in  which  Bebey  and  Nketia  discuss  the  training  of  individuals  

into  musical  traditions.    Fu-­‐Kiau  suggests:  

For  African  people,  proverbs  constitute  a  special  language.  Sometimes,  for  many,  proverbs  are  considered  both  a  secret  and  a  sacred  language  in  their  communication  where  the  expression—“talk  in  proverbial  language”  [zonzila  mu  bingana],  an  expression  used  within  the  community  to  prevent  the  leak  of  very  fundamental  principles  of  the  society,  i.e.,  to  prevent  the  outsider  from  auditing  the  debate  to  have  access  to  any  basic  systematic  concepts  of  the  

278  Leonard  Brown,  “You  Have  to  Be  Invited:  Reflections  on  Music  Making  and  Musician  Creation  in  Black  American  Culture,”  John  Coltrane  &  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom,  Spirituality  and  Music,  ed.  Leonard  Brown  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  2010),  6.  

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structural  organization  of  the  society,  especially  it’s  secrecies.279      

    Our  collective  understanding  of  African  languages,  words,  compositions  

and  proverbs  brings  us  to  the  development  of  the  proposed  methodology.  The  

tools  that  we  use  to  restore  our  historical  memory  will  determine  how  our  

nationhood  is  sustained  and  advanced.    Paramount  to  restoring  our  historical  

memories  and  the  abilities  to  pass  them  on  are  cultural  inscriptions.    The  methods  

will  determine  our  direction  and  survival  thrust.    Let  us  then  consider  how  the  

Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmology  as  an  epistemological  device  can  be  used  as  a  

methodological  approach  to  Africa’s  musical  cultures  and  the  life  and  music  of  

John  Coltrane.      

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

279  Fu-­‐Kiau,  93-­‐94.  

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The  hardest  part  of  the  music  is  improvising,  and  it  gets  harder  the  older  you  are.  Improvisation  is  a  gathering  together  of  all  the  evidence  you  have  of  how  to  resolve  going  from  here  to  here.  

—Dizzy  Gillespie280    

The  Vee  Of  The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  And  African  Musical  Genealogy  

    The  complexities  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram  and  its  fluidity  are  an  

epistemological  devise  that  is  useful  for  our  engagement  into  African  musical  

cultures.  As  demonstrated  the  cosmogram  is  a  proverbial  device  that  couches  the  

ideals  of  the  community.  In  particular,  as  Fu-­‐Kiau  highlighted:  creation  narratives,  

morals,  precepts,  instructions,  communal  and  family  relations  and  balance  are  

explained  through  the  moments  of  the  suns—the  Vees.    That  the  cosmogram  was  

the  nucleus  of  the  community  helps  in  our  understanding  of  the  depth  of  ideas  

that  it  had  to  engage.    

    Its  fluidity  allowed  for  adaptations  as  communities  faced  new  choices  and  

experiences.  The  four  Vees  and  their  particular  characteristics  accounted  for  most  

experiences  that  an  individual  or  a  community  would  face.  Before  the  notion  of  

cultural  survival  occurred  to  African  peoples  there  was  the  normal  position  of  

cultural  sustainability.    My  position  suggests  that  Africans,  before  the  challenges  of  

enslavement,  focused  on  culture  as  necessary  to  the  existence  of  their  home,  their  

families,  and  their  communities.  The  survival  aspect  radiates  from  new  

geographical  spaces  over  extended  amounts  of  time.    However  as  Floyd  states,  

280  John  Birks  “Dizzy”  Gillespie,  Interview  with  John  Birks  “Dizzy”  Gillespie,  in  Charles  Graham,The  Great  Jazz  Day  (Da  Capo  Press,  2000),  114.  

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“African  survivals  exist  not  merely  in  the  sense  that  African  American  music  has  

the  same  characteristics  as  its  African  counterparts,  but  also  that  the  musical  

tendencies,  the  mythological  beliefs  and  assumptions,  are  the  same  as  those  that  

underlie  the  music  if  the  African  homeland  .  .  .  .”281    The  cosmogram  existed  in  the  

Americas  in  varying  forms  and  functions.  The  iconography  of  the  cosmogram  has  

been  located  in  America  on  trees,  homes,  clothing,  burial  caskets  and  other  

material  possessions.282    The  ideology  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram  extended  

into  the  performances  of  the  Ring  Shout  and  eventually  led  into  the  development  

of  Second  Line  ritualized  movements.283    

    Considering  the  survival  and  fluidity  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmograph  and  

its  functionality  as  an  epistemological  device  is  an  easy  appropriation.    The  four  

281  Floyd,  Power  of  Black  Music,  5.      282  Most  recently  I  read  a  news  story  about  the  First  African  Baptist  Church  in  Savannah,  GA.    Among  the  many  highlights  of  the  First  African  Baptist  Church  primarily  being  the  oldest  Black  church  in  North  America—founded  in  1775—the  author  of  the  article  notes:  The  church  was  built  with  a  secret  floor  underneath  its  real  floor,  and  was  a  stop  on  the  Underground  Railroad.  Never  discovered  by  authorities,  the  crawlspace  hid  hundreds  of  runaway  slaves  and  a  tunnel  led  them  to  the  Savannah  River.  To  mask  their  true  purpose,  the  floor’s  breathing  holes  were  bored  in  the  shape  of  the  Kongo  Cosmogram;  an  African  spiritual  symbol  often  used  by  American  slaves.    See  Savannah  for  91  Days,  (http://savannah.for91days.com/2011/01/14/first-­‐african-­‐baptist-­‐church/,  January  1,  2014).  (emphasis  added)  

283  Both  Samuel  Floyd  and  Sterling  Stuckey,  whose  Slave  Culture  influenced  a  great  amount  of  Floyd’s  early  work  speak  in  detail  about  the  Ring  Shout  and  its  convergence  in  America  out  of  the  cultural  norms  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram.    Floyd  extends  Stuckey’s  ideas  of  the  Ring  Shout  and  its  developments  into  the  Second  Line.    Floyd  notes  in  (“Ring  Shout!  Literary  Studies,  Historical  Studies  and  Black  Music  Inquiry,”  Black  Music  Research  Journal  22,  (2002):  49-­‐70,  Center  for  Black  Music  Research,  Columbia  College  Chicago  and  University  of  Illinois  Press),  “What  Stuckey  does  not  say,  but  which  will  be  clear  to  readers  familiar  with  black  culture,  is  that  from  these  burial  ceremonies,  the  ring  straightened  itself  to  become  the  Second  Line  of  jazz  funerals,  in  which  the  movements  of  the  participants  were  identical  to  those  of  the  participants  in  the  ring—even  to  the  point  of  individual  counterclockwise  movements  by  Second  Line  participants,  where  the  ring  was  absent  because  of  the  necessity  of  the  participants  to  move  to  a  particular  remote  destination  (the  return  to  the  town  from  the  burial  ground).    And  the  dirge-­‐to  jazz  structure  of  the  ring  shout,  where  “the  slow  and  dignified  measure  of  the  ‘walk’  is  followed  by  a  double  quick,  tripping  measure  in  the  ‘shout.’”  

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moments  of  the  cosmogram,  Carr  notes,  “symbolize  the  cyclical  dimensions  of  

reality,  including  the  daily,  group,  and  historical  human  experience  as  microcosm.    

The  Ki-­‐Kongo  trace  the  movement  of  history/reality  from  sunrise  (birth)  to  the  

apogee  of  material  power  and  strength  (noonday  sun),  the  waning  of  physical  

reality  (sunset),  and  the  apogee  of  spiritual  power  and  strength  (the  midnight  

sun).”284                                                                                    

                   KISE             (Fatherhood)                                                                                      

 

 

 

                             

 

 

 

 

           

Each  moment  along  the  cosmogram  serve  as  markers  and  indicators  of  the  human  

life  cycles.  [see  Figure  4].    Nothing  in  the  life  of  the  Kongo  community  has  an  

outside  existence  of  the  cosmogram.  Marriage  for  instance  has  points  along  the  

284  Carr,  “You  Don’t  Call  the  Kittens  Biscuits,”  364.  

LONGO (Marriage) TATA

(Father)

KINGWA-NKASI (Unclehood)

NGUDI (Mother)

Figure  4.  Longo  cosmogram.    

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cosmogram  that  informs  the  community.    Fu-­‐Kiau  states,  “Notice  the  position  of  

each  element  allied  to  marriage  longo.    Longo  itself  occupies  the  position  of  center  

(didi),  the  source  of  radiation  of  life.    The  marriage,  in  other  words,  for  the  Bantu-­‐

Kongo,  is  a  physically  living  symbol  of  alliance(s)  between,  at  least,  two  

communities.”285    The  community  is  held  together  by  the  relationships  of  the  

longo.    Fu-­‐Kiau  notes  that  kanda  does  its  best  to  maintain  the  life  of  the  longo.    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

                                                         

      Another  governance  model  of  the  cosmogram  is  depicted  on  the  macro  

level  of  the  community.    The  Muntu  [see  Figure  5]  model  differs  from  the  longo  

285  Fu-­‐Kiau,  Tying  the  Spiritual  Knot,  39.      

Buta (Family)

Mwelo-nzo (Extended Motherhood)

Moyo (Motherhood)

Kanda (Community)

Muntu (Human)

Figure  5.  Muntu  cosmogram.

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model  in  that  it  explains  the  broader  concepts  of  the  community.    These  concepts  

are  the  historical  norms  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  people  in  that  they  explain  concepts  

of  “family.”    The  muntu  at  the  center  much  like  the  longo  suggests  the  nucleus  of  

the  community  arrangement.    The  muntu  as  person  is  a  set  of  concrete  social  

relationships  and  is  a  system  within  systems.    The  mwelo-­‐nzo—extended  

motherhood—as  it  relates  to  the  muntu  is  of  extreme  importance.    The  kanda  and  

the  mwelo-­‐nzo  as  they  relate  to  children  explain  child  governance.    The  buta  is  the  

most  important  institution  in  Kongo  societal  structures.    However,  the  child  is  not  

the  sole  responsibility  of  their  primary  buta.  But  instead  belongs  to  a  collective  and  

extended  paternal  community.    Fu-­‐Kiau  says,  “By  recognizing  the  longo  as  legal,  

the  society  accepts  automatically  the  responsibility  to  raise  all  offspring’s  of  such  a  

“longo”  whereby  the  African  saying,  “It  takes  the  whole  community/village  to  raise  

a  child.”286    The  buta  is  where  kanda  norms  are  taught,  practiced  and  reinforced.  

  A  methodology  to  researching  the  genealogy  of  the  intellectual  production  

of  African  music  can  be  achieved  by  wedding  Fu-­‐Kiau’s  treatment  of  the  Bantu-­‐

Kongo’s  Vee  understanding  and  Portia  Maultsby’s  Map  of  the  Music:  The  Evolution  

of  African  American  Music.    We  arrive  at  an  intersection  of  complimentary  

contributions  from  deep  thinkers  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  who  offer  insight  

into  how  this  intellectual  project  can  be  engaged.    If  we  examine  the  Bantu-­‐

Kongo’s  Vee  cosmography  superimposed  onto  Maultsby’s  Map  of  the  Music  [see  

Table  3]  the  intellectual  genealogy  of  African  music  is  configured  into  a  working  

286  Ibid.,  41-­‐42.  

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concept  and  a  suitable  paradigm  in  which  the  grander  work  of  mapping  the  

musical  genealogy  in  spite  of  an  absence  of  an  abundance  of  primary  materials  can  

be  engaged.  

 

 

 

 

 

     

 

Figure  6.    The  third  Vee.    The  Vanga  Phase.  

    The  third  Vee  of  demarcation  is  the  Vanga,  [see  Figure  6]  from  the  term  

ghanga,  which  means  “to  perform,  to  do.”287    According  to  Fu-­‐Kiau,  “This  Vee,  the  

most  crucial  in  life,  represents  the  stage  of  creativity  and  great  deeds  or  tukula  

stage  of  the  root  verb  kula,  to  mature,  to  master.”288    In  other  words  it  is  at  this  

stage  of  the  cosmogram  in  the  physical  realm  that  the  highest  of  forms  of  creativity  

take  place.    It  is  where  inventions,  great  works  of  art—music—is  produced.    In  

addition  to  be  becoming  a  kula  in  this  Vee  the  muntu  becomes  a  healer  and  

specialist.    This  process  is  quite  similar  to  the  Ewe’s  word,  adanu,  which  aside  from  

expressing  art  ideas  also  conveys  the  idea  of  one  who  has  zaza  (cleverness),  or  does  

adanu  (advisor,  counsel,  possessor  of  skill).    Fu-­‐Kiau  continues,  “At  this  point  one  

287  Ibid.,  139.  288  Ibid.    

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becomes  an  nganga,  a  master,  a  doer,  a  specialist  in  the  community  of  doers.    It  is  

in  this  phase  of  the  cosmogram  that  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  says  one  “stands  vertically”  

inside  ones  Vee.289    

    One  becoming  a  kula  does  not  happen  simply  because  of  advancing  in  age.    

The  process  of  kula  is  reflective  of  apprenticing  with  those  who  have  made  their  

way  around  the  Vee.    African  music  is  developed  in  a  similar  way.    African  music  is  

reflective  of  the  lived  existence  of  the  community.    It  engages  ideas  and  obstacles  

and  gathers  all  the  wisdom  and  experiences  that  have  been  agreed  upon  and  

passed  on—and  put  into  sound.    African  music  research  must  express  these  

specifics  in  their  analysis.    The  cosmogram’s  movements  and  purposes  from  its  

musoni  to  luvemba  remains  the  same.    It  is  reimagined  and  facilitated  wherever  

Africans  found  themselves.    Consider  for  example  the  creation  of  the  work  songs.    

The  work  songs  had  a  go  order—their  musoni,  on  American  soil.    Its  creation  was  a  

gathering  of  all  the  lived  experiences  possible,  related  to  their  current  conditions  

and  emptied  into  music  and  sounds.    But  these  creations  were  not  new290.    They  

were  repetitions  of  cultural  productions  and  norms  that  had  been  created  in  other  

times  and  spaces.      

    Utilizing  the  cosmogram  puts  to  rest  allusions  of  enslaved  African  cultures  

in  America—discovered  by  outsiders  at  some  point—was  somehow  invented  here.    

This  is  what  I  label  as  the  vacuum  theory.    The  vacuum  theory  explains  the  

phenomena  of  outsiders  discovering  something  new—e.g.,  Christopher  Columbus  

289  Ibid.,  140.  290  See  note  14.  

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or  the  latest  gentrification  movements—and  then  labeling  it  as  theirs,  and  re-­‐

appropriating  its  functions,  meanings,  and  forms  into  a  palatable  and/or  

voyeuristic  activity.    Ortiz  Walton’s  explanation  of  this  phenomenon  in  Music:  

Black,  White  and  Blue  is  worth  noting  here  in  length:  

Implicit  in  this  argument  is  the  assumption  that  culture,  or  particularly,  the  expressive  aspect  of  culture,  is  determined  only  by  social-­‐political  forces,  to  the  exclusion  of  other  possible  variables,  e.g.,  climate  and  geography.    But  the  most  serious  assumption  is  the  denial  of  what  is  readily  given  for  other  groups—a  sense  of  cultural  heritage.    Irish  living  in  America  are  accorded  a  sense  of  cultural  descendancy,  and  so  are  Italians,  Poles,  and  Mexicans.    Africans  living  in  Brazil,  Trinidad,  and  Haiti  are  also  accorded  this  sense  of  cultural  descendancy,  but  the  black  man  in  America,  unlike  other  ethnic  groups  in  the  new  world,  is  conceived  of  as  having  no  cultural  roots  anywhere  except  in  America.  

 Walton  furthers  his  examination  into  the  implications  of  musical  

development  reductionism:  

The  problem  cannot  be  simply  reduced  to  one  of  social  oppression,  inasmuch  as  poor  whites,  who  have  had  an  equally  long  history  of  poverty  and  now  make  up  the  majority  of  welfare  recipients,  did  not  create  the  Blues,  Jazz  or  Spirituals.  Although  the  social  conditions  peculiar  to  America  have  obviously  been  an  economic  disadvantage  to  Blacks,  they  have  coalesced  with  African  retentions  to  produce  a  new  and  highly  influential  culture  and  world  view.    The  Blues  cannot  be  reduced  to  a  reaction  against  what  white  people  do  and  have  done:  rather  they  would  be  more  accurately  conceived  of  as  a  positive  form  that  affirms  and  preserves  Afro-­‐American  culture.291    

291  Ortiz  Walton,  Music:  Black,  White  &  Blue—A  Sociological  Survey  of  the  Use  and  Misuse  of  Afro-­‐American  Music  (New  York:  William  Morrow,  1972),  33-­‐34.  (emphasis  added)  

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The  Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmogram  explains  this  repetition.    As  was  demonstrated  

Africans  of  the  Nile  Valley  incorporated  work  songs  into  their  daily  lives.    In  

addition,  as  intentional  African  communities  over  time  round  the  moments  of  the  

suns  they  also  discard  that  which  is  no  longer  of  use.    These  nonfunctional  ways  

are  not  passed  on  or  apprenticed  to  newer  generations.      

    Using  the  model  of  the  Map  of  Maultsby  with  the  Vee  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  

allows  us  to  research  the  development  of  African  music.    The  placement  of  the  Vee  

at  the  tukula  movement  encompasses  the  foundations  of  the  music  as  African  

Deep  Thought;  and  then  as  a  process  of  the  Maafa,  it  reaches  its  vertical  stand  in  

the  ‘reversed  pyramid’  in  America.    In  this  spatial  diversion,  the  function  of  African  

music  primarily  remains  the  same—to  express  the  collective  wisdom  and  

experiences  of  a  people—as  a  result  of  mastery  of  oneself  and  knowledge  of  self  

with  the  rest  of  the  universe.    Reading  the  cosmogram  as  an  epistemological  tool  

for  research  allows  us  to  seek  answers  that  are  beyond  the  present  methods  used.    

The  current  methods  to  the  music  is  often  attached  to  the  culture  but  is  examined  

through  the  dominant  cultures  gaze  and  norms.    African  music  is  not  interrogated  

as  a  long  history  that  precedes  the  current  conditions.      

    What  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmogram  achieves  for  the  researcher  is  the  

ability  to  ask  first  order  questions  about  the  musical  culture  and  its  musicians.    

Carr  suggest  that  these  first  order  question  would  include:    1.What  were  the  long-­‐

view  genealogies  of  African  historical  memory  that  were  introduced  through  

institutions  of  family  and  community?    2.  Were  there  ordered  techniques  drawn  

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from  the  same  cache  of  African  historical  memory  that  governed  the  process  of  

improvisational  contributions  to  future  generations?    3.  How  have  current  

generations  incorporated  memory  and  improvise  memory  techniques  into  their  

longer  genealogy  of  Africana  historical  memory,  the  Black  Radical  Tradition,  and  

the  African-­‐Centered  Worldview?292      

    Of  this  point,  Salaam  states,  “In  the  final  analysis  it’s  all  about  context  and  

control—what  we  do  in  and  with  our  own  space  and  time.    Everything  is  informed  

by  its  time  of  creation,  existence,  and  demise;  what  was  happening  when  it  was  

going  on.”293    In  this  context  the  critic;  music  executive;  money  grabbing,  capitalist  

impetus  that  lead  to  the  artificial  imposition  of  genre  demarcation  is  rendered  

obsolete.    In  its  place  I  suggest  the  only  genre  label  that  should  be  utilized  should  

be  that  of  time  and  space.    A  temporal  and  spatial  reorientation  situates  us  in  

appropriate  moments  and  movements  and  instructs  our  future  direction.  Armah  

would  suggest,  specifically  in  regards  to  Cheikh  Anta  Diop  and  Théophile  

Obenga’s  work,  but  also  relevant  to  this  conversation,  “it  was  not  about  Egypt  

alone  or  the  pharaonic  period  alone,  but  about  the  continuity  of  African  space  and  

time.”294    

    Our  acute  understanding  and  utilization  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmograph  

in  our  research,  approaches  and  analyses  of  African  music  and  musicians  is  

paramount  to  our  recovery.          

292  Carr,  “You  Don’t  Call  the  Kittens  Biscuits,”  366.  293  Kalamu  ya  Salaam.  “It  Didn’t  Jes  Grew:  The  Social  and  Aesthetic  Significance  of  African  American  Music,”  375.  

294  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  147.  

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The   main   thing   a   musician   would   like   to   do   is   give   a  picture   to   the   listener  of   the  many  wonderful   things  he  knows  of  and  senses  in  the  universe.    That’s  what  music  is  to  me.    I’ll  continue  to  look  for  truth  in  music  as  I  see  it,  and  I’ll  draw  on  all  the  sources  I  can.      

      —John  William  Coltrane    

When   a   black   musician   picks   up   his   horn   and   starts  blowing,  he  improvises,  he  creates,  it  comes  from  within.    It’s  his  soul.    Jazz  is  the  only  area  in  America  where  the  black  man  is  free  to  create.  295  

—Malcolm  X    

CHAPTER  6    

JOHN  WILLIAM  COLTRANE’S  FIRST  TWO  MOMENTS  OF  THE  SUN    

    This  entire  project  could  have  been  devoted  to  the  life  and  music  of  John  

William  Coltrane.    The  rationale  for  it  is  simply  that  his  compositions  and  life  is  

reflective  of  the  continuity  of  African  foundational  music  and  cultural  norms.    

However,  in  an  attempt  to  build  a  framework  that  can  be  used  for  most  African  

musicians’  lives—in  particular  those  who  participate  in  the  BAM  conversation—I  

find,  out  of  necessity,  that  the  greater  need  is  to  use  Coltrane  as  an  exemplar  to  

demonstrate  how  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram  methodology  can  be  engaged.    The  

research  approaches  to  African  musicians  from  outsiders  is  reflective  of  the  failed  

methods  to  African  music.    T.J.  Anderson  underscores  the  need  for  new  

approaches  when  he  states,  “At  this  time,  we  are  experiencing  a  crisis—the  lack  of  

intellectual  respect  for  a  culture  that  has  been  subjected  to  both  the  best  and  worst  

295  Frank  Kofsky,  Black  Nationalism  and  the  Revolution  in  Music  (New  York:  Pathfinder  Press,  1970),  65.  

 

140

of  American  attitudes.    It  is  particularly  significant  that  these  works  come  directly  

from  African  American  culture.”296    Utilizing  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmography  as  a  

research  device,  this  chapter  will  narrate  Coltrane’s  life  within  the  African  long-­‐

arched  historical  experience.    

    To  date,  I  have  counted  eleven  biographies;297  one  edited  volume;298  four  

children’s  books;299  three  books  focused  on  an  album/record  label;300  one  complete  

recordings/concerts/events/discography  anthology;301  two  books  centered  on  Black  

Nationalism;302  one  book  that  explores  theology  in  Coltrane’s  music;303  and  two  

296  T.J.  Anderson,  John  Coltrane  and  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom:  Spirituality  and  the  Music,  ed.  Leonard  L.  Brown  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  2010),  v.      

297  See  Bill  Cole,  John  Coltrane,  (New  York:  Schirmer  Books,  1976);  John  Fraim,  Spirit  Catcher:  The  Life  and  Art  of  John  Coltrane  (Ohio:  The  Greathouse  Company,  1996);  Karlton  Hester,  The  Melodic  and  Polyrhythmic  Development  of  John  Coltrane’s  Spontaneous  Composition  in  a  Racist  Society,  (Ontario:  Edwin  Mellen  Press,  1997);  Farah  Griffin  and  Salim  Washington,  Clawing  at  the  Limits  of  Cool:  Miles  Davis,  John  Coltrane,  and  the  Greatest  Jazz  Collaboration  Ever  (New  York:  St.  Martins  Press,  2008);  Frank  Kofsky,  John  Coltrane  and  the  Jazz  Revolution  of  the  1960s  (New  York:  Pathfinder  Press,  1970);  Eric  Nisension,  Ascension:  John  Coltrane  and  His  Quest  (New  York:  Da  Capo  Press,  1995);  Lewis  Porter,    John  Coltrane:  His  Life  and  Music  (Ann  Arbor:  University  of  Michigan  Press,  1999);  Ben  Ratliff,  Coltrane:  The  Story  of  a  Sound  (New  York:  Farrar,  Straus  and  Giroux,  2007);  Cuthbert  Simpkins,    John  Coltrane:  A  Biography  (New  Jersey:  Herndon  House  Publishers,  1975);  Martin  Smith,    John  Coltrane:  Jazz,  Racism  and  Resistance  (London:  Redwords,  2001);  J.C.  Thomas,  Chasin’  the  Trane  (New  York:  Da  Capo  Press,  1975).  

298  Leonard  Brown,  ed.,  John  Coltrane  &  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom,  Spirituality  and  Music  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  2010).  

299  Gary  Golio,  Spirit  Seeker:  John  Coltrane’s  Musical  Journey  (Calrion  Books,  2012);  Before  John  Was  a  Jazz  Giant:  A  Song  of  John  Coltrane  (Henry  Holt  and  Co.,  2008);  Chris  Raschka,  John  Coltrane’s  Gian  Steps  (Richard  Jackson  Books,  2002);  John  W.  Selfridge,  John  Coltrane  (Franklin  Watts,  1999).  

300  Ashley  Kahn,  A  Love  Supreme  (see  note  13);  Ashley  Kahn,  The  House  that  Trane  Built:  The  Story  of  Impulse  Records  (New  York:  W.W.  Norton  Company,  2006);  Tony  Whyton,  Beyond  A  Love  Supreme:  John  Coltrane  and  the  Legacy  of  an  Album  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  2013).  

301  Chris  DeVito  et  al.,  The  John  Coltrane  Reference,  ed.  Cole  Porter  (New  York:  Routledge,  Taylor  &  Francis  Group,  2008).  

302  Frank  Kofsky,  Black  Nationalism  and  the  Revolution  in  Music  (New  York:  Pathfinder  Press,  1970);  Valerie  Wilmer,  As  Serious  as  Your  Life—John  Coltrane  and  Beyond  (Great  Britain:  Cox  &  Wyman,  1977).  

303  Jamie  Howison,  God’s  Mind  in  That  Music:  Theological  Explorations  through  the  Music  of  John  Coltrane  (Cascade  Books,  2012).  

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compilations  of  interviews304—twenty-­‐four  texts  in  total,  all  focused  completely  or  

primarily  on  John  Coltrane’s  life  and  music.    Many  approaches  have  been  

considered  regarding  Coltrane,  his  life,  compositions  and  recordings,  drug  

addiction  (unfortunately,  so  many  writers  focus  on  this  when  talking  about  

musicians  of  his  genre),  his  “free-­‐jazz”  period,  and  his  contributions  to  the  art  form  

known  as  “jazz”.    Frequently,  the  authors  of  his  biographies  take  a  hagiographic  

approach.305    However,  very  little  scholarly  work  is  focused  on  the  way  in  which  his  

life  reflects  and  his  compositions  retain  even  the  slightest  bit  of  an  African  

aesthetic.    This  is  not  to  say  that  there  are  no  writings  that  discuss  or  compare  

Coltrane’s  composition  and  African  cultural  aesthetics;  however,  what  is  being  

suggested  is  that,  aside  from  trying  to  pair  Coltrane’s  life  and  music  with  the  Black  

Nationalist  Movement  or  within  an  Eastern/Indian  sound,  little  in-­‐depth  work  has  

been  produced  that  shows  the  continuity  of  African  historical  memory  in  his  life.    

This  lack  of  cultural  centering  to  Coltrane’s  life  can  in  part  be  attributed  to  

Anderson’s  observations:  

It  is  understood  that  scholars  from  different  backgrounds  also  contribute  to  the  interpretation  of  John  Coltrane  and  his  musical  legacy.    But  it  is  a  matter  of  perspective.    The  contributors  whose  works  appear  in  this  book  are  immersed  in  African  American  lifestyles  and  come  to  this  moment  with  a  black  point  

304  Chris  DeVito,  ed.,  Coltrane  on  Coltrane:  The  John  Coltrane  Interviews  (Chicago:  A  Cappella  Books,  2010);  Carl  Woideck,  ed.,  The  John  Coltrane  Companion:  Five  Decades  of  Commentary  (New  York:  Schirmer  Books,  1998).  

305  See  Michael  “Salim”  Spencer  Washington,  “Beautiful  Nightmares:  Coltrane,  Jazz  and  American  Culture.”  PhD  diss.,  Harvard  University,  2001,  pp.  4-­‐8.  

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of  view.    This  is  an  insider’s  view  of  the  black  experience  in  music  and  its  impact  on  one  musician.306    

The  biographies—not  only  of  Coltrane  but  also  of  too  many  Black  musician—are  

infected  with  a  dominant  culture  hegemony  that  privileges  a  pathology  model  in  

their  narratives  and  analysis.    It  is  a  common  narrative  that  “is  disproportionately  

influenced  by  a  class-­‐based  epistemology  that  privileges  the  moments  and  sites  

where  those  individuals  interacted  with  Western  educational  and  other  socializing  

institutions.”307      

    This  model  takes  on  varying  forms  but  mostly  resembles  the  following  

approach.    1.  Birth:  The  Black  child  is  born  into  poverty  or  under  abnormal—

including  phenomenal  or  extraordinary—conditions.    2.  Child  Phenom  and  

Introduction:  The  Black  child  born  into  poverty  is  serendipitously  introduced  to  

an  instrument  and  demonstrates  extreme  prodigy-­‐like  abilities  without  any  or  very  

little  formal  training.    3.  Isolation  and  Tragedy:  At  this  phase,  the  narrative  of  the  

Black  child  is  written  with  very  little  community  interaction.    The  absence  of  any  

paternal  relations  or  any  current  existing  one  is  severed  through  absenteeism  or  

death.    This  may  be  the  tragedy  phase,  but  could  also  include  an  unnatural  death  

of  a  sibling  or  close  family  member,  constant  proximity  to  the  possibility  of  death  

or  emotional  pain  or  injuries  and  constant  poverty.    4.  Discovery  and  Rise:  The  

Black  child,  now  entering  young  adulthood  or  full  adulthood,  has  been  discovered  

from  a  White  or  Eurocentric  savior.    The  savior  is  less  concerned  with  the  child’s  

306  T.J.  Anderson,  vi.    [emphasis  added]  307  Carr,  “You  Don’t  Call  the  Kittens  Biscuits,”  365.  

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talents  than  he  or  she  is  with  the  economic  benefits  derived  from  control  of  the  

child’s  talents.    As  the  narrative  of  the  child  has  already  been  written  without  

interaction  with  his  or  her  own  community,  the  control  and  isolation  is  heightened  

in  new  surroundings  that  cause  certain  paranoia  and  self-­‐esteem  issues.    As  these  

fears  increase,  the sensationalized  childhood  tragedies  surface  and  are  coped  with  

through  self-­‐medication  or  anti-­‐social  behaviors.    5.  Fame,  Death,  Redemption:  

In  spite  of  or  because  of  drugs,  sex,  and  racism  (racism  in  this  model  is  imagined  

or  not  systemic,  but  is  isolated  to  rogue  hyper-­‐prejudiced  individual  or  groups,  e.g.,  

KKK,  childhood  teacher,  former  employer),  the  Black  musician  achieves  fame  and  

prosperity.    However,  the  demons  of  the  past308  pull  the  musician  down  into  the  

abyss  of  ruin.    This  ruin  is  usually  attributed  to  an  inability  to  handle  wealth  and  

notoriety.    The  Black  musician’s  fall  is  written  as  if  it  is  his  or  her  fault  alone.    

During  this  phase,  the  musician  dies,  self-­‐destructs,  or  is  jailed.      Cheating  death  or  

short  imprisonment  necessitates  the  most  sincere  of  apologies  to  the  nation  and  

the  White  savior,  but  never  to  the  musician’s  community  or  family—as  these  

families  and  communities  are  persona  non  grata.    The  narrative  of  the  Black  

musician’s  life  ends  here,  no  matter  the  years  left.        

    The  proposed  narration  will  consider  Coltrane’s  apprenticing,  his  family  

dynamics  (including  his  familial  religious  traditions),  his  musical  connections  to  

African  proverbs,  and  the  continuation  of  African  cultural  aesthetics.    These  facets  

308  If  the  narrative  is  of  a  musician  during  Jim  Crow  or  the  Civil  Rights  era,  racism  and  integration  has  to  be  included  into  the  tale.  

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of  Coltrane’s  life  will  be  wed  to  the  four  movements  of  the  sun,  the  four  Vee  stages,  

and  other  core  concepts  of  the  cosmogram.      

John  Coltrane’s  Musoni:  “The  Go  Order”  

    As  noted  by  Fu-­‐Kiau,  the  musoni  is  the  first  moment  of  the  sun  the  birth  of  

all  things.    The  Vee  at  this  moment  is  called  the  vangama.    The  vangama  is  the  

formation  process  whereby  “biological  life,  all  genetic  codes  are  imprinted  into  the  

future  ‘living  sun’  to  be,  the  child.”309    What  we  understand  of  Coltrane’s  vangama  

will  inform  even  an  outline  of  our  narrative  of  his  life;  including  his  musical  

developments.    It  is  important  to  recall  here  that  the  cosmogram  does  not  begin  

with  the  individual  but  “symbolize[s]  the  cyclical  dimensions  of  reality,  including  

the  daily,  group,  and  historical  human  experience  as  microcosm.”310      

As  such,  while  we  inscribe  Coltrane’s  life,  we  have  to  always  engage  it  as  a  part  of  

the  long  history  of  African  experiences.    His  life  along  the  cosmogram  is  a  

collection  of  all  the  experiences  in  which  his  community,  and  in  particular  his  

bloodline  ancestors,311  participated,  engaged,  and  believed.    The  amount  of  

research  devoted  to  Coltrane’s  family  origins  remains  inadequate.312    However,  we  

309  Fu-­‐Kiau,  African  Cosmology,  138.  310  Carr,  “You  Don’t  Call  the  Kittens  Biscuits,”    364.  311  John  Coltrane’s  maternal  family  were  the  Blairs  from  the  coastal  regions  of  North  Carolina,  and  his  paternal  side  the  Coltranes  were  from  the  central  regions  of  Piedmont,  North  Carolina.      

312  David  Tegnell’s  documentary  story  is  the  most  comprehensive  study  to  date  of  Coltrane’s              beginnings.    “Hamlet:  John  Coltrane’s  Origins,”  Jazz  Perspectives  1,  no.  2  (Nov.  2007):  167-­‐215.    His  research,  “drawn  from  an  ongoing  larger  study  that  looks  both  backward  and  forward,  detailing  the  histories  of  the  Blair  and  Coltrane  families  from  approximately  1810  through  John  Coltrane’s  migration  to  Philadelphia  in  1943.”  

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can  utilize  the  collection  of  research,  interviews,  letters,  and  biographies,  along  

with  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmogram,  to  “frame  our  interrogation”313  of  his  life.      

    From  birth,  his  families’  strong  educational,  musical,  and  spiritual  

foundations  informed  Coltrane’s  worldview.    Both  his  maternal  and  paternal  

grandfathers—William  Wilson  Blair  and  William  Henry  Coltrane—were  reverends  

at  various  southern  African  Methodist  Episcopal  churches,  including  North  

Carolina.    His  maternal  grandfather,  Rev.  William  Wilson  Blair,  also  received  an  

honorary  doctorate  of  divinity  degree  from  Livingston  College  around  1921.314    At  

the  same  time,  Coltrane’s  mother,  Alice  Blair,  at  23  years  old  was  enrolling  in  the  

same  college  (as  a  high  school  student),  graduating  in  May  1925.      

    A  very  confident  and  proud  man,  five  years  old  when  the  Civil  War  ended,  

Reverend  Blair  earned  enough  as  a  pastor  to  pay  his  daughter,  Alice’s  tuition  to  the  

private  high  school  and  protected  his  wife  and  daughter  from  the  “humiliation  of  

servitude”  as  domestic  workers  in  white  homes.315    His  parents—Alice  and  John  

Robert  Coltrane,  would  marry  August  17,  1925,  following  Alice’s  graduation  in  May.    

That  both  their  fathers  were  reverends  and  they  were  not  married  in  either  

churches  or  even  in  Hamlet,  North  Carolina,  but  instead  in  Bennettsville,  South  

Carolina,  reinforces  the  belief  that  they  eloped.    After  marriage,  the  couple  moved  

into  a  small  apartment  in  Hamlet,  North  Carolina,  and  later  to  High  Point  to  be  

closer  to  their  families.    Coltrane’s  parents  were  both  musicians;  Alice,  who  was  

313  Greg  Carr’s  utilization  of  the  “Ki-­‐Kongo”  cosmogram  as  a  paridgm  for  framing  Malcolm  X’s  life  in  part  influences  this  work.    See  Carr,  “You  Don’t  Call  the  Kitten  Biscuits,”  366.  

314  David  Tegnell,  178.      315  Ibid.,  200.      

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raised  with  a  piano  in  the  home,  frequently  played  European  compositions  and  

also  sang  opera;  John  Robert  often  played  pop  tunes  on  his  ukulele  and  violin.      

    Considering  this  small  snapshot  of  Coltrane’s  family  fabric  within  the  

vangama  process,  we  can  surmise  that  his  life  is  encoded  with  meaning,  wisdom,  

spirituality,  adanu,  and  security.    That  the  vangama’s  function  is  partly  one  of  

conception  it  is  not  surprising  that  Fu-­‐Kiau  notes,  “[i]n  this  sense,  ideologically,  we  

all  get  pregnant.    And  all  pregnancies  begin  inside  the  ‘V1,’  the  most  fertile  garden  

of  all.”316      The  formation  of  biological  genetic  codes  in  this  Vee  assumes  that  

Coltrane  from  birth  was  embedded  with  ideas  of  his  community.    [see  Figures  4  &  

5]    The  longo  and  muntu  paradigms  during  the  musoni  movement  and  at  the  

vangama  stage  also  participate  prominently  in  Coltrane’s  birth,  early  childhood,  

and  adolescence.    

    That  Alice  and  John  Robert  chose  to  live  near  their  families,  Coltrane  would  

have  been  a  part  of  a  Mwelo-­‐nzo  (extended  motherhood) and  as  part  of  a  longo  

(marriage)  was  in  an  “alliance  between,  at  least,  two  communities.”317    His  mother’s  

religious  adherences—informed  by  her  personal  dedication  but  also  from  

consistent  family  norms—would  have  a  huge  impact  on  Coltrane’s  life  and  music.    

Coltrane,  speaking  about  his  mother  and  his  religious  upbringing,  notes:    

Well,  it  wasn’t  too  strict,  but  it  was  right  there.  Both  my  grandfathers  were  ministers.  My  mother,  she  was  very  religious.  Like,  in  my  early  years  I  was  going  to  church  every  Sunday  and  stuff  like  that,  being  under  the  influence  of  my  grandfather—he  was  the  

316  Fu-­‐Kiau,  138.  317  Ibid.,  39.      

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dominating  cat  in  the  family.    He  was  most  versed,  active  politically.    He  was  more  active  than  my  father,  [who]  was  a  tailor;  but  he  [Coltrane’s  father]  never  seemed  to  say  too  much.    He  just  went  about  his  business,  and  that  was  it.    But  my  grandfather,  he  was  pretty  militant,  you  know.    Politically  inclined  and  everything.  Religion  was  his  field,  you  know.    So  that’s  where—I  grew  up  in  that.318    

His  kanda  (community)  and  the  importance  placed  on  education  and  spirituality  

and  the  constant  performance  of  musical  styles,  including  those  heard  from  the  

church  would  animate  Coltrane’s  inner  development  as  it  began  to  “[a]ccelerate  in  

order  to  expand  itself  and  its  environment  as  well.”319    Coltrane’s  experiences  with  

A.M.E.  ritualized  services  and  music  would  find  its  way  into  his  compositions  as  he  

grew  as  a  composer  and  muntu.    Coltrane  was  not  alone  in  his  infusion  of  black  

church  rituals  into  his  musical  styling.    Dizzy  Gillespie’s  compositions  were  filled  

with  his  influences  from  the  Sacred  Church.    In  his  autobiography  he  notes:  

Finally  came  the  Sanctified  church  where  everyone  knew  the  whole  congregation  shouted  .  .  .  .    The  leader  of  the  church  was  Elder  Burch,  and  he  had  several  sons,  Willie  and  Johnny  Burch  were  two  of  them  .  .  .  .    Johnny  Burch  played  the  snare  drum,  and  his  brother  Willie  beat  the  cymbal;  another  one  of  the  Burch  brothers  played  the  bass  drum  and  the  other  tambourine.    They  used  to  keep  at  least  four  different  rhythms  going,  and  as  the  congregation  joined  in,  the  number  of  rhythms  would  increase  with  foot  stomping,  hand  clapping  and  people  catching  the  spirit  and  jumping  up  and  down  on  the  wooden  floor,  which  also  resounded  like  a  drum.      

318  Coltrane  interview  with  August  Blume,  June  15,  1958.    In  Lewis  Porter,  John  Coltrane:  His  Life  and    Music,  (University  of  Michigan  Press,  1999),  13.      

319      Fu-­‐Kiau,  138.  

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Everybody  would  be  shouting  and  fainting  and  stomping.    They  used  to  shout  awhile.    The  Sanctified  church’s  rhythm  got  to  me  as  it  did  to  anyone  else  who  came  near  the  place.    People  like  James  Brown  and  Aretha  Franklin  owe  everything  to  that  Sanctified  beat.320  

At  the  foundation  of  these  cultural  musical  forms  we  find  spirituality.    The  music  

produced  comes  from  African  traditions  of  sacred  and  secular  cohesion.    The  Black  

church  directly  influenced  the  musicians.    However,  the  music  that  would  be  

produced  by  these  musicians  did  not  reflect  the  Eurocentric  aesthetic  of  music  

making.    It  was  less  Christian  doctrine  and  more  liberation  theory,  less  hymns  and  

more  polyrhythmic,  less  monologue  and  monotone  sermons  and  instead  a  heavy  

call  and  response  as  well  as  call-­‐response  performance.321      This  juxtaposition  of  

sacred  music  and  BAM  underscores  the  pronounced  contributions  that  the  Black  

church  and  its  community  would  have  in  the  music  of  Coltrane.    In  addition  the  

ideological  underpinnings  of  his  parents  and  extended  family  resonated  and  

manifested  in  his  choices  as  an  adult.  Fu-­‐Kiau  notes,  “The  second  key  word  in  this  

stage  vumuni  the  breathing-­‐being  finds  its  root  from  the  verb  vumuna,  to  breathe.    

320  Dizzy  Gillespie,  To  Be,  or  Not  to  Bop  (New  York:  Doubleday,  1979),  31.    See  also  Sterling  Stuckey’s  “The  Music  That  Is  in  One’s  Soul:  On  the  Sacred  Origins  of  Jazz  and  the  Blues,”  Lenox  Avenue:  A  Journal  of  Interarts  Inquiry,  vol.  1  (1995):  73-­‐88,  Center  for  Black  Music  Research,  Columbia  College  Chicago.    This  essay  is  a  gem  of  resources  that  connects  jazz  and  blues  first  to  their  African  origins  and  then  to  the  Black  church.    As  well,  the  essay  does  an  extrodinary  job  of  connecting  jazz  and  blues  to  the  black  communities—poor-­‐,  middle-­‐,  and  rich-­‐classes.  Stuckey’s  examination  of  musician  Mahalia  Jackson  life  and  her  observations  and  understanding  of  the  relationship  between  jazz  and  gospel  music  is  particularly  worth  noting.      

321  For  an  in  depth  explanation  of  the  differences  between  call  and  response  and  call-­‐response,  see  Samuel  Floyd  Jr.,  “Ring  Shout!  Literary  Studies.  Historical  Studies  and  Black  Music  Inquiry,”  in  Signifyin(g),  Sanctifyin’  &  Slam  Dunking,  ed.  Gena  D.  Caponi  (Amherst:  University  of  Massachusetts  Press,  1999),  146-­‐55.  

149

It  is  the  functioning  process  of  all  biological  “motors”,  the  heart.”322    The  vangama  

stage  of  Coltrane’s  life  framed  his  thoughts  and  actions  and  “breathing  power”  as  

he  entered  his  second  Vee—the  Vaika.    

    Before  we  continue  along  the  cosmogram  and  enter  the  next  stage  of  

Coltrane’s  life  within  the  Vee  it  is  important  that  we  consider  some  pragmatic  

developments.    Specifically  the  next  section  will  consider  how  the  saxophone  was  

introduced  into  the  musical  culture  of  Black  musicians.    In  addition  it  considers  

the  art  of  improvisation  in  the  understanding  of  form  over  function.    

                                                   

322  Fu-­‐Kiau,  138.    

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The   tenor   is   a   rhythm   instrument   and   the   best  statements   negroes   have   made   of   what   their  rhythm   soul   is   have   been   on   tenor   saxophone.  Now  you   think  about   it   and  you’ll   see   I’m   right.    The  tenor’s  got  that  thing,  that  honk,  you  can  get  to  people  with  it.    Sometimes  you  can  be  playing  that  tenor  and  I’m  telling  you  the  people  want  to  jump  across  the  rail.  

—Ornette Coleman  

Improvisational  Developments:  Form  Over  Function    

    Improvisational  art  was  first  expressed  in  Africa.323    The  open  expression  of  

emotions  through  aesthetic  developments  was  encouraged  in  intentional  African  

communities.    Throughout  this  study  the  continuation  of  culture  through  space  

and  time  has  been  highlighted  to  show  the  power  of  aural/oral  transmission.    

Included  in  this  continuity  on  American  soil  was  antiphony  and  improvisation.      

Between  these  two  musical  cultures  Walton  notes  that  one  can  find  the  mingling  

of  joy  touched  with  a  melancholy  expressions,  elements  of  social  protest,  and  

economic  disenfranchisement.  Ortiz  Walton  connects  the  music  of  South  Africa  

with  Black  American  Music.    His  interest  lies  in  disputing  the  notions  of  

“ethnomusicologist  who  hold  that  Black  music  is  of  European  origin  or  that  it  is  a  

completely  new  music.”324    The  trumped  up  assertions  of  ethnomusicologist  are  in  

part  supported  by  African  musicians’  use  of  non-­‐traditional  instruments.    African  

musicians  used  traditional  European  classical  music  and  military  instruments  in  

the  absence  of  their  own  traditional  instruments.    Sidney  Bechet  recalls  memories  

323  Ortiz  Walton,  “A  Comparative  Analysis  of  the  African  and  the  Western  Aesthetics,”  in  The  Black        Aesthetic,  154.  

324  Ibid.,  159.      

151

of  his  grandfather  Omar  in  New  Orleans  making  drums  from  the  skins  of  pigs  and  

horsehides  and  playing  them  at  the  Congo  Square  on  Sunday.    Often  times  

traditional-­‐like  instruments  were,  “invented  when  the  materials  were  available—

instruments  such  as  bones  (claves),  washbucket  bass,  kazoo  (merliton)  and  various  

drums  (especially  in  Louisiana).”325    

    What  accounts  for  the  adoption  of  European  instruments  by  African  

musicians?  In  particular,  how  and  why  did  emerging  black  musicians  begin  to  

incorporate  the  saxophone  into  their  battery  of  instruments?    It  must  be  noted  

that  aerophone  reed  instruments  did  not  play  a  major  role  in  the  musical  

traditions  of  Africa.    While  there  were  double-­‐reeded  instruments  such  as  the  

ghaita  and  the  bumpa  it  was  not  as  popular  as  the  flute  class.    Aside  from  the  

makeshift  invented  instruments,  the  main  instrument  of  enslaved  Africans  was  the  

voice.    The  voice  was  used  to  create  unique  sounds  through  the  manipulation  of  

timbre,  texture  and  shading.    Portia  Maultsby  observes  that  in  Africa  and  

throughout  the  diaspora  Africans  utilized  the  voice  to  create  a  variety  of  sound.    

She  notes  that,  “Black  musicians  produce  array  of  unique  sounds  many  of  which  

imitate  those  of  nature,  animals,  spirits  and  speech.”  The  reproduction  of  these  

sounds  used  a  variety  of  techniques,  “including  striking  the  chest  and  maneuvering  

the  tongue,  mouth,  cheek,  and  throat.”326    African  instrumentalists  familiar  with  

voice  techniques  found  it  necessary  to  continue  this  tradition  in  America.    Bebey  

325  Ibid.,  164.    326  Portia  Maultsby,  “Africanisms  in  African-­‐American  Music”,  in  Afircanisms  in  American  Culture,          ed.  Joseph  E.  Holloway  (Bloomington:  Indiana  University  Press,  1991),  191.  

152

discerns  that:    

Western  distinctions  between  instrumental  and  vocal  music  are  evidently  unthinkable  in  Africa  where  the  human  voice  and  musical  instruments  speak  the  same  language,  express  the  same  feelings,  and  unanimously  recreate  the  universe  each  time  that  thought  is  transformed  into  sound.327      

    A  shift  in  the  employment  of  new  instruments  used  by  liberated  Africans  

occurred  following  the  Civil  War.    With  a  surplus  of  wartime  instruments  available  

and  emancipated  Blacks  having  some  income  the  possibility  of  purchasing  and  the  

process  of  appropriating  European  instruments  outside  of  their  fixed  tonal  styles  

began.    Doug  Miller  suggests  that  in  the  years  following  the  Spanish-­‐American  war  

in  1898  the  saxophone  entered  New  Orleans  around  1912  “through  the  backdoor  via  

disbanded  musicians  who  accompanied  US  troops  in  Cuba.”    The  saxophone  

served  little  use  outside  of  the  military  context  during  this  period.    This  resulted  in  

a  surplus  of  saxophones  being  pawned  and  as  a  result  became  accessible  to  less  

well-­‐off,  aspiring  black  musicians.328  

    One  of  the  instruments  that  became  readily  available  was  the  tenor  and  alto  

saxophone.    The  saxophone  is  a  hybrid  instrument  in  that  it  does  not  have  a  fixed  

tonal  range,  which  lends  much  scope  for  variations  in  timbre.  Portia  Maultsby  

327  Bebey,  African  Music,  26.  (emphasis  added)    Bebey’s  observations  of  the  instrumenatalist,  “recreation  of  the  universe”  is  very  similar  to  Askia  Toure’s  desrciption  of  his  first  time  seeing  John  Coltrane  perform  live.    Toure  recalled,  “We  went  into  this  bar  .  .  .  and  up  on  this  platform  was  young  John  Coltrane  .  .  .  he  had  a  trio  .  .  .  a  pianist  and  a  drummer.    And  we  sat  down  there,  Bill  Day  and  I  .  .  .  and  listened  to  John  Coltrane  reconstruct  the  universe  with  his  horn.    And  my  head  got  so  out  I  had  to  take  a  break  .  .  .  [because]  I’m  going  to  be  flying  in  a  minute.    I  never  heard  nothing  like  this.”    (Askia  Toure  interview  with  the  author,  April  10,  2011).  

328  Doug  Miller,  “The  Moan  within  the  Tone:  African  Retentions  in  Rhythm  and  Blues  Saxophone  Style  in  Afro-­‐American  Popular  Music,”  Popular  Music  14,  no.  2  (May  1995):  156-­‐57.  

153

observes,  “Given  the  traditions  of  African  music  of  note  tonal  concepts,  

vocalization,  improvisation  and  the  social  function  of  performance  and  at  the  same  

time  the  lack  of  traditional  African  instrumentation  in  the  Southern  states  –  it  was  

probably  inevitable  that  Afro-­‐American  musicians  would  feel  forced  to  deviate  

from  certain  principles  of  melodic  structure,  organization  and  function  and  

produce  pitches  unavailable  on  Western  instruments.”329      

    One  character  that  stood  out  to  African  instrumentalists  was  the  

saxophone’s  allowance  of  tone  variations.    Saxophone  historian  Larry  Teal  asserts,  

“that  the  saxophone  is  very  similar  to  the  human  voice  in  terms  of  the  physical  and  

mental  processes  required  for  tonal  production.”330    A  primary  similarity  is  the  

breathing  procedures  in  vocal  performance  and  the  saxophone.    Secondly  the  reeds  

of  the  saxophone  and  vocal  chords  serve  the  similar  purpose.  The  final  similarity  is  

the  great  flexibility  afforded  both  vocal  chords  and  the  saxophone  in  sound  

productions.  What  emerging  black  saxophonist,  lacked  in  formal  Western  

modalities—standards  that  dictated  that  the  saxophonist  maintain  a  firm  

embouchure  and  play  clean  notes—they  made  up  for  by  pulling  from  their  

traditions  where  no  such  constraints  applied  and  played  their  instruments  

according  to  what  they  found  in  them.    Miller  underscores  this  when  he  states  “the  

uptake  of  the  saxophone  in  Afro-­‐American  popular  music  relates  to  the  extent  to  

which  as  an  instrument  the  saxophone  offered  players  the  ability  to  sustain  African  

329    Portia  Maultsby,  “West  African  Influences  in  US  Black  Music,”  in  More  than  Dancing:  Essays  on  Afro-­‐American  Music  and  Musicians,  ed.  Irene  Jackson  (Connecticut:  Greenwood  Prager,  1985),  44.    

330  Larry  Teal,  The  Art  of  Saxophone  Playing  (New  York:  Alfred  Publishing,  1963),  46.  

154

musical  concepts  in  the  absence  of  traditional  African  instrumentation.”331    Both  

Sidney  Bechet  and  Coleman  Hawkins  (regarded  as  the  father  of  the  BAM  tenor  

saxophone)  would  highly  influence  the  saxophone’s  new  tonal  styles.    Hawkins  in  

particular  would  affect  the  development  of  the  timbre  approaches  on  the  horn.    

Doug  Miller  traces  the  initial  popularity  of  the  tenor  saxophone  to  Texas.    Houston  

in  the  1940’s  became  a  blues  nexus  and  “spawned  the  careers  of  tenor  saxophonists  

Eddie  ‘Cleanhead’  Vinson,  Arnett  Cobb  and  Harold  Land”332  among  others.    

Members  of  the  Red  Connor  band  would  train  important  teen-­‐players  such  as  

Ornette  Coleman,  David  Newman,  James  Clay  and  King  Curtis.  Missouri  would  

become  an  additional  incubator  for  new  tenor  idioms.    Miller  states,  “Not  only  was  

it  the  birthplace  of  Coleman  Hawkins  but  in  Kansas  City  it  provided  a  centre  in  

which  a  distinctive  style  of  orchestral  jazz  was  able  to  develop,  a  style  that  was  to  

be  crucial  for  the  development  of  R&B  [sic]  saxophone.”333      That  the  saxophone  

became  a  key  component  within  the  Black  music  battery  of  instruments  is  a  

moment  that  cannot  be  overlooked.  

    Two  claims  can  be  made  from  this  moment.    First  the  idea  that  function  

was  prioritized  over  form  is  self-­‐evident  with  the  historical  memory  of  African  

aesthetic  values.    Maultsby  asserts  “Africans  adapted  to  environmental  changes  

and  social  upheaval  by  relying  on  familiar  traditions  and  practices.  In  essence,  new  

331      Miller,  159.  332      Ibid.,  158.  333      Ibid.    

155

ideas  were  recycled  through  age-­‐old  concepts  to  produce  new  musical  styles.”334    

That  Africans  living  in  new  spaces  found  fit  to  approximate  and  improvise  on  

found  materials  including  instruments  supports  this  claim.        

    A  second  claim  that  can  be  made  relates  to  Coltrane  and  his  moments  

around  the  cosmogram.    As  Coltrane’s  makes  his  way  out  of  the  musoni  stage  of  

the  Vee  and  begins  to  enter  the  second  stage,  the  vaika  all  that  he  had  learned  and  

experienced  would  enter  with  him.    The  cosmogram  as  a  process  in  constant  

motion  across  generations  passes  along  to  current  generations  ways  of  knowing  

and  cultural  meanings  and  ways  in  which  cultural  norms  are  executed.  

Simultaneously  it  is  the  responsibility  of  the  current  generation  to  gather,  master,  

and  apply  these  ideas  to  their  current  conditions  through  improvisational  acts  that  

befit  the  needs  of  their  larger  community.    Thusly  the  ideas  and  developments  that  

occurred  without  Coltrane’s  input  would  still  inform  his  development  and  ideology  

in  the  vaika  stage.      

    As  such  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  seemingly  arbitrary  use  of  the  saxophone  

by  Black  musicians  would  play  a  major  define  a  part  of  his  vaika  phase.    The  

influence  of  Coleman  Hawkins  and  Eddie  ‘Cleanhead’  Vinson  to  his  musical  career  

cannot  be  ignored.    In  as  much  that  Coleman  Hawkins  influenced  Coltrane  in  his  

teenage  years  and  because  his  early  musical  abilities  built  a  reputation  that  led  to  

him  being  invited  in  the  late  1940’s  to  become  a  member  of  Eddie  Vinson’s  

traveling  band  speaks  to  Coltrane’s  gathering  of  ideas  from  the  great  tenor  

334      Maultsby,  “Africanisms  in  African-­‐American  Music,”  205.  

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saxophone  players  of  his  era.    Discussing  his  time  playing  with  Vinson,  Coltrane  in  

his  own  words  notes,  “A  wider  area  of  listening  opened  up  for  me.    There  were  

many  things  that  people  like  Hawk,  and  Ben  and  Tab  Smith  were  doing  in  the  ‘40’s  

that  I  didn’t  understand,  but  that  I  felt  emotionally.”335    His  influence  from  

Hawkins;  a  tenor  master  and  apprenticeship  with  Vinson  would  be  collected  as  his  

movements  around  the  suns  continued.    Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  next  

phase  of  the  Vee—the  Vaika  stage.  

The  Vaika  Stage:  John  Coltrane’s  Early  Rise  

    In  June  of  1943  John  Coltrane  moved  north  to  Philadelphia,  PA  from  High  

Point.    His  mother,  aunt  and  cousin  Mary  had  already  moved  to  Philadelphia  in  

1942—Coltrane  stayed  behind  in  High  Point  to  graduate  high  school.336    Coltrane  

would  lose  his  grandparents  and  father  between  1938  and  1943.    Arriving  in  

Philadelphia  at  16  years  old  Coltrane  was  embedded  with  countless  musical  and  

spiritual  beliefs.  His  early  musical  influences  were  Johnny  Hodges,  Illinois  Jacquet,  

and  Coleman  Hawkins.    His  idol  and  clear  influence  was  Lester  Young.    Although  

his  earliest  instrument  was  the  alto  horn  he  notes  that,  “I  chose  the  sax  because  

Lester  [Young]  played  it.    At  the  beginning  I  played  the  alto—I  don’t  really  know  

why,  since  I  admired  [tenor  saxophonist]  Lester  Young  at  that  time.”337      

335    John  Coltrane:  The  Official  Website,  http://www.johncoltrane.com/biography.html,  (April  22,  2014).  

336    That  Coltrane  stayed  behind  under  the  watch  and  care  of  family  friends,  the  Flairs  again  underscores  the  cosmogram’s  notion  of  the  kanda  (community).    See:  Figure:  5.  

337    John  Coltrane  interview  with  Francois  Postif  in  Lewis  Porter’s,  John  Coltrane:His  Life  and  Music,  30.  

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    In  the  vaika  stage  the  ideas  and  beliefs  germinate  in  the  individual.    It  is  the  

start  of  one’s  concepts  and  philosophies  in  relations  to  themselves  and  their  

known  communities.  Fu-­‐Kiau  notes,  “This  Vee  is  the  door  into  the  physical  world.    

Under  this  “V”,  “things”  are  born,  rise  up  to  the  upper  world  [ku  nseke]  as  “living”  

suns  in  the  community,  biologically  or  ideologically,  have  their  birth  at  this  stage  

under  the  Kala  Sun.”338    That  Coltrane’s  musical  concepts  begin  to  take  form  

during  this  period  is  seen  in  his  choice  of  instrument,  formulation  of  his  own  high  

school  bands,  and  attendance  of  live  shows  and  constant  listening  of  specific  

sounds  on  album  recordings.    One  friend  observed  that,  “For  a  while  I  don’t  think  

he  had  anything  but  that  horn.”339    It  is  during  this  phase  that  apprenticing  is  

paramount.    Carr  states  that,  “The  final  critical  elements  of  the  modified  Ki-­‐Kongo  

cosmogram  paradigm  are  the  apprenticed  reception  of  historical  memory  

(repetition)  and  the  contribution  to  the  ongoing  accumulation  of  memory  

(improvisation).340      

    Coltrane’s  musical  apprenticing  at  this  stage  starts  with  the  collective  

historical  musical  and  aesthetic  memories  of  his  parents,  his  community,  his  

school  music  teachers,  and  from  recordings  and  concerts  of  master  musicians.    As  

he  advances  in  this  stage  his  apprenticing  would  not  be  casual  relationships  or  by-­‐

way-­‐of  training.    At  this  stage  in  preparation  for  the  next  stage  Coltrane’s  training  

would  become  very  formalized.    Leonard  Brown  explores  Coltrane’s  training  in  his  

338  Fu-­‐Kiau,  138.  339  Porter,  17.  340  Carr,  “You  Don’t  Call  the  Kittens  Biscuits,”  365.  

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essay,  You  Have  to  Be  Invited.    Brown  notes  that  the  oldest  method  of,  “passing  the  

music  on  is  the  oral/aural  tradition,  in  which  musical  knowledge  and  performance  

practice  is  carried  on  through  a  people’s  memory  and  history.”341        

    Brown  evokes  the  expression  of  the  Haudenosaunee  that  explains  the  

selective  process  of  transmission  of  musical  knowledge  and  cultural  beliefs.    He  

notes  that  the,  “Haudenosaunee  have  an  expression  that  means  you  have  to  be  

invited;  it  implies  that  only  when  you  are  thought  to  be  ready  and  able  to  use  

certain  knowledge  responsibly  will  it  be  shared.    It  does  not  imply  that  knowledge  is  

secret  but  rather  that  those  entrusted  with  knowledge  know  how  it  should  be  

used.”342    Brown  notes  that:    

These  musicians  were  a  part  of  the  community  and  shared  common  experiences  as  black  Americans.    As  pioneers,  they  collectively  conceptualized  and  created  stylistic  approaches  based  on  black  cultural  aesthetics.    Much  of  this  music  was  rooted  in  the  practices  of  African  ancestors,  and  often  reflected  adaptations  and  innovations  resulting  from  black  American  life  experiences.    Consequently,  the  musicians  had  the  responsibility  of  determining  to  whom,  when,  and  where  this  knowledge  would  be  passed.    There  were  no  “jazz  studies”  programs  at  this  time.    The  musicians  were  the  keepers  of  musical  knowledge  and  controlled    its  dissemination.343    

Coltrane  after  arriving  in  Philadelphia  and  reaching  the  apex  of  his  vaika  stage  

would  be  noticed  for  his  musical  abilities  and  perhaps  even  his  commitment  to  his  

341  Leonard  Brown,  “You  Have  to  Be  Invited:  Reflections  on  Music  Making  and  Musician  Creation  in  Black  American  Culture,”  John  Coltrane  &  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom,  Spirituality  and  Music,  ed.  Leonard  Brown  (Oxford:  Oxford  University  Press,  2010),  3.  

342  Ibid.,  4.    343  Ibid.  

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instrument  and  training.    However  the  privilege  of  carrying  and  transmitting  

musical  knowledge  was  not  just  given  only  because  of  observed  musical  talents.    

The  music  developed  by  Africans  even  after  enslavement  was  still  created  to  house  

memories  and  “to  meet  the  needs  of  their  people  and  community.”344    As  such  the  

selection  of  mentees  was  not  a  light  decision.    The  choice  of  Coltrane  reflected  his  

preparation,  ability  to  accept  instructions  and  a  desire  to  carry  the  weight  so-­‐to-­‐

speak  of  the  long  arch  of  cultural  memory.    Brown  notes  several  other  qualities  

that  Coltrane  had  to  exhibit  to  be  selected.    Among  the  many  that  he  notes  the  

following  are  crucial  to  our  understanding  of  how  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmogram  

influences  African’s  decisions  and  worldview  to  this  day.      

They  are:  

• sincere  desire  to  be  a  musician  • high  level  of  instrumental  proficiency  • thorough  understanding  of  melodic,  harmonic,  and  rhythmic  

performance  practices,  including  a  strong  understanding  of  improvisational  approaches  

• the  “right”  attitude:  a  thirst  for  knowledge  and  a  willingness  to  learn  • respect  for  previous  and  existing  performance  aesthetics  and  an  openness  

to  exploring  new  realms  of  possibilities  • “saying  something”  on  the  horn—the  ability  to  communicate  with  the  

listeners  using  the  aesthetic  vernacular  of  Black  culture345    Three  years  after  arriving  in  Philadelphia  Coltrane  was  recruited  by  established  

Black  musicians  to  perform  and  record  with  their  groups.    His  invitation  into  this  

musical  community  “signified  that  the  older,  established  community  of  black  

344  Ibid.  345  Brown,  7.  

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musicians  recognized  Coltrane  was  ready  to  be  exposed  to  deeper  knowledge  of  

the  music.    They  recognized  that  he  had  potential  to  make  significant  

contributions  on  the  bandstand  by  expressing  the  aesthetics  of  the  music  that  was  

required  by  the  listeners  and  upheld  in  the  community  by  the  musicians.”346      

    This  training  underscores  a  process  in  the  vaika  that  involves  speaking—the  

vova.  Vova  is  to  speak  to  code  and  decode.    “Established  musicians”  Brown  notes,  

“realized  that  Coltrane  could  speak  the  language  in  ways  that  could  enhance  

tradition.”    This  process  Fu-­‐Kiau  explains  “was  for  the  outside  world,  the  universe,  

what  is  genetically  coded/printed  [sonwa]  inside  one’s  inner  darkroom.  It  is  not  

only  to  feed  the  ears  of  the  world,  but  to  fill  with  our  waves  (expressed  energies)  

the  cosmic  voids.    It  is  to  hear  and  to  be  heard.”347      

    Considering  his  training  during  the  years  to  follow—two  stints  with  Miles  

Davis;348  a  short  time  with  Dizzy  Gillespie;  an  impactful  master  training  with  

Thelonious  Monk;  and  with  many  other  master  teachers—Coltrane’s  training  and  

responsibilities  were  crystalized.    The  crystallization  of  Coltrane’s  apprenticeship  

led  him  on  a  quest  of  “ceaseless  and  exhaustive  expressions  of  a  kind  of  aesthetic,  

intellectual,  spiritual  and  personal  movement  over  the  course  of  a  tune,  a  

performance,  a  recording  session,  a  life.”349    This  quest  allowed  Coltrane  to  again  

consider  the  movements  and  historical  memory  of  his  people.    This  reflection  led  

346  Ibid.,  5.      347  Fu-­‐Kiau,  139.      348  See  Herman  Gray’s  “Coltrane  and  the  Practice  of  Freedom,”  for  a  description  of  Coltrane’s  time  with  Miles  Davis  and  how  it  aided  in  his  artistic  development  in  John  Coltrane  &  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom,  51-­‐54.  

349  Ibid.,  53.  

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to  what  Guthrie  Ramsey  would  call  hybridity.    Ramsey  indicates  that  during  this  

period  and  in  subsequent  movements  of  his  music  Coltrane  would  gather  and  

include  all  the  available  musical  elements  of  his  time.    As  he  edged  closer  toward  

his  next  Vee  stage  Coltrane  would  began  to  formulate  ideas  of  his  own  approaches  

to  musical  motifs.    Leonard  Brown  considers  Coltrane’s  cultural  meaning  making  

and  describes  it  as  such,  “Coltrane  expanded  the  tenor  range  to  four  octaves  from  

its  original  two-­‐and-­‐one-­‐half-­‐octave  range,  pioneered  new  and  innovative  sounds  

through  his  explorations—sheets  of  sound,  running  chords—and  used  many  other  

sonic  twists,  turns,  runs,  polyphonics,  and  harmonics  to  a  achieve  a  kind  of  self-­‐

accompaniment  or  conversation,  call  and  response  if  you  will.”350    This  

development  and  his  formal  training  within  the  vaika  stage  prepared  him  for  his  

second  rise  during  the  third  Vee  stage—the  vanga.      

 

 

                       

350  Ibid.  

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The   truly   spiritual,   the  actual   religious  music  of  Black,  people  must  be  kept  back,  controlled,  not  played  at  all  costs.    If  we  could  hear  (it).   .   .  with  the   same  unending   consistency  of  white   rock  or  r&b  all   of   our   consciousness  would   be   so   raised  that  very  government  of  the  United  States  would  be  imperiled.  

—Imamu  Amiri  Baraka351    

He  [Art  Tatum]  said,  “Well,  he  knows  what  I  do,  but  he  doesn’t  know  why  I  do  it.”  And  so  that  was  the   same   kind   of   thing   with   John   [Coltrane].    Here  is  a  guy  that  a  lot  of  people  heard  the  notes  that   he   played,   but   they   didn’t   get   the   spirit  behind  it.  

—Billy  Taylor352    

 CHAPTER  7  

THE  VANGA:  COLTRANE  STANDS  UP  STRAIGHT  IN  HIS  VEE  

    Around  his  second  term  with  Davis  in  1957  Coltrane  enters  his  third  Vee  

stage—the  vanga.    One  aspect  of  the  second  Vee;  the  vaika  is  that  it  heals  and  

condemns.  Fu-­‐Kiau  notes  that,  “It  is  [this]  Vee  that  teaches  about  the  power  of  

words  in  and  around  us  in  life:  Mambu  makela,  words  are  bullets,  says  a  Kongo  

saying.”353  In  1957  prior  to  returning  to  Miles  Davis’  group  Coltrane  states:  

During  the  year  1957,  I  experienced,  by  the  grace  of  God,  a  spiritual  awakening  which  was  to  lead  me  to  a  richer,  fuller,  more  productive  life.  At  that  time,  in  gratitude,  I  humbly  asked  to  be  given  the  means  and  privilege  to  make  others  happy  through  music.  I  feel  

351  Imamu  Amiri  Baraka,  “The  Ban  On  Black  Music,”  Black  Music,  vol.  xx,  no.9  (1971):  4-­‐12.  352  Leonard  Brown,  “Masters  on  a  Master  Introduction:  Conversations  With  Billy  Taylor,”  in  John  Coltrane  and  Black  America’s  Quest  for  Freedom,  211.  

353  Ibid.    

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this  has  been  granted  through  His  grace.  ALL  PRAISE  TO  GOD.    As  time  and  events  moved  on,  a  period  of  irresolution  did  prevail.  I  entered  into  a  phase  which  was  contradictory  to  the  pledge  and  away  from  the  esteemed  path;  but  thankfully,  now  and  again  through  the  unerring  and  merciful  hand  of  God,  I  do  perceive  and  have  been  duly  re-­‐informed  of  His  OMNIPOTENCE,  and  of  our  need  for,  and  dependence  on  Him.  At  this  time  I  would  like  to  tell  you  that  NO  MATTER  WHAT  .  .  .  IT  IS  WITH  GOD.  HE  IS  GRACIOUS  AND  MERCIFUL.  HIS  WAY  IS  IN  LOVE,  THROUGH  WHICH  WE  ALL  ARE.  IT  IS  TRULY  –  A  LOVE  SUPREME.354      

From  his  formalized  instructions  and  embracing  of  his  historical  memory  it  is  

evident  that  Coltrane  understood  his  role  as  a  musician  in  the  African  cultural  

sense  of  adanu—healer,  counselor,  and  wise  one.    Coltrane  exits  out  of  the  vaika  

stage  healed.    The  personal  and  systemic  obstacles  that  Coltrane  had  to  overcome  

were  not  the  direct  influencers  of  his  compositions  in  this  period.    His  changes  

were  reflective  of  his  mentoring  and  the  communal  conservatory  training  process  

that  extended  back  over  centuries.    Coltrane  respected  the  particular  beliefs  and  

set  rules  of  music  meaning  making  and  honored  them  through  his  music  and  life.    

His  apprenticing  allowed  him  access  into  the  old  ways,  current  trends  and  grasp  

future  movements  in  the  community  and  how  the  music  would  need  to  approach  

it.    Brown  notes  that  Coltrane  learned  how  to  care  for  and  maintain  his  horn,  how  

to  select  and  customize  reeds,  proper  attire,  and  when  and  when  not  to  speak.355      

354  John  William  Coltrane,  liner  notes  from  A  Love  Supreme  (Impulse  Records,  1964).      355  Something  as  mundane  as  reed  choices  was  an  important  aspect  to  the  saxophone  player.    Rahshan  Roland  Kirk  states,  “Coltrane  and  I  used  to  get  together  and  talk  about  mouthpieces  and  reeds  and  music.”    Musician  Dewey  Redman  recalls,  “I  was  living  in  San  Francisco  in  1963,  and  I  saw  Coltrane  

164

    By  1957  Coltrane  was  a  leader  of  his  own  band  and  had  recorder  his  first  

album  as  bandleader.    Coltrane’s  first  released  album  the  self-­‐titled  Coltrane  had  

six  tracks.    Three  of  the  tracks  were  standard  tunes;  two  compositions  were  

Coltrane  originals;  and  the  lead  track  Bakai  was  written  by  his  close  friend  Cal  

Massey.    Bakai  in  Arabic  means  to  cry.    This  track  was  dedicated  to  Emmett  Till.356    

Fu-­‐Kiau  explains  that  the  vanga  stage  involves  performing,  doing.    “This  Vee”  Fu-­‐

Kiau  points  out  as  “the  most  crucial  in  life,  represents  the  stage  of  creativity  and  

great  deeds  or  tukula  stage  of  the  root  verb  kula  to  mature  to  master.”357    The  

vanga  stage  is  where  Coltrane  calls  down  all  of  his  training  and  improvised  off  of  

the  millennia  of  cultural  expressions.    It  is  his  time  around  the  cosmogram.    As  he  

stands  upright  in  the  vanga  he  becomes  an  nganga  (doer/master)  to  his  local  and  

the  Pan-­‐African  kanda  (community).    Coltrane  during  this  period  utilizes  the  

plethora  of  systems  and  beliefs  ascribed  to  his  communal  adanu  (music).    That  he  

is  often  cited  as  being  meticulous  and  ferocious  in  his  practices  is  not  a  surprise  or  

anomaly  when  understood  in  the  vanga  context.    Herman  Gray  notes  in  his  essay,  

Coltrane  and  the  Practice  of  Freedom  that:  

Coltrane’s  legendary  personal  discipline  took  many  forms,  most  notably,  his  brutal  practice  regime,  which  became  the  basis  of  his  approach  to  improvisation,  composition  and  performance.    His  personal  discipline  

at  the  Jazz  Workshop.    Afterward,  I  talked  with  him  and  he  invited  me  to  his  hotel  room  to  talk  about  mouthpieces,  because  I  was  having  trouble  with  mine  and  I  wanted  advise.    When  I  got  there,  he  dumped  out  two  airline  bags  of  mouthpieces  on  the  floor  and  and  said  ‘Take  your  pick.’    I  tried  them  out  until  I  found  one  I  liked.”    See  J.C.  Thomas,  Chasin’  the  Trane:  The  Music  and  Mystique  of  John  Coltrane  (New  York:  Doubleday,  1975),  151,  161.  

356  Martin  Smith,  John  Coltrane:  Jazz,  Racism  and  Resistance  (London:  Redwords,  2001),  58.  357    Fu-­‐Kiau,  139.    

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was  also  expressed  through  his  devotion  to  an  ideal  of  purity  and  spirituality  that  led  him  to  devote  his  life  and  work  to  the  service  of  God  and  the  human  community.    And,  of  course,  he  did  all  of  this  in  a  community  of  friends  and  peers,  in  the  context  of  work  environments  and  formal  contracts  involving  financial  rewards,  critical  evaluation,  travel,  family,  home  and  so  on.    In  this  sense,  Coltrane’s  sound  of  freedom,  his  infamous  quest  for  perfection  and  ceaseless  search  for  the  “right  sound”  is,  I  think  neither  mysterious  nor  otherworldly—but  rather  it  is,  I  believe,  he  actual  work  of  making  freedom,  useful  for  his  time  (and  ours)  through  making  a  life  and  making  a  living  which  is  extraordinary  as  it  is  routine.    It  is  through  this  sense  of  his  own  practice  .  .  .  that  the  example  of  Coltrane  the  artist  (and  not  just  Trane  the  mythological  figure)  is  important.358  

 

That  Coltrane  understood  the  power  of  music  and  their  abilities  to  support  his  

community  is  understood  in  relation  to  his  position  in  the  vanga.    The  moment  of  

the  sun  that  correlates  to  the  vanga  is  the  luvemba.    This  process  Fu-­‐Kiau  notes,  “is  

associated  with  the  nganga,  specialist  or  healer.”    Coltrane  in  1962  explained  in    

part  that:  I  want  to  be  able  to  bring  something  to  people  that  feels  like  happiness.    I  would  love  to  discover  a  process  such  that  if  I  wanted  it  to  rain,  it  would  start  raining.    If  one  of  my  friends  were  sick,  I  would  play  another  tune  and  immediately  he  would  receive  all  the  money  he  needed.    But  what  those  pieces  are,  and  what  way  do  you  have  to  go  at  to  arrive  at  knowing  them,  I  don’t  know.    The  true  powers  of  music  are  still  unknown.    To  be  able  to  control  them  should  be,  I  think  the  ambition  of  every  musician.    The  knowledge  of  these  forces  fascinates  me.359  

358  Herman  Gray,  “John  Coltrane  and  the  Practice  of  Freedom,”  John  Coltrane  &  Black  America’s  Quest    for  Freedom,  36-­‐37.    

359  John  Coltrane  interview  with  Jean  Clouzet  and  Michel  Delorme  (Paris,  1972).    In  Chris  DeVito,  ed.,  Coltrane  on  Coltrane:  The  John  Coltrane  Interviews  (Chicago:  A  Cappella  Books,  2010),  182.      

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 His  training  with  elder  musicians  also  embedded  Coltrane  with  a  strong  

understanding  of  what  musical  limits  he  could  break  through.    Karlton  Hester    

notes:  Now  fluent  in  all  aspects  of  the  jazz  language,  Coltrane’s  propensity  towards  emphasizing  harmonic  motion  seems  highly  germane  to  the  overall  balance  of  elements  for  the  composer  at  this  phase  of  development.    As  a  Hard  Bop  player,  he  had  totally  digested  the  linear  concepts  of  Bebop  and  had  evolved  his  saxophone  technique  to  a  point  where  it  could  no  longer  be  confined  by  the  notes  that  comprise  even  the  divisions  of  the  beat.    This  music  began  to  involve  a  rich  instrumental  timbre  and  the  polyrhythmic  complexity  of  African  music  .  .  .  .”360    

Coltrane  as  a  specialist—as  a  master,  fulfilled  the  requirement  of  the  community.    

Within  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  society  an  individual  in  the  community  were  only  

accepted  as  members  in  the  community  if  they  demonstrated  that  they  bring  

something  for  the  wellbeing  of  the  kanga.    Coltrane  would  also  serve  as  protector  

of  the  culture.    Having  been  exposed  to  the  precious  resources  of  the  musical  

culture,  Coltrane  was  entrusted  with  protecting  it  from  outsiders.    In  many  

settings  the  outsiders  were  the  music  critics.    In  June  1962,  Coltrane  responded  to  

Down  Beat  magazine  editor  Don  DeMichael.    DeMichael  mailed  Coltrane  a  copy  of  

Music  and  Imagination,  by  Aaron  Copland.    Leonard  Brown  asks,  “Why  would  

DeMichael  send  such  a  book?    Despite  the  fact  that  Coltrane  had  mentored  under  

Joe  Webb,  King  Kolax,  Dizzy  Gillespie,  Eddie  Vinson,  Earl  Bostic,  and  Johnny  

Hodges,  had  been  asked  twice  by  Miles  Davis  to  perform  with  his  groups  and  

360  Karlton  Hester,  The  Melodic  and  Polyrhythmic  Development  of  John  Coltrane’s  Spontaneous  Composition  in  a  Racist  Society  (Ontario:  Edwin  Mellen  Press,  1997),  30.  

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sought  out  by  Thelonious  Monk  .  .  .  it  appears  that  DeMichael  still  had  to  impose  

his  authority  as  a  critic.”361      

    Several  insiders  have  used  Coltrane’s  response  to  DeMichael  to  demonstrate  

his  positions  about  African  culture,  African  people,  civil  rights,  and  freedom  

struggles,  and  to  highlight  his  commitment  to,  and  protector  of  the  music.    On  

June  2,  1962,  Contrane  wrote  DeMichael:  

June  2,  1962    “Dear  Don,       Many  thanks  for  sending  Aaron  Copland’s  fine  book,  Music  and  Imagination.  I  found  it  historically  revealing  and  on  the  whole,  quite  informative.    However,  I  do  not  feel  that  all  of  his  tenets  are  entirely  essential  or  applicable  to  the  “jazz”  musician.    This  book  seems  to  be  written  for  the  American  classical  or  semi-­‐classical  composer  who  has  the  problem,  as  Copland   sees   it,   of   not   finding   himself   an   integral   part   of   the   musical   community,   or  having   difficulty   in   finding   a   positive   philosophy   or   justification   for   his   art.     The   “jazz”  musician   (You   can  have   this   term  along  with   several   other   that  have  been   foisted  upon  us.)  does  not  have  this  problem  at  all.”        At   this   juncture,   Coltrane   connects   the   lived   practice   of   African   culture   with  deeper  concepts  of  musical  production  tied  to  moral  and  ethical  values:       “We   have   absolutely   no   reason   to   worry   about   lack   of   positive   and   affirmative  philosophy.    It’s  built  in  us.    The  phrasing,  the  sound  of  the  music  attest  this  fact.    We  are  naturally  endowed  with  it.    You  can  believe  all  of  us  would  have  perished  long  ago  if  this  were  not  so.    As  to  community,  the  whole  face  of  the  globe  is  our  community.    You  see,  it  is  really  easy  for  us  to  create.    We  are  born  with  this  feeling  that  just  comes  out  no  matter  what   conditions   exist.     Otherwise,   how   could   our   founding   fathers   have   produced   this  music   in   the   first   place   when   they   surely   found   themselves   (as   many   of   us   do   today)  existing  in  hostile  communities  where  there  was  everything  to  fear  and  damn  few  to  trust.    Any  music  which  could  grow  and  propagate  itself  as  our  music  has,  must  have  a  hell  of  an  affirmative  belief  inherent  in  it.    Any  person  who  claims  to  doubt  this,  or  claims  to  believe  that   the  exponents  of  our  music  or   freedom  are  not  guided  by   the  same  entity,   is  either  prejudiced,  musically   sterile,   or   just   plain   stupid   or   scheming.     Believe  me  Don,   we   all  

361  Brown,  17.  

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know  that  this  word  which  so  many  see,  to  fear  today,  ‘Freedom’  has  a  hell  of  a  lot  to  do  with  this  music.”    Returning  to  the  comparison  of  his  musical  genealogy  to  the  “lessons”  of  Copland  book,  Coltrane  writes,   “  Anyway,   I   did   find   in  Copland’s   book  many   fine  points.    For  example:  ‘I  cannot  imagine  an  art  work  without  implied  convictions’—Neither  can   I.   I   am   sure   that   you   and  many   others   have   enjoyed   and   garnered  much   of  value  from  this  well  written  book.”    Coltrane   finishes   the   letter   by   suggesting   that  more   comparative   study   be   done,  but   that   it   be   done   from   a   multi-­‐centered   perspective   that   values   all   cultural  traditions  and  seeks  larger  “truths”  emerging  from  the  comparison:       “If   I   may,   I   would   like   to   express   a   sincere   hope   that   in   the   near   future,   a   vigorous  investigation  of  the  materials  presented  in  this  book  and  others  related  will  help  cause  an  opening   up   of   the   ears   that   are   still   closed   to   the   progressive   music   created   by   the  independent   thinking  artist   of   today.    When   this   is   accomplished,   I   am  certain   that   the  owners  of  such  ears  will  easily  recognize  the  very  vital  and  highly  enjoyable  qualities  that  exist   in   this  music.     I   also   feel   that   through   such  honest   endeavor,   the   contributions   of  future   creators  will   be  more   easily   recognized,   appreciated   and   enjoyed;   particularly   by  the  listeners  who  may  otherwise  miss  the  point  (intellectually,  emotionally,  sociologically,  etc.)  because  of  inhibitions,  a  lack  of  understanding,  limited  means  of  association  or  other  reasons.     You  know  Don  I  was  reading  a  book  on  the  life  of  Van  Gogh  today,  and  I  had  to  pause  and  think  of  that  wonderful  and  persistent  force—the  creative  urge.  The  creative  urge  was  in  this  man  who  found  himself  so  much  at  odds  with  the  world  he  lived  in,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  adversity,  frustrations,  rejections  and  so  forth—beautiful  and  living  art  came  forth  abundantly   .   .   .   if  only  he  could  be  here  today.    Truth  is   indestructible.     It  seems  history  shows  (and  it’s   the  same  way  today)  that  the   innovator   is  more  often  than  not  met  with  some  degree  of  condemnation;  usually  according  to  the  degree  of  his  departure  from  the  prevailing  modes  of  expression  or  what  have  you.    Change  is  always  so  hard  to  accept.    We  also  see  that  these  innovators  always  seek  to  revitalize,  extend  and  reconstruct  the  status  quo  in  their  given  fields,  whenever  it  is  needed.    Quite  often  they  are  rejects,  outcasts,  sub-­‐citizens,  etc.  of  the  very  societies  to  which  they  bring  so  much  sustenance.    Often  they  are  people   who   endure   great   personal   tragedy   in   their   lives.     Whatever   the   case,   whether  accepted   or   rejected,   rich   or   poor,   that   are   forever   guided   by   that   great   and   eternal  constant—the  creative  urge.  Let  us  cherish  it  and  give  all  praise  to  God.    Thank  you  and  best  wishes  to  all.        

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Sincerely  John  Coltrane362”             Coltrane’s  response  to  DeMichael  illuminates  his  training  and  

apprenticeship  and  that  in  his  vanga  stage  he  “stood  straight”.    His  unapologetic  

reply  was  seasoned  with  wisdom  reflective  of  historical  memory.    Hester  notes,  

“First  of  all,  he  [Coltrane]  realized  that  he  (like  his  forefathers)  was  creating  music  

in  a  hostile  environment  (America)  where  trust  could  be  placed  in  very  few  

individuals  because  of  the  racist  legacy  that  has  been  perpetuated  throughout  the  

history  of  the  culture.”363    Coltrane’s  pertinent  points  did  not  suggest  the  he  felt  a  

need  to  defend  Black  culture  to  DeMichael.    Instead  he  sought  to  explain  and  set  

the  record  straight  regarding  how  Blacks  in  America  saw  themselves  in  relation  to  

the  dominant  culture.    Hester  again  notes,  “Second,  Coltrane’s  trenchant  

declarations  regarding  the  validity,  philosophical  stability,  and  positive  purpose  of  

his  art,  demonstrate  a  realization  of  the  futility  of  outside  criticism  by  people  such  

as  DeMichael  on  the  “indestructible  truth”  contained  in  his  music.”364    Fu-­‐Kiau  

surmises  that  in  the  vanga  stage,  “To  stand  well  inside  this  scaling  Vee  is  to  be  able  

not  only  to  master  our  lives,  but  to  better  know  ourselves  and  our  relationship  

positions  with  the  rest  of  the  universe  as  a  whole.”365    Coltrane’s  salient  points  in  

his  response  to  DeMichael  stemmed  from  his  gathering  of  the  experiences  not  just  

362  C.O.  Simpkins,  Coltrane:  A  Biography  (New  Jersey:  Herndon  House,  1975),  159-­‐61.  363  Hester,  xxv.      364  Ibid.,  xxvi.  365  Fu-­‐Kiau,  141.    

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of  his  time  but  of  the  past  and  present  lived  conditions  of  Africans  globally  

throughout  time  and  space.      

    Before  proceeding  to  Coltrane’s  final  Vee  stage—the  vunda  let  us  first  

consider  the  intellectual  and  cultural  importance  of  John  Coltrane’s  music  and  its  

meaning  making  through  selected  compositions  as  they  relate  to  conceptual  ways  

of  knowing  and  cultural  meaning  making.    This  will  aid  in  our  understanding  of  

the  significance  of  African  music.      

Proverbial  Retentions  Within  The  Music  

    The  cosmogram  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  is  governed  by  sets  of  prescribed  

principles.  These  inscriptions  are  forged  in  the  spiritual  world—the  kundu.    The  

kundu  is  made  up  of  humans,  ancestral  lived  experiences,  and  the  mpeve—

body/mind  experiences.    These  collective  experiences  are  an  accumulation  of  the  

long  memory  of  history.    Fu-­‐Kiau  suggest,  “This  lived  accumulated  experience-­‐

knowledge  may  be  positive  or  negative  for  the  social  life  in  the  community  

depending  on  the  kind  of  leadership  it  has.”366    What  can  be  concluded  from  this  

understanding  of  the  kundu  are  its  similarities  to  the  use  of  proverbs.  Opoku  states,  

“merely  reading  a  proverb,  however  well  translated,  does  not  bring  the  reader  

[listener]  to  its  full  force  and  impact.”367    The  cosmogram  serves  a  similar  purpose  

366  Ibid.,  38.      367  Opoku,  xxii.  

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to  that  of  African  proverbs;  to  express  the  accumulated  wisdom  and  experiences  of  

a  people.368      

    The  Ki-­‐Kongo  expression,  bambuta  bata  ngana—proverbs  or  theories  said  

by  ancestors,  references  the  long  historical  memory  of  philosophical,  social,  

dialectical,  theoretical,  legal,  and  judicial  assertions.369    The  cosmogram  as  

proverbs  is  used  to  teach  and  explain  core  concepts  through  knotting  and  

unknotting—what  Fu-­‐Kiau  classifies  as  coding  and  decoding.370  However,  Opoku  

states  that,  “Proverbs  are  not  only  expressed  in  words,  they  are  expressed  in  the  

language  of  the  drums  and  the  sounds  of  the  horns.”371    Here  in  lies  the  connection  

to  the  compositions  of  John  Coltrane.    Coltrane’s  music  continues  the  tradition  of  

transmitting  collective  wisdom  and  experiences  of  African  historical  memories.    

His  music  preserves  the  cultural  aesthetics  of  proverbs,  coded-­‐languages  and  

resistance.    

    The  Akan  found  wisdom  everywhere—in  the  environment,  in  the  human  

body,  in  trees,  birds,  and  animals,  in  the  skies  etc.    To  stress  this  note  what  Amon          

Saakana  states,  “In  the  African  context  music  making  was  an  aesthetic  attempt  to  

express  the  sounds  in  nature.    These  sounds  from  the  lion,  the  elephant,  the  bird,  

368  The  Kongo  cosmogram  is  not  the  only  iconography  in  African  cultures  that  can  be  understood  as  non-­‐written  proverbs.    The  adinkra  symbols  of  West  Africa,  of  the  Akan,  Twi  speaking  peoples  are  understood  as  proverbs  as  well  that  through  images  encapsulate  ideas,  wisdom  and  collective  historical  thoughts  of  the  community.    See  G.F.  Kojo  Arthur,  Cloth  as  Metaphor  Re-­‐Reading  the  Adinkra  Cloth  Symbols  of  the  Akan  of  Ghana,  1st  ed.  (Centre  for  Indigenous  Knowledge  Systems,  2001);  W.  Bruce  Willis,  The  Adinkra  Dictionary:  A  Visual  Primer  on  the  Language  of  Adinkra  (Pyramid  Complex,  1998);  Heike  Owusu,  Symbols  of  Africa  (Sterling,  2000).  

369    Fu-­‐Kiau,  92.  370    Ibid.,  72.    371  Opoku,  xx.  

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the  wind,  the  river,  thunder,  etc.,  became  the  principal  for  artistic  formulation  and  

expression.”372    

    The  compositions  of  John  Coltrane,  much  like  the  proverbs  of  the  Akan  

served  as  a  social  aesthetic.      They  expressed  and  contained  the  collective  

experiences  and  wisdom  of  a  people.    When  we  consider  his  compositions:  

Africa/Brass,  Reverend  King,  Dial  Africa,  Oomba,  and  Gold  Coast,  we  derive  that  

these  were  conscious  decisions  to  express  the  contemporary  and  long  history  of  his  

Pan-­‐African  community.    Note  what  Coltrane’s  pianist  McCoy  Tyner  conveyed  

about  his  music,  “To  me,  this  is  our  system  of  music,  the  Afro-­‐American  system  of  

music.  This  is  the  African  system  of  music….  A  lot  of  these  expressions-­‐  jazz,  avant  

garde  –  came  about  because  of  our  environment.    As  musicians  began  to  think  

more  about  our  heritage,  they  began  to  refer  to  it  more  and  more  as  black  music.    

Buts  it’s  always  been  the  music  of  black  musicians.    It  is  an  extension  of  the  whole  

body  of  black  experience.”373      When  we  consider  the  proverbs  of  the  Akan  and  by  

extension  the  compositions  of  Coltrane  they  are  as  Jack  Daniels  states,  “an  index  of  

cultural  continuity  and  interaction  –  they  provide  a  mirror  to  the  world  of  African  

and  Diasporic  people,  they  continue  to  exist  in  Black  popular  culture  and  bear  

directly  on  the  issue  of  African  survivals  in  the  New  World.”374    

   

372  Amon  Saba  Saakana,  “Culture,  Concept,  Aesthetics:  The  Phenomenon  of  the  African  Musical          Universe  in  Western  Musical  Culture,”  African  American  Review,  no.  29.2,  (1995):  330.  

373  Frank  Kofsky,  402.  374  Jack  Daniel,  “Makin’  a  Way  Outa  No  Way:  The  Proverb  Tradition  in  the  Black  Experience,”  Journal  of  Black  Studies  17,  no.  4  (June,  1987):  484.  

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Coded  Language  Of  African  Music      

    As  previously  mentioned  the  Akan  say,  Oba  nyansafo  wobu  no  be  na  wonka  

no  asem—the  wise  person  is  spoken  to  in  proverbs,  not  in  plain  talk.    In  African  

societies  no  one  can  be  considered  educated  or  qualified  to  take  part  in  communal  

discussions  unless  she  is  able  to  quote  the  proverbs  relevant  to  each  situation.    In  

the  Bantu-­‐Kongo  community  proverbs  represented  a  special  or  coded  language.    

Fu-­‐Kiau  notes  that  sometime  proverbs  were  used  by  members  of  the  community  to  

“prevent  the  leak  of  fundamental  principles  of  the  society.”375    This  is  done  to  avoid  

outsiders  from  accessing  basic  systematic  concepts  of  their  society,  in  particular  

their  secrets.    Fu-­‐Kiau  admonishes  that  this  is  done  because,  “African  people  are  

very  sensitive  to  what  touches  their  conceptual  bases.”376      

    The  continuity  of  coded  languages  couched  itself  in  the  creation  of  new  

musical  productions  by  trained  musicians  in  the  Americas.    I  suggest  then  that  the  

musicians  consciously  performed  and  composed  music  with  the  idea  of  not  

alienation  of  any  particular  group  but  instead  an  inclusion  of  those  who  needed  to  

know.    This  conscious  aesthetic  production  retained  the  tonal  concept  of  African  

language  but  as  an  extension  the  instrument  if  not  vocal  substituted  and  was  

transferred  to  the  horns,  drums,  bass,  piano,  etc.    And  because  of  its  tonal  variance  

375  Fu-­‐Kiau,  93.  376    Ibid.,  94.    Fu-­‐Kiau’s  instance  upon  this  observation  is  noted  in  the  forward  of  his  2nd  edition  to  his    text.    He  states  regarding  the  expansion  of  his  work,  “This  expansion  includes  a  brief  description  of  the    Bantu-­‐Kongo  concept  of  mapping  the  universe  [kayengele/luyalungunu]  and  a  new  chapter  on  the  “Vee,”  one  of  the  most  secret  aspects  of  the  Bantu  teaching  among  the  Kongo  people.”  Fu-­‐Kiau,  13.  

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the  saxophone  in  particular  was  a  logical  extension  to  communicate  messages,  

make  ones  presence  known  or  simply  express  emotions.  

    Bebop  for  instance  became  a  response  to  jazz  that  was  easily  played  and  

composed  during  the  big  band  era.    It  was  coded  music.    The  change  from  big  

band,  to  be-­‐bop,  to  hard  bop,  to  free  or  new  music  was  not  accidental  or  simply  a  

series  of  genius  creation.    To  the  contrary  it  was  a  conscious  production  of  a  

collective  shift  in  consciousness.377    This  difference  between  the  wise  and  foolish  

person  in  regards  to  proverbs  highlights  my  belief  that  jazz  compositions,  in  

particular  the  so-­‐called  Bebop  and  Free  Jazz  periods,  retained  this  idea  of  a  coded  

language.    This  is  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  BAM  artists  composed  music  that  

was  not  easily  performed,  composed  or  listened  to  by  some.    As  such  it  separated  

the  wise  from  the  foolish.    Seba  Art  Blakey  stated,  “The  title  of  the  songs  and  albums  

were  oblique  enough  to  get  past  the  record  company  executives  and  most  music  

reviewers.    But  they  were  obvious  to  those  who  needed  to  know.”    Interestingly,  as  

the  musicians  stretched  and  pulled  at  the  limitations  of  their  compositions,  in  

particular  the  bebop,  hard-­‐bop  and  free  periods  a  larger  amount  of  critics,  and  

audience  and  fans  rejected  or  at  the  very  least  longed  for  the  earlier  periods.    This  

is  reflective  of  Bebey’s  observation,  “that  African  musicians  do  not  attempt  to  

combine  sounds  pleasing  to  the  ear.    Their  aim  is  simply  to  express  life  in  all  its  

aspects  through  the  medium  of  the  sound.”378        

 

377  For  further  instances  of  this  see  Henry  Dumas’  short  story  Will  the  Circle  Be  Unbroken?.  378  Bebey,  African  Music,  330.  

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Proverbs  And  Coded  Language  In  Coltrane’s  Compositions    

    History  is  not  static.    Though  the  development  of  the  African  proverbs  are  

rooted  in  the  beginnings  of  their  civilization  they  continue  to  change.    Obviously  

there  are  modern  examples  of  the  verbal  proverbs:  Your  word  is  your  bond;  Two  

heads  are  better  than  one;  Never  trouble  trouble  till  trouble  troubles  you.    As  Opoku  

states  the  proverbs  are  also  told  through  the  drum  and  horn.    The  contemporary  

retentions  of  the  Akan  proverbs  though  verbal  can  be  detected  in  the  recordings  

and  compositions  of  John  Coltrane.    Much  like  our  ancestor’s  production  of  

proverbs,  Coltrane  found  wisdom  everywhere  throughout  the  environment.    The  

originators  of  the  proverbs  were  very  keen  observers  of  nature,  and,  in  a  sense,  the  

whole  environment  was  an  open  book.379    Ravi  Coltrane  speaking  about  his  father’s  

compositions  states,  “It’s  important  to  emphasize  that  he  was  so  aware  of  things  

around  him-­‐  in  nature,  art,  science,  and  even  numbers  that  he  felt  compelled  to  

mirror  in  his  music  what  he  studied  and  what  he  came  to  know.”380      There  is  

wisdom  and  collective  experiences  found  within  the  music  of  John  Coltrane.    Of  

his  many  compositions  two  of  Coltrane’s  recordings  will  be  considered  to  highlight  

their  proverbial  retentions.    Alabama  his  1963  recording  details  the  collective  

experience  of  a  people.    Secondly,  his  1964  recording  A  Love  Supreme  highlights  

the  continuance  of  the  collective  wisdom  of  previous  generations  and  their  

379  Opoku,  xx.  380  Ravi  Coltrane,  Liner  Notes  in  John  Coltranes,  A  Love  Supreme:  Deluxe  Edition  (Impulse  Records,  2002).  

176

spiritual  understanding.    I  will  first  start  with  Alabama  to  demonstrate  how  it  

details  the  collective  experiences  of  a  people.      

    Proverbial  experiences,  Opoku  states,  “express  some  cultural  or  infinite  

truth,  they  bring  special  meaning  to  certain  situations  and  point  up  the  kernel  of  

an  idea  with  vivid  clarity.”381    No  other  collective  experiences  in  the  last  50  years  of  

the  African  experience  in  America  has  received  the  attention  and  demanded  

change,  as  did  the  Civil  Rights  and  Black  Power  Movements.    Numerous  historical  

texts  have  recorded  the  events  that  occurred  during  these  movements.    However  

very  few  texts  attempt  to  detail  the  narrative  that  connects  these  events.    For  

instance  many  of  these  texts  do  not  fully  explain  the  chain  of  events  or  the  climax  

that  was  the  start  of  the  Civil  Rights  Movement.  One  of  the  major  moments  that  

influenced  the  rise  of  the  Movements  was  the  murder  of  Addie  Mae  Collins,  

Cynthia  Wesley,  Carole  Robertson,  and  Denise  McNair—four  Black  girls,  ages  11-­‐  14.    

On  the  morning  of  September  15,  1963,  several  sticks  of  dynamite  were  placed  in  

the  basement  of  the  16th  Street  Baptist  Church  in  Birmingham.  The  bomb  went  

off;  killing  the  four  young  girls.    

    Coltrane  standing  in  his  Vanga  Vee  understood  that  it  was  his  responsibility  

to  respond  to  the  lived  conditions  of  his  people.    Martin  Smith  notes:  

Coltrane  wrote  the  song  Alabama  as  a  response  to  the  bombing  and  murders.  He  patterned  his  saxophone  playing  on  Martin  Luther  King's  funeral  speech.  Midway  through  the  song,  mirroring  the  point  where  King  transforms  his  mourning  into  a  statement  of  

381  Opoku,  xx.  

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renewed  determination  for  the  struggle  against  racism,  Elvin  Jones's  drumming  rises  from  a  whisper  to  a  pounding  rage.  He  wanted  this  crescendo  to  signify  the  rising  of  the  civil  rights  movement.382  [see  Figure  8]      

Coltrane’s  recording  of  Alabama  is  that  kernel  of  experience  that  Opoku  spoke  about.    

It  is  the  central  or  most  important  part  of  something  the  essence,  gist  or  core.      

  In  addition  to  collective  experiences,  proverbs  also  express  the  collective  

wisdom  of  a  community.    Coltrane’s  recording  of  1964’s  A  Love  Supreme  

encapsulates  the  morals,  social  structures,  and  spiritual  systems  of  thought  within  

the  long  memory  of  African  people.    The  composition,  which  began  as  a  poem  to  

The  Creator  in  part  as  an  acknowledgement  of  what,  Coltrane  notes  as  a  ‘grace  

from  God,  a  spiritual  awakening  which  led  to  a  richer,  fuller,  more  productive  life.’    

The  poem  was  then  composed  into  musical  notes  and  served  double  duty,  “as  

prayer  to  the  Divine  and  a  libretto  for  the  final  musical  section  of  A  Love  

Supreme.”383  [see  Figure  9].      It  highlights  the  spiritual  connections  and  

continuance  of  the  collective  wisdom  of  previous  generations.    What  Coltrane  

accomplished  in  his  musical  aesthetics  is  similar  to  that  of  the  Akan  in  expressing  

their  collective  wisdom  through  proverbs.    Note  the  similarities  that  exist  in  the  

explanation  of  Opoku  and  the  observation  of  Ravi  Coltrane  in  the  following  chart,  

[see  Table:  2]—especially  the  bolded  area.  

       

382  Martin  Smith,  John  Coltrane:  Jazz,  Racism  and  Resistance,  86.  383  Ashley  Kahn,  A  Love  Supreme,  144.      

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Table  3.      

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

   

According  to  Coltrane,  the  goal  of  a  musician  was  to  understand  these  forces,  

control  them,  and  elicit  a  response  from  the  audience.    Coltrane  understood  that  

with  wisdom  came  the  necessity  of  understanding  the  importance  of  a  spiritual  

relationship  with  the  Creator.    When  we  consider  the  intellectual  and  cultural  

importance  of  proverbs  we  understand  the  significance  of  John  Coltrane’s  music.    

Notwithstanding,  Opoku  states,  “merely  reading  a  proverb,  however  well  

translated,  does  not  bring  the  reader  [listener]  to  its  full  force  and  impact.”384  

Coltrane’s  music  was  a  continuation  of  the  process  of  transmitting  collective  

wisdom  and  experiences.    His  compositions  considered:  Ways  of  knowing  and  

systems  of  thought  as  well  as  the  ways  in  which  African  communities  moved  and  

inscribed  memory  by  answering  the  following  two  questions:  How  music  was  used  

as  an  extension  of  the  intellectual  understandings  of  his  community  and  their  ways  

384  Opoku,  xxii.  

The  Akan  ancestors  found  wisdom  

everywhere  in  the  environment,  in  

the  human  body,  in  trees,  birds,  

and  animals,  in  the  skies  etc.    The  

originators  of  the  proverbs  were  very  

keen  observers  of  nature,  and,  in  a  

sense,  the  whole  environment  was  an  

open  book.    

—Opoku  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

—Opoku  

What  I  do  know  is  that  these  cells  are  but  one  example  of  a  deep  symbolism  in  his  composition,  a  code  that  reached  beyond  the  music  itself.    It’s  important  to  emphasize  that  he  was  so  aware  of  things  around  him-­‐  in  nature,  art,  science,  even  numbers-­‐  that  he  felt  compelled  to  mirror  in  his  music  what  he  studied  and  what  he  came  to  know.  

—Ravi  Coltrane  

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of  knowing  and  how  they  responded  to  conditions  as  they  presented  themselves;  

and  how  music  was  used  to  explain  these  experiences.    Only  the  wise  person  will  

understand  the  meaning  and  translation  of  the  proverb.    However  if  close  

attention  is  paid  to  them  the  listener  will  remain  connected  and  centered  within  

the  African  worldview  and  is  able  to  comprehend  their  collective  cultural  

experiences  and  wisdom.    Such  wisdom  and  experiences  are  found  within  the  

music  of  John  Coltrane.  

The  Vunda  Stage:  Coltrane’s  Decline  Into  Mukulu  

    Coltrane’s  moment  in  the  Vanga  stage—the  moment  that  he  proved  his  

ability  to  stand  vertically—demonstrated  that  he  was  not  only  a  master  of  his  own  

life  but  also  understood  his  relationship  with  the  rest  of  the  universe.    In  addition  

Coltrane  grasped  the  array  of  conceptual  ways  of  knowing  produced  by  his  people  

through  improvisational  acts  in  America.      

    Coltrane’s  descent  into  the  ancestral  realm  took  place  in  July  1967.    I  

consider  his  recordings  beginning  with  A  Love  Supreme  1964385  and  up  to  his  death  

as  evidence  of  him  becoming  an  nganga—master,  doer,  and  a  specialist,  within  his  

community  prior  to  his  death.    Note  the  titles  of  his  albums386  between  1964  and  

1967:  

1. Crescent  

385  As  it  relates  to  Coltrane  personal  life  I  consider  1957  to  be  his  rise  into  his  vanga.    1957  would  mark  the  moment  when  he  breaks  his  drug  addiction  and  turns  his  life  over  to  the  Creator.      It  is  during  this  time  that  he  composed  A  Love  Supreme—he  would  record  it  seven  years  later  in  1964.    See  J.C.  Thomas’  Chasin  the  Trane  for  the  narrative  of  his  break  from  drugs.      

386  This  list  does  not  include  reissues,  “best  of  compilations,”  or  live  albums.  

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2. A  Love  Supreme  

3. Dear  Old  Stockholm  

4. Transition  

5. Om  

6. First  Meditations  

7. Meditations  

8. Sun  Ship  

9. Interstellar  Space  

10. Stellar  Regions  

11. Expression  

The  intentionality  of  these  album  titles  can  be  considered  as  reflective  of  

Coltrane’s  last  ideological  shift.    These  shifts  were  reflective  in  his  personal  life  but  

also  in  his  musical  career.    Coltrane  once  stated  that  all  he  would  say  would  come  

through  his  horn.    In  1966  he  stated  to  Frank  Kofsky  that  he  intended,  “to  make  a  

trip  to  Africa  to  gather  whatever  I  can  find,  particularly  the  musical  resources.”387    

Coltrane’s  future  plans  for  his  music  echoed  his  drummer,  Elvin  Jones’  recollection  

about  the  music  that  they  created.    Jones  recalled,  “I  think  even  Indian  music  has  

its  origins  in  the  African  art  form.    You  can  see  the  influences.  Whatever  we  do,  it  

can  be  traced  back  to  some  of  the  African  forms.”388      

    As  a  master  musician  Coltrane  was  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  

understanding  the  needs  of  his  community.    Music  became  the  lens  through  which  

cultural  production  and  African  retentions  were  examined.    Note  the  recollections  

of  Coltrane’s  pianist  McCoy  Tyner:  

387  Pauline  Rivelli  and  Robert  Levin,  Giants  of  Black  Music  (New  York:  Da  Capo  Press,  1979),  29.  388  Kofsky,  217.  

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Mostly,  black  musicians  feel  they  can  better  relate  to  Africa…  because  a  lot  of  musicians  are  realizing  that  this  is  where  the  roots  of  the  music  came  from,  as  far  as  this  music  is  concerned.  To  me,  this  is  our  system  of  music,  the  Afro-­‐American  system  of  music.  This  is  the  African  system  of  music  .  .  .  .  A  lot  of  these  expressions—jazz,  avant-­‐garde—came  about  because  of  our  environment.    As  musicians  began  to  think  more  about  our  heritage,  they  began  to  refer  to  it  more  and  more  as  black  music.    Buts  it’s  always  been  the  music  of  black  musicians.    It  is  an  extension  of  the  whole  body  of  black  experience.389    

As  previously  mentioned  he  had  to  communicate  to  his  community  through  his  

music  the  aesthetic  vernacular  of  Black  culture.  One  way  that  Coltrane  intended  to  

do  this  is  demonstrated  through  his  future  goals,  he  stated  in  1962,  “Maybe  when  

I’m  sixty  Ill  be  satisfied  with  what  I’m  doing,  but  I  don’t  know  .  .  .  I’m  sure  that  

later  on  my  ideas  will  carry  more  convictions.    I  know  that  I  want  to  produce  

beautiful  music,  music  that  does  things  to  people  that  they  need.    Music  that  will  

uplift,  and  make  them  happy—those  are  the  qualities  I’d  like  to  produce.”390        

    In  spite  of  Coltrane  intense  practice  and  playing  schedules  there  was  still  so  

much  more  that  he  felt  needed  to  be  accomplished.    A  major  consideration  of  John  

Coltrane’s  life  by  fans,  scholars  and  biographers  is  what  direction  would  his  music  

have  taken  if  it  was  not  cut  short  at  forty.  His  drummer,  Rashid  Ali,  recalls  

Coltrane  saying,  “I  ran  out  of  things  to  play  on  my  horn”  in  reply  to  Ali  asking  why  

he  sometimes  would  scream  into  the  microphone  and  bang  a  tambourine  or  on  his  

chest  in  concert.    One  thing  that  we  do  know  is  that  Coltrane’s  music  was  moving  

389  Ibid.  390  Valerie  Wimer,  “Conversations  With  Coltrane,”  Jazz  Monthly  (February,  1962):  7.  

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to  closer  to  non-­‐Western  standards  of  music  and  was  shifting  and  exploring  in  

these  ideas.    As  he  rounded  the  cosmogram  surely  his  mastery  stage  imbued  him  

with  a  sense  of  longing  and  a  desire  to  understand  and  create  further.    Like  all  

great  musicians,  Coltrane  expressed  these  desires  through  his  innate  talents  

coupled  with  his  understanding  of  his  place  in  the  universe.      

    His  shifts  away  from  prescribed  standards  continued  to  push  him  more  in  

the  direction  of  African  music.    During  his  final  years  Coltrane  began  to  spend  

time  with  the  master  drummer  Babatunde  Olatunji.      It  is  no  secret  that  Coltrane  

was  searching  in  his  music  for  more  and  so  he  went  to  one  of  the  sources  of  

traditional  African  music.  In  fact  his  last  live  recording—April  23,  1967—was  a  

benefit  concert  for  the  Olatunji  Center  of  African  Culture.    Karlton  Hester  curios  

about  Coltrane’s  musical  directions,  his  interest  in  Africa,  and  if  his  composition,  

Interstellar  Space  was  any  indication  of  his  future  musical  ideas  reached  out  to  

Olatunji.    Hester  states,  “I  asked  M.  Babatunde  Olatunji  for  comments  that  might  

shed  light  on  these  questions.    According  to  my  findings,  Mr.  Olatunji  appears  to  

be  the  person  Coltrane  confided  in  candidly.”391    Olatunji’s  response  to  Hester  is  

recorded  in  its  entirety  below:  

April  13,  1990  Dear  Mr.  Hester       Pursuant  to  receipt  of  your  written  inquiry  relative  to  John  Coltrane,  his  personal  association  with  me,  and  his  interest  in  African  music,  I  have  prepared  the  following  responsive  paragraphs:       To  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  John  Coltrane’s  interest  in  African  music  dates  back  to  the  early  1960’s.  He  first  came  to  my  attention  when  I  discovered  that  he  was  present  at  most  

391  Hester,  134.  

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of  my  appearances  in  theatres  and  night  clubs  in  the  metropolitan  New  York  City  area:  especially  at  Birdland  and  at  the  Village  Gate.    He  always  found  the  time  not  only  to  congratulate  me  and  the  band,  which  included  Yusef  Lateef  on  saxophone  and  Chris  White  on  bass,  but  to  repeatedly  express  both  his  interest  in  African  music  and  a  desire  to  study  with  me.     The  driving  force  in  Coltrane’s  music  can  easily  be  identified  as  being  African  derivative  when  you  listen  to  his  unique  style  of  phrasing,  his  dynamics,  and  the  intensity  he  generates  when  playing  his  instrument.    There  is  a  distinctly  African  rhythm  and  timing  in  his  improvisation.    His  instrument  becomes  the  voice  of  a  traditional  town  crier  who,  through  the  controlled  use  of  his  own  natural  voice  (from  its  highest  to  its  lowest  pitch),  informs  the  villagers  of  what  is  happening  or  is  going  to  happen.    His  music,  like  African  music,  is  captivating,  pulsating  and  energizing.         As  my  dream  to  establish  a  Center  For  African  Culture  became  a  reality  because  of  the  money  saved  from  my  appearances  at  the  1964-­‐65  World’s  Fair  in  New  York  John  Coltrane’s  interest  in  both  my  work  and  in  the  Center’s  plan  to  disseminate  information  about  the  rich  and  vital  cultural  heritage  of  Africa  was  reflected  not  only  in  his  monthly  financial  contribution,  but  by  his  plans  to  study  Yoruba  language  and  to  visit  the  Motherland  with  me,  He  believed  that  this  visit  would  provide  him  with  a  spiritual  rebirth  and  help  exorcise  from  his  own  mind  some  of  the  myths  and  stereotypes  about  all  Africans:  native  expatriate  and  those  whose  families  had  lived  for  generations  on  foreign  soil.    He  wanted  to  trace  his  African  heritage  and  establish  a  lasting  relationship  with  his  ancestors:  particularly  those  from  West  Africa.     Coltrane  believed  that  side-­‐men  should  be  paid  more  money  than  the  generally  accepted  standard  fees.    He  believed  Booking  Agents  did  not  do  enough  to  promote  the  Artists  they  represented.    He  was  also  generally  unhappy  with  the  management  if  Recording  Companies  because  of  their  policy  of  paying  little  or  no  advance  monies  to  their  artist:  except  for  a  very  few  select  personalities.         Because  of  these  predispositions,  Coltrane  approached  Yusef  Lateef  and  me  and  suggested  we  form  our  own  company  and  promote  our  own  efforts.    In  those  days,  Yusef,  as  great  as  he  was,  could  hardly  get  any  bookings  for  work  until  he  became  the  musical  director  of  my  Afro-­‐Jazz  Band:  A  band  that  enjoyed  twelve  to  thirteen  weeks  of  work  each  year  just  at  Birdland  alone.    We  met,  the  group  was  formed,  and  I  was  elected  its  Secretary/Treasurer.         The  first  concert  was  booked  for  January  1968  at  Avery  Fisher  Hall,  in  New  York.    The  concert  was  to  feature  three  groups:  One  led  by  John,  one  by  Yusef,  and  one  by  me.    We  had  organized  to  subsequently  tour  the  United  State,  Canada,  Japan  and  Europe.    The  money  raised  from  these  concerts  was  to  be  used  to  help  establish  African  Cultural  Centers  in  major  cities  in  the  United  States.    The  purpose  of  these  centers  would  be  to  educate,  promote  cultural  exchanges,  and  create  research  programs  for  those  interested  in  the  study  of  African  languages,  history,  music,  art,  and  dance.    It  was  our  hops  that  these  Centers  would  become  channels  to  bridge  the  gap  between  Africans  at  home  and  those  

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abroad,  and  that  they  would  also  serve  to  promote  a  better  understanding  of  Africans  and  their  contributions  to  world  culture.      John  Coltrane  was  a  visionary:  a  quiet  determined  courageous  man.    He  was  and  still  is  an  irresistible  force.    I  truly  hope  that  my  comments  on  John  Coltrane,  and  on  my  past  relationship  with  him,  will  be  of  service  to  you.  Sincerely,    M.  Babatunde  Olatunji392  

      What  Olatunji  expresses  about  Coltrane  reveals  the  man.    Coltrane  in  this  

light  is  seen  as  an  African  in  constant  gaze  of  the  past  with  the  future  always  in  

tow.    Coltrane  in  his  vanga  stage  descending  into  his  vunda  was  set  on  correcting  

the  challenges  of  the  Black  community.    That  his  focus  would  be  on  cultural  

developments  is  understood  given  his  talents.    However,  as  his  interest  in  

establishing  African  Cultural  Centers—read  plural—was  demonstrated  we  

understand  that  he  appreciated  that  conceptually  systems  of  thoughts  and  cultural  

meaning  making  were  intertwined.    Consider  again  the  purpose  of  the  centers:  

education,  cultural  exchanges,  and  research  in  African  languages,  history,  music  

art  and  dance.    Coltrane’s  commitment  to  African  peoples  advancement  globally  

throughout  his  life  but  in  particularly  as  reflected  in  his  deeds  towards  the  end  of  

his  vanga  stage  guaranteed  that  he  would  become  a  Mukulu—a  spiritually  deified  

ancestor.    And  so  as  he  left  the  physical  world  and  reanimated  in  the  world  of  

living  energy—the  spiritual  world  beneath  the  kalunga  line  Coltrane’s  music,  life  

examples,  cautionary  tales,  and  ideologies  would  be  transmitted,  gathered  and  

used  by  future  BAM  musicians  as  they  began  their  turn  around  the  universal  

cosmogram.  

392  Hester,  134-­‐36.  

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Imperialist  domination,  by  denying  the  historical  development  of  the  dominated  people,  necessarily  also   denies   their   cultural   development.   It   is   .   .   .  understood   why   imperialist   domination,   like   all  other   foreign   domination,   for   its   own   security,  requires   cultural   oppression   and   the   attempt   at  direct   or   indirect   liquidation   of   the   essential  elements   of   the   culture   of   the   dominated  people   .   .   .   .   [I]t   is   generally  within   the   culture  that  we  find  the  seed  of  opposition.        

—Amilcar  Cabral393    

Sometimes,   if   they   dreamed,   things  would   come  to  them  out  of  Africa,   things  they’d  heard  about  or   had   seen.     And   when   he   [Omar]   got   to   the  South,   when   he   was   a   slave,   just   before   he   was  waking,  before  the  sun  rode  out  in  the  sky,  when  there   was   just   morning   silence   over   the   fields  with  maybe  a  few  birds  in  it—then,  at  that  time,  he  was  back  there  again,  in  Africa.  

    —Sidney  Bechet394    

CHAPTER  8  

CONCLUSION  

This  study  set  out  to  develop  new  methodological  research  approaches  to  

African  musical  cultures.    The  impetus  to  the  proposed  methodology  derives  from  

a  lack  of  effective  African-­‐centered  epistemological  devices  to  analysis  and  

research  music  and  musicians.    Chapters  one  and  two  of  this  study  considered  the  

importance  of  this  work  as  well  as  the  relevant  literature  that  and  history  of  

African  music  and  research.    The  works  of  both  continental  and  diasporic  African  

writers  were  reviewed  in  the  consideration  of  their  contributions  to  the  fields  of  

393  Amilcar  Cabral,  “National  Liberation  and  Culture,”  in  Return  to  the  Sources  (Africa  Information          Service,  1973),  42-­‐43.    

394  Sidney  Bechet,  Treat  It  Gentle:  An  Autobiography  (New  York:  Da  Capo  Press:  1978),  7.  

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history,  ethnomusicology  and  African  studies.    In  chapter  three  the  necessity  of  

beginning  African  music  research  with  Pharaonic  Egypt  is  underscored.    In  

addition  specific  architectural  findings  and  primary  texts  sources  were  utilized  to  

show  the  continuation  of  African  musical  functions,  forms  and  initiation  rites  

across  the  continent.    Chapter  four  began  the  development  of  the  methodological  

device  that  would  be  used  throughout  this  study.    The  Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmology  

as  the  epistemological  device  for  this  study  was  explained  and  demonstrated.    

Aesthetic  values  and  linguistic  usages  were  developed  in  chapter  five.    As  this  

study  sought  to  center  its  approaches  and  analysis  within  African  normative  

practices  the  imperative  to  break  from  the  Western  aesthetic  cultural  contract  was  

reinforced  throughout  this  and  the  subsequent  chapters.    Chapters  six  and  seven  

utilized  John  Coltrane’s  musical  career  and  personal  life  to  demonstrate  the  

proposed  usage  of  the  Bantu-­‐Kongo’s  cosmograph  as  an  effective  tool  in  the  

research  of  African  music  and  musicians.      

    Our  imperative  is  clear  at  this  crucial  moment  in  history.    We  must  not  

abdicate  our  culture  to  outsiders.    Culture  if  considered  as  reservoirs  of  our  coded  

memories  must  be  guarded,  utilized  and  transmitted  to  the  next  generation.    In  

this  era  of  a  hyper-­‐sensationalized  society  it  is  paramount  that  our  musicians  

either  write  their  own  stories  or  that  we  as  African-­‐centered  scholars  scribe  their  

narratives.    These  narratives  must  include  the  vastness  of  African  historical  

memories.    We  must  develop  and  use  methodologies  that  allow  the  ways  of  our  

ancestors  to  speak.    African  music  and  musicians  must  be  written  as  a  part  of  and  

187

within  the  wide  canon  of  meaning  makers  who  in  spite  of  flaws  were  agents  of  

change  and  keepers  of  valued  memories.    Bernice  Johnson  Reagon  charges  us  as  

such,  “We  as  serious  scholars  have  to  be  about  the  business  of  studying,  analyzing  

and  presenting  the  experiences  of  phenomena  in  a  way  that  makes  it  accessible  to  

our  people  wherever  they  find  themselves.”395    Proper  effective  research  and  praxis  

of  African  musical  usage  and  inscriptions  of  its  producers  thusly  as  a  ritual  process  

will  aid  in  the  examination  of  our  problems  and  help  us  to  get  them  straight.      

    We  must  allow  ourselves  to  be  enveloped  with  the  wisdom  of  our  ancestors.    

As  they  lived  and  transmitted  knowledge  and  deep  thought  we  have  to  on  our  way  

around  the  life  cycle  engage  these  tools  that  have  been  left  for  us.    We  must  use  

only  the  best  ways  possible  to  reconnect  with  our  history.    This  includes  “the  best  

of  words,  the  best  sounds,  phrases,  pauses,  sentences,  images,  figures”  and  the  best  

and  maybe  new  methodological  approaches.  The  Bantu-­‐Kongo  cosmography  is  

one  such  device  tools  that  will  enable  this  process  to  flourish.    

    Our  role  as  African-­‐centered  scholars  whose  work  considers  the  

connections  between  intellectual  developments  and  African  music  must  make  use  

of  the  vast  traditions  of  Black  culture.    We  must  also  take  the  charge  in  

establishing  the  necessity  of  effective  methods  to  engage  the  research.    Portia  

Maultsby  suggests  that  we  start  this  process  by,  “creating  space  for  the  popular  

395  Bernice  Johnson  Reagon,  “Developing  Black  American  Cultural  Programs:  Negotiating  the  Distances  Within  and  Between,”  97.  

188

music  tradition  in  our  research  and  in  our  teaching.    To  accomplish  this,  we  first  

must  develop  new  attitudes  about  its  significance  within  culture.”396      

    Lastly  our  work  must  demonstrate  a  commitment  to  content  mastery.    We  

must  use  the  best  of  our  expressive  arts  to  imagine  new  ways  to  analyze  out  vast  

historical  memories.    Seba  Armah’s  words  in  closing  are  worth  noting  at  length:    

Writers  wishing  to  operate  out  of  a  deeper  consciousness  of  African  identity  now  have  intellectual  tools  unavailable  to  Senghor’s  generation.    If  we  study  the  available  information,  then  use  it  in  our  own  work  as  writers  or  critics  or  teachers,  we  will  create  conditions  for  the  birth  of  a  new  generation  of  African  intellectuals  immune  to  the  crippling  effects  of  an  education  designed  to  poison  our  minds  with  too  little  information,  of  unconscionably  low  quality.397  

      Our  studies,  our  lives,  our  writings  must  be  dedicated  to  the  continued  

existence  of  African  people  wherever  they  find  themselves.    Our  reclamation  of  

ancient  ways  of  knowing  tethered  to  improvisational  tools  will  guarantee  our  

survival  thrust  and  an  eventual  turn  towards  our  traditions  as  vehicles  for  

liberation.      

 

 

   

396  Portia  Maultsby,  “The  Role  of  Scholars  in  Creating  Space  and  Validity  for  Ongoing  Changes  in  Black  American  Culture,”  23.  

397  Armah,  Eloquence  of  the  Scribes,  135.  

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 Werner,  Craig,  Playing  The  Changes:  From  Afro-­‐Modernism  To  The  Jazz     Impulse,  Chicago:  University  of  Illinois  Press,  1994.    __________,  A  Change  is  Gonna  Come-­‐Music,  Race  &  the  Soul  of  America,  Ann     Arbor:  University  of  Michigan  Press,  2006.    Wilmer,  Valerie.  As  Serious  as  Your  Life-­‐John  Coltrane  and  Beyond,  Great     Britain:  Cox  &  Wyman,  1977.    Wiodeck,  Carl.  The  John  Coltrane  Companion:  Five  Decades  of  Commentary,    New     York:  Schirmer  Books,  1998.                                                                

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APPENDIX  ADDITIONAL  FIGURES  

 

Table  4.  

 

 

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EULOGY  FOR  THE  YOUNG  VICTIMS  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  STREET  BAPTIST  CHURCH  BOMBING    

 This  afternoon  we  gather  in  the  quiet  of  this  sanctuary  to  pay  our  last  tribute  of  respect  to  these  beautiful  children  of  God.  They  entered  the  stage  of  history  just  a  few  years  ago,  and  in  the  brief  years  that  they  were  privileged  to  act  on  this  mortal  stage,  they  played  their  parts  exceedingly  well.  Now  the  curtain  falls;  they  move  through  the  exit;  the  drama  of  their  earthly  life  comes  to  a  close.  They  are  now  committed  back  to  that  eternity  from  which  they  came.      These  children-­‐unoffending,  innocent,  and  beautiful-­‐were  the  victims  of  one  of  the  most  vicious  and  tragic  crimes  ever  perpetrated  against  humanity.    And  yet  they  died  nobly.  They  are  the  martyred  heroines  of  a  holy  crusade  for  freedom  and  human  dignity.  And  so  this  afternoon  in  a  real  sense  they  have  something  to  say  to  each  of  us  in  their  death.  They  have  something  to  say  to  every  minister  of  the  gospel  who  has  

remained  silent  behind  the  safe  security  of  stained-­‐glass  windows.  They  have  something  to  say  to  every  politician  [Audience:]  (Yeah)  who  has  fed  his  constituents  with  the  stale  bread  of  hatred  and  the  spoiled  meat  of  racism.  They  have  something  to  say  to  a  federal  

government  that  has  compromised  with  the  undemocratic  practices  of  southern  Dixiecrats  (Yeah)  and  the  blatant  hypocrisy  of  right-­‐wing  northern  Republicans.  (Speak)  They  have  something  to  say  to  every  Negro  (Yeah)  who  has  passively  accepted  the  evil  system  of  segregation  and  who  has  stood  on  the  sidelines  in  a  mighty  struggle  for  justice.  They  say  to  each  of  us,  black  and  white  alike,  that  we  must  substitute  courage  for  caution.  They  say  to  us  that  we  must  be  concerned  not  merely  about  and  unrelentingly  for  the  realization  of  the  American  dream.    And  so  my  friends,  they  did  not  die  in  vain.  (Yeah)  God  still  has  a  way  of  wringing  good  out  of  evil.  (Oh  yes)  And  history  has  proven  over  and  over  again  that  unmerited  suffering  is  redemptive.  The  innocent  blood  of  these  little  girls  may  well  serve  as  a  redemptive  force  (Yeah)  that  will  bring  new  light  to  this  dark  city.  (Yeah)  The  holy  Scripture  says,  "A  little  child  shall  lead  them."  (Oh  yeah)  The  death  of  these  little  children  may  lead  our  whole  Southland  (Yeah)  from  the  low  road  of  man's  inhumanity  to  man  to  the  high  road  of  peace  and  brotherhood.    (Yeah,  Yes)  These  tragic  deaths  may  lead  our  nation  to  substitute  an  aristocracy  of  character  for  an  aristocracy  of  color.  The  spilled  blood  of  these  innocent  girls  may  cause  the  whole  citizenry  of  Birmingham  (Yeah)  to  transform  the  negative  extremes  of  

a  dark  past  into  the  positive  extremes  of  a  bright  future.  Indeed  this  tragic  event  may  cause  the  white  South  to  come  to  terms  with  its  conscience.  (Yeah)    

And  so  I  stand  here  to  say  this  afternoon  to  all  assembled  here,  that  in  spite  of  the  darkness  of  this  hour  (Yeah  Well),  we  must  not  despair.  (Yeah,  Well)  We  must  not  become  bitter  (Yeah,  That's  right),  nor  must  we  harbor  the  desire  to  retaliate  with  violence.  No,  we  must  not  lose  faith  in  our  white  brothers.  (Yeah,  Yes)  Somehow  we  must  believe  that  the  most  misguided  among  them  can  learn  to  respect  the  dignity  and  the  worth  of  all  human  personality.    

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May  I  now  say  a  word  to  you,  the  members  of  the  bereaved  families?  It  is  almost  impossible  to  say  anything  that  can  console  you  at  this  difficult  hour  and  remove  the  deep  clouds  of  disappointment  which  are  floating  in  your  mental  skies.  But  I  hope  you  can  find  a  little  consolation  from  the  universality  of  this  experience.  Death  comes  to  every  individual.  

There  is  an  amazing  democracy  about  death.  It  is  not  aristocracy  for  some  of  the  people,  but  a  democracy  for  all  of  the  people.  Kings  die  and  beggars  die;  rich  men  and  poor  men  die;  old  people  die  and  young  people  die.  Death  comes  to  the  innocent  and  it  comes  to  the  

guilty.  Death  is  the  irreducible  common  denominator  of  all  men.    I  hope  you  can  find  some  consolation  from  Christianity's  affirmation  that  death  is  not  the  end.  Death  is  not  a  period  that  ends  the  great  sentence  of  life,  but  a  comma  that  punctuates  it  to  more  lofty  significance.  Death  is  not  a  blind  alley  that  leads  the  human  race  into  a  state  of  nothingness,  but  an  open  door  which  leads  man  into  life  eternal.  Let  this  daring  faith,  this  great  invincible  surmise,  be  your  sustaining  power  during  these  trying  days.    Now  I  say  to  you  in  conclusion,  life  is  hard,  at  times  as  hard  as  crucible  steel.  It  has  its  bleak  and  difficult  moments.  Like  the  ever-­‐flowing  waters  of  the  river,  life  has  its  moments  of  drought  and  its  moments  of  flood.  (Yeah,  Yes)  Like  the  ever-­‐changing  cycle  of  the  seasons,  life  has  the  soothing  warmth  of  its  summers  and  the  piercing  chill  of  its  winters.  (Yeah)  And  if  one  will  hold  on,  he  will  discover  that  God  walks  with  him  (Yeah,  Well),  and  that  God  is  able  (Yeah,  Yes)  to  lift  you  from  the  fatigue  of  despair  to  the  buoyancy  of  hope,  and  transform  dark  and  desolate  valleys  into  sunlit  paths  of  inner  peace.    And  so  today,  you  do  not  walk  alone.  You  gave  to  this  world  wonderful  children.  [moans]  They  didn't  live  long  lives,  but  they  lived  meaningful  lives.  (Well)  Their  lives  were  distressingly  small  in  quantity,  but  glowingly  large  in  quality.  (Yeah)  And  no  greater  tribute  can  be  paid  to  you  as  parents,  and  no  greater  epitaph  can  come  to  them  as  children,  than  where  they  died  and  what  they  were  doing  when  they  died.  (Yeah)      They  did  not  die  in  the  dives  and  dens  of  Birmingham  (Yeah,  Well),  nor  did  they  die  discussing  and  listening  to  filthy  jokes.  (Yeah)  They  died  between  the  sacred  walls  of  the  church  of  God  (Yeah,  Yes),  and  they  were  discussing  the  eternal  meaning  (Yes)  of  love.  This  stands  out  as  a  beautiful,  beautiful  thing  for  all  generations.  (Yes)  Shakespeare  had  Horatio  to  say  some  beautiful  words  as  he  stood  over  the  dead  body  of  Hamlet.  And  today,  as  I  stand  over  the  remains  of  these  beautiful,  darling  girls,  I  paraphrase  the  words  of  Shakespeare:  (Yeah,  Well):  Good  night,  sweet  princesses.  Good  night,  those  who  symbolize  a  new  day.  (Yeah,  Yes)  And  may  the  flight  of  angels  (That's  right)  take  thee  to  thy  eternal  rest.  God  bless  you.    

   Figure  7.  Eulogy  given  by  Martin  Luther  King.        

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A  LOVE  SUPREME398  

 Figure  8.    John  Coltrane’s  A  Love  Supreme  Poem.       398 John Coltrane, A Love Supreme, Poem in Liner Notes (Impulse Records, 1964).

I  will  do  all  I  can  to  be  worthy  of  Thee  O  Lord  It  all  has  to  do  with  it.  Thank  you  God.  Peace.  There  is  none  other.    God  is.  It  is  so  beautiful.  Thank  you  God.  God  is  all.  Help  us  to  resolve  our  fears  and  weaknesses.  Thank  you  God.  In  You  all  things  are  possible.  We  know.    God  made  us  so.  Keep  your  eyes  on  God.  God  is.  He  always  was.  He  always  will  be.  No  matter  what  .  .  .  it  is  God.  He  is  gracious  and  merciful.  It  is  most  important  that  I  know  Thee.  Words,  sounds,  speech,  men,  memory,  thoughts,       fears  and  emotions—time—all  related  .  .  .       all  made  from  one  .  .  .  all  made  in  one.  Blessed  be  his  name.  Thought  waves—heat  waves—all  vibrations—     All  paths  lead  to  God.    Thank  you  God.  His  way  .  .  .  it  is  so  lovely  .  .  .  it  is  gracious  

It is merciful—Thank you God. One thought can produce millions of vibrations and they all go back to God . . . everything does. Thank  you  God.  The  universe  has  many  wonders.    God  is  all.  His  way  .  .  .  it  is  so  wonderful.      Thoughts—deeds—vibrations,  etc.  They  all  go  back  to  God  and  He  cleanses  all.  He  is  gracious  and  merciful  .  .  .  Thank  you  God.  God  is.  God  loves.  May  I  be  acceptable  in  Thy  sight.  We  are  all  one  in  His  grace.  The  fact  we  do  exist  is  acknowledgement  of  Thee  O  Lord.  Thank  you  God.  God  will  wash  away  all  our  tears  .  .  .  He  always  has  .  .  .  He  always  will  Seek  Him  everyday.    In  all  ways  seek  God  everyday.  Let  us  sing  all  songs  to  God.    

To whom all praise is due . . . praise God. No road is an easy one, but they all go back to God. It is all with God. It is all with Thee. Obey the Lord. Blessed is He. We are all from one thing . . . the will of God . . . Thank you God. I have seen God—I have seen ungodly—none can be greater—none can compare to God. Thank  you  God.  He will remake us . . . He always has and He always will. It is true—blessed be his name—Thank you God. God breathes through us so completely . . . so gently we hardly feel it . . . yet, it is our everything. Thank  you  God.  ELATION—ELEGANCE—EXALTATION—All from God. Thank  you  God.    Amen.      

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