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1 TYPOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF CONSONANT ARTICULATION Daniel Recasens Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona & Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona, Spain Projects FFI2009-09339 from the Spanish Ministry of Innovation and Science & 2009SGR3 from the Catalan Government Queen Margaret University, Speech and Hearing Department

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TYPOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF CONSONANT ARTICULATION

Daniel Recasens

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona & Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona, Spain

Projects FFI2009-09339 from the Spanish Ministry of Innovation and Science & 2009SGR3 from the Catalan Government

Queen Margaret University, Speech and Hearing Department

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INTRODUCTION

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along the lines of work carried out by Ladefoged and colleagues (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996, Dart, 1991, Nartey, 1982).

We have at present a good deal of knowledge about consonant inventory types (Maddieson, 1984) while being in need of more experimental data on

Consonant production characteristics/mechanisms Consonant allophonic patterns

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This paper is a contribution to the knowledge of these aspects through the study of two research topics:

allophonic patterns for clear /l/ and dark /l/.

Typology of

places of articulation for (alveolo)palatal consonants

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PLACE OF ARTICULATION TYPOLOGY

(ALVEOLO)PALATAL CONSONANTS

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(Goal) Study on closure and constriction locations for (alveolo)palatal consonants based on linguopalatal contact and sagittal tongue configuration data (static palatography, EPG, X-ray, MRI) taken from the literature.

(Hypothesis) The traditional ‘palatal’ consonant class ought to be subdivided into two independent consonant types:

- ‘alveolopalatals’, which are articulated simultaneously at the alveolar and palatal zones with the blade and predorsum,

- ‘palatals’, which are produced at the palatal zone with the dorsum of the tongue.

Research goal and working hypothesis

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Consonants fricatives [], [] lateral [] oral stops [c], [] nasal stop [].

Languages [1] Romance (Catalan; French; Italian; Occitan; Portuguese; Romansh; Spanish); [2] Germanic (German; Icelandic; Swedish), Irish Gaelic [3] Slavic (Czech; Polish; Slovak), Hungarian [4] African (Ibibio; Malagasy; Ngwo; Suto; Zulu) [5] Australian (Arrernte; Walpiri) [6] Eastern Asian (Chinese; Japanese) [7] Other (Greek; Abkhaz).

Data sample

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Total numbers perlanguage group

contact 0 0 42 15 66config 0 0 6 2 9 140contact 1 4 2 4 2config 0 7 0 1 0 21contact 2 1 3 15 12config 5 1 1 5 5 50contact 0 0 0 1 4config 0 0 0 1 0 6contact 0 0 3 3 3config 0 0 0 0 0 9contact 9 1 0 1 3config 3 0 0 0 0 17

Total numbers per consonant 20 14 57 48 104 243

6. Eastern Asian

2. Germanic, Irish

3. Slavic, Hungarian

ç c

1. Romance

4. African

5. Australian

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(Linguopalatal contact patterns) -Contact percentages were computed at 25% over the median line (mid alveolar zone), 50% " (postalveolar-prepalatal zone), 75% " (prepalato-mediopalatal zone), 100% " (postpalatal zone). -Closure or constriction placement was also identified at those zones.

Measurement criteria

Alveolar

Postalveolo-prepalatal

Prepalato-mediopalatal

Postpalatal

Static palatography Electropalatography (EPG)

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Alveolar

Postalveolo-prepalatal

Prepalato-mediopalatal

Postpalatal

Sagittal lingual configuration

(Linguopalatal contact patterns, sagittal vocal tract configurations) Closure or constriction placement was identified at the four articulatory locations (also at the dental zone).

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Cross-language linguopalatal contact percentages (fricatives)

[] Alveolar, Postalveolo-prepalatal

[] Postalveolo-prepalatal, Prepalato-mediopalatal

%

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

ɕ

ç

Alveolar Postalveolo-prepalatal

Prepalato-mediopalatal

Postpalatal

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Cross-language linguopalatal contact percentages (stops, laterals)

[] Alveolar

[] Alveolar, Postalveolo-prepalatal [c] Postalveolo-prepalatal, palatal

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

ɲ

ʎ

c

Alveolar Postalveolo-prepalatal

Prepalato-mediopalatal

Postpalatal

%

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Closure/constriction location

0

20

40

60

80

100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

%

++

+ + +++

+++

+++

+ ++

+++

++++

+ ++

+++

+ ++ ++

DentalAlveolar

Postalveolo-prepalatalPrepalato-mediopalatal

Postpalatal

Percentage of occurrence

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Closure/constriction location (lateral [])

0

20

40

60

80

100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

%

Romance Slavic, HungarianIrishAustralian

DentalAlveolarPostalveolo-prepalatalPrepalato-mediopalatalPostpalatal

++

+ + +++

+++

+++

+ ++

+++

++++

+ ++

+++

+ ++ ++

(Dento)Alveolar, (Dento)Alveolopalatal

All languages/dialects

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Alveolar // in Majorcan Catalan (Recasens & Espinosa, 2006)

Speaker AR

Speaker MJ

Speaker ND

Speaker CA

Alveolar zone

Palatal zone

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Closure location (stops [c, ]) (Dento)alveolar Australian

Alveolar, Alveolopalatal Czech

Essentially all places Romance (Parisian, Majorcan) Irish

Palatal African (Ngwo, Ibibio) 0

20

40

60

80

100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

%

Romance SlavicGermanic, IrishAustralian Eastern AsianAfrican

++

+ + +++

+++

+++

+ ++

+++

++++

+ ++

+++

+ ++ ++

DentalAlveolarPostalveolo-prepalatalPrepalato-mediopalatalPostpalatal

Slavic, Hung

Alveolopalatal Icelandic Slavic, Hungarian Chinese

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Alveolar and alveolopalatal /c/ in Czech (Hála, 1962, 27 speakers)

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Alveolopalatal and palatal [c] (allophone of /k/) in Majorcan Catalan (Recasens & Espinosa, 2006)

Speaker AR

Speaker MJ

Speaker ND

Speaker CA

Alveolar zone

Palatal zone

/ka/

Alveolopalatal

Palatal

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Palatal [c] (allophone of /k/) in Ibibio (Connell, 1991)

/ki/ /ka/

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Palatal // in Ngwo (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996)

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Closure location (nasal [])

(Dento)alveolar Walpiri

Alveolopalatal Romance languages African (Zulu, Ibibio) Chinese

Essentially all places Romance (Parisian, Majorcan)

Palatal African (Austronesian Malagasy) 0

20

40

60

80

100

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

%

Romance Slavic, HungarianIrishAustralian Eastern AsianAfrican

++

+ + +++

+++

+++

+ ++

+++

++++

+ ++

+++

+ ++ ++

DentalAlveolarPostalveolo-prepalatalPrepalato-mediopalatalPostpalatal

More anterior, alveolopalatal Romance languages Irish Slavic, Hungarian Australian languages (Arrernte)

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Alveolopalatal and palatal // in Parisian French (Rousselot, 1924-1925)

Alveolopalatal Palatal

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Palatal // in Malagasy (Rousselot, 1924-1925)

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Symmetry relationship between [c] and []

(Dento)alveolar [c] (Dento)alveolar [] (Walpiri)

(Parisian French, Majorcan Catalan).

All places [c] All places []

Alveolopalatal [c] Alveolopalatal [] (Hakka Chinese, essentially Czech and Hungarian).

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Majorcan Catalan (Recasens & Espinosa, 2006)

Speaker AR

Speaker MJ

Speaker ND

Speaker CA

Alveolar zone

Palatal zone

Stop /c/ Nasal //

Alveolopalatal

Palatal

/[c]

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Ibibio (Connell, 1991)

/ki/ /i/

/ka/

/ku/ /u/

/a/

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Articulatory classification (a) the lateral [] cannot be purely palatal (i.e., it should be classified as alveolopalatal); (b) [], [c] and [] may allow for one or several closure/constriction locations depending on language/dialect, and therefore should be labeled alveolopalatal or palatal depending on the case.

Symmetrical relationship between closure location for (alveolo)palatal oral and nasal stops.

Possible generalizations

Is closure for [c] and [] exclusively palatal in specific African languages and exclusively alveolar in specific Australian languages?. (More data are needed).

Clear preference for [], [c] and [] to exhibit an alveolopalatal rather than a purely palatal place of articulation.

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TYPOLOGY OF ALLOPHONIC PATTERNS

DARKNESS DEGREE IN /l/

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Two different varieties of apicoalveolar /l/ have been identified, i.e., dark and clear.

predorsum lowering

postdorsum retraction

Tongue body raising & fronting

([ɫ]) ([l])

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Articulatory differences between the two /l/ types yield different spectral configurations.

ili (Valencian Catalan)

Clear /l/ ([ili]) iɫi

(Majorcan Catalan)

Dark /l/ ([ili])

High F2 (1500-2000 Hz) Low F2 (800-1300 Hz)

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Research issues

This position-dependent F2 frequency difference ought to be larger for languages with clear /l/ than for those with dark /l/

‘Intrinsic’ allophones of /l/ (one distinctive allophone with two positional phonetic variants)

/l/ should be slightly ‘clearer’ (and thus should show a slightly higher F2) initially than finally in line with a trend for front lingual consonants to exhibit a somewhat higher and more anterior tongue position in initial vs final position (Recasens & Pallarès, 2004).

since dark /l/ is more constrained than clear /l/ at the articulatory level.

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What is the size of the F2 difference between initial and final /l/ in languages with intrinsic allophones and in languages with extrinsic allophones?.

‘Extrinsic’ allophones of /l/

(considerably different initial and final variants of /l/, which may be characterized as a ‘clear’ and ‘dark’; Ladefoged, 1971).

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Experimental conditions Acoustic recordings of postpausal /li, la/, intervocalic /i(#)li, a(#)la/ and prepausal /il, al/ produced in short meaningful sentences by several male speakers of 23 languages/dialects.

Languages/dialects Clear /l/ Dark /l/ Alguerese & Valencian Catalan Midwestern American English (extrinsic allophony) Czech British English RP (extrinsic allophony) Danish Eastern & Majorcan Catalan Dutch (extrinsic allophony) Leeds English Finnish Portuguese French Russian Hungarian German Italian Newcastle English (extrinsic allophony) Norwegian Lengadocian Occitan Romanian Spanish Swedish

Methodology

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Darkness degree (cross-language data)

F2 (Hz)

iCi

Clear /l/

Dark /l/

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

aCa

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

*** (p<.001) *** (p<.001)

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Darkness degree estimated from the sequence /ili/ (data for individual languages/dialects)

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

Clear /l/

Dark /l/

F2 (Hz)

Eastern Catalan

Czech Newcastle English

Languages/dialects showing an intermediate darkness degree

Overlap zone

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Initial and final allophones (cross-language data)

0

100

200

300

Clear /l/

Dark /l/

li-il la-al

F2 (Hz)

-100

0

100

200

300*** (p < .001) *** (p < .001)

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F2 (Hz) Clear /l/

Dark /l/

0

400

800

1200

1600

2000

VlV Vl lV VlV Vl lV

/i/

/a/

More /l/ darkening as a function of position for clear /l/ than for dark /l/

Position-dependent darkening degree (cross-language data)

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Extrinsic allophones (data for individual languages/dialects )

Clear /l/

Dark /l/

li-il

F2 (Hz)

-400

-200

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

American English

Dutch

British English RP

Czech

Newcastle English

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Dark /l/

Clear /l/

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

3500

DutchNewcastle English

Czech

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

3500American English

HzRemaining languages/dialects

Remaining languages/dialects

/ili/ /li/ /il/

Languages with extrinsic allophones

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0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

3500

VAIT

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

3500

EC

/ili/ /li/ /il/

Languages with intrinsic allophones

Clear /l/

Dark /l/

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Robust F2 difference between clear /l/ and dark /l/. The splitting boundary occurs at 1300-1400 Hz in the /i/ context and at 1000 Hz in the /a/ context. Differences are largest word initially in the context of /i/.

Summary and discussion

The initial-final F2 difference is below 200/300 Hz for the ‘intrinsic’ allophones of /l/ and above this figure for the ‘extrinsic’ allophones of the consonant.

‘Extrinsic’ allophones: American English (initial clearing); British English RP, Czech, Dutch, Newcastle English (final darkening).

Larger contrast between intrinsic allophones in languages with clear /l/ than in those with dark /l/ in line with differences in articulatory constraint between the two /l/ varieties.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My thanks to scholars who have provided acoustic recordings or spectral data.

(Alguerese) Francesco Ballone; (Czech) Jan Volín; (Danish) John Tndering; (Dutch) Louis Pols; (Finnish) Olli Aaltonen; (German) Marzena Zygis and Micaela Mertins; (Hungarian) Mária Gósy; (Italian) Silvia Calamai; (Norwegian) Hanne Gram Simonsen and Inger Moen; (Occitan) Daniela Müller; (Portuguese) António Texeira; (Romanian) Ioana Chitoran; (Russian) Alexei Kochetov; (Swedish) Francisco Lacerda.

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REFERENCES

Maddieson, I. (1984). Patterns of Sounds, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Dart, S.(1991). Articulatory and acoustic properties of apical and laminal articulations, UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, 79.

Connell, B. (1991). Phonetic Aspects of the Lower Cross Languages and Their Implications for Sound Change, PhD Thesis, University of Edinburgh.

Ladefoged, P., Maddieson, I. (1996). The Sounds of the World’s Languages, Oxford, Blackwell.

Doke, B. (1926). The Phonetics of the Zulu Language, Johannesburg, University of Witwatersrand Press.

Ladefoged, P. (1971). Preliminaries of Linguistic Phonetics, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

Brunner, J., Fuchs, S.; Perrier, P. (2005). The influence of the palate shape on articulatory token-to-token variability, ZAS Papers in Linguistics, Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin, 42, 43-67.

Hála, B. (1962). Uvedení do fonetiky češtiny na obecně fonetickém základě [An Introduction to Czech Phonetics], Prague, ČSAV.

Nartey, J. (1982). On fricative phones and phonemes, UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics, 64.

Recasens, D. & Espinosa, A. (2006). Articulatory, positional and contextual characteristics of palatal consonants. Evidence from Majorcan Catalan, Journal of Phonetics, 34, 295-318.

Rousselot, A.P. (1924-1925). Principes de phonétique expérimentale, Paris, Welter.

Recasens, D. & Pallarès, M.D. (2004). The effect of syllable position in consonant reduction. Evidence from Catalan consonant clusters,

Journal of Phonetics, 32, 435-453.

Recasens, D. (2011). Differences in base of articulation for consonants among Catalan dialects, Phonetica, 67, 201-218.