WILLIAM H. ADAMS

Trade Networks and InteractionSpheres-A View from Silcott

ABSTRACT

The people of Silcott, a small fanning communityin southeastern Washington, participated in sixmajor trade networks: local, local-commercial,area-commercial, regional, national, and inter­national. These networks are examined throughthe ethnographic, historical, and archa:ologicaldata. Remarkably, the regional, national andinternational networks are best studied throughthe archa:ology, whereas the local networks andthe area commercial networks are best examinedthrough the ethnography. These networks boundSilcott into an integrated community, while atthe same time they linked Silcott to the nationaleconomy via the various networks.

From family to community, from communityto nation, people are entwined in economicnetworks eventually linking the individualconsumer to the products of the nation. Thispaper explores the various networks linkingSilcott, Washington to the areal, regional, andnational economic networks, and examinesthe various internal networks with Silcottitself.

The network consi sts of a hierarchy ofcentral places towards which people are orien­ted for social, economic, and political reasons.The "main street" of Silcott was the centralplace there. The nearby towns of Lewistonand Clarkston were the central places towardswhich many other small communities likeSilcott were oriented. Lewiston and Clarkstonwere in turn one of many town s oriented toSpokane. Spokane's interests were directedtoward Portland and Seattle. This hierarchylinked the main street of Silcott to the mainstreet of Portland through the networks ofother main streets.

The interaction sphere is similar to thenetwork except that the individual linkagesare in themselves not as important as the factof their existence. Thus, it will be demon-

strated here that Silcott, as part of a nationalinteraction sphere, was linked to such placesas Hershey, Pennsylvania even though theindividual strands with in the network arenot known. What is important is that Hersheyand Silcott interacted, albeit indirectly. Silcottpeople bought Hershey's Cocoa, thu s stimu­lating Hershey to produce more cocoa in orderto provide Silcott with more cups of hot choco­late, and so on . Though this may seem trivial ,it is not. This was just one link which Silcottshared with other communities; there weremany others. When all these links are con­sidered we see the tremendous quantity ofshared links which provided the economicand social fabric of the nation. By studyingone group of consumers, those in Silcott , wesee how successful the nation was.

Silcott is a small farming community insoutheastern Washington (Figure I). Locatedon the narrow floodplain of the Snake Riverand in the steep tributary canyons, the patch­work of farm s emphasized irrigated orchardsand gardens in the valleys, wheat and grazingon the hillsides. The settlement began in theearly 1860's and continues to the present.The ethnographic and archreological study ofthe community concentrated on the 1900 to1930 period. That research has been dealtwith elsewhere (Adams 1973, 1975, 1976;Adams, Gaw, and Leonhardy 1975; Gaw1975; Leonhardy and Day-Ames 1975; Day­Ames n.d.; Riordan 1976, n .d.).

FIGURE 1. Location of Silcott , Washington .

100

The manufacturers of an artifact found inSilcott were identified wherever possible.The manufacturers (and their products) arepresented in Table I, along with their distancefrom Silcott, their location, and the frequencywith which their products were found in Silcott.We wrote to extant companies, seeking in­formation on the product and its history. Thereplies varied , but most were useful for identi­fying, dating, and locating the origin of theproduct. Many products were embossed orimprinted with both the name of the manu­facturer and its location, thus simplifying

some of our work. The locations of these com­panies are shown in Figure 2. Two factorsskew the sample . First are the large but un­known numbers of home-made artifacts ,either unrecognized or not present in thearchreological inventory, but indicated bythe ethnography. Second, those artifacts whichshow the brand name (and hence can be identi­fied) are often intended for the national marketLocal brands are only rarely marked. Theseproblems will require consideration in theinterpretation of these data.

C FOOD/CONDIMENTS

o GLA SS• CANNING JARS

6 ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGES6 MEDICINE

o CERAMICS• OTHER

500 MILES10 0 0 MILES

,"

., 'r--·---- -.-----t1,,

1500 MILES

C3 .66.5

~~GERMAN Y

&LENGLAND).1

O-POLAND

FIGURE 2. Locations and numbers of companies for products found in Silcott.

The linear miles from Silcott to the placeof manufacture were plotted. These relativedistance figures approximate the real distancethe artifact travelled, though in all cases dis­tance would have been more than the figuregiven because of dog-legs in the routing. It isaxiomatic that the shortest route is generallythe most economic one. For comparativepurposes here it is assumed the items travelleddirectly to Silcott in a straight line. For foreign

artifacts one exception to this is made : it isassumed the European products entered theUnited States via New York City, while theAsian products entered via Portland orSeattle. Linear measurement was made in adog-leg fashion from the foreign port to theentry port to Silcott. The American companiesand products were placed into five distancegroups according to the kind of product(Tables 2, 3).

TRADE NETWORKS AND INTERACTION SPHERES-A VIEW FROM SILCOTT

TABLE 1LOCAT ION OF MANUFACTURERS

101

Di s tance

10

100

270270

Loca t ion

Lewiston 10

Spok a ne WA

Ren ton WASe a t t l e WA

SOu rce

A

AAHAEE

C

Manu f ac t u r e r

Lewisto n Bot t li ng Wor k sOwl Drug St o r e

New Yo rk Br eweryMe..", •

We s t e rn Unio n Li fe I ns u r a nc eRento n Gl ass Co .Hi ll Sy r up Co.Cresce n t Manu f a c t u ri n g Co.Cr escen t Manufa c t urin g Ca.Bl ac k Manu f a cturing Co mpa ny

Sou r ce

AA

AA

A, GAA

A, C

Prod uc t

Be erMe d i c i n e

Be e rBeltCa l e nd a r Ca r dBot t l eMa p l e Sy r upExtractBa ki ng PowderBlack Bear Overa ll

Number Ca tegory

A7l.21

E41AVOI CXOSAA4100130OI Jl11 6yN0 3X

280

600640680

1 28 0

13 00

135 0

15 00

14 40

1510

15 10

152015 301 540

1600

16 6 016 70

167016 72

11 50

Portland OR

Sa c r a ment o CASt o ck t on CASa n Fr ancisco CA

Wi no na MN

Des Moi nes 10

Sand Sp r Lnq s OK

Hi l wau ke e WI

Fr ee por t. I L

Alton I L

St r e a t o r I L

Hil l s boro ILBell ev i lle I LCh i c a go TL

Te rre Ha ut e I N

Fa i n ro n t I NIndi a napolis I N

We st Baden INFo r t Wayn e IN

Louisv i ll e KY

A, C8

•A

A, GE , G

A

C , EEE

EA

E

A , H

A

A

••A

CEE

H

H

H

" H

Ke r r Gl a s s Mf g. Co .Blumaue r - Fr a nkB! umauer-Fran kCI a Mal t Cl a r keF . Zimme r man Co. Mail Or d e rHen ry We inha r d Br eweryRoya l Cl ub

Cy r us Nob le, Cr own Di stributo r sH. H. Moore & So nsPaci fi e Coast Gl a s s Compan yPa c ific Co a s t Glass Co mpa nyPaci fi c Coa s t Gl a s s CompanyPa c ific Coas t Gl a s s Work !:Pa c i fi c Coa s t Gl a ss Wor ksI ll i no i s Pa cific Gl ass Co mpany

I ll i no is Paci fic Gl a ss Co mpanyIl lino i s Paci fic Gl ass Compan yIllinoi s Paci fic Gl a ss Compa n yRoth & Co . , Whiskey Di stribut orsRoth , Co . , Whiskey Distri bu t ors

Del Monte Co~ny

A. So:hi lling and Co rrpa nyA. Schi llin g a nd Co rrpa nyJ . A. Fo l ge r s coepa nyMG&Co .El o e s s e r-He yn ema n n Co rrpany

J. R . Watk ins Corryan y

Cha lTrber l a i n Med i cine Company

Ker r Gl a s s Mfg . Co mpan y

Cr e a m Ci t y Gl a s s CompanyWi ll i a m Franz e n a nd SonPt.ll rro live Co mpa n y

W. T . Ra wlei gh Med i c i ne Co mpa ny

I ll i no i s Gl ass Co mpan y

I llinoi s Gl a s s Co mpa nyIllinoi s Gl a ss Co mpa nyIll i no is Gl a s s c o mpa n yI ll i no i s Gl a s s Co mpa nySt r ea tor Bot t l e a nd Gl a ss ccmpenySt r ea to r Bot t l e and Gl ass Compa nyAmer i c an Bottle Co mp a ny

Amer i ca n Bot tle Co mpa nySc h r a m Automa t i c Se a l e r Co mpan yAdo lphus Busch Gl a s s Mfg . Compan yPepsoden t Co mpa nyAde l be r t M. Foster a nd CompanyAr ll'Our 'sAr mour ' sSa n fo r dSa n fo r dSan fo rdL . H. Thoma sLi bby- McNe i ll , Li bbyLi b by · McNe il l , Li bb y11 ?Spau ld i ng , ~erri ck

Price Fl a vo ri ng Ex tract Co mpa nyCa l umet Bak i n g Powder

Roo t Gl a ss Compa nyIlort h Ba l t i rrnr e Bot tle Gl a s sFa i rrrpnt Gl a s s WorksEli Lilly Co rrpanyEli Li ll y Co rrpa nyI C ATI - NS'Co .Pluto Wa t e r7 ??The Pi nex Co mpa ny

Ca li f o rn i a Fi g Sy r up coep e nyJess ie Moor e , COq:l a ny

A, Ha , G

a , G

A

A, GA, G

A

AFAAAA

A

A

AAA

A, HA , H

a, CA , H

B, A. H

A, C

A, H

AA , H

AAAAA

A , •

A

AA

8 , CAAA

A, F

Ca nn i ng J a rOliv e Oil acer r o - xo re , Pu ro laBee rBe e r, Li qu orExport Be e rCo ffe e

WhiskeyH .H .H. Ho r se Med i c i nePic kle J ar

a

Olive Oil J a r a

Mustard J a rMus ta r d J a rBe er Bot tl eBe e r Bottle

???Ketc hup Bot tleMed i ci ne Bott leWhiske yBee r

Pick l e sa

Ext r a c tSp iceOr a nge ExtractRi ve tCa n ' t Bust ' e m

Med i c i ne s a

Med i c i n e s

c a nn i n g J a r

Beer Bott leBee r Bot t l ePa l rrpli ve

Me d i c i ne s

Me d i ci ne Bottl e

Med i c i ne Bottl e aPe rfume Bott l eBottle (P inex ) aMed i c i ne Bottl eBe e r Bot t leBeer BottleBeer Bottle

Bee r Bot t l ec a nn i ng J a rBee r Bott l eToothpa steMe d i c i ne Bot tleTo p Notch Br an dCo l d Cr e amLi b r a ry Pa s t e???

I nkI nkMustar dPi c k l esMed i cin eVelvet To baccoDr . Pr ice 'sBa king Powde r

Be e r Bot tl eBe e r Bot tleMed i c i ne Bottle aWine o f Beef a nd Iron aOi n t men tSa w Sh a rpenerMineral Wa t e rev e r eo Cr e amCo ugh Sy r up

La xa t i veWhiske y

17I

221113

422

4516

.5

13

15

111152

24

698

1752

3.174

53

10l41118

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102

Dis t ance Loc a tion So urce Manu facture r Sou r c e Produc t Number Ca t egory

1700 Flint MN AC Spark Pl ug Compa ny A . C Spa ck Pl ug N18D N18Q1750 Detro it MN Finck A Ove r a ll NO)F

Ford Mo t o r Company A vi b r ator Poi n t N18APe n i ns ula r Che mi c a l Co mpany Pe ns lar 0 0 3

1750 To ledo OH M&E Co . • Pa natell ... Ci ga r 1 Il6K1790 Ki ng s Hi 11 OH Pete r s Ca r t r i d ge Co . A AlI'lllIunition 9 HI S N16 Nl ?18 2 5 Co l umbu s OH Dr . S8H " Company A Pe r una 32 A 32185 0 Newa r k OH Amer i can Bot t l e Co mpan y A Med i cine Bott l e

a56 E0 3

185 0 Cl eveland OH Mus t e r o l e Compa ny A . C Musterole 2 G038 NIHHFG Co . A ?11 1 N1 4Q

Di ll Val ve Stem A va lve St e m 1 NI SI185 0 A.shla nd OH F . E . Hyers " Bro . A Le ver 1 N18N190 0 Ea s t Li ve r pool OH Ta ylor. S mi t h , an d Taylor A Ceramic 1 SOOG

HOlMC La uqhlin A Ceramic 7 SOOC 5 0 0SHa r ke r Po t t ery Co mpany A Plate . Ce r a mic 2 SOOJ 52711.Knowl e s , Ta y lor a nd Knowles A Bow l . Saucer 2 5030 S] 4B

19 00 New Or l e an s LA L .E . J =9 Co l umbo Pept ic Bi tters E05A

19 40 Whe e lin g W Fl a cc us Br o s . S t e e r ' s Head c a nni ng J a r C0 3

192 5 Beaver Fal ls PA J &E Mayer Pot tery Conpany A Bowl, Sa uc e r 4 S15A S3 40J ' E Hayer Pot te ry Co np a ny A Ceramic 2 SOOO

19 60 pi t t sbur qh PA A&DH Ch a ll'be rs • Be er Bo t t l ea

1 E41 HDr . J . Ho ste tte r A Stomac h Bitters 56 E0 3

21 20 Hers he y PA He r s he y Cho co la te Co mpany A . C Cocoa 2 11 8M !l8N22 00 Philad e lphia PA He n r y K. wa mpole an d Compa ny A Li qu i d Wheat 1 El 0

1940 We stf i e l d NY We l c h Grap e Ju i c e Co mpan y A Gr a pe J u i c e 80 AD2

1950 Buffalo NY Me n t h o l a t um Compa ny A Me nt ho l a t um 9 GO) A

201 0 Roc he ste r NY F . E . Reed Gl a ss Compa ny A . H Medi c i n e Bott le 1 Dl]G

11? WhisKe y 1 E4 ) B

2040 Co rni n g NY Co rni ng Glas s Wo rk s Pyre x Bowl 1 H0 7A

209 0 Binghanp t on NY Dr . Kilmer a nd Co mpapy ' . C Swa~Root 9 0 53

215 0 Ut ica NY Sa va ge Arms Company A Amtnunit ion 1 N17Q

2160 Il i on Gorge NY Remi ngton Ar lllS Co rrpany • Arrwnun it i o n 1 N1SG

222 0 Hudso n NY Th e Bayer Co~v A As pir i n 2 11 80 N1 2C

22 50 Br ook lyn NY Schra ede r Valve Corrpany A T i re Valve 4 N18B N18H

225 0 New Yo r k NY Best Foods A Mayonna i s e ? 1 A76 EUni t ed St a te Tobacco Coapany A . E Copenh a'iJen 1 11 6S) - i n-One Oi 1 COlfPa ny A . 8 Oil 4 11.25 assThe Cen t aur COll'pa ny O. E Fle t c her ' s Ca s toria 1 007Q

New Yor kb NYPhil lip s Hilk o f Magn e s ia A. C Me d i c i ne 1 G06A

225 0 Che s e b r o uqh Mfg . Co . A Vase l i ne 11 A12 NllD

E . R. Du r k e a nd Co rrpan y • Sa lad Dre s sin g 4 A30

Na t i o nal Remedy Compa ny • e o- x e - c e Oi l 1 00 70

Ga r r e t t a nd Compan y A Virgin i a Dare 23 11. 35 0)08

. t an d Co. . g i s t s A Me d i c ine 1 DonCo l ga t e A Toothpowde r 1 Il7C

Colgate • Oi n t men t 1 Nll C

E . We c k A St i f f e ning Cl a mp 2 N1 4BAu t o St rop Safe t y Raz o r Compa ny • v a let Raz o r 2 L04 B L04F

22 10 Salem NJ Gayno r Glass Work s Ca nn i ng J a r s C04M

22 ) 0 Newa rk NJ Ger ha rd Me nne n Che mica l Co q> a ny Bor a ted Ta lcum 11 711.

22)0 Bl oomfie l d NJ Charm' s Ca ndy Conp a ny Ch a r m Ca nd y 11 8 11.

2330 P~ovidenee RI Rwnford Ch e lllic a l Work s Ba kin q Powde r ? G20

20 60 Win s t o n·Sal e m NC R. J . Rey no lds Co rrpa ny Pri nce Al be r t 8 . I 02F

2150 Balti..or e MD Emer s on Drug Compan y Broll'lO-Se1tzer G07

22 00 Ri c hrond VA . us an d Br o . Co mpa n y Ed qewort h I 02 G

2280 New Ha v e n CN Winc h e s t e r Repeatin g Ar ms Co q>any AflWl'tu n it i o n 58 N1S Nl 6 tU7

2290 Gl a s t onb u r g CN Th e TE Wi11 i ems Compan y ??? 1 NnE

2290 Wa t e r b ury CN Int erna t i on al S ilve r Compa ny Roqers Brothers 3 M0 2

2 290 Bridgeport CN Union Me t a ll i c Ca r t r i d ge COq:l a ny A!lIl'IlUnitio n 35 N15 N16 Nl7

2330 Lowe l l HA United State s Ca r t r i d ge Compa n y A AflWl'tu n itio n 4 N16 N17

A C . 1. Hood a nd Co mpa ny A . G sarsa p a ri ll a 10 D52C

A Ayer Co mpa ny F Sa rsa pa r i l l a 1 0 52H

2 350 Ca mbrid ge MA C Ca rter 's Ink Co mpan y A . C I nk 1 A26B

23 50 Boston MA A HarlOOny A 11 ? 1 A41 R

A Whittemore A . C Gil t Edqe 3 045

A Hood Rubber CO. A OVers ho es 3 Y09A Y09 E

A George Fr o s t Compa ny E Ve lvet Gr i p Ga r t e r 2 N04 L N04 R

A U.S . Fa s tene r Compa ny A Pant s Sna p 1 N0 7H

55 00 J apan 11? Bow l POlA

11? Pl a te s P04A

60 50 Tun stall ENG Alfr ed Me a k i n Ce r a mi cs SOOE SOl A. 8S17A5l9A5 7 1.\.

Han ley ENG J ohn son Br others • Ce r a mi c s SQOF SOJA

Bu r slem ENG Joh n Haddock , So n s • Ceramics S 21 A

Tun stall ENG Wedqwood a nd Co mpany A Pi t c her S5 SA

Fen t o n ENG Joh n Edwa r d s a nd Co rrpany A Ce r a mi c s 500Y

Han l e y ENG J . • G . Mea k i n A Pl a te 5170

Charles Meaki n A Bowls 50911. SOl A

Burs lem ENG Ch a rles Meak in A Pit c her S5 4A

Edwa rd Cl a rke A P l a t e 5 l7B

Tun sta ll ENG Edward Cla r ke A 80 wl S86 A

St. He l e ns ENG Nut tall & Co. A . H Al e Bott l e G1De

Sh e ff ie l d ENG Ball Br o t he r s A She e p She a rs L1 0A

Middl e s e x ENG Da vey , Hoo r e , LTD ' . H Al e Bott le A66G

6650 Bremen CER A . H Hermann Heye Gl a s f a b r i k A . H Al e Bot tle G10A

111 G£ R A arI a (?) A 80w l PO)A

Ba varia GER A 171 Ce r a mic POOA

A 171 Cup , Sa ucer P05A P09A

70 50 Silesia POL ? 71 Cup P17 A

TRADE NETWORKS AND INTERACTION SPHERE8-A VIEW FROM SILCOTT

NOTE: The following indicate the sources of identification of location and manufacturer:

A embossed / imprinted /raised letters indicating place , companyB paper labelC data from companyD Periodical Publishers ' Association of America (1934)E Brand Names Foundation (1947)F White (1974)G Newspapers , city directoriesH Toulouse (1971)I Colc leaser (1967)

aListed twice: by bottle maker and by bottle filler .

bproduct marked New York; ambiguous as to city or state.

103

TABLE 2NUMBER OF AMERICAN COMPANIES BY DISTANCE

Company 500- 1000- 1500- 2000- Total0-500 1000 1500 2000 2500

Condimenta......... 4 3 0 5 7 19

Liquor . .. . . . . . . . . . . 5 2 0 5 I 13Medicine . . .. . . . . . . . 2 1 3 15 14 35Other . . . . . . . . . .. . . . 4 2 1 17 18 42

TOTAL .... .... .. 15 8 4 42 40 109

PERCENTAGE .. . . 13.76 7.34 3.67 38.53 36.70 100.00

aInciudes extracts, spices, baking powder, etc.

TABLE 3NUMBERS OF ARTIFACTS BY DISTANCE

Artifact 500- 1000- 1500- 2000- Total0-500 1000 1500 2000 2500

Condimenta . ........ 7 41 0 171 32 251Liquor . . . . . . . . . .. . . 7 12 0 129 1 149Medicine ... ... . .... 24 8 23 142 46 243Other . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 21 8 85 68 218 400

TOTAL ..... ..... 59 69 108 510 297 1043

PERCENTAGE . ... 5.66 6.62 10.35 48.90 28.47 100.00

aInciudes extracts, spices, baking powder, etc.

104

Silcott participated in six different tradenetworks or interaction spheres. Some of thesecan be documented archeeologically, for ex­ample the regional and national networks,whereas the others can be approached onlythrough ethnography. These six trade net­works were: (1) local; (2) local-commercial;(3) area-commercial; (4) regional; (5) national;and (6) international.

The local network of Silcott was a bartersystem called "neighboring". It is familiar toanthropologists as the dyadic and polyadiccontract. Neighboring was a social contractbetween two individuals or two families inwhich tasks too large for individuals weretackled collectively. Neighboring was a phe­nomenon of frontier America and of a gen­erally cashless economy. By sharing work asharvest, barn building, and slaughtering, agreater mutual wealth could be achieved.The economic function of such ties createdsocial relationships. These invariably led togreater social cohesiveness. Distribution ofsocial and economic ties was usually hori­zontal and single-stranded, that is, relation­ships developed among peers and the activi­ties were generally task specific. Neighboringcan be many-stranded, a complex relation­ship based along several different lines. Forexample, two families help each other atharvest, at slaughtering, and at general get­togethers.

Horace Miner made a study of a farmingcommunity in Iowa where he found that "afarmer may 'neighbor' with some family amile down the road and ignore the farmernext to him .. . simply because he follows thedictates of personal preferences and con­geniality" (Miner 1949:37). This held truein Silcott as well (Day-Ames 1975). One mightneighbor with a half-dozen families at varioustimes during the year, each of whom in turnneighbored with a slightly different set offamilies. The multitude of single-strandedand many-stranded relationships wove anetwork of social alliances binding Silcott intoa single integrated community. On the geo­graphical fringes of Silcott relationships were

woven with families whose social and economicties were primarily oriented elsewhere. Inthe upper reaches of Alpowa Creek, alongKnotgrass Ridge, people who were orientedtowards either Peola or Silcott usually neigh­bored with closer people.

If you interacted more with Silcott peopleyou identified with Silcott-you might livenearer to Peola but consider yourself to be"from" Silcott, whereas your neighbor a milefurther towards Silcott might be "from" Peola.The distinction was made on the basis ofneighboring. The boundary of the communitywas not a straight line on a map but insteada zig-zag patchwork of farmsteads. Economicties of neighboring created social ties, whichin turn created social boundaries and resultedin economic boundaries-a swing full circle.

Neighboring may be regarded from twoaspects: practical and economic. From apractical standpoint it makes sense; somethings cannot be done efficiently with a smallnumber of people. Examples include majorconstruction projects such as road buildingor barn building . With cooperation the workcan be done. Similarly, but for different rea­sons, was the slaughtering of livestock. Byalternating the slaughtering between severalfamilies, fresh meat was available more fre­quently without the need for either greaterconsumption or preservation. This is also aform of insurance. Giving away meat when youhave it causes an indebtedness which can beclaimed at a later time when you do not haveany meat. The more persons indebted to you,the greater your security if some calamitydescends upon your farm. Indeed, "manysuperficially odd village practices make senseas disguised forms of insurance" (Lipton 1968:341). In later years farmers brought their ownhogs and shared only the labor, not the meat.

The economic factor of neighboring is animportant one, for in a society such as Silcottwhere there was little cash, labor was traded,not bought. Up until about 1910 labor wasoften traded on par, that is, you worked aday for someone and later he worked a dayfor you. No consideration of wage rates was

TRADE NETWORKS AND INTERACTION SPHERES-A VIEW FROM SILCOTT 105

made. This resulted in capital gains withoutthe expenditure of hard-to-come-by cash.Once a cash equivalence for work was mea­sured, the reciprocal relationship was under­mined. When work could be expressed indollars, people were more reluctant "to be sobeholden" to someone else. Wage labor wasessentially limited to work in the big companyorchard or the grain warehouse.

Neighboring, as a socio-economic entity,binds families and binds the community.It is a local network for the distribution ofwealth in the form of goods and labor. Neigh­boring results in informal bartering disguisedas gift giving and helping-visit a neighborand bring some garden produce, help himbuild his barn. This relationship lasts, however,only if it is reciprocal. Reciprocity, whetherit is formal or informal, must occur if neigh­boring is to be continued, if the dyadic socialcontract is to be fulfilled.

Probably the only area where archreologycan study this local network of neighboringis in the sharing of slaughtered livestock. It isquite likely that certain families would ex­change a given unit of meat each time, saya quarter or side of beef, and that some pref­erence might be formed regarding the sideof the animal exchanged. This behavior wouldlargely be idiosyncratic, yet it might well bepredictable. For example, each time FarmerA butchers a hog he gives the right frontquarter to Farmer B. Farmer B returns thenext time with a left front quarter for FarmerA. This kind of disparity should be revealedin the frequencies of the various bones inthe archeeological site. For the sites excavatedin Silcott, there is not, however, any kind ofindication of this in the rather small faunalassemblage. The hypothesis is not negated;we are simply not in a position to test it. Forsome of the prehistoric sites in The Alpowa,Richard Lee Lyman (1976) has been able todocument differential sharing on the basisof faunal remains recovered.

The local-commercial network in Silcottconsisted of the interaction between the cus­tomers and the two general stores. Trying to

construct what these stores were like has beendifficult because people remembered thestores from different time periods and thestores were changing throughout the timeof occupation.

The country general store was the focalpoint for the entire community, but afterabout 1890 general stores began to decline(Carson 1965:279- 280). The reason for thisdecline was a shift in orientation, sociallyand economically.

Mail order houses such as Sears RoebuckCompany and Montgomery Ward Companytook an increasing amount of the countrystore profit. This was particularly galling be­cause the storekeeper was usually the post­master as well. Even though Sears wouldsell merchandise in plain brown boxes, thestorekeeper/postmaster usually knew thesource. But there was not much to be doneabout it. Mail order houses offered muchlower prices and greater variety than thecountry store could. Of course, the storekeeperdid have some advantages-he could offercredit, something which the mail order placescould not do until C.O.D. came into being.Mail orders were also subject to long delay,damage in transit, freight charges, and oftencheap merchandise . The storekeeper had theadvantage of having the merchandise whereit could be examined. The biggest problemthe storekeeper faced was competing withthe tremendous variety to be found in mailorder catalogs. The country store could onlystock a small quantity and variety of mer­chandise.

The customers of the old general store did notexpect to find each article at various grades andprices. The volume of business would not sup­port more than one kind of axe, one kind ofrake, one quality of boot (Carson 1965 :70).

The problem of variety was the reason foranother competitor: the city store. Until theadvent of a good system of roads, the countrydealer had little competition from city stores:

Trading areas were established by the distancea farm family could travel by horse back, oxcart,or wagon. A circle with a five-mile radius would

106

represent a fair estimate of the amount of geo­graphy in which a country dealer could takea serious commercial interest (Carson 1965:23).

Because Silcott was so sparsely settled, thedistance up the Alpowa which customers werewilling to travel was greater-fifteen to t~enty

miles. Interestingly enough, former residentsrecalled that five miles was a pretty long rideto visit someone. Even as late as the 1920's,using automobiles, "the farm buyer wouldtravel on the average six to eight miles forhardware, fourteen for furniture, and twentyfor women's fashions" (Carson 1965:290).The advent of good roads after World War Ibrought new business to the country merchant,and it took business away as well; but it alwaystook more business away than it brought in.

People in Silcott campaigned for a new roadalong the south side of the river to Clarkst~n.

The road would eliminate the two ferry tnpsor the difficult overland trip which was thennecessary. It would eliminate the need forlocal general stores and could eventuallyeliminate many of the social ties binding thecommunity together. It would make it possiblefor people to go to town frequently and easily.The ferry trip was so expensive that "farmersfrom southern Asotin County frequentlymade a three-day journey to Pomeroy, be­lieving it cheaper to go the long way to ~ark~~

than to pay high ferry fees to nearby Lewiston(Anon. 1955:9). . .

Facility of transportation was the singlegreatest factor in the dynamics of tradingnetworks. Distance was less of a factor thantopography because the steep c~~yons re­stricted and constricted travel. Initially, theautomobile did not necessarily make the tripeasier. It did make it faster, but the automo­bile required good roads. However, ~he tripto town did, eventually, become easier:

What the railroad did to the buffalo, the auto­mobile did to the country merchandiser. Goingto town meant riding to the nearest "big com­munity, twenty to forty miles away, ~here therewere full stocks of goods in all lines, betterprices for eggs and chickens, as well as movies,barbers, dentists, lawyers, beauty shops, servicestations-not just one facility, but all the con­veniences of urban life (Carson 1965:281).

Cliff Wilson built his general store about1905; five years later, in 1910, his half-brother,Bill Wilson, built a general store two hundredyards to the north of Clift's. Until about 1914 orso both stores competed with general mer­chandise but there was hardly enough businessfor one store much less both. Cliff was also thepostmaster so he had an additio~al sourc~ ofincome. Bill Wilson expanded hiS operationsto include a saloon and dance hall and grad­ually (though never completely) phased outhis general merchandise line. Both placesrented out rooms for the night, though properlyspeaking they were only beds. Cliff also diver­sified by putting in gasoline pumps after WorldWar I, a sign of impending doom for Silcottappearing under the guise of progress. Bothstores eventually became only conveniencestores. "The old country trader found himselfbetween wind and water , left with a shrinkingbusiness of low-profit necessities, the sugar,the salt, and the flour, and convenience goodssuch as a pocket tin of smoking tobacco , adeck of Camels, cola drinks , and the overallsthat did not get on the shopping list when thefamily last visited the city" (Carson 1965:286).Judging from informants' descriptions ofCliff's from the early 1920's until his death in1937 and the closing of the store, very fewsales were made. Cliff and Mollie Wilson hadvery few needs and desires. They could getby on next to nothing: food, and kerosene forthe lamp, were about all they needed. The storewas a shamble, the candy wormy, the food inboxes either long since eaten by mice, or rotten.One passerby stopped for gas and also boughta box of crackers not opened for several miles­one mouse, no crackers.

Cliff's role in the community was reinforcedby his role as postmaster. But even ~n its h~y­

day people tried to avoid purchasing majoritems at his general store because they wereshopworn and high-priced. Nevertheless, atleast in its first two decades , it was an impor­tant social and economic focal point for thecommunity. During the evening when Cliff"disturbed" the mail, people would gatheraround and gossip, and in the mid-1920's

TRADE NETWORKS AND INTERACTION SPHERES-A VIEW FROM SILCOTT 107

listen to his radio. Both Cliff and Bill figuregreatly in local folklore, as culture hero andant i-hero. They both fit the model of a store­keeper as described by Gerald Carson (1965).Both sold goods which were not what theywere actually supposed to be. For example ,no matter what kind of motor oil you wanted,Cliff kept it in stock. Of course, it all cameout of the one and only oil barrel. But in truthit was that oil, for he would add a little of theproper brands to keep from lying about it.

Bill Wilson's was more of a conveniencestore after its first few years . His saloon andice cream emporium provided income tosupplement his gambling winnings. Bill'sPlace was a male bastion. Women just didnot go there much, because of the liquor, gamb­ling, and perhaps even worse, dancing. Onewoman lived some thirty yards away but wasnever inside the store. She preferred to by­pass it for Cliff's. Bill oriented much of hisbusiness towards the harvest workers in theorchards and grain fields. He supplied themwith food and clothing as well as with an en­tertainment center.

Both stores offered credit, but very judi­ciously. Informants stated that neither placeoffered credit , but continued to state thatboth "carried" certain people , especially justbefore harvest. Most likely their official policywas one of no credit , but those persons theywere really familiar with could get credit.Because offering credit is risky, the store ownermust either limit credit or limit business.Barbara Ward wrote about two general storesin a small Chinese fishing village which did notseemingly have enough business for two stores.The reason was the credit system: each store­keeper could know the personal finances ofonly about half of the village well enough toextend credit. This imposed a limit on theamount of business each storekeeper couldsafely maintain (Ward 1967:138). There isnot enough evidence on the internal dynamicsof Silcott to know if this was also a factor there.We know that they gave credit, but we donot know the limitations of it.

Another system for which there is only a

little evidence from Silcott is that of differen­tial pricing. Country storekeepers markedtheir stock with a code system so they couldoffer a graduated price scale. This permittedthem to fleece the wealthy passerby and givebargains to good customers and friends with­out blatantly advertising such to customersstanding nearby. Several coding systems wereused, some of the more popular ones are givenby Carson (1965:92). It is likely that bothBill and Cliff used coding systems, but thereis no evidence. We do know that they gave abetter price or a greater measure to certainpeople, probably favored customers. Saidone informant, "Bill gave more candy forthe penny". The lowering of the price paid forspecial customers or similarly the giving ofgreater quantities for the same price insuredthat customers continued business. The mer­chant gives up a little profit for increasedsecurity. Of course, this is done only if thereis competition from other merchants. In amonopoly it would be unnecessary.

Sidney Mintz's study of u marketplace inHaiti gives us some insight into the relation­ship of preferential treatment (Mintz 1967).The special treatment given to certain cus­tomers he called pratik. Pratik strengthensthe buyer-seller relationship and has a numberof advantages: the trade is more predictablesince the seller knows a certain part of thestock will be purchased; and the buyer knowsthe merchandise will be available at a goodprice. In open competition the merchantmight receive more money but this wouldincrease competition and substantially de­crease security. Furthermore, in hard timeswithout the pratik relationship the seller wouldhave less reliable income and the buyer noreliable source to obtain materials from. Inother words, pratik is a means of increasingsecurity by decreasing competition.

While a system like pratik can be offeredas an explanation of how and why competitionbetween the two Wilsons' stores was possibleit is probably not the explanation. Preferentialpricing and giving better measure has beendocumented for American general stores by

108

Carson (1965) and has been inferred for Silcottfrom informants' comments .

Archeeologically we cannot say which itemswere purchased at a particular place. For ex­ample, we cannot tell if a medicine bottlefound at Weiss Ranch Dump came from eitherof Silcott's two stores. The reason for this isthat there were. too many places available foritems to be purchased. Thus, we cannot ex­amine internal versus external economicfactors through archreology. We cannot saythat a certain percentage of the material re­covered was originally purchased in BillWilson's Store, a certain percentage from CliffWilson's and a certain percentage from Lewistonmerchants. We cannot approach it throughwritten records or the ethnography, either.

Area merchants no doubt did a considerablebusiness with people in Silcott. Merchants upthe Snake River in Lewiston and Clarkstonprobably got most of the business, but mer­chants in the county seat, Asotin, surely re­ceived some trade . Occasional trips were madeto Colton and Uniontown to sell produce, butthat necessitated crossing the Snake and travel­ling about 15 miles up the meandering SteptoeCanyon to the uplands on the north side. In­frequent trips to Wawawai by buggy, train,or boat resulted in very little cash flow except,perhaps, in wagers when the Silcott Redsbaseball team played Wawawai. For the peopleliving higher up The Alpowa the economicorientation was directed somewhat towardsthe settlement of Peola, but when real pur­chases would be made they would probablygo either to Pataha City or Pomeroy. Sinceabout a third of the area covered by the Silcottcommunity lies in Garfield county much ofthose people's business took them to Pomeroy ,the Garfield County seat, some twenty tothirty miles away. The people in the higherelevations of The Alpowa went to Pomeroymuch more frequently than to Clarkston orLewiston.

Only five artifacts were recovered in Silcottthat were demonstrably from area merchants:three beer bottles from the Lewiston BottlingWorks and two medicine bottles from the

Lewiston Owl Drug Store, but even thesewere made in the Midwest for those Lewistonmerchants. One must bear in mind in thefollowing sections that most items eventuallyreached Silcott by way of the merchants inLewiston and Clarkston.

In terms of the archreological evidence,we are on firmest ground when we deal withthe regional and national networks fromwhich Silcott ultimately derived its consumergoods. Just how did those networks appearfrom the perspective of the consumers in Silcott?

Based upon the archeeological evidence,the Northwest region produced little of themerchandise consumed in Silcott. Only thefour primary nodes in the areal network arerepresented: San Francisco, Portland, Seattle,and Spokane. Spokane seems to be representedrather poorly considering its distance (l00linear miles) and ex-officio status as "capital"of the Inland Empire . Spokane was linked tothe East via railroad on September 8, 1883but it was not until September 9, 1898 thatthe Northern Pacific Railway reached Lewistonfrom Spokane (Meinig 1968:370; Anon. 1955:5).The Camas Prairie Railroad, built along thenorth side of the Snake River between Lewistonand Riparia, was finished in 1909 and com­pleted Lewiston's link to the Northwest railnetwork (Meinig 1968:383).

Although railroads certainly facilitatedthe flow of goods into, and the flow of produceout of the region, the importance of watertransport cannot be ignored. Steamboats ranthe Lower Snake River between its confluencewith the Columbia River and Lewiston from1861 until 1940. Because this eventually linkedLewiston (and hence Silcott) to Portland,Oregon, we should expect that economic orien­tation prior to 1898 should have been directedtowards Portland much more than Spokaneand Seattle. In other words, the primary nodefor Silcott would have been Portland until1898, but after that date Spokane increasinglyreplaced Portland's dominance. Seattle wasprobably less important than Spokane interms of trade dynamics in the interior untilthe tum of the century . Certainly it was sub-

TRADE NETWORKS AND INTERACTION SPHERES-A VIEW FROM SILCOTT 109

ordinate to Portland. Seattle's base as a prim­ary node was a result of trade with Alaska andthe Orient, not with the interior of Washington.

Very few artifacts were identified as comingfrom the Pacific Northwest (Table 1). This issomewhat surprising-intuitively it seems thereshould be much more. The majority of arti ­facts from the four Northwest cities (Spokane,Seattle, Portland, San Francisco) generallyare limited to extracts and spices, liquor, medi­cine, and work clothing. The place of manu­facture for most artifacts was not determined;many artifacts could have come from theNorthwest but since they were unmarkedit could not be substantiated.

The archeeological information from Silcottprovides valuable insight into purchase pat ­terns. With Silcott we find goods produced inthe East were not only economical to ship toSilcott but were also in demand there . Silcottwas obviously tied in with the national econ­omy via a complex distribution network.Although the degree of their interaction isdifficult to measure , it must have been great.

The distribution map (Figure 2) shows theknown location of each company which pro­duced the artifacts found in Silcott, at the timethey manufactured those artifacts. Each sym­bol reflects the number of each kind of com­pany. The companies are concentrated in abroad belt reaching from the Midwest east­ward through southern New England. Thisconcentration was, of course, the majorAmerican industrial center of the early twen­tieth century. This is not in itself surprising.Indeed, it should be expected. But, it isencouraging to see reality actually reflectedin the archeeological record. What is surprisingare the numbers of products which eventuallyreached Silcott.

Of the numbers of American productsrecovered in Silcott, a total of 1043 artifactswere identified to their place of manufacture.This represents 15.3% of the artifacts (otherthan nails) found in the excavations. Thisappears to be a sufficiently large enough sampleto provide a view of Silcott's participation inthe national network. Tables 2 and 3 show

that 78.9% of the companies (which produced87.8% of the products) were located at a dis­tance exceeding 1000 miles from Silcott, and75.2% of the companies (representing 77.4%of the products) were located at a distanceexceeding 1500 miles. Clearly the majorityof the identified products in Silcott originatedat a long-range distance from there (Figure 3).These data suggest that the economic hypo­thesis put forth by Klein (1973) is probablynot applicable outside of the major industrialregion in the Northeast.

The evidence from Silcott shows that itwas very much a part of the national distri­bution network. However, we really do notknow all the links in that network. Whilestraight line distance gives a useful measure­ment for comparison , it does not indicatethe actual distance a product travelled.Material from the East Coast may have cometo Portland by steamer, then to Lewiston bythe Columbia-Snake waterway, or by rail.Products could also come from the east byrail but the evidence is nonexistent. Thematerial from the Midwest likely came overthe Northern Pacific Railway. The consumersin Silcott were no doubt affected by the trans­continental rail system, and later by the openingof the Panama Canal in 1914. Without com­parative data from elsewhere in the Northwest,the relative impact of these events cannot bedetermined archeeologically, nor can the datafrom Silcott be seen in proper perspective.We can surmise that most material came byrail, but the exact route cannot be known.The routing through jobber and wholesaler,the hauling patterns, the warehousing, willall remain unknown . All we can say is thatthe system was successful in transporting theartifacts from production in the East to ultim­ate consumption in Silcott.

Mail order houses probably accounted formany of the cash purchases in Silcott. Theylikely would have done even more businessexcept for their cash only policy. Cash wasa rare commodity in Silcott. Until the 1910'sthere was little cash in Silcott, but as com­mercial orchards developed and provided

110

jobs, and as homesteads were sold to the sheepcompany, the barter economy changed intoa cash economy. Until that time people werein the lengthy process of acquiring enoughland to survive on, for it took lots of land inmost of Silcott to be successful-Silcott wasnicknamed "Starvation Flat", and for goodreason. With cash they were able to increasetheir purchases from mail order houses suchas Sears Roebuck and Montgomery Ward .While we know mail order was important,there is no way to discover just how importantit actually was. The only definite mail orderartifacts recovered were a liquor bottle em­bossed with the name of a Portland mail orderhouse, and portions of three Sears catalogs.Although many other artifacts undoubtedlywere mail order these could not be identifiedbecause most kinds of items available frommail order could be found in area stores aswell.

It is not known where the coffee in a tincan in a Portland factory was grown. The teacame from Ceylon and the ginger from Africa.

Companies Products%

1- 5 0 ,---

1-40 .--,.--

1- 3 0 -

- 2 0

-- 1 0 -

Inn nn0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

(f) III 0 III 0 WI WI 0 III 0 WIQ)

Ir- e- III III I

e- .. III III

~I I I I 1 I I I

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0III 0 III 0 10 0 10 0.. e- III .. r- III

FIGURE 3. Percentages of companies and pro­ducts by distance.

Silcott participated as ultimate consumer ina trade network which stretched around theentire world. From an archreological stand­point we can never really investigate the com­plex international networks because so muchof the imported goods were raw materials.The few dozen artifacts known to have beenimported to Silcott grossly under-representthe actual figures for consumption of materialsderived from foreign sources. Many of theidentified ceramic vessels recovered in Silcottwere made in England, although some weremade in Germany, Poland, and Japan (Table1). Three ale bottles were made in England,while one was made in Germany. The onlyother foreign artifact identified was an Englishsheep shears.

Summary

The people of Silcott particpated in a hier­archy of economic and social networks linkingthem eventually to the rest of the UnitedStates and the rest of the world. Each level ofthis network hierarchy affected Silcott differ­ently and each level intermeshed with everyother level. The "neighboring" in Silcott madepossible a surplus of cash which could be usedto purchase items at the local stores or thecity stores. That cash eventually flowed out­ward from Silcott stimulating the economyof the region and the nation. The national andregional economy produced and distributedthe manufactured items which eventuallyflowed inward to Silcott. This pendulum ofcommerce swung from all the other farmingcommunities of the nation to the manufac­turers and back to the communities creatinga rhythm, a metronome for the nation. Whathappened in Silcott did affect the nation, be­cause Silcott was linked through the socialand economic networks to all the other smallfarming communities. For the same reason,the flood or fire which destroyed some NewEngland mill town ultimately had an effectupon Silcott.

This paper outlined the expanding inter­action spheres in which Silcott participatedand the networks which bound those spheres

TRADENETWORKS AND INTERACTION SPHERES-A VIEWFROM SILCOn 111

together. While considered separately here,they are in fact so woven as to be, in reality,inseparable. The imported products foundtheir way through the national, regional, local,and neighborhood networks. English shearscut the wool in Silcott; Brazilian coffee wassipped from Silesian cups, while Cuban sugarwas stirred into the coffee by a spoon made inConnecticut, and the cup set upon a cottoncloth made in India covering a table made inIndiana bought from Sears. In the return,Silcott grain, fruit, and wool flowed outwardfrom the farmers to the middlemen to the

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