7
social world is accumulated history, and is not to be reduced to a discontinuous s of instantaneous mechanical equilibria een agents who are treated as inter- geable particles, one must reintroduce it the notion of capital and with it, accu- ation and all its effects. Capital is accumu- d labor (in its materialized form or its orporated,' embodied form) which, when opriated on a private, i.e., exclusive, basis gents or groups of agents, enables them to ropriate social energy in the form of reified ving labor.1t is a vis insita, a force inscribed bjective or subjective structures, but it is a lex insita, the principle underlying the manent regularities of the social world. It is at makes the games of society-not least, economic game-something other than ple games of chance offering at every ment the possibility of a miracle. ~oulette, ich holds out the opportunity of winning a of money in a short space of time, and refore of changing one's social status asi-instantaneously, and in which the win- g of the previous spin of the wheel can be ked and lost at every new spin, gives a fairly curate image of this imaginary universe of rfect competition or perfect equality of portunity, a world without inertia, without cumulation, without heredity or acquired operties, in which every moment is per- ctly independent of the previous one, every ldier has a marshal's baton in his knapsack, d every prize can be attained, instanta- ously, by everyone, so that at each moment nyone can become anything. Capital, which, its objectified or embodied forms, takes me to accumulate and which, as a potential 2 The Forms of Capital Pierre Bourdieu ,.. capacity to produce profits and to reproduce itselqn identical or expanded form, contains a tendency to persist in its being, is a force inscribed in the objectivity of things so that everything is not equally'possible or impossi- ble.1 And the structure of the distribution of the different types and subtypes of capital at a given moment in time represents the imma- nent structure of the social world, i.e., the set of constraints, inscribed in the very reality of that world, which govern its functioning in a durable way, determining the chances of suc- cess for practices. It is in fact impossible to account for the structure and functioning of the social world unless one reintroduces capital in all its forms and not solely in the one form recognized by economic theory. Economic theory has allowed to be foisted upon it a definition of the economy of practices which is the historical invention of capitalism; and by reducing the universe of exchanges to mercantile exchange, which is objectively and subjectively oriented toward the maximization of profit, i.e., (eco- nomically) self-interested, it has implicitly defined the other forms of exchange as noneconomic, and therefore disinterested. In particular, it defines as disinterested those forms of exchange which ensure the transub- stantiation whereby the most material types of capital-those which are economic in the restricted sense-can present themselves in the immaterial form of cultural capital or social capital and vice versa. Interest, in the restricted sense it is given in economic theory, cannot be produced without producing its negative counterpart, disinterestedness. The class of practices whose explicit purpose is to From J. E. Richardsun (cd.), /!tmt//lllol: of Theory of Researchfor Ihe Sociolol{VofF-tlt/t'IIl;O/l lIIaximize monetary profit cannot be defined (Ill Rueh without producing the purposeless I'nality of cultural or artistic practices and Iheir products; the world of bourgeois man, with his double-entry accounting, cannot be Invented without producing the pure, perfect universe of the artist and the intellectual and Ihc gratuitous activities of art-for-art's sake ftndpure theory. In other words, the constitu- tion of a science of mercantile relationships which, inasmuch as it takes for granted the very foundations of the order it claims to ana- Iyzt..'-private property, profit, wage labor, rlc.-is not even a science of the field of eco- nomic production, has prevented the consti- lution of a general science ofthe economy of practices, which would treat mercantile "~change as a particular case of exchange in all hHforms. It is remarkable that the practices and assets Ihus salvaged from the 'icy water of egotistical nlleulation' (and from science) are the virtual monopoly of the dominant class-as if l'l'Onomism had been able to reduce every- 'hing to economics only because the reduction IInwhich that discipline is based protects from .~crilegious reduction everything which nrcds to be protected. If economics deals only with practices that have narrowly economic Intcrest as their principle and only with goods Ihat are directly and immediately convertible IlItomoney (which makes them quantifiable), Ihcn the universe of bourgeois production and "~change becomes an exception and can see IIHclf and present itself as a realm of disinter- 1'8tedness.As everyone knows, priceless , hings have their price, and the extreme diffi- I'ulty of converting certain practices and cer- IIllnobjects into money is only due to the fact Ihat this conversion is refused in the very IlIIention that produces them, which is noth- IlIgother than the denial (Verneinung) of the peonomy. A general science of the economy of IlrRctices, capable of reappropriating the totality of the practices which, although ubjectively economic, are not and cannot be Nodally recognized as economic, and which ran be performed only at the cost of a whole Inbor of dissimulation 'or, more precisely, fllphemization, must endeavor to grasp capital IlI1dprofit inall their forms and to establish the Inwswhereby the different types of capital (or power, which amounts to the same thing) change into one another.l " I )epcnding on thc field in whieh it rune. TheForms of Capital tions, and at the cost of the more or less exp sive transformations which are the precon tion for its efficacy in the field in questi capital can present itself in three fundamen guises: as economic capital, which is imme ately and directly convertible into money may be institutionalized in the form of pr erty rights; as cultural capital, which is c vertible, on certain conditions, into econom capital and may be institutionalized in form of educational qualifications; and social capital, made up of social obligati ('connections'), which is convertible, in tain conditions, into economic capital may be institutionalized in the form of a titl nobility.3 Cultural Capital Cultural capital can exist in three forms: in embodied state, i.e., in the form oflong-las dispositions of the mind and body; in objectified state, in the form of cultural go (pictures, books, dictionaries, instrumen machines, etc.), which are the trace or real tion of theories or critiques of these theor problematics, etc.; and in the institutionali state, a form of objectification which mus set apart because, as will be seen in the cas educational qualifications, it confers entir original properties on the cultural cap which it is presumed to guarantee. The reader should not be misled by somewhat peremptory air which the effor axiomization may give to my argument.4 T notion of cultural capital initially presen itself to me, in the course of research, as a oretical hypothesis which made it possibl explain the unequal scholastic achievemen children originating from the different so classes by relating academic success, Le., specific profits which children from the ferent classes and class fractions can obtai the academic market, to the distribution cultural capital between the classes and c fractions. This starting point implies a b with the presuppositions inherent both in commonsense view, which sees academic cess or failure as an effect of natural aptitud and in human capital theories. Econom might seem to deserve credit for explic raising the question of the relations hl:twcl:n the rates of profit on educatio

to Capital Formss66fd5096a1c9453a.jimcontent.com/download/version... · 2015. 6. 27. · immaterial form of cultural capital or social capital and vice versa. Interest, in the restricted

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  • '\\II!

    Thesocialworldisaccumulated

    history,and

    ifitisnottobereducedtoadiscontinuous

    seriesofinstantaneous

    mechanicalequilibria

    betweenagents

    who

    aretreated

    asinter-

    changeable

    particles,onemustreintroduce

    intoitthenotionofcapitalandwith

    it,accu-

    mulationandallitseffects.Capitalisaccumu-

    latedlabor(in

    itsmaterialized

    form

    orits

    'incorporated,'embodied

    form)which,when

    appropriatedonaprivate,i.e.,exclusive,basis

    byagentsorgroupsofagents,enablesthem

    toappropriatesocialenergyintheform

    ofreified

    orlivinglabor.1tisavisinsita,aforceinscribed

    inobjectiveorsubjectivestructures,butitis

    alsoalexinsita,theprincipleunderlyingthe

    immanentregularitiesofthesocialworld.Itis

    whatmakesthegamesofsociety-not

    least,

    theeconomicgame-something

    otherthan

    simplegames

    ofchance

    offeringatevery

    momentthepossibilityofamiracle.~oulette,

    whichholdsouttheopportunity

    ofwinning

    alotofmoney

    inashortspaceoftime,and

    therefore

    ofchanging

    one's

    social

    status

    quasi-instantaneously,andinwhichthewin-

    ning

    oftheprevious

    spinofthewheelcanbe

    stakedandlostateverynewspin,givesafairly

    accurateimageofthisimaginaryuniverse

    ofperfect

    competition

    orperfect

    equalityof

    opportunity,aworldwithoutinertia,without

    accumulation,

    withoutheredity

    oracquired

    properties,

    inwhich

    everymomentisper-

    fectlyindependentoftheprevious

    one,every

    soldierhasamarshal'sbatoninhisknapsack,

    andeveryprizecanbe

    attained,instanta-

    neously,byeveryone,sothatateachmoment

    anyonecanbecomeanything.Capital,which,

    inits

    objectified

    orembodied

    forms,takes

    timetoaccumulateandwhich,asapotential

    2TheFormsofCapital

    PierreBourdieu

    ,..

    capacitytoproduceprofits

    andtoreproduce

    itselqn

    identicalorexpanded

    form,containsa

    tendency

    topersist

    inits

    being,

    isaforce

    inscribed

    intheobjectivity

    ofthings

    sothat

    everything

    isnotequally'possible

    orimpossi-

    ble.1And

    thestructure

    ofthedistributionof

    thedifferenttypesandsubtypesofcapitalata

    givenmomentintimerepresents

    theimma-

    nentstructure

    ofthesocialworld,i.e.,theset

    ofconstraints,

    inscribed

    intheveryreality

    ofthatworld,whichgovernitsfunctioning

    ina

    durableway,determiningthechancesofsuc-

    cessforpractices.

    Itisinfactimpossibletoaccountforthe

    structure

    andfunctioning

    ofthesocialworld

    unlessonereintroducescapitalinallitsforms

    andnotsolelyintheoneform

    recognized

    byeconomic

    theory.

    Economic

    theory

    has

    allowedtobefoisteduponitadefinition

    ofthe

    economyofpractices

    which

    isthehistorical

    inventionofcapitalism;andbyreducing

    the

    universeofexchangestomercantile

    exchange,

    whichisobjectivelyandsubjectivelyoriented

    towardthemaximizationofprofit,i.e.,(eco-

    nomically)

    self-interested,ithasimplicitly

    defined

    theotherformsof

    exchange

    asnoneconomic,andthereforedisinterested.In

    particular,

    itdefines

    asdisinterested

    those

    formsofexchange

    whichensurethetransub-

    stantiationwhereby

    themostmaterialtypesof

    capital-those

    which

    areeconomic

    inthe

    restrictedsense-can

    presentthemselves

    intheimmaterialform

    ofculturalcapitalor

    socialcapitalandviceversa.Interest,

    inthe

    restrictedsenseitisgivenineconomictheory,

    cannot

    beproduced

    withoutproducingits

    negativecounterpart,disinterestedness.

    The

    classofpracticeswhoseexplicitpurposeisto

    From

    J.E.Richardsun

    (cd.),/!tmt//lllol:ofTheoryofResearchforIheSociolol{VofF-tlt/t'IIl;O

    /l«"','('nwunll'rcsN,IIJKh);2415K.TranslnlcdhyRichardNicc.Rcprintl.dhy1"""IIiMMinll.

    lIIaximizemonetaryprofitcannotbedefined

    (IllRuehwithoutproducingthepurposeless

    I'nality

    ofculturalorartistic

    practices

    and

    Iheirproducts;

    theworldofbourgeoisman,

    with

    hisdouble-entry

    accounting,

    cannotbe

    Inventedwithoutproducingthepure,perfect

    universeoftheartistandtheintellectualand

    Ihcgratuitous

    activitiesofart-for-art's

    sake

    ftndpuretheory.Inotherwords,theconstitu-

    tionofascienceofmercantile

    relationships

    which,inasmuchasittakesforgrantedthe

    veryfoundations

    oftheorderitclaimstoana-

    Iyzt..'-privateproperty,profit,

    wagelabor,

    rlc.-is

    notevenascienceofthefieldofeco-

    nomicproduction,

    haspreventedtheconsti-

    lutionofageneralscienceoftheeconomyof

    practices,which

    would

    treat

    mercantile

    "~changeasaparticularcaseofexchangeinall

    hHforms.

    Itisremarkablethatthepracticesandassets

    Ihussalvagedfromthe'icywaterofegotistical

    nlleulation'(andfromscience)arethevirtual

    monopolyof

    thedominant

    class-as

    ifl'l'Onomism

    hadbeen

    abletoreduce

    every-

    'hingtoeconomicsonlybecausethereduction

    IInwhichthatdisciplineisbasedprotectsfrom

    .~crilegious

    reduction

    everything

    which

    nrcdstobeprotected.Ifeconomicsdealsonly

    withpractices

    thathavenarrowly

    economic

    Intcrestastheirprincipleandonlywith

    goods

    Ihataredirectlyandimmediatelyconvertible

    IlItomoney(whichmakesthem

    quantifiable),

    Ihcntheuniverseofbourgeoisproductionand

    "~changebecomesanexceptionandcansee

    IIHclfandpresentitselfasarealmofdisinter-

    1'8tedness.Aseveryone

    knows,priceless

    ,hingshavetheirprice,andtheextremediffi-

    I'ultyofconvertingcertainpracticesandcer-

    IIllnobjectsintomoneyisonlyduetothefact

    Ihatthisconversionisrefusedinthevery

    IlIIentionthatproducesthem,whichisnoth-

    IlIgotherthan

    thedenial(Verneinung)ofthe

    peonomy.Ageneralscienceoftheeconomyof

    IlrRctices,capableof

    reappropriating

    the

    totalityof

    thepractices

    which,although

    ubjectivelyeconomic,arenotandcannotbe

    Nodallyrecognized

    aseconomic,andwhich

    ranbeperformed

    onlyatthecostofawhole

    Inborof

    dissimulation'or,moreprecisely,

    fllphemization,mustendeavortograspcapital

    IlI1dprofitinalltheirformsandtoestablish

    the

    Inwswhereby

    thedifferenttypesofcapital(or

    power,which

    amountstothesamething)

    changeintooneanother.l

    "I)epcnding

    onthcfieldinwhieh

    itrune.

    TheFormsofCapital

    47

    tions,andatthecostofthemoreorlessexpen-

    sivetransformations

    whicharetheprecondi-

    tionforitsefficacyinthefieldinquestion,

    capitalcanpresentitselfinthreefundamental

    guises:aseconom

    iccapital,whichisimmedi-

    atelyanddirectlyconvertibleintomoneyand

    maybeinstitutionalized

    intheform

    ofprop-

    ertyrights;as

    culturalcapital,which

    iscon-

    vertible,oncertainconditions,intoeconomic

    capitalandmay

    beinstitutionalized

    inthe

    form

    ofeducationalqualifications;andas

    socialcapital,madeup

    ofsocialobligations

    ('connections'),

    which

    isconvertible,incer-

    tain

    conditions,

    into

    economic

    capitaland

    maybeinstitutionalized

    intheformofatitleof

    nobility.3

    CulturalCapital

    Culturalcapitalcanexistinthreeforms:inthe

    embodiedstate,i.e.,intheformoflong-lasting

    dispositionsofthemindandbody;inthe

    objectifiedstate,intheform

    ofculturalgoods

    (pictures,

    books,dictionaries,

    instruments,

    machines,etc.),whicharethetraceorrealiza-

    tionoftheoriesorcritiques

    ofthesetheories,

    problematics,etc.;andintheinstitutionalized

    state,aform

    ofobjectificationwhichmustbe

    setapartbecause,aswillbeseeninthecaseof

    educationalqualifications,itconfersentirely

    original

    properties

    ontheculturalcapital

    whichitispresumed

    toguarantee.

    Thereader

    should

    notbemisled

    bythe

    somewhatperemptoryairwhichtheeffortatt

    axiomizationmaygivetomyargument.4

    The

    notionofculturalcapitalinitiallypresented

    itselftome,inthecourseofresearch,asathe-

    oreticalhypothesiswhichmadeitpossibleto

    explaintheunequalscholasticachievementof

    childrenoriginatingfromthedifferentsocial

    classesbyrelatingacademicsuccess,Le.,the

    specificprofits

    which

    childrenfromthedif-

    ferentclassesandclassfractionscanobtainin

    theacademicmarket,tothedistribution

    ofculturalcapitalbetweentheclassesandclass

    fractions.Thisstarting

    pointimpliesabreak

    with

    thepresuppositions

    inherent

    bothinthe

    commonsenseview,whichseesacademicsuc-

    cessorfailureasaneffectofnaturalaptitudes,

    andinhuman

    capitaltheories.

    Economists

    might

    seem

    todeservecreditforexplicitly

    raising

    thequestion

    oftherelationship

    hl:twcl:ntheratesofprofiton

    educational

  • 8TheFonnsofCapital

    investm

    entandoneconomicinvestm

    ent(and

    itsevolution).Buttheirmeasurementofthe

    yield

    from

    scholastic

    investm

    ent

    takes

    accountonlyof

    monetaryinvestm

    ents

    and

    profits,or

    thosedirectly

    convertible

    into

    money,suchasthecostsofschoolingandthe

    cashequivalentoftimedevotedtostudy;they

    areunabletoexplainthedifferentproportions

    oftheirresourceswhich

    different

    agentsor

    different

    socialclassesallocatetoeconomic

    investm

    entandculturalinvestm

    entbecause

    they

    failtotake

    systematic

    accountofthe

    structure

    ofthedifferentialchancesofprofit

    whichthevariousmarketsoffertheseagents

    orclassesasafunctionofthevolumeandthe

    compositionoftheirassets(seeesp.Becker

    19Mb).Furthermore,

    becausetheyneglectto

    relatescholasticinvestm

    entstrategiestothe

    wholesetofeducationalstrategiesandtothe

    system

    ofreproduction

    strategies,

    they

    inevitably,byanecessaryparadox,letslipthe

    besthidden

    andsociallymostdeterminant

    educationalinvestm

    ent,namely,thedomestic

    transmissionofculturalcapital.Theirstudies

    oftherelationshipbetweenacademicability

    andacademicinvestm

    entshow

    thattheyare

    unawarethatabilityortalentisitselftheprod-

    uctofaninvestm

    entoftimeandculturalcap-

    ital(Becker1964a:63-6).Notsurprisingly,

    whenendeavoringtoevaluatetheprofits

    ofscholasticinvestm

    ent,theycanonlyconsider

    theprofitabmty

    ofeducationalexpenditure

    forsocietyasawhole,the'social

    rateof

    return,'orthe'socialgainofeducationasmea-

    suredbyitseffectsonnationalproductivity'

    (Becker19M

    b:121,155),Thistypicallyfunc-

    tionalistdefinition

    ofthefunctions

    ofeduca-

    tionignoresthecontribution

    which

    the

    educationalsystemmakestothereproduction

    ofthesocialstructure

    bysanctioning

    the

    hereditary

    transmission

    ofculturalcapital.

    From

    thevery

    beginning,

    adefinition

    ofhuman

    capital,despite

    itshumanisticconno-

    tations,does

    notmovebeyond

    economism

    andignores,

    interalia,thefact

    that

    the

    ~from

    educationalaction

    dependson

    theculturalcapitalpreviously

    investedby

    thefamily.Moreover,

    theeco-

    nomicandsocialyieldoftheeducationalqual-

    ificationdep'endsonthesocialcapital,again

    inherited,whichcanbeusedtobackitup.

    THEEM

    BODIEDSTATE

    Mostofthepropertiesofculturalcapitalcan

    bededucedfromthefactthat,initsfunda-

    mentalstate,itislinkedtothebody

    andpre-

    supposes

    embodiment.Theaccumulationof

    culturalcapitalintheembodied

    state,i.e.,in

    theform

    ofwhatiscalledculture,cultivation,

    Bi/dung,presupposesaprocessofembodi-

    ment,

    incorporation,

    which,insofaras

    itimpliesalaborofinculcationandassim

    ilation,

    costs

    time,timewhichmustbeinvestedper-

    sonallybytheinvestor.Liketheacquisitionof

    amuscularphysique

    orasuntan,itcannotbe

    doneatsecondhand

    (sothatalleffectsofdel-

    egationareruledout).

    Theworkofacquisitionisworkononeself

    (self-improvement),

    aneffortthat

    presup-

    posesapersonal

    cost

    (onpaie

    desapersonne,as

    wesayinFrench),aninvestm

    ent,aboveallof

    time,butalsoofthatsociallyconstituted

    form

    oflibido,

    libidosciendi,with

    alltheprivation,

    renunciation,

    andsacrificethatitmayentail.

    Itfollowsthattheleastinexactofallthemea-

    surementsofculturalcapitalarethosewhich

    take

    astheirstandardthelengthofacquisi-

    tion-so

    long,ofcourse,asthisisnotreduced

    tolengthofschoolingandallowanceismade

    forearlydomesticeducationbygivingitapos-

    itive

    value(againintime,ahead

    start)

    ora

    negativevalue(wastedtime,anddoublyso

    becausemoretimemustbespentcorrecting

    itseffects),accordingtoitsdistancefromthe

    demands

    ofthescholasticmarke,t.s

    This

    embodied

    capital,external

    wealth

    convertedintoanintegralpartoftheperson,

    intoahabitus,cannotbetransmitted

    instanta-

    neously

    (unlikemoney,property

    rights,or

    eventitlesofnobility)bygiftorbequest,pur-

    chaseorexchange.Itfollowsthattheuseor

    exploitationofculturalcapitalpresents,par-

    ticularproblemsfortheholdersofeconomic

    orpoliticalcapital,whether

    they

    beprivate

    patrons

    or,attheotherextreme,

    entrepre-

    neursemployingexecutivesendowed

    with

    aspecificculturalcompetence(nottomention

    thenewstatepatrons).How

    canthiscapital,

    socloselylinkedtotheperson,be

    bought

    withoutbuying

    theperson

    andsolosingthe

    veryeffectoflegitimationwhichpresupposes

    thedissimulationofdependence?How

    can

    thiscapitalbeconcentrated-as

    someunder-

    takingsdemand-without

    concentratingthe

    possessorsofthecapital,whichcanhaveall

    sortsofunwantedconsequences?

    Culturalcapitalcanbeacquired,toavary-

    ingextent,dependingontheperiod,thesoci-

    ety,andthesocialclass,intheabsenceofany

    deliberateinculcation,

    andthereforequite

    tlllI'OI1Ndously,Italwaysremains

    markedby

    11.1'llI'liuslconditionsofacquisitionwhich,

    Ihl'Olll(hthemoreorlessvisiblemarksthey

    11'11VI'(Muchasthepronunciations

    characteris-

    Ih0111clnssorregion),helptodetermineits

    .lllIrhwtivevalue,Itcannot

    beaccumulated

    IlI'yondtheappropriating

    capacitiesofan

    IIlIlIvlllul1lagent;itdeclinesanddieswith

    its111111'1'1'

    (withhisbiologicalcapacity,hismem-

    1111',l'I'C.).Becauseitisthuslinkedinnumer-

    '11I11wnystothepersoninhisbiological

    "lIl(lIlnrityandissubjecttoahereditarytrans-

    111INNlonwhichisalwaysheavily

    disguised,or

    I'ITn

    Invisible,itdefiestheold,deep-rooted

    ,ltllll1wriontheGreek

    juristsmadebetween

    IlIhlll'lIl;dproperties(ta

    patroa)andacquired

    1"IIPI.rties(epikteta),i.e.,thosewhichanindi-

    Ihlllnlnddstohisheritage.Itthusmanagesto

    '1IlI1hil1etheprestigeofinnateproperty

    with

    Ihll1tul'itsofacquisition.

    Becausethesocial

    I,ulllhionsofitstransmissionandacquisition

    .,II1wredisguisedthan

    thoseofeconomic

    1111'hnl, itispredisposedtofunctionassym-

    1IIIIh'cnpital,i.e.,tobeunrecognized

    ascapital

    .lIlItI'l'cognizedaslegitimatecompetence,

    as.11tIhelI'ity

    exertinganeffectof(mis)recogni-

    111111,

    o.g"inthematrimonialmarketandinall

    ,I...II1lu'ketsinwhicheconomiccapitalisnot

    IlIlIyI'eeognized,whetherinmattersofcul-

    11111'withthegreatartcollectionsorgreatcul-

    IIlI'nifoundations,

    orinsocialwelfare,with

    the

    It'lIlIomyofgenerosity

    andthegift.Further-

    111111'11,

    thespecifically

    symbolic

    logicofdis-

    IIII"llonadditionally

    securesmaterialand

    q\llIho!icprofits

    forthepossessorsofalarge

    IlIhuntlcapital:anygivenculturalcompe-

    11'IW

    l'(e.g"beingabletoreadinaworldofillit-

    1'1'1111111)derivesascarcityvaluefromits

    I"IMIIioninthedistributionofculturalcapital

    Ill1dyiddsprofitsofdistinctionforitsowner.

    III01herwords,theshareinprofits

    which

    1II'IIreeculturalcapitalsecuresinclass-divided

    lllU~lctiesisbased,inthelastanalysis,

    onthe

    (,wtIhatallagentsdonothavetheeconomic

    I1l1dculturalmeansforprolonging

    theirchil-

    Ih'~I1'seducationbeyondtheminimum

    neces-

    IIlIrytorthereproduction

    ofthelabor-power

    1"1U

    1Ivalorizedatagivenmoment.6

    '(,husthecapital,inthesenseofthemeans

    ornppropriatingtheproductofaccumulated

    IlIhlll'intheobjectifiedstatewhichisheldbya

    ~lvel1agent,depends

    foritsrealefficacyonthe

    rOI'l1!ofthedistributionofthemeansofappro-

    printingtheaccumulated

    andohjeclivdy

    IIvnilnhleI'CSCIIIrees;andtherclaliCII,,;!!ip01

    TheFormsofCapital(~

    appropriation

    between

    anagentandthe

    resourcesobjectivelyavailable,andhencethe

    profitstheyproduce,ismediatedbytherela-

    tionshipof(objectiveand/orsubjective)com-

    petition

    between

    himself

    and

    theother

    possessorsofcapitalcompetingforthesame

    goods,in

    which

    scarcity-and

    through

    itsocialvalue-is

    generated.

    Thestructure

    ofthefield,i.e.,theunequaldistributionofcap-

    ital,isthesourceofthespecificeffectsofcap-

    ital,i.e.,theappropriationofprofits

    andthe

    powertoimposethelawsoffunctioning

    ofthe

    fieldmostfavourabletocapitalanditsrepro-

    duction.

    Butthemostpowerfulprincipleofthe

    symbolic

    efficacyofculturalcapitalnodoubt

    liesinthelogicofitstransmission.

    Ontheone

    hand,theprocessofappropriatingobjectified

    culturalcapitalandthetimenecessaryforitto

    takeplacemainlydepend

    ontheculturalcap-

    italembodied

    inthewholefamily-through

    (amongotherthings)thegeneralized

    Arrow

    effectandallformsofimplicittransmission.'

    Ontheotherhand,theinitialaccumulationof

    culturalcapital,thepreconditionforthefast,

    easyaccumulationofeverykindofusefulcul-

    turalcapital,starts

    attheoutset,

    without

    delay,withoutwastedtime,onlyfortheoff-

    springoffamiliesendowed

    with

    strongcul-

    turalcapital;inthiscase,theaccumulation

    periodcoversthewholeperiodofsocializa-

    tion.Itfollowsthatthetransmissionofcul-

    turalcapitalisnodoubtthebesthidden

    form

    ofhereditary

    transmissionofcapital,andit

    therefore

    receives

    proportionately

    greate)

    weightinthesystemofreproduction

    strate

    gies,asthedirect,visibleformsoftransmis-

    siontend

    tobemorestronglycensored

    and

    controlled.

    Itcanimmediately

    beseen

    thatthelink

    between

    economic

    andculturalcapitalis

    established

    throughthemediationofthetime

    neededforacquisition.Differencesinthecul-

    turalcapitalpossessedbythefamilyimplydif-

    ferencesfirstintheageatwhich

    theworkof

    transmissionandaccumulationbegins-the

    limiting

    casebeingfulluseofthetimebiolog-

    icallyavailable,with

    themaximum

    freetime

    beingharnessedtomaximum

    culturalcapi-

    tal-and

    theninthecapacity,thusdefined,to

    satisfythespecifically

    culturaldemands

    ofa

    prolonged

    processofacquisition.

    Further-

    more,andincorrelationwith

    this,thelength

    oftimeforwhichagivenindividualcanpro-

    101110(hisacquisitionprocessdependson

    the

  • (50

    :TheFormsofCapital

    \.-/' lengthoftimeforwhichhisfamilycanprovide

    himwith

    thefreetime,i.e.,timefreefrom

    economicnecessity;whichistheprecondition

    fortheinitialaccumulation(timewhichcanbe

    evaluatedasahandicaptobemadeup).

    THEOBJECTIFIED

    STATE

    Culturalcapital,intheobjectifiedstate,hasa

    numberofpropertieswhicharedefined

    only

    intherelationshipwith

    culturalcapitalinits

    embodied

    form,The

    culturalcapitalobjecti-

    fiedinmaterialobjectsandmedia,such

    aswritings,

    paintings,

    monuments,

    instru-

    ments,etc.,istransmissibleinitsmateriality.

    Acollectionofpaintings,forexample,canbe

    transmitted

    aswellaseconomiccapital(ifnot

    better,becausethecapitaltransferismoredis-

    guised).Butwhatistransmissible

    islegal

    ownershipandnot(ornotnecessarily)what

    constitutes

    theprecondition

    forspecific

    appropriation,

    namely,thepossessionofthe

    means

    of'consuming'

    apaintingorusinga

    machine,which,beingnothingotherthan

    embodied

    capital,aresubjecttothesamelaws

    oftransmission.

    8

    Thus

    culturalgoodscanbeappropriated

    both

    materially-which

    presupposes

    eco-

    nomic

    capital-and

    symbolically-which

    presupposesculturalcapital.Itfollowsthat

    theownerofthemeansofproductionmust

    findawayofappropriatingeithertheembod-

    iedcapitalwhichisthepreconditionofspe-

    cific

    appropriation

    ortheservices

    ofthe

    holders

    ofthis

    capital.

    Topossessthe

    machines,heonlyneedseconomiccapital;to

    appropriate

    them

    andusethem

    inaccordance

    with

    theirspecificpurpose(defined

    bythe

    culturalcapital,ofscientificortechnicaltype,

    incorporated

    inthem),hemusthaveaccessto

    embodied

    culturalcapital,eitherinperson

    orby

    proxy.Thisisno

    doubtthebasis

    ofthe

    ambiguousstatusofcadres(executives

    and

    engineers).Ifitisemphasized

    thattheyarenot

    thepossessors(inthestrictly

    economicsense)

    ofthemeansofproductionwhich

    they

    use,

    andthattheyderiveprofitfromtheirowncul-

    turalcapitalonlybyselling

    theservicesand

    productswhich

    itmakespossible,then

    they

    will

    beclassifiedamong

    thedominated

    groups;ifitisemphasized

    thattheydraw

    their

    profitsfromtheuseofaparticularformofcap-

    ital,thentheywillbeclassifiedamongthe

    dominantgroups.Everythingsuggeststhat

    astheculturalcapitalincorporatedinthe

    meansofproductionincreases(andwithittheperiodofembodimentneeded

    toacquire

    the

    means

    ofappropriating

    it),sothecollective

    strength

    oftheholdersofculturalcapital

    wouldtend

    toincrease-if

    theholdersofthe

    dominanttype

    ofcapital(economic

    capital)

    werenotabletosettheholdersofcultural

    capitalin

    competition

    with

    oneanother.

    (Theyare,moreover,inclined

    tocompetition

    bythevery

    conditionsinwhich

    they

    are

    selectedandtrained,inparticularbythelogic

    ofscholasticandrecruitmentcompetitions.)

    Culturalcapitalinitsobjectified

    statepre-

    sentsitselfwith

    alltheappearancesofan

    autonomous,

    coherent

    universe

    which,

    although

    theproductofhistoricalaction,has

    itsownlaws,transcending

    individual

    wills,

    andwhich,astheexampleoflanguage

    well

    illustrates,

    thereforeremains

    irreducible

    tothatwhicheachagent,oreventheaggregateof

    theagents,

    canappropriate

    (i.e.,tothecul-

    turalcapitalembodied

    ineachagentorevenin

    theaggregateoftheagents).However,it

    shouldnotbeforgottenthatitexistsassym-

    bolicallyandmaterially

    active,effectivecapi-

    talonlyinsofarasitisappropriatedbyagents

    andimplemented

    andinvestedasaweapon

    andastakeinthestruggleswhichgooninthe

    fieldsofculturalproduction(theartistic

    field,

    thescientificfield,etc.)and,beyond

    them,in

    thefieldofthesocialclasses-struggles

    inwhich

    theagentswieldstrengths

    andobtain

    'profitsproportionate

    totheirmasteryofthis

    objectifiedcapital,andthereforetotheextent

    oftheirembodied

    capital.'

    THEINSTITUTIONAUZED

    STATE

    Theobjectificationofculturalcapitalinthe

    form

    ofacademicqualifications

    isonewayof

    neutralizingsomeofthepropertiesitderives

    fromthefactthat,beingembodied,ithasthe

    samebiologicallimitsasitsbearer.Thisobjec-

    tification

    iswhatmakes

    the

    difference

    betweenthecapitaloftheautodidact,which

    may

    becalledintoquestionatanytime,or

    eventheculturalcapitalofthecourtier,which

    canyieldonlyill-defined

    profits,offluctuat-

    ingvalue,

    inthemarketof

    high-society

    exchanges,andtheculturalcapitalacademi-

    callysanctionedbylegallyguaranteed

    qualifi-

    cations,formallyindependentofthepersonof

    theirbearer.With

    theacademicqualification,

    acertificateofculturalcompetencewhich

    confersonitsholderaconventional,constant,

    legally

    guaranteed

    valuewith

    respectto

    culture,socialalchemyproduces

    aform

    of

    1'lIhlll"IIcapitlllwhichhasarclntivl:nulol1omy

    vllI'l\viIIitshl:arl:randevenvis-a-visthecul-

    111I'111cnpitnlheeffectivelypossessesatagiven

    IIHllncntintime,Itinstitutesculturalcapital

    hVl'OlIectivemagic,just

    as,accordingto

    "".rll:nu-Ponty,

    thelivinginstitutetheirdead

    Ih!'llughtheritualofmourning.

    Onehasonly

    tllthinkoftheconcours(competitiverecruit-

    1l1l'l1ll:xamination)which,outofthecontin-

    1111111ofinfinitesim

    aldifferences

    between

    I"II'filrmances,producessharp,absolute,last-

    "11differences,suchasthatwhichseparates

    Iht,Instsuccessful

    candidatefromthefirst

    1I1\/llIccessfulone,andinstitutesanessential

    .11t1('rencebetweentheofficiallyrecognized,

    1IIIIII'IInteedcompetenceandsim

    plecultural

    1111'11111,

    whichisconstantlyrequiredtoprove

    11_.11I',Inthiscase,oneseesclearly

    theperfor-

    IIhlllvl:magicofthepowerofinstituting,

    the

    I",wl:rtoshow

    forth

    andsecurebeliefor,ina

    WIU'd,toimposerecognition.

    lIyconferringinstitutionalrecognition

    onlilt'culturalcapitalpossessedby

    anygiven

    1\1('~nt,theacademicqualificationalsomakesit

    I'IIMflibletocomparequalificationholdersand

    "Ventoexchange

    them

    (bysubstitutingone

    101'another

    insuccession).Furthermore,

    itIIInkesitpossibletoestablish

    conversionrates

    IIlHweenculturalcapitalandeconomiccapital

    hyguaranteeing

    themonetaryvalueofagiven

    IlI'ademiccapital.lOThisproductofthecon-

    vcrsionofeconomiccapitalintoculturalcapi-

    1nlestablishesthevalue,intermsofcultural

    !III /)ital,oftheholderofagivenqualification

    I'Cativetootherqualificationholdersand,by

    Ihesametoken,themonetaryvalueforwhich

    Itcnnbeexchangedonthelabormarket(aca-

    demicinvestm

    enthasno

    meaning

    unlessa

    minimum

    degreeofreversibility

    ofthecon-

    vc:rsionitimpliesisobjectivelyguaranteed).

    lIr.:causethematerialandsymbolic

    profits

    whichtheacademicqualificationguarantees

    .IKOdependonitsscarcity,theinvestm

    ents

    Itlllde(intimeandeffort)mayturnouttobe

    Irssprofitablethanwasanticipated

    whenthey

    weremade(therehaving

    been

    ade

    ]acto

    liIlangeintheconversionratebetweenacade-

    miccapitalandeconomiccapital),Thestrate-

    Itiesforconverting

    economic

    capitalinto

    culturalcapital,which

    areamongtheshort-

    IeI'm

    factorsof

    theschooling

    explosion

    nndtheinflationofqualifications,aregov-

    ernedhy

    changesinthestructure

    ofthe

    chancesofprofitofferedhythedifferenttypes

    (}fcapital.

    ThoForm.ofCapitol51

    SocialCapital

    Socialcapitalistheaggregateoftheactualor

    potentialresourceswhich

    arelinkedtopos-

    sessionofadurablenetworkofmoreorless

    institutionalized

    relationships

    ofmutual

    acquaintance

    andrecognition--or

    inother

    words,tomembershipinagroupll-which

    provideseachofitsmemberswiththebacking

    ofthecollectivity-owned

    capital,a'creden-

    tial'whichentitlesthem

    tocredit,inthevari-

    oussensesoftheword.Theserelationships

    mayexistonlyinthepracticalstate,inmater-

    ialandlorsymbolic

    exchangeswhichhelpto

    maintainthem.They

    may

    also

    besocially

    institutedandguaranteed

    bytheapplication

    ofacommon

    name(thenameofafamily,a

    class,oratribeorofaschool,aparty,etc.)and

    byawholesetofinstituting

    actsdesigned

    simultaneously

    toform

    andinform

    thosewho

    undergothem;inthiscase,theyaremoreor

    lessreallyenactedandsomaintainedandrein-

    forced,inexchanges.Beingbasedonindissol-

    ubly

    materialandsymbolic

    exchanges,

    the

    establishmentandmaintenance

    ofwhichpre-

    suppose

    reacknowledgment

    ofproximity,

    theyarealsopartiallyirreducible

    toobjective

    relations

    ofproximity

    inphysical(geographi-

    cal)spaceoreven

    ineconomic

    andsocial

    space.12

    Thevolumeofthesocialcapitalpossessed

    byagivenagentthus

    dependsonthesizeofthe

    networkofconnections

    hecaneffectively

    mobilizeandonthevolumeofthecapital(eco-

    nomic,culturalorsymbolic)possessedinhis

    ownrightbyeachofthosetowhomheiscon-

    nected.13Thismeansthat,although

    itisrela-

    tivelyirreducibletotheeconomicandcultural

    capitalpossessedbyagivenagent,orevenby

    thewholesetofagentstowhomheiscon-

    nected,socialcapitalisnevercompletely

    independentofitbecausetheexchangesinsti-

    tutingmutualacknowledgmentpresuppose

    thereacknowledgment

    ofaminimum

    ofobjectivehomogeneity,andbecauseitexertsa

    multipliereffectonthecapitalhepossessesin

    hisownright.

    Theprofits

    which

    accrue

    frommember-

    shipinagrouparethebasis

    ofthesolidarity

    which

    makesthem

    possible.14Thisdoesnot

    meanthat

    they

    areconsciously

    pursuedas

    such,even

    inthecaseofgroups

    likeselect

    clubs,which

    aredeliberatelyorganizedin

    ordertoconcentrate

    socialcapitalandsoto

    derivefullbenefit

    fromthemultipliereffect

  • ~TheFormsofCapital

    impliedinconcentration

    andtosecurethe

    profits

    ofmembership-material

    profits,

    suchasallthetypesofservicesaccruing

    from

    useful

    relationships,andsymbolic

    profits,

    suchasthosederivedfromassociationwith

    arare,prestigious

    group.

    Theexistenceofanetworkofconnections

    isnotanaturalgiven,orevenasocialgiven,

    constituted

    onceandforallbyaninitialactof

    institution,

    represented,

    inthecaseofthe

    familygroup,bythegenealogicaldefinition

    ofkinshiprelations,whichisthecharacteristic

    ofasocialformation.Itistheproductofanend-

    lesseffortatinstitution,

    ofwhichinstitution

    rites-often

    wronglydescribedasritesofpas-

    sage-mark

    theessentialm

    omentsandwhich

    isnecessaryinordertoproduceandrepro-

    duce

    lasting,useful

    relationships

    that

    can

    securematerialorsymbolicprofits(seeBour-

    dieu

    1982).Inotherwords,thenetworkof

    relationships

    istheproductofinvestm

    ent

    strategies,

    individual

    orcollective,

    con-

    sciouslyorunconsciously

    aimedatestablish-

    ingorreproducingsocialrelationships

    that

    aredirectlyusableintheshortorlongterm,

    i.e.,attransforming

    contingent

    relations,

    suchasthoseofneighborhood,theworkplace,

    orevenkinship,intorelationships

    thatareat

    oncenecessaryandelective,implying

    durable

    obligations

    subjectivelyfelt(feelingsofgrati-

    tude,respect,friendship,etc.)orinstitution-

    allyguaranteed

    (rights).Thisisdonethrough

    thealchemyofconsecration,thesymboliccon-

    stitutionproduced

    bysocialinstitution(insti-

    tutionasarelative-brother,

    sister,cousin,

    etc.-or

    asaknight,anheir,anelder,etc.)and

    endlessly

    reproduced

    inandthrough

    the

    exchange(ofgifts,words,women,etc.)which

    itencouragesandwhichpresupposesandpro-

    ducesmutualknowledgeandrecognition.

    Exchange

    transformsthethings

    exchanged

    into

    signs

    ofrecognition

    and,

    throughthe

    mutualrecognition

    andtherecognition

    ofgroupmembership

    which

    itimplies,

    re-

    produces

    thegroup.By

    thesametoken,it

    reaffirmsthelimitsofthegroup,i.e.,thelim-

    itsbeyond

    whichtheconstitutiveexchange-

    trade,commensality,

    ormarriage-cannot

    takeplace.Eachmemberofthegroupisthus

    institutedasacustodian

    ofthelimits

    ofthe

    group:becausethedefinition

    ofthecriteria

    ofentry

    isatstakeineachnewentry,hecanmod-

    ifythegroupbymodifyingthelimitsoflegit-

    imate

    exchange

    through

    some

    form

    ofmisalliance.Itisquite

    logicalthat,inmost

    societies,thepreparationandconclusionof

    marriagesshouldbethebusinessofthewhole

    group,

    andnotoftheagentsdirectly

    con-

    cerned.Through

    theintroduction

    ofnew

    membersintoafamily,aclan,oraclub,the

    wholedefinition

    ofthegroup,i.e.,itsfines,its

    boundaries,

    anditsidentity,

    isputatstake,

    exposedtoredefinition,alteration,

    adulter-

    ation.When,asinmodernsocieties,families

    losethemonopolyoftheestablishmentof

    exchangeswhich

    canleadtolasting

    relation-

    ships,whether

    sociallysanctioned(likemar-

    riage)ornot,they

    may

    continue

    tocontrol

    theseexchanges,whileremaining

    withinthe

    logicoflaissez-faire,throughalltheinstitu-

    tions

    which

    aredesignedtofavorlegitimate

    exchangesandexcludeillegitimateonesby

    producingoccasions

    (rallies,cruises,hunts,

    parties,receptions,etc.),-places(smartneigh-

    borhoods,selectschools,clubs,etc.),orprac-

    tices

    (smartsports,

    parlorgames,cultural

    ceremonies,etc.)which

    bringtogether,ina

    seemingly

    fortuitous

    way,individuals

    ashomogeneous

    aspossibleinallthepertinent

    respectsintermsoftheexistenceandpersis-

    tenceofthegroup.

    Thereproductionofsocialcapitalpresup-

    posesanunceasingeffortofsociability,acon-

    tinuous

    series

    ofexchanges

    inwhich

    recognition

    isendlessly

    affirmed

    andreaf-

    firmed.This

    work,which

    impliesexpendi-

    tureoftimeandenergy

    andso,directly

    orindirectly,ofeconomiccapital,isnotprof-

    itableorevenconceivableunlessoneinvestsin

    itaspecificcompetence

    (knowledge'

    ofgenealogicalrelationships

    andofrealconnec-

    tions

    andskillatusingthem,etc.)and.an

    acquireddisposition

    toacquire

    andmaintain

    thiscompetence,

    whicharethemselves

    inte-

    gralparts

    ofthiscapital}SThisisoneofthe

    factorswhichexplainwhytheprofitabilityof

    thislaborofaccumulatingandmaintaining

    socialcapitalrisesinproportiontothesizeof

    thecapital.Becausethesocialcapitalaccruing

    fromarelationshipisthatmuchgreatertothe

    extentthatthepersonwhoistheobjectofitis

    richlyendowed

    with

    capital(mainlysocial,

    butalsoculturalandeveneconomiccapital),

    thepossessorsofaninherited

    socialcapital,

    symbolized

    byagreatname,areabletotrans-

    form

    allcircumstantialrelationships

    intolast-

    ingconnections.They

    aresought

    afterfor

    theirsocialcapitaland,becausetheyarewell

    known,areworthyofbeingknown('Iknow

    himwell');they

    donotneed

    10'mnkethe

    '1I'lIlInllllnnce'ofniltheir'acquaintances';

    they

    111'1'klIowntomorepeoplethantheyknow,and

    11\1'11'workofsociability,whenitisexerted,is

    ht~hlyJ)I'oductive.

    l~vcl'Ygrouphasitsmoreorlessinstitution-

    111111.11

    formsofdelegationwhichenableitto

    111I1I't'lIlratethetotalityofthesocialcapital,

    "hil'histhebasisoftheexistenceofthegroup

    IIIIlIl\IiI~oranation,ofcourse,butalsoan

    ,1~_odRtlonoraparty),inthehandsofasingle

    tI11"11Iorasmallgroupofagentsandtoman-

    11.111Ihisplenipotentiary,chargedwith

    plena

    ~"'''.''II.'agendietloquendi,16torepresentthe

    1410111',

    tospeakandactinitsnameandso,with

    thiIIldofthiscollectivelyownedcapital,to

    t-1'1'I'iHeapowerincommensurate

    with

    the

    '1141'111

    'Hpersonalcontribution.

    Thus,atthe

    11111"elementarydegreeofinstitutionaliza-

    111111,

    Iheheadofthefamily,thepaterJam

    ilias,

    IIII,'Idest,mostseniormember,istacitly

    rec-

    "1I1I1~edastheonlypersonentitledtospeakon

    III,hllll'ofthefamily

    groupinallofficialcir-

    ,1lIlIlIlnnces.Butwhereas

    inthis

    case,diffuse

    111\"',lItionrequiresthegreattostepforward

    '"111defend

    thecollectivehonorwhenthe

    11111111I'oftheweakestmembersisthreatened,

    till

    Institutionalized

    delegation,

    which

    III_III'I~Stheconcentration

    ofsocialcapital,

    tll_11hnstheeffectoflimiting

    theconsequences

    IIIIlIdividuallapses

    byexplicitlydelimiting

    I"~ponsibilitiesandauthorizing

    therecog-

    1I11I,dspokesmen

    toshield

    thegroupasa

    ",hoh'fromdiscreditbyexpelling

    orexcom-

    11llIl1kntingtheembarrassingindividuals.

    IIIheinternalcompetitionforthemonop-

    liltol'legitimaterepresentationofthegroupis

    1111110Ihreatentheconservationandaccumu-

    1111Ionofthecapitalwhichisthebasis

    ofthe

    r.IIIIIP,themembersofthegroupmustregu-

    .111'Iheconditionsofaccesstotheright

    to11I'llnreoneselfamemberofthegroupand,

    ,.hoveItll,to

    setoneselfupasarepresentative

    hllll,'g:tte,plenipotentiary,spokesman,etc.)

    IIIIIll'wholegroup,therebycommittingthe

    .'"'1111capitalofthewholegroup.Thetitleof

    IIlIhllityistheform

    parexcellenceoftheinsti-

    IlIl'Ionalizedsocialcapitalwhichguarantees

    a1'"1'llcularform

    ofsocialrelationshipinalast-

    IIIKwny.Oneoftheparadoxesofdelegationis

    Ihlllthemandatedagentcanexerton(and,up

    11111point,against)thegroupthepowerwhich

    Ih(l"roup

    enahleshimtoconcentrate.(Thisis

    11I,,'hnpsespeciallytrueinthelimiting

    casesin

    whichthemnndatedagentcreatesthe!(roup

    wlllchCl'enteshil11hutwhkh

    only

    l~xiNIN

    TheF

    ormaofCapital53 .~.

    throughhim.)Themechanismsofdelegation

    andrepresentation(inboththetheatricaland

    thelegalsenses)which

    fallintoplace-that

    muchmorestrongly,

    nodoubt,whenthe

    groupislargeanditsmembersweak-as

    one

    oftheconditionsfortheconcentration

    ofsocialcapital(amongotherreasons,becauseit

    enablesnumerous,varied,scatteredagentsto

    actasonemanandtoovercomethelimitations

    ofspaceandtime)alsocontaintheseedsofan

    embezzlementor

    misappropriation

    ofthe

    capitalwhichtheyassemble.

    Thisembezzlementislatentinthefactthat

    agroupasawholecanberepresented,

    inthe

    variousmeaningsoftheword,byasubgroup,

    clearly

    delimitedandperfectlyvisibletoall,

    knowntoall,andrecognized

    byall,thatofthe

    nobiles,the'peoplewhoareknown',thepara-

    digm

    ofwhomisthenobility,andwho

    may

    speakonbehalfofthewholegroup,represent

    thewhole

    group,

    andexercise

    authority

    inthenameofthewholegroup.Thenobleis

    thegrouppersonified.Hebearsthenameof

    thegrouptowhich

    hegiveshisname(the

    metonymywhichlinksthenobletohisgroup

    isclearlyseenwhenShakespearecallsCleopa-

    tra'Egypt'ortheKingofFrance'France,'just

    asRacinecallsPyrrhus

    'Epirus').Itisbyhim,

    hisname,thedifferenceitproclaims,thatthe

    membersofhisgroup,theliegemen,andalso

    theland

    andcastles,areknownandrecog-

    nized.Similarly,phenomenasuchasthe'per-

    sonalitycult'ortheidentificationofparties,

    trade

    unions,ormovementswith

    theirleader

    arelatentintheverylogicofrepresentation.

    Everything

    combinestocausethesignifierto

    taketheplaceofthesignified,thespokesmen

    thatofthegroupheissupposed

    toexpress,not

    leastbecausehisdistinction,his'outstanding-

    ness,'hisvisibility

    constitute

    theessential

    part,ifnottheessence,ofthispower,which,

    beingentirelysetwithinthelogicofknowl-

    edgeandacknowledgment,isfundamentally

    asymbolic

    power;butalsobecausetherepre-

    sentative,thesign,theemblem,maybe,and

    create,thewholereality

    ofgroups

    which

    receiveeffectivesocialexistence

    onlyinand

    throughrepresentation.

    17

    Conversions

    Thedifferenttypesofcapitalcanbederived

    fromeconom

    iccapital,butonlyatthecostofa

    11100'eorlessgreateffortoftransformation,

  • I I

    '11

    11 11

    54TheFormsofCapital

    whichisneededtoproducethetypeofpower

    effectiveinthefieldinquestion.Forexample,

    therearesomegoodsandservicestowhich

    economic

    capitalgivesimmediate

    access,

    withoutsecondary

    costs;others

    canbe

    obtained

    onlybyvirtueofasocialcapitalof

    relationships

    (orsocialobligations)which

    cannotactinstantaneously,attheappropriate

    moment,unlessthey

    have

    been

    established

    andmaintainedforalongtime,asiffortheir

    ownsake,andthereforeoutsidetheirperiodof

    use,i.e.,atthecostofaninvestm

    entinsocia-

    bilitywhichisnecessarily

    long-term

    because

    thetimelagisoneofthefactorsofthetrans-

    mutation

    ofapure

    andsim

    pledebt

    into

    thatrecognition

    ofnonspecific

    indebtedness

    whichiscalledgratitude.ISIncontrasttothe

    cynicalbutalsoeconomicaltransparencyof

    economic

    exchange,in

    which

    equivalents

    changehandsinthesameinstant,theessential

    ambiguity

    ofsocialexchange,whichpresup-

    posesmisrecognition,

    inotherwords,aform

    offaith

    andofbadfaith

    (inthesenseofself-

    deception),presupposesamuchmoresubtle

    economyoftime.

    Soithastobeposited

    simultaneously

    that

    economiccapitalisattherootofalltheother

    typesofcapitalandthatthesetransformed,

    disguisedformsofeconomic

    capital,never

    entirelyreducibletothatdefinition,produce

    theirmostspecificeffectsonlytotheextent

    thattheyconceal(notleastfromtheirposses-

    sors)thefactthateconomiccapitalisattheir

    root,inotherwords-but

    onlyinthelast

    analysis-at

    therootoftheireffects.Thereal

    logicofthefunctioning

    ofcapital,theconver-

    sionsfromonetypetoanother,andthelawof

    conservationwhich

    governsthem

    cannotbe

    understood

    unlesstwoopposingbutequally

    partialviewsaresuperseded:ontheonehand,

    economism

    ,which,onthegroundsthatevery

    typeofcapitalisreducibleinthelastanalysis

    toeconomiccapital,ignoreswhatmakesthe

    specificefficacyoftheothertypesofcapital,

    andontheotherhand,semiologism

    (nowa-

    daysrepresentedbystructuralism,symbolic

    interactionism,orethnomethodology),

    which

    reducessocialexchangestophenomenaof

    communicationandignoresthebrutalfactof

    universalreducibilitytoeconomics.19

    Inaccordance

    withaprinciplewhichisthe

    equivalentoftheprincipleoftheconservation

    ofenergy,profits

    inoneareaarenecessarily

    p;lidforbycostsinanother(sothataconcept

    1;1".Wl1Shl1ote

    hasnomeaning

    inageneralsci-

    ------

    enceoftheeconomyofpractices).Theuni-

    versalequivalent,themeasure

    ofallequiva-

    lences,isnothing

    otherthanlabor-time(inthe

    widestsense);andtheconservationofsocial

    energy

    throughallitsconversions

    isverified

    if,ineachcase,onetakesintoaccountboththe

    labor-timeaccumulated

    intheform

    ofcapital

    andthelabor-timeneeded

    totransform

    itfromonetypeintoanother.

    Ithasbeenseen,forexample,thatthetrans-

    formationofeconomiccapitalintosocialcap-

    italpresupposes

    aspecificlabor,i.e.,an

    apparently

    gratuitous

    expenditure

    oftime,

    attention,

    care,concern,which,asisseenin

    theendeavor

    topersonalizeagift,

    hasthe

    effectoftransfiguringthepurely

    monetary

    import

    oftheexchange

    and,

    bythesame

    token,

    thevery

    meaning

    oftheexchange.

    From

    anarrowly

    economicstandpoint,this

    effortisboundtobeseenaspurewastage,but

    inthetermsofthelogicofsocialexchanges,it

    isasolidinvestm

    ent,theprofitsofwhichwill

    appear,inthelongrun,inmonetaryorother

    form.Similarly,ifthebestmeasureofcultural

    capitalisundoubtedly

    theamount

    oftime

    devotedtoacquiring

    it,thisisbecausethe

    transformationofeconomiccapitalintocul-

    turalcapitalpresupposesanexpenditure

    oftimethatismadepossibleby

    possessionof

    economiccapital.Moreprecisely,itisbecause

    theculturalcapitalthatiseffectivelytransmit-

    tedwithinthefamilyitselfdependsnotonly

    onthequantityofculturalcapital,itselfaccu-

    mulated

    byspending

    time,thatthedomestic

    grouppossess,butalsoon

    theusabletime

    (particularly

    intheform

    ofthemother's

    free

    time)availabletoit(byvirtueofits

    economic

    capital,whichen~blesittopurchasethetime

    ofothers)toensurethetransmissionofthis

    capitalandtodelayentry

    intothelabormarkcl

    throughprolongedschooling,acreditwhich

    paysoff,ifatall,onlyintheverylongterm.2

    0

    Theconvertibility

    ofthedifferenttypesof

    capitalisthebasis

    ofthestrategiesaimedOIl

    ensuringthereproductionofcapital(andthl'

    positionoccupiedinsocialspace)bymeans01

    theconversions

    leastcostlyintermsofCOli

    versionworkandofthelossesinherentinthe

    conversionitself(inagivenstateofthesoci.,1

    powerrelations).Thedifferenttypesofcapi,

    talcanbe

    distinguished

    accordingtotheir

    reproducibility

    or,moreprecisely,accordil'Mi

    tohoweasilytheyaretransmitted,i.e.,wilh

    moreorlesslossandwith

    moreorlessCOli

    cealment;

    therate

    oflossandthedegree

    or

    TheForm.orCapital

    55

    ''''''''',',,''''''""dIn"'y

    I"/0"'"

    """,

    1'""-",,,"f"'o'ml"loo-pw-a

  • '.5~

    TheFonnsofCapital

    mostdecorousnamesthatcanbefound(hon-

    oraria,emoluments,

    etc.)tomatrimonial

    exchanges,theprimeexampleofatransaction

    thatcanonlytakeplaceinsofarasitisnotper-

    ceivedordefinedassuchbythecontracting

    parties.Itisremarkablethattheapparent

    extensionsofeconomictheorybeyondthe

    limitsconstitutingthedisciplinehaveleft

    intacttheasylumofthesacred,apartfroma

    fewsacrilegiousincursions.GaryS.Becker,

    forexample,whowasoneofthefirsttotake

    explicitaccountofthetypesofcapitalthatare

    usually

    ignored,neverconsidersanything

    otherthanmonetarycostsandprofits,forget-

    tingthenonmonetaryinvestments(interalia,

    theaffectiveones)andthematerialandsym-

    bolic

    profitsthateducationprovidesina

    deferred,indirectway,suchastheaddedvalue

    whichthedispositionsproducedorreinforced

    byschooling(bodilyorverbalmanners,tastes,

    etc.)ortherelationshipsestablishedwith

    fellowstudentscanyieldinthematrimonial

    market(Becker1964a).

    3.Symbolic

    capital,thatistosay,capital-in

    whateverform-insofarasitisrepresented,

    Le.,apprehendedsymbolically,inarelation-

    shipofknowledgeor,moreprecisely,ofmis-

    recognitionandrecognition,presupposesthe

    interventionofthehabitus,asasociallycon-

    stitutedcognitivecapacity.

    4.Whentalkingaboutconceptsfortheirown

    sake,asIdohere,ratherthanusingthem

    inresearch,onealwaysrunstheriskofbeingboth

    schematicandformal,i.e.,theoreticalinthe

    mostusualandmostusuallyapprovedsenseof

    theword.

    5.Thispropositionimpliesnorecognitionofthe

    valueofscholasticverdicts;itmerelyregisters

    therelationshipwhichexistsinrealitybetween

    acertainculturalcapitalandthelawsofthe

    educationalmarket.Dispositionsthatare

    givenanegativevalueintheeducational

    marketmayreceiveveryhighvalueinother

    markets-notleast,ofcourse,intherelation-

    shipsinternaltotheclass.

    6.Inarelativelyundifferentiatedsociety,in

    whichaccesstothemeansofappropriatingthe

    culturalheritageisveryequallydistributed,

    embodiedculturedoesnotfunctionascultural

    capital,Le.,asameansofacquiringexclusive

    advantages.

    7.WhatIcallthegeneralizedArroweffect,Le.,

    thefactthatallculturalgoods-paintings,

    monuments,

    machines,andanyobjects

    shapedbyman,particularlyallthosewhich

    belongtothechildhoodenvironment---exert

    aneducativeeffectbytheirmereexistence,is

    nodoubtoneofthestructuralfactorsbehind

    the'schoolingexplosion,'inthesensethata

    growthinthequantityofculturalcapitalaccu-

    mulatedintheobjectifiedstateincreasesthe

    educativeeffectautomatienlly1'~I"'ledhythe

    environment.Ifoneaddstothisthefiletthat

    embodied

    culturalcapitalis

    constantly

    increasing,itcanbeseenthat,ineachgenera-

    tion,theeducationalsystemcantakemorefor

    granted.Thefactthatthesameeducational

    investm

    entisincreasinglyproductiveisoneof

    thestructuralfactorsoftheinflationofquali-

    fications(togetherwithcyclicalfactorslinked

    toeffectsofcapitalconversion).

    8.Theculturalobject,asalivingsocialinstitu-

    tion,is,sim

    ultaneously,asociallyinstituted

    materialobjectandaparticularclassofhabi-

    tus,towhichitisaddressed.Thematerial

    object-forexample,aworkofartinitsmate-

    riality-may

    beseparatedbyspace(e.g.,a

    Dogonstatue)orbytime(e.g.,aSimoneM

    ar-

    tinipainting)fromthehabitusforwhichitwas

    intended.Thisleadstooneofthemostfunda-

    mentalbiasesofarthistory.Understanding

    theeffect(nottobeconfusedwiththefunc-

    tion)whichtheworktendedtoproduce-for

    example,theform

    ofbeliefittended

    toinduce-and

    whichisthetruebasisofthe

    consciousorunconsciouschoiceofthemeans

    used(technique,colors,etc.),andthereforeof

    theformitself,ispossibleonlyifoneatleast

    raisesthequestionofthehabitusonwhichit

    'operated.'

    9.Thedialecticalrelationshipbetweenobject-

    ifiedculturalcapital-ofwhichtheform

    par

    excellenceiswriting-and

    embodiedcultural

    capitalhasgenerallybeenreducedtoanexalted

    descriptionofthedegradationofthespiritby

    theletter,thelivingbytheinert,creationby

    routine,gracebyheaviness.

    10.ThisisparticularlytrueinFrance,wherein

    manyoccupations(particularlythecivilser-

    vice)thereisaverystrictrelationshipbetween

    qualification,rank,andremuneration(trans-

    lator'snote).

    11.Here,too,thenotionofculturalcap~taldidnot

    springfrompuretheoreticalwork,stillless

    fromananalogicalextensionofeconomiccon-

    cepts.Itarosefromtheneedtoidentifythe

    principleofsocialeffectswhich,althoughthey

    canbeseenclearlyatthelevelofsingular

    agents-where

    statisticalinquiry

    inevitably

    operates-cannotbereducedtothesetof

    propertiesindividuallypossessedbyagiven

    agent.Theseeffects,inwhichspontaneous

    sociologyreadilyperceivestheworkof'con-

    nections,'areparticularlyvisibleinallcasesin

    which

    different

    individualsobtain

    very

    unequalprofits

    from

    virtuallyequivalent

    (economicorcultural)capital,dependingon

    theextenttowhichtheycanmobilizebyproxy

    thecapitalofagroup(afamily,thealumniofan

    eliteschool,aselectclub,thearistocracy,etc.)

    thatismoreorlessconstitutedassuchand

    moreorlessrichincapital.

    I)N"I"hhoThlllld

    "11lntllln"hlpM11I11)',IIII'IIlIrM~,

    rI'I'I.ln'1111de:Ille:lllnl'Yfi,rlllollnHlllllll1111111

    11.llllun,""IntheBenrllor

    Ihe1111"11110

    IIIlttlln.whe:re:nci~hbors,lousIJcs;.!(aword

    wlth,h,inuldtexts,ISappliedtothelegitimate

    Inhllhltantsofthevillage,therightfulmem-

    ',1"'.oftheassembly),areexplicitlydesignated,

    IIIIIccllrdnncewithfairlycodifiedrules,and

    IIrf""signedfunctionswhicharedifferen-

    1IIIIcdIIccordingtotheirrank(thereisa'first

    nClI"hhor,'a'secondneighbor,'andsoon),

    pnrlicularlyforthemajorsocialceremonies

    (J\lIIcrnls,marriages,etc.).Buteveninthis

    II'He,therelationshipsactuallyusedby

    noIIIUIIIISalwayscoincidewiththerelationships

    Hm'lnllyinstituted.

    ItMIlliners(bearing,pronunciation,etc.)maybe

    hll'llIdedinsocialcapitalinsofaras,through

    Ihl\modeofacquisitiontheypointto,they

    IlIdlcnteinitialmembershipofamoreorless

    I"'n.ligiousgroup.

    I1Nlllionalliberationmovementsornationalist

    hlC'ologiescannotbeaccountedforsolelyby

    II'h~renceto

    strictly

    economicprofits,i.e.,

    IIIIItdpationoftheprofits

    which

    may

    be.1t'I'lvedfromredistributionofaproportionof

    wl1l1hhtotheadvantageofthenationals

    (1IIIIionalization)andtherecoveryofhighly

    1IIIIdjobs(seeBreton1964).Tothesespecifi-

    (1111)'economicanticipated

    profits,which

    wouldonlyexplainthenationalismofthepriv-

    I1l1l1edclasses,mustbeaddedtheveryrealand

    ""I'Yimmediateprofitsderivedfrommember-

    .hll'(socialcapital)whichareproportionately

    11111111

    erforthosewhoarelowerdownthesocial

    hh'l'lITchy('poorwhites')

    or,moreprecisely,

    IIIIITethreatened

    byeconomic

    and

    social

    drdine.

    "I'hereiseveryreason

    tosupposethatsocializ-

    11""or,moregenerally,relational:dispositions

    111'1'veryunequally

    distributed

    amongthe

    Mo!;illlclassesand,withinagivenclass,among

    1I'IIctionsofdifferentorigin,

    1/11\'fullpowertoactandspeak'(translator).

    I1Itgoeswithoutsayingthatsocialcapitalisso

    Inlllllygoverned

    bythelogicofknowledgeand

    IIcknowledgmentthatitalwaysfunctions

    asMymboliccapital.

    I",I1shouldbemadeclear,todispelalikelymis-

    understanding,

    thattheinvestm

    entinques-

    lionhere

    isnotnecessarily

    conceivedasa

    cnlculatedpursuitofgain,butthatithasevery

    likelihoodofbeingexperienced

    intermsofthe

    logicof

    emotionalinvestm

    ent,

    i.e.,as

    anInvolvementwhichisbothnecessaryanddis-

    Interested.

    Thishasnotalwaysbeen

    appreci-

    IItedbyhistorians,who(evenwhentheyareas

    1I(e:rttosymbolic

    effectsasE.P.Thompson)

    te:ndtoconceive

    symbolic

    practices-pow-

    deredwigsandthewholeparaphernalia

    ofofficl.'-as

    explicitstrategiesofdomination,

    -

    IlIll'mh'd

    III111'HI'I'I1(11'01\1holow),lIml

    1011111'1'

    I'TelloIolIl.rOU"or!;hll,'hnhlccondUCln"'1,"lcu

    IIledIII.:t8ofclnssnppl1nselllcnl.'Thisnnively

    Mnehillvellinnview

    lorgelsthntthemo~1sin.

    cerely

    disinterested

    nctsmllY

    he:thosc

    hesl

    corresponding

    toobje:ctiveinterest.

    Anum.

    beroffidds,particularly

    those:which

    most

    tend

    todenyinterestandeverysortofcnlculn.

    tion,

    likethefieldsofculturalproduction,

    grantfullrecognition,andwith

    ittheconse.

    cration

    which

    guarantees

    success,

    only

    Inthosewho

    distinguish

    themselves

    hyIhc

    immediate

    conformity

    oftheirinvestm

    e:nls,11

    tokenofsincerityandattachmenttotheessclI

    tialprinciples

    ofthefield.Itwouldbethol'

    oughly

    erroneoustodescribethechoicesof

    thehabituswhich

    lead

    anartist,writer,(11'

    researcher

    towardhisnaturalplace(nsubjecl,

    style,manner,etc.)intermsofrationnlstrnl

    egyandcynicalcalculation.

    This

    isdespih'

    thefactthat,forexample,

    shiftsfrom(1111'

    genre,school,orspecialitytonnother,qunsi.

    religiousconversions

    thatareperlilfll1ed'ill1111

    sincerity,'canbeunderstood

    nscnpilulCOli

    versions,thedirectionandmomenlofwhil'h

    (onwhich

    theirsuccessoftelldepelldH)111'1'

    determined

    bya'senseol'inveslmelll'

    WIUl'lllM

    thelesslikelytobe

    seen

    nsslIch

    IhcIIUII'I!

    skillfulitis.InnocenceisIheprlvill'fll'of,hOHI'

    who

    moveintheirfieldofaclIvilylikl'U"hIII

    water.

    19.To

    understand

    theattractiveness01'1hiMpllU'01

    antagonistic

    positions

    which

    SCI'VCU"l'III'h

    other's

    alibi,onewould

    need

    InullulYZl'Ih"

    unconsciousprofits

    andtheprolils

    of1111I'1111

    sciousness

    which

    they

    procurelill'IlIlelll'(

    tuals.Whilesomefindineconomlsm

    aml'UI1H

    ofexempting

    themselves

    bycxcludllll(Ihr

    culturalcapitalandallthespecificprufilM

    whichplacethem

    onthesideofthedomIIIUIll,

    others

    canabandonthedetestablelerrninof

    theeconomic,where

    everything

    remillllM

    themthattheycanbeevaluated,in

    IhcIUHI

    analysis,

    ineconomic

    terms,

    forthalof1111'

    symbolic.(The

    lattermerelyreproduce,

    ill11111

    realmofthesymbolic,thestrategywhcl'l'Il)'

    intellectuals

    andartists

    endeavor

    10ImpoHe.

    therecognition

    oftheirvalues,i.e.,,hrll

    value,by

    inverting

    thelawofthemarkclit

    which

    whatonehasor

    whatoncI'UI'II

    completelydefineswhatoneisworthandwhil.

    oneis-as

    isshownbythepracticcofhallk

    which,with

    techniques

    such

    asthepCI'SOIlIl.

    izationofcredit,tendtosubordinatcthc11:1'1I111

    ingofloansandthefixingofinterest

    rOIlcsIII11

    exhaustiveinquiry

    intotheborrower'spl'CSI'1

    andfutureresources.)

    20.Amongtheadvantages

    procured

    bycapilliIi

    allitstypes,themostprecious

    istheincr'I'usc

    volumeofuseful

    timethatismadcpossit.

    throughthevariousmethodsofappropl'iali.

  • 58TheFonnsofCapital

    otherpeople'stime(intheformofservices).It

    maytaketheformeitherofincreasedspare

    time,securedbyreducingthetimeconsumed

    inactivitiesdirectlychanneledtowardpro-

    ducingthemeansofreproducingtheexist-

    enceofthedomesticgroup,orofmoreintense

    useofthetimesoconsumed,byrecourseto

    otherpeople'slaborortodevicesandmethods

    whichareavailableonlytothosewhohave

    spenttimelearninghowtousethemandwhich

    (likebettertransportorlivingclosetotheplace

    ofwork)makeitpossibletosavetime.(Thisis

    incontrasttothecashsavingsofthepoor,

    whicharepaidforintime--do-it-yourself,

    bargainhunting,etc.)Noneofthisistrueof

    mereeconomiccapital;itispossessionof

    culturalcapitalthatmakesitpossibletoderive

    greaterprofitnotonlyfromlabor-time,by

    securingahigheryieldfromthesametime,but

    alsofromsparetime,andsotoincreaseboth

    economicandculturalcapital.

    21.Itgoeswithoutsayingthatthedominantfrac-

    tions,whotendtoplaceevergreateremphasis

    oneducationalinvestment,withinanoverall

    strategyofassetdiversificationandofinvest-

    mentsaimedatcombiningsecuritywithhigh

    yield,haveallsortsofwaysofevadingscholas-

    ticverdicts.Thedirecttransmissionofeco-

    nomic

    capitalremains

    oneofIheprincipal

    meansofreproduction,

    andtheeffectofsocial

    capital('ahelpinghand,''string-pulling,'

    the

    'oldboynetwork')tendstocorrecttheeffectof

    academicsanctions.Educationalqualifications

    neverfunctionperfectlyascurrency.They

    are

    neverentirelyseparablefrom

    theirholders:

    theirvaluerisesinproportiontothevalueof

    theirbearer,especiallyintheleastrigidareasof

    thesocialstructure.

    References

    Becker,G.S.(19Ma),A

    TheoreticalandEm

    pirical

    Analysiswith

    SpecialReferenceto

    Education

    (New

    York:NationalBureau

    ofEconomic

    Research).

    -(19M

    b),Hum

    anCapital(NewYork:Colum-

    biaUniv.Press).

    Bourdieu,P.(1982),'Lesritesd'institution',Actes

    dela

    rechercheen

    sciences

    sociales,43:58-63.

    Breton,A.(1962),'The

    EconomicsofNational-

    ism',JournalofPoliticalEconom

    y,72:376-86.

    Grassby,R.(1970),'EnglishMerchantCapitalism

    intheLateSeventeenthCentury:TheCompo-

    sitionofBusinessFortunes',

    PastandPresent,

    46:87-107.

    3ClassandPedagogies:VisibleandInvisible

    I.1t..1I1~lIllIillesomeoftheassumptions

    and

    Ill"11111111111contextofa

    particularformof

    1"".IIIIIIII'11I11IOtschool

    pedagogy,aform

    ,,1111"h,..IIIleastthe

    followingcharacteris-

    lit~ \\I"."IhI'controloftheteacheroverthe

    ,hll.lhiImplicitratherthanexplicit.

    \\hl'II,Ideally,theteacherarranges

    the

    .,'1',I"~whichthechild

    isexpected

    tore-

    .11111111(1'IIlIdexplore.

    \\h"I'l'withinthisarranged

    context,the

    ,hlld

    IIpparently

    haswidepowersover

    \Ihiliheselects,overhowhestructures,

    .llIdIIvcrthetimescaleofhisactivities.

    \\'h.'n'thechild

    apparently

    regulateshis

    IIWIItnovementsandsocialrelationships.

    WIWl't'thereisareducedemphasisupon

    11111I'IIIlsmissionandacquisitionofspecific

    'I~IIIM(HCCNoteI).

    ItWhjlll'cthecriteria

    forevaluatingthepeda-

    IIII~ynremultipleanddiffuseandsonot

    II.Nnymeasured.

    IlIvl.lblePedagogy

    andInfantEducation

    Ihll

    I'nllcharacterisethispedagogyasan

    111\INlhlepedagogy.Intermsoftheconceptsof

    tlmllkntion

    andframe,

    thepedagogy

    isIh.,.dthroughweakclassificationandweak

    """II!M

    .Visible

    pedagogies

    are

    realised

    Ihllllll(h

    strong

    classification

    and

    strong

    '''IIIW

    /!,Thebasic

    differencebetweenvisible

    tllIlltllvifiiblepedagogics

    isinthemannerin

    ~hll'hcriteria

    aretransmitted

    andin

    the

    Ih'III'I'"ofspeciticity

    ofthecriteria.Themore

    IInpllc-ilthemanneroftransmissionandthe

    BasilBernstein

    morediffusethecriteria

    themoreinvisiblethe

    pedagogy;themorespecificthecriteria,the

    moreexplicitthemanneroftheirtransmis-

    sion,themorevisiblethepedagogy.These

    definitionswillbeextended

    laterinthepaper.

    Ifthepedagogyisinvisible,whataspectsofthe

    child

    have

    high

    visibilityfortheteacher?

    Isuggesttwoaspects.Thefirstarisesoutofan

    inferencetheteachermakesfromthechild's

    ongoingbehaviouraboutthedevelopm

    ental

    stage

    ofthechild.This

    inferenceisthen

    referredtoaconceptofreadiness.Thesecond

    aspectofthechild

    referstohisexternalbehav-

    iourandisconceptualisedbytheteacheras

    busyness.Thechild

    should

    bebusy

    doing

    things.Theseinner(readiness)

    andouter

    (busyness)aspectsofthechild

    canbetrans-

    formed

    intooneconceptof,readytodo.'The

    teacherinfersfromthe'doing'thestateof

    'readiness'ofthechild

    asitisrevealed

    inhis

    presentactivity

    andasthisstateadumbrates

    future'doing.'

    Wecanbrieflynoteinpassingapointwhich

    willbedevelopedlater.Inthesamewayasthe

    child'sreadingreleases

    thechild

    from

    the

    teacherandsocialiseshimintotheprivatised

    solitarylearning

    ofan

    explicitanonymous

    past(i.e.thetextbook),sobusychildren(chil-

    drendoing)releasethechild

    fromtheteacher

    butsocialise

    him

    into

    anongoinginter-

    actionalpresentinwhichthepastisinvisible

    andsoimplicit(i.e.theteachers'pedagogical

    theory).Thus

    anon-doing

    child

    intheinvisi-

    blepedagogy

    istheequivalent

    ofanon-

    reading

    child

    inthe

    visible

    pedagogy.

    (However,anon-reading

    child

    may

    beata

    greaterdisadvantage

    andexperiencegreater

    difficulty

    thana'non-doing'

    child.)

    Theconceptbasictotheinvisiblepedagogy

    1'1'11111./.Kllrllhl'llllld

    A.11.1IIIINcy(CdN

    .>,I'IIII'I"'1I1Ii1",,'//1//10'i"IM"m/i""(OxfordU

    niversityPress,1978),511-34.