219
THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS, AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET By DEBORAH J. ANDREWS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2017

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Page 1: THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN …

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

DEBORAH J ANDREWS

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2017

copy 2017 Deborah J Andrews

This dissertation is dedicated to my father Robert S Andrews Jr who sadly passed away in December 2015 shortly after my return from the last round of field work for this

research He taught me the value of education and encouraged me throughout my schooling from kindergarten to PhD and sacrificed the opportunity to obtain a PhD

himself to support his growing family Gone but not forgotten

4

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne

Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my

sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of

my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise

advice

I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional

del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno

He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on

field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to

ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me

and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student

Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was

also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and

quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it

takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa

farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa

farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in

this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most

importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this

study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me

To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much

more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose

5

example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this

dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we

adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the

University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza

for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 8

LIST OF FIGURES 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11

ABSTRACT 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 14

Research Question 14

Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29

2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36

The Fox and the Condor 38

What is Quinoa 39

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45

Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62

Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66

Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72

Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74

3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80

Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82

7

Harvesting 88

Quinoa Processing 93

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104

Pricing 107

4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172

A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180

5 CONCLUSION 188

APPENDIX

A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199

B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205

LIST OF REFERENCES 206

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219

8

LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61

4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132

4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138

4-3 Races of Quinoa 139

4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145

4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149

4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153

4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154

4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156

4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161

4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167

4-11 Quinoa Uses 179

9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47

2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58

2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59

2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63

2-5 Peske 65

2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67

2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68

2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73

2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74

3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89

3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90

3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91

3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92

3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92

3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95

3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96

3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99

3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107

3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108

3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109

3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109

3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110

10

4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132

4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152

4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152

4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174

4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175

4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176

4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182

4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183

4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183

11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa

COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria

NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

NGO Non-governmental organization

UN United Nations

UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

US United States

12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS

AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

Deborah J Andrews

August 2017

Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology

This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-

scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa

crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of

globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-

colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate

it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who

relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however

has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity

maintenance and increased risk to farmers

The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys

and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This

study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers

including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers

selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced

variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200

13

quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period

of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number

of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary

properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this

study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of

between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of

this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance

including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including

the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon

existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level

including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other

consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued

crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and

marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers

especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the

beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint

contributions to global food security

14

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Research Question

This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean

quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the

farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market

Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of

agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection

Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production

and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)

consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including

Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of

agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have

grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is

the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as

well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and

Helmreich 2010546)

In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish

colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the

question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of

market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained

global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to

losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards

monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the

15

dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial

market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least

color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global

market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity

Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on

dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional

benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food

source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for

thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional

small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-

species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in

light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study

This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about

the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets

have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural

practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to

quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the

popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa

specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on

very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon

many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of

varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the

difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored

16

below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This

study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been

maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano

While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity

this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity

maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need

to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity

practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the

biodiversity of quinoa

The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that

affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for

resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and

paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go

togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-

scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and

how they changed in response to market globalization

Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa

provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures

especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the

Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo

et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual

festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for

17

symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits

(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in

decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in

agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In

acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found

that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm

diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association

with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and

quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon

Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the

Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the

Andean people who had a deep history with the plant

Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)

The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-

blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including

quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and

people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food

18

Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people

and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo

where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated

varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo

associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the

Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous

Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world

Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong

association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and

the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity

thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side

Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived

colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency

The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can

contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a

decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now

primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good

way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In

contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the

crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment

coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an

important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long

term negative consequences

19

For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this

traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing

popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a

western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)

Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history

culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale

farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such

as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually

on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local

quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic

example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider

space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking

worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)

The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid

fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a

long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention

and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa

farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to

understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove

2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The

farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of

which lead directly to the global market

20

Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised

concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero

and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied

by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio

found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised

despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the

farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as

noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa

(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by

globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the

relationship between the two

While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the

Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done

by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)

Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls

larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the

remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a

collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The

social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity

(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity

focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important

factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops

were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which

21

emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in

the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into

the equation

Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social

organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)

Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the

question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and

there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call

for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)

Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out

consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of

crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets

The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity

consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a

polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and

various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market

through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular

color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead

to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes

Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers

and crop agrodiversity

Historic Overview

The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of

quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially

22

interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries

whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid

(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth

century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous

rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish

colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous

populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily

classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist

practices has transformed into a global commodity

Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the

Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan

past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the

bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial

classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies

ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and

quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity

for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a

multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as

well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of

discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due

to cultural beliefs

The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its

complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the

23

world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into

the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)

The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the

events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a

history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or

relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression

by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian

foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations

of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity

as a health food in the West

Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and

minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A

recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition

levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its

exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous

implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow

quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the

Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional

reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product

Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other

agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which

has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global

popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association

24

with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to

investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has

caused in the past

Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of

quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in

agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)

defines global food security as follows

Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life

This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security

through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also

inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to

reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local

farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss

Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices

Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on

participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study

describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern

changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance

The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of

Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)

as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie

et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru

(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in

25

the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange

location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa

agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I

obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a

long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several

extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place

during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with

the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I

traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana

Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero

I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)

and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these

100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale

vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field

researchers and relatives of two of the university professors

Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was

introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways

The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food

safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr

Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors

took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed

their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since

it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews

26

with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of

quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems

with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could

base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further

described in my research findings

Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in

Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research

station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this

field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this

field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I

took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on

a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and

surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these

participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts

The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience

sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of

Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a

representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an

outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city

for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set

of farmers

Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going

through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent

27

After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why

they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the

farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to

participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not

write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men

Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in

individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a

meeting

The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN

the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the

city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash

Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is

organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the

Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one

substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four

subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same

membership size and structure

The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining

COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people

getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the

future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important

issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings

they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change

28

At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for

processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes

threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in

large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and

removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further

described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and

global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote

factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts

that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market

presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a

website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global

market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local

farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the

members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their

harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in

Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study

A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I

personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-

structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student

volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and

record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to

the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and

29

met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal

informational and background interviews

As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a

variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the

local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two

agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition

regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather

data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten

Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government

official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa

agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of

the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication

which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or

comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4

Agrodiversity and Globalization

Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices

during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study

to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to

develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a

published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported

thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo

was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are

not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported

quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate

30

or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of

data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its

relationship to Andean farming culture

To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local

quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the

past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of

quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after

consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different

type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the

study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain

While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it

became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for

quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in

Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily

apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-

based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which

provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety

sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with

varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations

The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their

quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the

research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent

season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety

31

selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection

such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability

and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well

as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative

and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also

describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the

dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study

In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for

selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since

Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years

this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global

demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic

conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop

that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors

were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect

agrodiversity maintenance

External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity

maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well

as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of

Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for

the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced

large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the

external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts

32

Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect

agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for

quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than

using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus

quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end

product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred

color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-

grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market

pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a

few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other

characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in

Chapter 2

Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill

et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm

diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby

1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of

potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions

a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any

given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often

select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as

early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity

maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-

based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested

33

these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-

scale farmers

Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited

characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean

farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa

Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US

supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product

the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale

benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale

distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time

allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is

in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would

be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance

In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was

reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-

Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and

community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced

varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However

due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin

(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo

(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with

development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the

preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of

34

this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context

of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also

analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa

agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts

In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming

practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization

in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual

relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique

history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from

domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans

and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian

foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not

necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean

people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh

aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and

quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and

nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection

playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences

such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly

diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal

husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided

Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh

environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the

35

agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time

of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity

maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western

agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different

quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into

agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for

variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety

selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the

future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type

practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the

dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further

agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-

long partners ndash Andean farmers

36

CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People

This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the

present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a

long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-

plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little

known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market

expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it

associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa

its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the

nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the

natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has

had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate

about the present and future conservation practices

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the

world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated

plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to

cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and

ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity

(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity

The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants

is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera

37

1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of

biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant

diversity

Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for

continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human

behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of

plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or

enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms

(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the

latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to

reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase

survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed

development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith

1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer

seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a

thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an

archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions

cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus

seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in

domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated

versions and hence human intervention

The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of

traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed

38

independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most

important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of

domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants

which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with

the Americas (Rivera 1998)

Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including

potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes

(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity

than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known

agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent

notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium

pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or

love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al

2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the

excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time

high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be

found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans

and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific

discoveries about this plant

The Fox and the Condor

The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in

ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin

story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called

39

The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from

starving recounted below

The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The

condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch

anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox

sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a

ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The

others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back

to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox

says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the

earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the

food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha

and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods

ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it

is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as

described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival

This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of

the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand

the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue

living in the otherwise harsh environment

What is Quinoa

Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a

domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South

America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a

40

pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a

primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things

it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments

(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide

variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates

Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2

m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits

(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa

grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al

2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection

discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated

varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as

previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain

exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains

Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely

known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones

and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala

Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a

wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily

detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the

grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-

related characteristics beyond color

41

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species

The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and

communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)

ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this

point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)

Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about

natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs

and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and

understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-

going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as

quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans

Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The

Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which

are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the

Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with

Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change

regarding the scientific classification of quinoa

Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been

misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For

example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds

1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field

work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to

establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports

In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the

42

pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the

usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for

analysis

Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is

due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones

encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked

phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and

Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems

attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of

attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of

genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great

agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in

a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and

species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying

and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in

Chapter 4

Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant

that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single

pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic

complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity

Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250

species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and

new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently

43

was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass

crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum

is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is

spread across the globe

Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean

classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having

ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson

199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated

Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated

Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson

and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World

Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes

Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-

Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)

In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and

wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite

and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri

ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct

Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C

boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006

Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp

zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across

the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into

44

Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi

Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum

has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the

Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South

Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that

grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity

It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C

berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill

2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were

domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis

indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be

more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies

between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa

and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)

Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and

huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for

great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp

zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)

Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species

including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The

quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original

ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American

origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split

45

occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has

been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the

quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further

hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-

industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the

quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies

involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the

large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not

presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise

dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation

of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent

and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future

History of Quinoa in the Andes

Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years

Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as

15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the

archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa

plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an

important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)

Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on

them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and

Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth

of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa

46

Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its

current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical

association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has

vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily

available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of

quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The

relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic

fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent

(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to

imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran

19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the

concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have

been connected in time and space with the plant

Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes

and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations

over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and

potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the

harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into

European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and

potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world

Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact

(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or

mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca

47

above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce

fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of

harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and

so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama

holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in

Argentina

Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360

Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of

European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the

reverence for Pachamama

48

Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their

agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa

2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al

(2013) specifically listed magic

The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus

threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in

discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful

alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous

foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period

(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production

relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its

production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)

Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous

local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was

noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)

providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was

considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory

reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be

inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic

research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people

with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although

49

quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food

revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the

Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status

associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with

competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production

declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European

contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa

Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo

another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of

sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased

competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline

in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain

apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)

although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was

apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the

value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities

continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still

present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the

biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of

Andean agriculture and ecosystems

Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled

with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford

50

1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming

quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the

seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as

well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have

contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times

While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years

South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a

domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are

responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)

so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity

through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by

European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that

maintained traditional knowledge and practices

While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described

across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American

explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean

quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including

Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-

grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th

centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead

1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of

Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow

red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while

51

acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-

consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor

(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the

Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of

quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely

known

While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists

continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the

1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the

Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a

plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-

known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that

the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive

In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and

noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In

1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops

(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread

out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and

nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does

not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a

Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the

botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the

Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence

52

of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone

growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both

color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat

interchangeably

While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead

1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the

nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003

Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South

America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals

and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43

published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which

were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about

quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely

distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the

world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread

publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with

the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global

consumption

The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in

1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier

range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer

1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador

Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds

53

reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other

cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with

the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of

quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)

however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and

Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs

In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno

Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and

consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern

science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American

scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor

collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al

1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who

extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they

ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in

favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean

products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also

affected by this bias

Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global

market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional

value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a

high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with

processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal

54

process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the

Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos

Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the

border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national

quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main

producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also

cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is

also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world

In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later

acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned

organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)

The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book

in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of

Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including

the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean

people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded

Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the

ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people

through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented

that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing

its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo

(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with

both viewed together through a socio-economic lens

55

The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)

who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of

quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed

complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the

domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial

areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including

the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a

place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes

from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was

a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and

culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and

plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live

side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both

survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while

Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a

production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts

prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the

world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional

food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its

noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western

world

Resurgence of Quinoa

Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it

was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and

56

Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids

including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining

nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and

speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the

species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by

ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide

market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health

food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US

expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers

Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be

the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This

proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated

years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity

and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such

accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this

status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN

2011b)

Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals

57

Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important

issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN

acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have

conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged

the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the

environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably

the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the

quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and

landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about

the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people

who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a

UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean

people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint

contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing

an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can

lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and

support of UN Millennium Goals

What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world

market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice

58

(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes

including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa

originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was

taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across

the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was

not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus

for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable

shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes

and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly

nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation

While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in

various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however

the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador

although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across

the world including the US and Canada

Source Bazile et al 2014

Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013

59

The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent

although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US

Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from

1900 to 2014

Source Bazile et al 2016

Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa

The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with

increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN

Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other

countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of

quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated

with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers

association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from

the 1980s to the present

60

Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export

more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow

quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa

exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington

Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved

in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods

Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker

Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company

to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa

include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California

Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows

and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and

Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and

there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large

multi-national industrial agriculture corporations

Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa

Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by

the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community

quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation

into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa

Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-

3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had

144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the

variety (Murphy et al 2016)

61

Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa

PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g

QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22

Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181

Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein

(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein

meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school

children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human

growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its

protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc

content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium

phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)

Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et

al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad

cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also

contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell

membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-

Carrasco et al 2003)

The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5

sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to

its high fiber content (UN 2011a)

62

In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total

dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN

2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of

time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit

and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)

Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These

two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders

caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various

properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo

Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as

wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of

quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa

is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being

touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to

cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al

2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today

Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the

global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the

farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa

which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship

How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa

Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal

consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization

has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section

63

describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products

are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of

the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily

consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual

cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between

traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more

traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within

species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with

agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link

Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary

focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and

leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also

consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is

commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive

and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy

Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews

2012

64

Food

As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is

consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have

different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although

there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties

In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain

recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for

different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used

for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et

al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans

have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which

underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on

culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and

farmer variety selection

Grain Products

The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently

consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part

quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice

although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The

grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske

which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for

the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared

like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed

65

Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of

chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and

sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure

prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that

quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka

celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from

quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru

beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony

A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing

combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which

are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and

convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer

product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in

villages or by farmers

66

Processed Quinoa

While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold

commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further

processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can

be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as

products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes

for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for

baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it

makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute

for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies

Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added

to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa

smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable

breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines

quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores

in the United States including pasta and baby food

In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the

length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the

winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important

step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need

to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer

layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is

exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different

stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most

67

quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional

rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case

Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The

traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using

an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a

child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind

stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this

childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants

agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they

can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of

modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who

makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to

make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant

in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption

Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image

credit Deborah Andrews 2014

68

Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from

rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora

is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa

dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips

Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial

purposes

Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

Medicine

While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa

plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine

The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)

Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation

relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN

2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever

69

urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss

of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness

anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in

addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is

traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments

Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional

medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional

medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not

normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter

however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to

broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used

for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research

on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)

providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent

scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price

since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and

studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes

(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has

antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and

antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have

medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or

therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity

70

Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In

the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high

altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from

the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The

stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as

compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and

scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties

with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity

Ritual Uses

Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in

Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs

and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as

birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from

their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close

relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal

2015)

As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)

Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral

ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most

well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology

Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour

preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and

celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan

Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa

71

The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they

use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to

their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make

figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other

symbols

One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant

Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa

jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration

for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig

blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly

and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production

Consumer Products

Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and

coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer

products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture

of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa

(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before

consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the

plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil

shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red

quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye

72

Animal Forage

The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are

used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals

however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in

Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be

marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does

not grow well

During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development

projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain

waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the

ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens

were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while

I observed farming demonstrations

One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to

become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the

introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would

be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high

elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10

chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than

commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped

into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental

conditions

73

Fuel

The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is

available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and

oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root

foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-

8)

A B

C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa

stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015

74

There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition

to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other

consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array

of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but

which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and

non-traditional

Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017

Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa

Negative Local Health Effects

One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the

indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the

concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase

75

may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-

nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market

demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa

tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher

than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter

3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not

proceeded without social debate

Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market

expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use

of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using

them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on

non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect

on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also

reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated

ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted

for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental

and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand

for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary

changes

The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to

global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too

expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an

article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the

76

fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)

In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the

argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that

quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey

2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the

high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the

loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is

continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since

there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor

diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa

consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)

Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that

consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands

The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems

well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not

the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been

occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a

prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food

source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the

increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of

preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A

common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time

77

that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw

grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes

While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into

Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of

ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino

a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to

the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the

farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue

of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects

vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price

While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent

analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while

quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004

quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period

from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which

Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the

diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly

concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in

household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger

increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the

quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the

price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be

determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers

78

The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by

Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates

including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and

the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced

crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of

poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science

confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source

Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the

20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim

Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace

in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy

restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness

of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used

quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)

Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the

world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a

change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to

science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional

knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past

denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing

conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study

of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics

As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested

79

notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)

Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean

identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The

globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by

Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-

driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as

scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches

While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the

question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its

survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate

In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its

usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage

uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not

worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status

and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to

world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are

often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its

history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and

preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the

Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced

knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either

the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will

explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market

80

CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND

WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME

This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the

market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers

go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale

there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern

changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that

the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the

agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa

farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the

traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of

quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that

have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how

these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

Diversification and the Environment

Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of

ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this

extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes

Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be

grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can

grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato

As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most

important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of

quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000

81

meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there

can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In

some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen

2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little

organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)

Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and

varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just

as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean

environment quinoa has too

In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the

agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most

Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms

can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small

farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder

farms in the altiplano

Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly

diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop

(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme

climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the

same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under

various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will

thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a

traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices

82

due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems

for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of

quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-

zone

What are the Current Farming Practices

Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing

shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen

2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included

the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers

first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a

tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent

one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor

and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting

In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported

in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)

These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing

practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance

(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil

moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study

has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers

(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with

looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a

cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized

tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of

83

any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for

the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist

with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms

having no adult men present

In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging

areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands

have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as

the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can

lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include

environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion

and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the

productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe

or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to

irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip

with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the

altiplano if they have not done so already

Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and

also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers

let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a

current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the

soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other

crops of choice that grows in the altiplano

84

Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with

maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without

interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys

quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes

(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as

2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco

region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow

well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field

crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation

Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot

afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before

planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This

usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil

before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough

fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop

The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a

source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on

the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer

which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm

Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale

and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather

condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting

Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the

85

landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower

which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean

farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant

their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated

to cultural practice

In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa

planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop

Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing

season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first

blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for

the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for

sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of

the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of

September

With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN

2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period

Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the

altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation

the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by

hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual

maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same

field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties

planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully

86

select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that

mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the

traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage

of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same

time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be

harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same

variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening

and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be

planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and

traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of

quinoa

There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the

focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with

a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially

since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was

especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers

However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a

better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the

region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete

ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as

drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place

and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can

reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other

87

regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with

quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with

the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would

make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown

without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more

resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters

allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al

2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-

resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano

Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with

mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one

of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on

the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include

insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are

used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural

practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests

With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due

to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa

such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are

more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa

because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties

including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss

due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating

88

the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due

to pests

Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which

is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can

be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those

locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues

experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of

irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa

harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due

to the onset of cold

The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in

agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a

risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting

more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows

for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the

season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized

harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing

additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity

practices

Harvesting

Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry

After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This

delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is

a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed

89

during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the

exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora

The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held

sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that

added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that

some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout

the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the

same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is

cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry

The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack

hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to

expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other

available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop

(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice

that is not always followed

Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

90

Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on

weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage

of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers

rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the

stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates

the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed

much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to

separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that

the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the

mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product

Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12

people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying

and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the

farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10

for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative

to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be

difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor

Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from

the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

91

The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further

remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional

processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle

This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining

shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile

with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the

panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)

Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The

remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer

stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is

also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although

they can digest the green stalks

The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of

stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure

3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of

92

available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further

remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is

poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris

away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant

altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting

Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

93

Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of

removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this

process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the

birds so that they would not cry

Quinoa Processing

Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are

also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins

are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al

2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the

pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process

(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN

2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that

Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin

removal prior to eating

Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin

removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had

the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously

rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in

saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create

complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water

needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand

pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with

water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN

saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can

94

also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities

for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers

store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale

In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming

techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The

fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued

agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized

harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different

varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand

harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties

can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation

since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An

emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop

at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield

The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root

systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation

also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and

higher humidity

Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms

with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm

animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production

Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their

products on the market discussed in the next section

95

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market

Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next

step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their

product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their

products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers

at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa

on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section

discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market

expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market

access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for

networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes

Farmersrsquo Markets

Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of

Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most

vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground

For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped

out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale

Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

96

Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and

flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed

form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered

form (Figure 3-7)

Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as

commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and

commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for

the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the

vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it

Farmersrsquo Cooperatives

Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join

a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As

noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves

the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market

COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru

97

Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables

them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both

The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health

foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos

empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of

the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I

have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the

representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is

still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting

with outside contacts

COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to

selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed

to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their

education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the

seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4

men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds

The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4

COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an

organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN

formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social

network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014

they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought

their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they

98

purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified

that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It

would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the

people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new

practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This

discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in

another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not

necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth

which will be discussed in the section on price

COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their

harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national

and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well

as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized

market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market

The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the

farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and

the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and

thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory

has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional

drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on

black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for

drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is

gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last

99

steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of

the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)

Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by

the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but

also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was

limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to

foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of

its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in

foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN

seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available

purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in

a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would

be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople

COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each

farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each

100

farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally

consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received

wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired

internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the

farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on

purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day

was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa

on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than

percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped

dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa

grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa

pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing

In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high

demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to

the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with

other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners

of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it

appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for

intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or

end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors

selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their

inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many

distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially

101

maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their

inventory and maintain cash flow

Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition

from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which

almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers

could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price

increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more

quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in

2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year

and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was

restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of

production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent

changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers

and would be an interesting point for further study in the future

While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the

farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter

the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection

between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and

non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the

market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number

of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending

on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a

number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in

102

the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo

markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where

orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the

national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements

to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are

involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the

quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain

The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller

international sales of quinoa flour and flakes

Future Market Expansion

Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales

COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted

above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white

quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market

infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products

Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential

to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation

On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a

meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products

from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food

research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr

Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he

had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products

103

One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic

cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing

salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a

folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger

than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which

they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea

Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed

around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I

thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some

experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due

to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick

lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the

packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared

tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high

nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa

While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what

other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close

to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining

ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat

consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial

market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that

would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved

forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture

104

would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon

return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food

products available in local grocery stores

Agricultural Fairs

Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market

contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and

provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is

informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is

held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in

the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United

States

The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not

notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the

fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place

throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able

to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to

be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate

different ways to consume it

There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products

Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were

displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display

included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were

prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies

105

were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items

included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative

One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice

cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it

out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was

subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair

a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice

cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then

realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the

honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice

cream could be a hit in the United States

The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the

finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the

individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths

had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One

display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was

red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the

potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and

purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same

as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant

activity

One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending

quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an

106

ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to

the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my

hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass

given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise

downed the whole glass

Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking

demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake

Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep

fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I

said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr

Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and

popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise

Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather

and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are

a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for

quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be

a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to

maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of

quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance

since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values

107

Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015

Pricing

Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market

that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream

grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase

production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa

occurred in Peru as well as in other countries

Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising

three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)

Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled

(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price

dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global

market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001

to 2014

108

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014

While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data

Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike

in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production

volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos

annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus

taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than

doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold

production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru

in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the

subsequent drop in price

Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity

and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth

in Figure 3-11

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Vo

lum

e in

Met

ric

ton

s

Year

QUINOA PRODUCTION

Peru Bolivia

109

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003

According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of

sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A

similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)

Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno

Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

19

91

19

92

19

93

19

94

19

95

19

96

19

97

19

98

19

99

20

00

20

01

20

02

20

03

20

04

20

05

20

06

20

07

20

08

20

09

20

10

20

11

20

12

20

13

20

14

US

Do

llars

pe

r to

n

Peru Quinoa Producer Prices

Value

0

05

1

15

2

25

3

35

4

45

Sole

s p

er

kilo

gram

Years

Puno Producer Prices

110

As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went

down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a

dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other

countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly

supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to

grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa

production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)

Source Hudson 2015

Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop

The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to

August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the

period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In

2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently

13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people

were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from

111

the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the

reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and

mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I

returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015

Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back

down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these

price changes have had on quinoa producers

I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I

had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said

that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer

However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to

increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other

segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN

Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase

practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were

delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the

global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned

cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial

sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six

months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their

farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized

vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and

transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and

112

as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN

however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all

of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any

given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-

week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa

Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa

on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members

and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that

they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from

whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others

than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its

own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers

who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative

became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN

Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as

demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very

skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was

in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-

members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new

practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this

development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot

report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local

market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during

113

its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were

previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially

in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues

primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the

demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a

period of time

The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided

insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had

stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and

delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were

indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research

reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the

increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi

and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited

other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including

areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a

shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a

number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional

grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on

the market was not a consideration during the boom times

While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the

color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN

management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in

114

2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal

value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa

which is red white and black

The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the

COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white

quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per

arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained

agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things

occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped

substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white

quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance

practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers

who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame

While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears

that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not

dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the

period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black

quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have

predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be

published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the

consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported

health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific

1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos

115

studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all

reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the

quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus

on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are

usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and

both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa

nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)

however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial

production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other

considerations such as biodiversity maintenance

Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies

range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to

memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The

traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to

the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation

times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines

allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it

relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is

reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of

climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of

pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for

sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a

market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be

116

consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction

to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the

partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with

an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem

and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides

are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons

to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop

success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer

demands

It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take

into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not

distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015

however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the

lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30

more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well

as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price

drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects

that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur

in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-

based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found

demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level

There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers

In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by

117

competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have

different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food

to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While

the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten

years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-

scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the

addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global

market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next

chapter

118

CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING

A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and

agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of

the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study

period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in

selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter

also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related

to these subjects

Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is

essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate

change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human

selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the

desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental

stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that

farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a

variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al

2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the

creation and maintenance of an array of varieties

Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by

maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of

colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food

119

product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be

fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through

domination of market-driven desired product characteristics

While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global

market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)

and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet

and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important

characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the

market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product

that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which

took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for

sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same

colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as

larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices

however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color

while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing

the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in

collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can

also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an

array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product

identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors

efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance

120

While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is

not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some

people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red

quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of

quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about

the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names

to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the

plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural

salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and

this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the

Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-

embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the

variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain

size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself

necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the

specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use

accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a

link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge

relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers

Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a

domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human

selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics

located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among

121

and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity

can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of

seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of

thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting

improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)

Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa

species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by

ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural

selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside

domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa

plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While

many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-

seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis

has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et

al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such

varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the

wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore

contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus

nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo

practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant

With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding

a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the

Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and

122

wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same

time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and

domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian

species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of

the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean

varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even

within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human

selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The

continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of

the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the

agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding

varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate

change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on

sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is

already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus

continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa

that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of

agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species

To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species

quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes

favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not

123

account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the

observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety

of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important

cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to

both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural

and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity

especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple

threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)

states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires

concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the

Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other

humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa

helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified

Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture

local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno

The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make

annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to

the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes

are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences

As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since

the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason

they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not

derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional

124

culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has

a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk

classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up

and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research

discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a

gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the

farmers

While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical

and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are

other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of

scientific classificatory schemes is that

Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)

In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human

element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on

morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of

external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective

on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered

people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the

economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the

spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the

local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has

125

affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient

features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture

The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis

and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains

are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as

belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains

determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-

biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can

provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together

based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk

taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute

to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification

When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa

market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After

all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species

What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were

hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps

thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous

times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published

research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this

information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork

that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I

had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals

126

and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a

Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located

While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report

(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure

does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species

that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a

species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a

comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent

of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction

plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species

including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity

exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper

Farmersrsquo Knowledge

Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector

I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe

logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names

that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the

people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and

experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)

ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also

the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical

knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well

as cultural adaptations and changes

127

To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of

quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers

(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa

varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students

from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered

quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a

total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that

the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or

used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from

the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and

demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also

conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the

participants

During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify

different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often

used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same

species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics

that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a

variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name

The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties

1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable

128

express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select

seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant

This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that

they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable

characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and

organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different

scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species

level

Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash

farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify

quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus

the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to

humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson

noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive

mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus

the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated

with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to

identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the

names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological

classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called

peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and

people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with

129

classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in

some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature

In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a

commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem

with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa

without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the

research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms

especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was

after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific

classification systems arose

Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa

names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications

Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the

accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other

identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the

sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and

included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207

names of varieties some going back over 70 years

Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as

easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made

about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there

was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic

pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and

130

put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the

various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping

I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one

farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which

he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names

which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given

different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a

different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the

State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)

In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate

overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed

this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local

farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and

Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus

for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in

Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the

purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific

varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the

farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in

the scientific literature that I reviewed

Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr

Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is

131

an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the

scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I

removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods

and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying

chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in

ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity

parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus

while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa

demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)

talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the

scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I

have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and

revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness

In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office

in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples

of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13

varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)

The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than

noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able

to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of

gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in

finding names in places outside of publications

132

Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012

Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru

Rank Variety

1 Amarilla Marangani

2 Blanca de Juli

3 Kancolla

4 Blanca de Junin

5 Hualhuas

6 Huancayo

7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano

8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca

9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana

10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla

11 Illpa INIA

12 Salcedo INIA

13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013

As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names

to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most

comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my

collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with

133

the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different

quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they

were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a

list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book

to extract the names

Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)

referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did

not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like

Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In

compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other

researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014

Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the

altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from

Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties

After reviewing published academic research governmental documents

consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a

comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the

farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37

that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but

three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished

names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara

language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive

environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific

134

knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-

laden environment

The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the

evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I

encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa

names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be

comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially

since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes

differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the

quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the

two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern

variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting

point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such

as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional

absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than

accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to

farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to

provide consistency

As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the

use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination

was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the

field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard

135

to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the

biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)

Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is

contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first

used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather

populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria

such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)

says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological

characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)

definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows

Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)

Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on

historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes

are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has

not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the

association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term

ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not

when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace

acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these

136

varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the

term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or

if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way

the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into

accepted categories is not a simple task

Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and

have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of

quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations

Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species

(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa

types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not

synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the

same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage

While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different

varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working

domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a

grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species

as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related

varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several

varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race

While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the

species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification

system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large

137

number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of

quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct

groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)

Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic

distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification

category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems

While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg

Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently

Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and

have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and

Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)

The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between

species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete

varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic

organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the

names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are

used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla

pasankalla and roja among others

Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-

groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca

Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since

they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on

differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the

138

individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and

cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly

anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates

the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking

plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city

names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers

who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired

morphological characteristics

In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with

subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)

Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name

White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla

quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla

Source Tapia et al (2014)

Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my

research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years

covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity

pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90

farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps

an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which

could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting

question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline

was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties

139

(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can

be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof

to social networks including formal organizations

With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I

have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use

One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten

which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten

and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I

studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further

described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial

sale

In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)

Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified

primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for

each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race

Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples

1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa

Source Mujica et al 2013

These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al

(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-

140

Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with

altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al

(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-

Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al

(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not

include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while

these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification

scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually

overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize

classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a

consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification

system

In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the

wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of

species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument

yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild

relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other

domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the

race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara

acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two

types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also

have domesticated characteristics

141

Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know

and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except

for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish

conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to

group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to

provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its

usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a

particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further

organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a

wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa

While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa

it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end

products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the

grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that

can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market

with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a

much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the

farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names

including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow

(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al

(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications

of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In

addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent

142

and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of

color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not

identifying a specific variety

In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a

specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color

form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten

identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern

Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety

Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different

fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana

(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples

rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana

either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of

the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name

such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla

rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types

into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both

strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and

variety that passes on color-based information about the variety

Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain

color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package

For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly

distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the

143

intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained

any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences

Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-

driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to

knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package

that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled

ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety

for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely

distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information

may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of

diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of

the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to

base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to

demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity

preservation

The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of

knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the

possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other

quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and

collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide

ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also

reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This

research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano

144

farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of

quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names

Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are

needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of

classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment

of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be

conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection

based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional

information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary

properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa

variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety

knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research

may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield

While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and

which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are

associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)

sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the

product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural

connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still

wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful

especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to

maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate

transportation marketing and other costs

145

To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried

out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of

several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of

quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative

purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was

used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned

the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic

The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same

amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest

panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the

grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all

extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table

4-4)

Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos

Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900

Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by

the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a

plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent

of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests

146

While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an

experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans

placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The

researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even

though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response

however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the

earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on

my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers

loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was

visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that

had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I

observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating

some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews

where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that

attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a

factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the

global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation

Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead

yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers

made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in

the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about

the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo

characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest

147

infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past

information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align

In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties

based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment

choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the

highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this

variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi

which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year

Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for

the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both

of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et

al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with

kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla

is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo

INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences

farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most

frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed

ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not

planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties

most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not

necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this

experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-

hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be

148

some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even

marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the

climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield

obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted

varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be

grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most

frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government

agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo

practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and

features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions

How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant

To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and

interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that

they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in

this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were

linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and

UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is

important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and

others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of

change due to globalization and outside consumer influences

As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had

planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was

28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to

twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm

149

selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of

specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably

this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In

addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds

90

Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties

Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)

1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6

Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA

The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew

blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as

does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the

study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow

unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in

different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based

on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting

question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the

connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this

150

variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed

further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection

and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety

called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the

farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not

list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history

of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers

This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of

sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of

salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may

not completely explain its dominance

Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown

by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only

grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single

female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each

(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and

plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers

and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent

on a small number of farmers

To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown

by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-

student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The

151

average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old

the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old

The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-

op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and

female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers

with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and

thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on

the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who

participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to

their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages

although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups

The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of

these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of

farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university

farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in

the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of

Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although

the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more

extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the

student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not

grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the

university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university

farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller

152

number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance

of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one

with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age

differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including

flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity

maintenance

Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24

Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35

27

2018

16

54

2

Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Blanca de Juli

Kancolla

Chulpi

Choclito

14

8

9

11115

87653

Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Kancolla

Blanca

Coito

Blanca de Juli

Negra

153

With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the

average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average

number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as

gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229

varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older

farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this

measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened

degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions

between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to

the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed

by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos

data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-

op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the

students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further

discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however

does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are

growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties

Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown

Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)

Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265

To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions

among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35

co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table

154

4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group

growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more

co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one

group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding

the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity

maintenance

Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties

Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers

Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29

With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers

there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females

versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most

frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could

be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but

I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic

affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety

This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female

farmers that could be explored in the future

Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university

farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9

versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only

grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only

one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small

155

(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender

differences in agrodiversity maintenance

For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a

season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a

tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on

average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females

however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for

males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female

farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One

particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm

during a single season further discussed below

To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the

farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised

for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety

selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the

farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for

personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces

as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select

seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons

for seed selection to see if they still remained true

Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they

grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30

female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well

156

and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The

farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-

10)

Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection

Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses

Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15

While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given

reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local

environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were

1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)

2) frost resistance (10 responses) and

3) resists climate change (3 responses)

While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the

altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost

resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late

in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the

season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the

reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could

survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not

thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the

varying conditions of the harsh environment

157

The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is

consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)

Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions

including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example

Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are

adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold

temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and

thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason

consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh

altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive

drought cold and salt

The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield

accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18

responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4

responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more

grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to

each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does

not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being

twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in

size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These

findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and

provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an

important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to

158

have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the

farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow

While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on

their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not

the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases

leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew

201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not

have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more

adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara

The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a

total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were

1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)

2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and

3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)

The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in

variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as

blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term

amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white

quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this

trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten

responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows

more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers

159

The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the

availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some

purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some

farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual

seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a

realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the

seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability

which further inhibits their conservation

A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest

resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter

varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents

listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers

specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection

While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no

suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties

In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The

first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly

relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in

obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of

the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third

category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user

With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are

important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety

160

selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to

Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more

variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if

culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo

response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage

This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at

least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years

ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures

of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to

grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which

agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on

how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I

asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties

no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to

availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties

grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the

more obscure varieties

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices

Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety

selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources

and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has

been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al

161

(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean

farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with

neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)

found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties

consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge

(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study

For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties

need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes

where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds

Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds

Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the

prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of

seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed

selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires

knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for

seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further

described in the next section

Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage

Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100

162

While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in

this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that

they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA

(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project

(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that

the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they

collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers

collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other

considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm

As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency

is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments

has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived

from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of

the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production

including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA

representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not

surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains

collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from

using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices

providing them with the benefit of seed independence2

2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act

163

Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the

varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that

originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA

were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic

certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN

has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements

of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not

purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties

needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with

farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with

the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant

INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased

seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that

thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered

organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of

organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with

the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not

afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining

organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source

Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed

experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge

in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same

level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups

164

and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes

(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered

expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and

there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to

outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas

are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of

qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds

During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects

semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016

they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using

semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN

selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I

interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions

between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is

quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to

agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection

Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals

farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held

across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to

quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to

county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products

including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and

musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as

165

food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site

consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour

and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs

have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage

production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large

inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about

agrodiversity

In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future

crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but

seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-

saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the

same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available

however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA

however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of

commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection

the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have

seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds

likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially

due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to

shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the

readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other

varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of

existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an

166

important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be

conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by

semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of

agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor

The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity

maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-

use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic

diversity

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity

Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary

of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number

of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop

Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration

noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for

farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains

on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for

the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports

yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were

selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next

generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed

selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as

compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the

actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well

167

as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the

desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds

Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency

Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89

Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants

can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term

ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate

which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were

noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an

important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50

of the responses for selection

Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or

strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of

environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield

By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive

168

plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants

in the vicinity

Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed

selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the

plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a

frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer

evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future

seed selection

Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the

cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a

specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa

harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants

in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is

not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering

of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can

easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique

also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners

can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed

early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first

plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation

While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions

additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was

a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the

169

evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as

well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight

There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number

of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for

selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the

pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection

meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the

seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety

Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection

indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic

market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the

decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with

maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices

then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification

is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that

was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the

concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community

One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as

a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use

of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the

operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the

number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant

170

preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final

consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting

In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa

seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field

or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of

factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting

season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which

demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by

cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety

selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of

the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the

same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation

Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate

good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to

comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with

the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which

variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be

similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better

environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties

Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion

strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware

of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as

well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration

171

and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation

since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential

While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop

that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits

choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to

farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based

on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between

presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential

predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white

varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into

consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global

market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not

appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since

the variety name rarely appears on labels

As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety

distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence

agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the

culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use

there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-

white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in

the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated

benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the

most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity

172

maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety

distinctions

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection

Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the

distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in

Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la

Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated

gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender

distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often

more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence

agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of

crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn

(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men

demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)

With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the

eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the

exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed

exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-

community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection

Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select

seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos

emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and

cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection

can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch

173

molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al

2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender

aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight

into the nuances and complexities of this intersection

New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by

female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity

sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this

understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had

a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region

According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and

who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than

men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that

women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead

bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or

exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that

women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally

observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his

mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in

and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her

husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional

practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that

such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in

seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of

174

women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected

several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection

demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women

Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

A Female Semillista Example

Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the

community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often

well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of

COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well

known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with

specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a

number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa

varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a

child

Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved

in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by

management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the

population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming

175

She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has

grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and

was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr

Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica

who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide

information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name

but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties

Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them

on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa

varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in

this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field

(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I

have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her

life-long interest in quinoa diversity

Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

176

Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and

carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-

2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were

not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to

conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life

she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered

from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields

and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not

sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays

these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her

seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing

my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display

At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a

table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were

some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label

Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

177

The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below

bull Ajara inerto

bull Ajara negro

bull Blanca de Juli

bull Camacani

bull Cheweca

bull Chile

bull Choclo kancolla

bull Chucapaca

bull Chullpi Amarillo

bull Chullpi blanca

bull Chullpi roja

bull Cuchi willa

bull INIA Ilpa

bull INIA Salcedo

bull INIA Salcedo rosa

bull Kamire

bull Kancolla roja

bull Kancolla rosada

bull Koscosa

bull Marangani

bull Mesa quinoa

bull Mestiza

bull Negra collana I

bull Panela

bull Pasancalla plomo

bull Quinus misturas

bull Rosada junin

bull Rosada taraco

bull Sajama

bull Tahuaco

bull Vizallanino

Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred

INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She

uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She

always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather

Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows

178

the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds

requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is

implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting

crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in

risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional

ecological knowledge

I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she

was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was

familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the

plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her

depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been

identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red

and is also called misa quinoa

Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and

has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does

not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains

When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds

for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects

varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also

seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this

179

study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from

the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from

other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an

interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes

Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of

the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were

used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)

Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color

Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca

Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is

toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help

with pain

Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around

them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is

called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa

harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa

seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the

healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches

from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the

plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season

180

What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection

While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct

gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in

2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to

obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed

experts

An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling

good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as

farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make

arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is

rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly

pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large

and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall

to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa

Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra

Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he

decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this

organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic

certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected

to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa

for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they

purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was

still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he

received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his

181

involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price

While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate

in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until

he could get a better price

Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds

on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa

(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his

agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A

Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32

Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was

broad agrodiversity

This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male

and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)

appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male

crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men

highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional

female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further

study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa

production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding

varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of

agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa

products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further

articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance

182

These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or

indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men

and women

Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused

on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal

interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took

personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa

varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is

enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during

a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any

necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through

seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds

Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

183

Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species

the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This

research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa

variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from

published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian

184

altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional

quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the

importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study

also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also

experimenting with new quinoa varieties

The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the

need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of

quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common

characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological

zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional

categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is

commonly used

Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number

of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate

adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather

conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating

the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the

success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are

important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to

varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice

While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual

yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by

increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important

185

the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the

encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-

resistant varieties can influence yield

The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which

relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa

was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a

variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also

become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary

qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition

demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated

with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level

Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods

continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in

the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected

by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian

cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the

exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties

become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make

a difference in consumer-driven market demand

While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific

reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so

prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types

186

such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance

in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet

this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While

the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the

demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered

against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the

demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white

quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers

who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa

including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who

solely grew white quinoa

An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many

farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed

selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas

Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by

INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection

While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a

published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment

demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was

relatively high

Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who

serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance

187

While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on

yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are

important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender

differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to

agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices

There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of

quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited

number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing

the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus

quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties

may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers

41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these

41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period

were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not

growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of

current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory

of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the

establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a

starting point that can be further developed and studied

188

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa

farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa

market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a

degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow

more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of

planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a

crop due to climatic conditions or infestation

Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what

variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold

drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The

importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional

risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in

the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by

women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The

efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to

the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour

production

The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-

factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed

selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of

semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government

agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of

189

seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices

In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential

yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some

of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving

agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations

Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of

quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as

compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to

teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge

by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence

other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas

Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance

since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows

for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more

mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire

crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to

be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest

Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For

example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary

diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa

agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also

promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear

that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca

190

civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by

COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa

agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and

baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation

Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve

quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro

and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is

another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste

variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that

variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that

serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded

cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa

Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity

The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa

including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful

selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices

dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded

conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to

market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products

use different varieties based on their culinary properties

Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing

population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the

191

biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given

the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate

change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in

understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative

consequences

Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history

includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of

the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the

history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards

due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as

well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural

significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value

of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to

maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption

Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research

demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports

and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While

quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which

provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from

many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity

and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study

found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different

kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about

192

30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different

environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected

that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the

30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the

numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties

were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the

63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not

grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by

Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of

Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two

hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting

a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa

However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented

only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of

quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative

effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca

is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may

account for greater diversity results

There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be

maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both

maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different

varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red

black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional

193

scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the

consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian

efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary

schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes

that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics

Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also

conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different

types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can

boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation

into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive

different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety

diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather

and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be

discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or

governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a

consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection

Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance

is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of

quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market

entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for

the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored

quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global

quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the

194

unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market

hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the

colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique

nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the

market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded

agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline

While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties

to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white

quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors

is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with

red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a

market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white

quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving

global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open

and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market

The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the

results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet

only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of

varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the

Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences

already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects

found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after

Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication

195

date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already

altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my

study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety

grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before

this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on

farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs

The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed

selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had

already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a

silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can

provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa

conservation going forward

Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor

in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic

especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen

through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important

factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides

the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional

differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect

on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge

can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market

diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is

196

an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation

practices that can be rewarded by the market

In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and

medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity

conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in

traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect

of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and

domesticated varieties

The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in

understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor

the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated

and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies

The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in

understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many

different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of

organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings

Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-

species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties

and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the

varieties including morphological as well as cultural information

The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon

independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help

funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas

197

and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research

should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation

especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the

conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be

quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings

that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate

the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly

are doing more for conservation than many government programs

Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer

population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming

tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is

unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa

conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs

that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies

that can help improve quinoa production

Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production

and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men

controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women

are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there

appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact

with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of

many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done

in markets across time

198

There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and

how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean

people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the

complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter

these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe

it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species

that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing

popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa

agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who

personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade

199

APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES

NAME SOURCE

Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014

Achachino Mujica et al 201361

Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014

Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna

Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A

Ajara inerto Expert A

Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392

Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460

Amallado Farmer survey 2014

Amaltado Farmer survey 2014

Amargas Mujica et al 2013

Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)

Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013

Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90

Antawara real Mujica et al 201397

Atacama Mujica et al 201362

Atlas Jarvis et al 2017

Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361

Baer II Mujica et al 201362

Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014

Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015

Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014

Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A

Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A

Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169

Camiri Mujica et al 201369

Canchones Mujica et al 201362

Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014

Carina red Jarvis et al 2017

200

Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943

Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144

Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014

Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013

Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382

Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017

Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Chile Expert A

Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77

Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Choclo kancolla Expert A

Chola Hunziker 1943

Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A

Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A

Chullpi Amarillo Expert A

Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A

Chupica witulla Tapia 2014

Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477

Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection

Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014

Cochabamba Tapia 2014

AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu

Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014

ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943

Copacabana Tapia 2014

Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A

Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014

Cunaccota Tapia 2014

Dahue Hunziker 1943

Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014

ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361

Faro Mujica et al 201321 62

Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Granolada Farmer Survey 2014

Gris Hunziker 1943

Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna

Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

201

Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014

Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361

Huacataz Mujica et al 201361

Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013

Huallhas Mujica et al 201369

Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015

Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Huaranga Mujica et al 201361

Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361

Hueque Fuentes et al 2012

IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382

IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382

Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A

Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012

INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368

INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361

INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)

Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361

Islunga Mujica et al 201321

Jana Hunziker 1943

Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura

Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014

Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Jaru ckello Tapia 2014

Javi Fuentes et al 2012

Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943

Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014

Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014

Jujuy Mujica et al 201369

Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362

Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362

Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Juraj Farmer Survey 2014

Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A

KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Kancolla roja Expert A

Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A

Kcana ckello Tapia 2014

Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013

Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014

202

Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito

Koscosa Expert A

Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017

Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017

Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390

Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382

Lipena Mujica et al 201361

Lito Mujica et al 201321 62

Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014

Maniquena Mujica et al 201361

Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69

Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A

Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361

Mau Fuentes et al 2012

Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Millmi Hunziker 1943

MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Nameya ayara Tapia 201477

Namora Mujica et al 201361

Narino Mujica et al 201362

Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369

Negroa Farmer Survey 2014

Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A

Ollague Jarvis et al 2017

Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103

Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012

Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Pandela rosada INIA photo collection

Parakai Hunziker 1943

Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014

Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013

Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label

Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A

Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460

Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460

Phera Farmer Survey 2014

Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015

Plomao Farmer Survey 2014

Potosi Tapia 2014

Puc Fuentes et al 2012

Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78

203

Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382

Qillu ayara Tapia 201477

Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013

Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014

Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361

Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369

Regalona Jarvis et al 2017

Robura Mujica et al 201361

Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361

Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014

Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014

Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014

Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369

Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014

Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361

Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468

Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014

Samaranti Mujica et al 201361

Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Sayana Mujica et al 201361

Senora Mujica et al 201361 90

Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321

Tabacomi Tapia 201468

Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Toledo Mujica et al 201361

Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321

Tupiza Mujica et al 201321

Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97

Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90

Utusaya Mujica et al 201361

Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014

Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety

Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390

Wila ayara Tapia 201477

Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398

Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478

Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014

Yana quinua Hunziker 1943

204

Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382

Yujiura Tapia 201465

205

APPENDIX B

RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA

Races of the Altiplano

1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla

Races of Inter-Andean Valleys

Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)

Races of Junin

16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)

Races of Ancash

19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)

Races of Cajamarca

23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada

Source Tapia et al (2014)

206

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Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes

en Los Andes y sus Parientes Silvestres In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peruacute Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute

Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del

presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile

Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford

University Press Murphy Kevin M Didier Bazile Julianne Kellogg Maryam Rahmanian 2016 Development of a Worldwide Consortium on Evolutionary Participatory Breeding

in Quinoa Frontiers in Plant Science 7608 National Research Council 1989 Lost Crops of the Inca Little-Known Plants of the Andes with Promise for

Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of

Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc

Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of

Anthropology 25329-53

214

Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical

exchanges Human Organization 62(3)242-254 Pickersgill Barbara 2007 Domestication of Plants in the Americas Insights from Mendelian and Molecular

Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article

Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93

Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany

Field Methods 17(3)1-16

Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick

Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture

Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate

(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87

Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of

Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846

Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y

Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)

Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101

215

Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)

and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189

Rivera Julio Valladolid 1998 Andean Peasant Agriculture Nurturing a Diversity of Life in the Chacra In Spirit

of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd

Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari

2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011

Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain

(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315

Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change

and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138

Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland

Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara

Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of

the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint

Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook

of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497

Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study

in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333

216

Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ

Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany

19(3)223-235

Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa

Renaissance Human Organization 74(1)86-99 2014 The Cooked is the Kept Factors Shaping the Maintenance of Agro-biodiversity in

the Andes Hum Ecol 42711-726 Smith Bruce 1992 Rivers of Change Washington DC Smithsonian Institution Press

1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First

Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico

Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)

httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)

Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon

51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y

Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de

las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe

Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio

2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC

Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture

Organization

217

Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos

No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65

httpgogalegroupcomlphsclufledupsidop=GRGMampu=gain40375ampid=GALE|A452743113ampv=21ampit=rampsid=summonampauthCount=1 Accessed March 7 2017

Ton G and J Bijman 2006 The role of producer organizations in the process of developing an integrated

supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006

Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural

Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC

United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231

httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)

2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin

America and the Caribbean

2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and

Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region

Nd United Nations Observances International Years

Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547

218

Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)

and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of

Pennsylvania Press

Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site

in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley

Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)

Economic Botany 44(3)92-110

1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239

Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium

nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206

Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023

Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and

Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601

219

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a

Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of

Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after

taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well

as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of

Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme

Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In

2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th

Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has

been active in local and state issues

In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in

environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was

awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal

Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American

Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation

Page 2: THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN …

copy 2017 Deborah J Andrews

This dissertation is dedicated to my father Robert S Andrews Jr who sadly passed away in December 2015 shortly after my return from the last round of field work for this

research He taught me the value of education and encouraged me throughout my schooling from kindergarten to PhD and sacrificed the opportunity to obtain a PhD

himself to support his growing family Gone but not forgotten

4

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne

Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my

sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of

my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise

advice

I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional

del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno

He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on

field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to

ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me

and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student

Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was

also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and

quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it

takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa

farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa

farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in

this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most

importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this

study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me

To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much

more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose

5

example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this

dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we

adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the

University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza

for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 8

LIST OF FIGURES 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11

ABSTRACT 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 14

Research Question 14

Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29

2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36

The Fox and the Condor 38

What is Quinoa 39

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45

Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62

Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66

Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72

Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74

3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80

Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82

7

Harvesting 88

Quinoa Processing 93

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104

Pricing 107

4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172

A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180

5 CONCLUSION 188

APPENDIX

A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199

B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205

LIST OF REFERENCES 206

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219

8

LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61

4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132

4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138

4-3 Races of Quinoa 139

4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145

4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149

4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153

4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154

4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156

4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161

4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167

4-11 Quinoa Uses 179

9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47

2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58

2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59

2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63

2-5 Peske 65

2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67

2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68

2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73

2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74

3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89

3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90

3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91

3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92

3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92

3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95

3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96

3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99

3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107

3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108

3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109

3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109

3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110

10

4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132

4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152

4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152

4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174

4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175

4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176

4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182

4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183

4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183

11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa

COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria

NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

NGO Non-governmental organization

UN United Nations

UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

US United States

12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS

AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

Deborah J Andrews

August 2017

Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology

This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-

scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa

crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of

globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-

colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate

it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who

relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however

has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity

maintenance and increased risk to farmers

The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys

and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This

study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers

including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers

selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced

variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200

13

quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period

of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number

of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary

properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this

study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of

between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of

this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance

including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including

the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon

existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level

including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other

consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued

crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and

marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers

especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the

beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint

contributions to global food security

14

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Research Question

This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean

quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the

farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market

Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of

agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection

Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production

and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)

consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including

Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of

agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have

grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is

the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as

well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and

Helmreich 2010546)

In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish

colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the

question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of

market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained

global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to

losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards

monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the

15

dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial

market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least

color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global

market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity

Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on

dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional

benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food

source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for

thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional

small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-

species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in

light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study

This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about

the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets

have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural

practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to

quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the

popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa

specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on

very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon

many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of

varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the

difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored

16

below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This

study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been

maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano

While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity

this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity

maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need

to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity

practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the

biodiversity of quinoa

The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that

affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for

resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and

paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go

togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-

scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and

how they changed in response to market globalization

Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa

provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures

especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the

Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo

et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual

festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for

17

symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits

(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in

decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in

agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In

acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found

that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm

diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association

with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and

quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon

Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the

Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the

Andean people who had a deep history with the plant

Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)

The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-

blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including

quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and

people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food

18

Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people

and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo

where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated

varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo

associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the

Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous

Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world

Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong

association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and

the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity

thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side

Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived

colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency

The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can

contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a

decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now

primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good

way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In

contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the

crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment

coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an

important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long

term negative consequences

19

For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this

traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing

popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a

western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)

Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history

culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale

farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such

as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually

on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local

quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic

example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider

space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking

worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)

The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid

fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a

long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention

and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa

farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to

understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove

2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The

farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of

which lead directly to the global market

20

Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised

concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero

and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied

by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio

found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised

despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the

farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as

noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa

(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by

globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the

relationship between the two

While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the

Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done

by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)

Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls

larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the

remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a

collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The

social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity

(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity

focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important

factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops

were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which

21

emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in

the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into

the equation

Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social

organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)

Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the

question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and

there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call

for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)

Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out

consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of

crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets

The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity

consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a

polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and

various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market

through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular

color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead

to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes

Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers

and crop agrodiversity

Historic Overview

The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of

quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially

22

interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries

whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid

(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth

century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous

rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish

colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous

populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily

classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist

practices has transformed into a global commodity

Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the

Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan

past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the

bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial

classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies

ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and

quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity

for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a

multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as

well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of

discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due

to cultural beliefs

The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its

complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the

23

world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into

the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)

The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the

events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a

history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or

relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression

by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian

foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations

of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity

as a health food in the West

Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and

minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A

recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition

levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its

exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous

implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow

quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the

Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional

reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product

Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other

agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which

has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global

popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association

24

with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to

investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has

caused in the past

Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of

quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in

agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)

defines global food security as follows

Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life

This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security

through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also

inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to

reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local

farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss

Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices

Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on

participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study

describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern

changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance

The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of

Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)

as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie

et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru

(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in

25

the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange

location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa

agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I

obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a

long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several

extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place

during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with

the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I

traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana

Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero

I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)

and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these

100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale

vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field

researchers and relatives of two of the university professors

Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was

introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways

The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food

safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr

Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors

took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed

their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since

it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews

26

with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of

quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems

with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could

base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further

described in my research findings

Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in

Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research

station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this

field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this

field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I

took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on

a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and

surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these

participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts

The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience

sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of

Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a

representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an

outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city

for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set

of farmers

Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going

through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent

27

After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why

they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the

farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to

participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not

write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men

Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in

individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a

meeting

The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN

the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the

city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash

Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is

organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the

Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one

substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four

subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same

membership size and structure

The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining

COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people

getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the

future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important

issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings

they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change

28

At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for

processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes

threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in

large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and

removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further

described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and

global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote

factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts

that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market

presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a

website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global

market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local

farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the

members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their

harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in

Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study

A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I

personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-

structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student

volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and

record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to

the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and

29

met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal

informational and background interviews

As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a

variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the

local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two

agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition

regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather

data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten

Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government

official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa

agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of

the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication

which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or

comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4

Agrodiversity and Globalization

Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices

during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study

to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to

develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a

published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported

thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo

was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are

not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported

quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate

30

or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of

data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its

relationship to Andean farming culture

To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local

quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the

past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of

quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after

consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different

type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the

study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain

While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it

became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for

quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in

Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily

apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-

based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which

provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety

sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with

varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations

The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their

quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the

research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent

season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety

31

selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection

such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability

and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well

as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative

and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also

describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the

dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study

In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for

selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since

Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years

this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global

demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic

conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop

that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors

were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect

agrodiversity maintenance

External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity

maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well

as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of

Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for

the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced

large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the

external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts

32

Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect

agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for

quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than

using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus

quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end

product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred

color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-

grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market

pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a

few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other

characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in

Chapter 2

Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill

et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm

diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby

1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of

potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions

a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any

given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often

select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as

early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity

maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-

based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested

33

these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-

scale farmers

Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited

characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean

farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa

Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US

supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product

the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale

benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale

distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time

allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is

in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would

be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance

In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was

reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-

Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and

community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced

varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However

due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin

(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo

(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with

development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the

preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of

34

this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context

of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also

analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa

agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts

In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming

practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization

in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual

relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique

history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from

domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans

and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian

foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not

necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean

people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh

aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and

quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and

nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection

playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences

such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly

diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal

husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided

Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh

environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the

35

agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time

of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity

maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western

agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different

quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into

agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for

variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety

selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the

future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type

practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the

dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further

agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-

long partners ndash Andean farmers

36

CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People

This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the

present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a

long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-

plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little

known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market

expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it

associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa

its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the

nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the

natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has

had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate

about the present and future conservation practices

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the

world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated

plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to

cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and

ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity

(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity

The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants

is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera

37

1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of

biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant

diversity

Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for

continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human

behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of

plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or

enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms

(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the

latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to

reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase

survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed

development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith

1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer

seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a

thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an

archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions

cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus

seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in

domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated

versions and hence human intervention

The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of

traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed

38

independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most

important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of

domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants

which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with

the Americas (Rivera 1998)

Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including

potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes

(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity

than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known

agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent

notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium

pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or

love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al

2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the

excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time

high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be

found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans

and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific

discoveries about this plant

The Fox and the Condor

The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in

ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin

story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called

39

The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from

starving recounted below

The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The

condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch

anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox

sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a

ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The

others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back

to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox

says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the

earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the

food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha

and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods

ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it

is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as

described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival

This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of

the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand

the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue

living in the otherwise harsh environment

What is Quinoa

Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a

domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South

America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a

40

pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a

primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things

it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments

(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide

variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates

Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2

m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits

(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa

grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al

2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection

discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated

varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as

previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain

exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains

Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely

known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones

and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala

Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a

wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily

detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the

grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-

related characteristics beyond color

41

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species

The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and

communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)

ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this

point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)

Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about

natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs

and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and

understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-

going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as

quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans

Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The

Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which

are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the

Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with

Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change

regarding the scientific classification of quinoa

Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been

misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For

example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds

1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field

work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to

establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports

In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the

42

pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the

usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for

analysis

Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is

due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones

encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked

phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and

Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems

attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of

attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of

genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great

agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in

a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and

species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying

and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in

Chapter 4

Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant

that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single

pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic

complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity

Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250

species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and

new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently

43

was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass

crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum

is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is

spread across the globe

Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean

classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having

ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson

199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated

Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated

Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson

and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World

Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes

Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-

Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)

In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and

wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite

and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri

ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct

Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C

boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006

Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp

zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across

the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into

44

Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi

Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum

has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the

Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South

Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that

grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity

It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C

berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill

2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were

domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis

indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be

more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies

between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa

and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)

Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and

huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for

great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp

zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)

Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species

including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The

quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original

ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American

origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split

45

occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has

been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the

quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further

hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-

industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the

quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies

involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the

large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not

presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise

dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation

of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent

and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future

History of Quinoa in the Andes

Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years

Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as

15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the

archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa

plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an

important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)

Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on

them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and

Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth

of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa

46

Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its

current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical

association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has

vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily

available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of

quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The

relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic

fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent

(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to

imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran

19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the

concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have

been connected in time and space with the plant

Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes

and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations

over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and

potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the

harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into

European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and

potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world

Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact

(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or

mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca

47

above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce

fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of

harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and

so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama

holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in

Argentina

Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360

Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of

European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the

reverence for Pachamama

48

Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their

agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa

2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al

(2013) specifically listed magic

The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus

threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in

discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful

alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous

foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period

(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production

relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its

production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)

Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous

local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was

noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)

providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was

considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory

reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be

inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic

research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people

with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although

49

quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food

revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the

Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status

associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with

competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production

declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European

contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa

Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo

another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of

sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased

competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline

in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain

apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)

although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was

apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the

value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities

continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still

present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the

biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of

Andean agriculture and ecosystems

Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled

with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford

50

1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming

quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the

seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as

well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have

contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times

While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years

South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a

domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are

responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)

so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity

through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by

European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that

maintained traditional knowledge and practices

While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described

across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American

explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean

quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including

Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-

grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th

centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead

1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of

Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow

red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while

51

acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-

consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor

(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the

Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of

quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely

known

While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists

continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the

1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the

Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a

plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-

known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that

the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive

In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and

noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In

1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops

(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread

out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and

nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does

not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a

Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the

botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the

Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence

52

of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone

growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both

color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat

interchangeably

While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead

1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the

nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003

Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South

America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals

and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43

published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which

were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about

quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely

distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the

world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread

publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with

the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global

consumption

The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in

1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier

range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer

1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador

Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds

53

reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other

cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with

the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of

quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)

however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and

Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs

In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno

Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and

consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern

science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American

scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor

collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al

1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who

extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they

ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in

favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean

products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also

affected by this bias

Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global

market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional

value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a

high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with

processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal

54

process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the

Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos

Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the

border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national

quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main

producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also

cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is

also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world

In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later

acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned

organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)

The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book

in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of

Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including

the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean

people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded

Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the

ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people

through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented

that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing

its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo

(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with

both viewed together through a socio-economic lens

55

The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)

who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of

quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed

complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the

domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial

areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including

the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a

place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes

from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was

a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and

culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and

plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live

side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both

survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while

Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a

production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts

prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the

world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional

food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its

noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western

world

Resurgence of Quinoa

Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it

was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and

56

Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids

including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining

nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and

speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the

species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by

ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide

market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health

food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US

expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers

Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be

the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This

proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated

years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity

and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such

accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this

status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN

2011b)

Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals

57

Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important

issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN

acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have

conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged

the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the

environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably

the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the

quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and

landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about

the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people

who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a

UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean

people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint

contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing

an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can

lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and

support of UN Millennium Goals

What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world

market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice

58

(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes

including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa

originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was

taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across

the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was

not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus

for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable

shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes

and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly

nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation

While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in

various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however

the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador

although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across

the world including the US and Canada

Source Bazile et al 2014

Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013

59

The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent

although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US

Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from

1900 to 2014

Source Bazile et al 2016

Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa

The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with

increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN

Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other

countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of

quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated

with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers

association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from

the 1980s to the present

60

Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export

more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow

quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa

exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington

Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved

in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods

Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker

Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company

to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa

include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California

Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows

and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and

Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and

there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large

multi-national industrial agriculture corporations

Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa

Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by

the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community

quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation

into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa

Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-

3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had

144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the

variety (Murphy et al 2016)

61

Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa

PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g

QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22

Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181

Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein

(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein

meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school

children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human

growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its

protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc

content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium

phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)

Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et

al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad

cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also

contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell

membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-

Carrasco et al 2003)

The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5

sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to

its high fiber content (UN 2011a)

62

In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total

dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN

2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of

time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit

and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)

Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These

two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders

caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various

properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo

Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as

wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of

quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa

is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being

touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to

cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al

2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today

Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the

global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the

farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa

which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship

How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa

Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal

consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization

has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section

63

describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products

are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of

the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily

consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual

cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between

traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more

traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within

species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with

agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link

Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary

focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and

leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also

consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is

commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive

and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy

Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews

2012

64

Food

As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is

consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have

different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although

there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties

In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain

recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for

different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used

for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et

al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans

have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which

underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on

culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and

farmer variety selection

Grain Products

The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently

consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part

quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice

although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The

grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske

which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for

the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared

like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed

65

Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of

chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and

sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure

prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that

quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka

celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from

quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru

beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony

A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing

combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which

are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and

convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer

product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in

villages or by farmers

66

Processed Quinoa

While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold

commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further

processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can

be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as

products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes

for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for

baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it

makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute

for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies

Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added

to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa

smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable

breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines

quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores

in the United States including pasta and baby food

In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the

length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the

winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important

step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need

to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer

layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is

exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different

stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most

67

quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional

rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case

Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The

traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using

an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a

child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind

stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this

childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants

agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they

can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of

modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who

makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to

make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant

in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption

Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image

credit Deborah Andrews 2014

68

Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from

rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora

is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa

dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips

Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial

purposes

Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

Medicine

While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa

plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine

The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)

Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation

relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN

2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever

69

urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss

of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness

anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in

addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is

traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments

Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional

medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional

medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not

normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter

however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to

broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used

for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research

on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)

providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent

scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price

since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and

studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes

(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has

antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and

antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have

medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or

therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity

70

Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In

the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high

altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from

the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The

stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as

compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and

scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties

with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity

Ritual Uses

Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in

Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs

and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as

birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from

their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close

relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal

2015)

As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)

Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral

ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most

well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology

Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour

preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and

celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan

Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa

71

The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they

use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to

their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make

figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other

symbols

One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant

Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa

jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration

for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig

blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly

and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production

Consumer Products

Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and

coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer

products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture

of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa

(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before

consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the

plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil

shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red

quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye

72

Animal Forage

The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are

used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals

however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in

Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be

marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does

not grow well

During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development

projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain

waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the

ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens

were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while

I observed farming demonstrations

One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to

become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the

introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would

be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high

elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10

chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than

commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped

into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental

conditions

73

Fuel

The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is

available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and

oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root

foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-

8)

A B

C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa

stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015

74

There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition

to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other

consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array

of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but

which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and

non-traditional

Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017

Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa

Negative Local Health Effects

One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the

indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the

concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase

75

may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-

nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market

demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa

tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher

than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter

3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not

proceeded without social debate

Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market

expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use

of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using

them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on

non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect

on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also

reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated

ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted

for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental

and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand

for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary

changes

The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to

global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too

expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an

article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the

76

fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)

In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the

argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that

quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey

2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the

high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the

loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is

continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since

there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor

diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa

consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)

Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that

consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands

The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems

well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not

the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been

occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a

prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food

source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the

increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of

preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A

common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time

77

that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw

grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes

While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into

Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of

ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino

a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to

the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the

farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue

of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects

vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price

While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent

analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while

quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004

quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period

from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which

Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the

diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly

concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in

household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger

increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the

quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the

price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be

determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers

78

The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by

Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates

including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and

the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced

crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of

poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science

confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source

Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the

20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim

Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace

in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy

restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness

of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used

quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)

Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the

world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a

change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to

science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional

knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past

denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing

conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study

of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics

As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested

79

notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)

Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean

identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The

globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by

Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-

driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as

scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches

While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the

question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its

survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate

In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its

usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage

uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not

worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status

and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to

world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are

often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its

history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and

preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the

Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced

knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either

the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will

explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market

80

CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND

WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME

This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the

market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers

go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale

there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern

changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that

the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the

agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa

farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the

traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of

quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that

have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how

these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

Diversification and the Environment

Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of

ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this

extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes

Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be

grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can

grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato

As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most

important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of

quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000

81

meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there

can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In

some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen

2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little

organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)

Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and

varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just

as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean

environment quinoa has too

In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the

agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most

Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms

can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small

farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder

farms in the altiplano

Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly

diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop

(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme

climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the

same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under

various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will

thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a

traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices

82

due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems

for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of

quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-

zone

What are the Current Farming Practices

Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing

shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen

2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included

the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers

first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a

tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent

one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor

and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting

In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported

in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)

These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing

practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance

(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil

moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study

has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers

(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with

looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a

cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized

tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of

83

any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for

the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist

with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms

having no adult men present

In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging

areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands

have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as

the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can

lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include

environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion

and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the

productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe

or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to

irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip

with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the

altiplano if they have not done so already

Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and

also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers

let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a

current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the

soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other

crops of choice that grows in the altiplano

84

Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with

maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without

interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys

quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes

(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as

2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco

region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow

well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field

crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation

Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot

afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before

planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This

usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil

before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough

fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop

The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a

source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on

the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer

which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm

Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale

and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather

condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting

Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the

85

landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower

which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean

farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant

their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated

to cultural practice

In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa

planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop

Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing

season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first

blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for

the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for

sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of

the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of

September

With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN

2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period

Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the

altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation

the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by

hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual

maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same

field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties

planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully

86

select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that

mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the

traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage

of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same

time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be

harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same

variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening

and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be

planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and

traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of

quinoa

There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the

focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with

a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially

since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was

especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers

However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a

better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the

region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete

ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as

drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place

and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can

reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other

87

regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with

quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with

the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would

make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown

without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more

resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters

allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al

2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-

resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano

Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with

mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one

of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on

the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include

insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are

used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural

practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests

With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due

to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa

such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are

more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa

because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties

including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss

due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating

88

the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due

to pests

Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which

is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can

be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those

locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues

experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of

irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa

harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due

to the onset of cold

The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in

agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a

risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting

more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows

for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the

season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized

harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing

additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity

practices

Harvesting

Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry

After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This

delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is

a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed

89

during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the

exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora

The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held

sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that

added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that

some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout

the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the

same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is

cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry

The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack

hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to

expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other

available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop

(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice

that is not always followed

Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

90

Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on

weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage

of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers

rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the

stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates

the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed

much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to

separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that

the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the

mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product

Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12

people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying

and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the

farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10

for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative

to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be

difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor

Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from

the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

91

The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further

remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional

processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle

This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining

shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile

with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the

panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)

Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The

remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer

stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is

also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although

they can digest the green stalks

The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of

stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure

3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of

92

available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further

remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is

poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris

away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant

altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting

Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

93

Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of

removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this

process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the

birds so that they would not cry

Quinoa Processing

Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are

also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins

are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al

2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the

pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process

(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN

2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that

Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin

removal prior to eating

Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin

removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had

the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously

rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in

saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create

complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water

needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand

pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with

water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN

saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can

94

also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities

for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers

store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale

In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming

techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The

fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued

agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized

harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different

varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand

harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties

can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation

since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An

emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop

at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield

The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root

systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation

also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and

higher humidity

Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms

with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm

animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production

Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their

products on the market discussed in the next section

95

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market

Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next

step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their

product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their

products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers

at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa

on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section

discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market

expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market

access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for

networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes

Farmersrsquo Markets

Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of

Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most

vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground

For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped

out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale

Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

96

Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and

flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed

form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered

form (Figure 3-7)

Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as

commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and

commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for

the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the

vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it

Farmersrsquo Cooperatives

Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join

a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As

noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves

the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market

COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru

97

Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables

them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both

The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health

foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos

empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of

the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I

have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the

representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is

still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting

with outside contacts

COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to

selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed

to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their

education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the

seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4

men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds

The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4

COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an

organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN

formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social

network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014

they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought

their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they

98

purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified

that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It

would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the

people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new

practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This

discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in

another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not

necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth

which will be discussed in the section on price

COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their

harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national

and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well

as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized

market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market

The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the

farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and

the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and

thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory

has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional

drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on

black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for

drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is

gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last

99

steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of

the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)

Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by

the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but

also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was

limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to

foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of

its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in

foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN

seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available

purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in

a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would

be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople

COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each

farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each

100

farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally

consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received

wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired

internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the

farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on

purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day

was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa

on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than

percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped

dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa

grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa

pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing

In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high

demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to

the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with

other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners

of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it

appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for

intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or

end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors

selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their

inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many

distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially

101

maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their

inventory and maintain cash flow

Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition

from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which

almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers

could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price

increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more

quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in

2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year

and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was

restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of

production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent

changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers

and would be an interesting point for further study in the future

While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the

farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter

the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection

between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and

non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the

market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number

of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending

on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a

number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in

102

the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo

markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where

orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the

national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements

to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are

involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the

quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain

The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller

international sales of quinoa flour and flakes

Future Market Expansion

Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales

COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted

above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white

quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market

infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products

Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential

to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation

On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a

meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products

from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food

research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr

Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he

had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products

103

One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic

cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing

salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a

folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger

than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which

they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea

Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed

around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I

thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some

experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due

to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick

lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the

packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared

tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high

nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa

While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what

other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close

to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining

ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat

consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial

market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that

would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved

forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture

104

would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon

return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food

products available in local grocery stores

Agricultural Fairs

Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market

contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and

provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is

informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is

held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in

the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United

States

The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not

notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the

fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place

throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able

to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to

be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate

different ways to consume it

There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products

Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were

displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display

included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were

prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies

105

were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items

included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative

One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice

cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it

out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was

subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair

a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice

cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then

realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the

honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice

cream could be a hit in the United States

The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the

finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the

individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths

had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One

display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was

red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the

potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and

purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same

as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant

activity

One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending

quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an

106

ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to

the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my

hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass

given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise

downed the whole glass

Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking

demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake

Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep

fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I

said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr

Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and

popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise

Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather

and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are

a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for

quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be

a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to

maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of

quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance

since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values

107

Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015

Pricing

Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market

that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream

grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase

production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa

occurred in Peru as well as in other countries

Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising

three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)

Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled

(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price

dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global

market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001

to 2014

108

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014

While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data

Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike

in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production

volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos

annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus

taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than

doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold

production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru

in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the

subsequent drop in price

Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity

and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth

in Figure 3-11

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Vo

lum

e in

Met

ric

ton

s

Year

QUINOA PRODUCTION

Peru Bolivia

109

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003

According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of

sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A

similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)

Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno

Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

19

91

19

92

19

93

19

94

19

95

19

96

19

97

19

98

19

99

20

00

20

01

20

02

20

03

20

04

20

05

20

06

20

07

20

08

20

09

20

10

20

11

20

12

20

13

20

14

US

Do

llars

pe

r to

n

Peru Quinoa Producer Prices

Value

0

05

1

15

2

25

3

35

4

45

Sole

s p

er

kilo

gram

Years

Puno Producer Prices

110

As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went

down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a

dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other

countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly

supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to

grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa

production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)

Source Hudson 2015

Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop

The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to

August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the

period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In

2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently

13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people

were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from

111

the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the

reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and

mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I

returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015

Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back

down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these

price changes have had on quinoa producers

I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I

had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said

that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer

However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to

increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other

segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN

Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase

practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were

delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the

global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned

cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial

sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six

months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their

farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized

vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and

transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and

112

as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN

however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all

of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any

given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-

week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa

Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa

on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members

and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that

they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from

whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others

than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its

own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers

who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative

became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN

Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as

demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very

skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was

in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-

members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new

practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this

development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot

report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local

market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during

113

its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were

previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially

in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues

primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the

demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a

period of time

The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided

insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had

stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and

delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were

indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research

reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the

increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi

and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited

other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including

areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a

shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a

number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional

grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on

the market was not a consideration during the boom times

While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the

color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN

management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in

114

2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal

value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa

which is red white and black

The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the

COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white

quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per

arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained

agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things

occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped

substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white

quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance

practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers

who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame

While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears

that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not

dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the

period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black

quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have

predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be

published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the

consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported

health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific

1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos

115

studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all

reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the

quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus

on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are

usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and

both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa

nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)

however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial

production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other

considerations such as biodiversity maintenance

Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies

range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to

memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The

traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to

the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation

times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines

allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it

relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is

reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of

climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of

pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for

sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a

market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be

116

consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction

to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the

partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with

an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem

and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides

are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons

to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop

success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer

demands

It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take

into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not

distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015

however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the

lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30

more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well

as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price

drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects

that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur

in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-

based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found

demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level

There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers

In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by

117

competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have

different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food

to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While

the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten

years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-

scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the

addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global

market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next

chapter

118

CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING

A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and

agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of

the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study

period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in

selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter

also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related

to these subjects

Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is

essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate

change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human

selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the

desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental

stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that

farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a

variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al

2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the

creation and maintenance of an array of varieties

Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by

maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of

colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food

119

product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be

fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through

domination of market-driven desired product characteristics

While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global

market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)

and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet

and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important

characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the

market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product

that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which

took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for

sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same

colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as

larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices

however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color

while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing

the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in

collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can

also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an

array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product

identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors

efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance

120

While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is

not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some

people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red

quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of

quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about

the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names

to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the

plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural

salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and

this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the

Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-

embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the

variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain

size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself

necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the

specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use

accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a

link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge

relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers

Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a

domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human

selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics

located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among

121

and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity

can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of

seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of

thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting

improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)

Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa

species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by

ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural

selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside

domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa

plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While

many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-

seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis

has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et

al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such

varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the

wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore

contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus

nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo

practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant

With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding

a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the

Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and

122

wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same

time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and

domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian

species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of

the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean

varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even

within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human

selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The

continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of

the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the

agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding

varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate

change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on

sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is

already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus

continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa

that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of

agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species

To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species

quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes

favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not

123

account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the

observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety

of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important

cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to

both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural

and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity

especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple

threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)

states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires

concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the

Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other

humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa

helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified

Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture

local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno

The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make

annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to

the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes

are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences

As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since

the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason

they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not

derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional

124

culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has

a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk

classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up

and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research

discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a

gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the

farmers

While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical

and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are

other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of

scientific classificatory schemes is that

Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)

In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human

element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on

morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of

external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective

on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered

people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the

economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the

spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the

local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has

125

affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient

features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture

The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis

and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains

are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as

belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains

determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-

biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can

provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together

based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk

taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute

to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification

When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa

market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After

all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species

What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were

hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps

thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous

times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published

research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this

information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork

that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I

had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals

126

and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a

Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located

While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report

(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure

does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species

that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a

species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a

comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent

of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction

plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species

including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity

exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper

Farmersrsquo Knowledge

Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector

I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe

logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names

that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the

people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and

experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)

ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also

the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical

knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well

as cultural adaptations and changes

127

To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of

quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers

(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa

varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students

from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered

quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a

total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that

the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or

used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from

the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and

demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also

conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the

participants

During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify

different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often

used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same

species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics

that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a

variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name

The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties

1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable

128

express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select

seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant

This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that

they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable

characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and

organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different

scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species

level

Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash

farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify

quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus

the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to

humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson

noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive

mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus

the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated

with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to

identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the

names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological

classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called

peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and

people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with

129

classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in

some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature

In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a

commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem

with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa

without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the

research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms

especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was

after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific

classification systems arose

Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa

names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications

Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the

accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other

identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the

sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and

included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207

names of varieties some going back over 70 years

Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as

easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made

about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there

was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic

pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and

130

put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the

various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping

I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one

farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which

he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names

which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given

different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a

different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the

State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)

In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate

overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed

this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local

farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and

Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus

for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in

Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the

purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific

varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the

farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in

the scientific literature that I reviewed

Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr

Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is

131

an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the

scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I

removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods

and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying

chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in

ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity

parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus

while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa

demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)

talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the

scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I

have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and

revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness

In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office

in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples

of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13

varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)

The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than

noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able

to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of

gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in

finding names in places outside of publications

132

Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012

Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru

Rank Variety

1 Amarilla Marangani

2 Blanca de Juli

3 Kancolla

4 Blanca de Junin

5 Hualhuas

6 Huancayo

7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano

8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca

9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana

10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla

11 Illpa INIA

12 Salcedo INIA

13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013

As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names

to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most

comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my

collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with

133

the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different

quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they

were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a

list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book

to extract the names

Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)

referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did

not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like

Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In

compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other

researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014

Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the

altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from

Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties

After reviewing published academic research governmental documents

consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a

comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the

farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37

that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but

three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished

names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara

language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive

environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific

134

knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-

laden environment

The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the

evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I

encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa

names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be

comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially

since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes

differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the

quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the

two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern

variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting

point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such

as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional

absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than

accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to

farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to

provide consistency

As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the

use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination

was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the

field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard

135

to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the

biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)

Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is

contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first

used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather

populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria

such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)

says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological

characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)

definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows

Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)

Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on

historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes

are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has

not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the

association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term

ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not

when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace

acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these

136

varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the

term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or

if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way

the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into

accepted categories is not a simple task

Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and

have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of

quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations

Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species

(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa

types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not

synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the

same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage

While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different

varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working

domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a

grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species

as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related

varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several

varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race

While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the

species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification

system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large

137

number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of

quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct

groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)

Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic

distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification

category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems

While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg

Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently

Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and

have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and

Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)

The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between

species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete

varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic

organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the

names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are

used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla

pasankalla and roja among others

Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-

groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca

Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since

they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on

differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the

138

individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and

cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly

anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates

the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking

plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city

names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers

who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired

morphological characteristics

In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with

subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)

Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name

White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla

quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla

Source Tapia et al (2014)

Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my

research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years

covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity

pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90

farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps

an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which

could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting

question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline

was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties

139

(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can

be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof

to social networks including formal organizations

With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I

have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use

One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten

which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten

and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I

studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further

described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial

sale

In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)

Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified

primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for

each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race

Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples

1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa

Source Mujica et al 2013

These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al

(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-

140

Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with

altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al

(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-

Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al

(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not

include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while

these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification

scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually

overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize

classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a

consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification

system

In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the

wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of

species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument

yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild

relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other

domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the

race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara

acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two

types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also

have domesticated characteristics

141

Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know

and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except

for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish

conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to

group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to

provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its

usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a

particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further

organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a

wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa

While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa

it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end

products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the

grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that

can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market

with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a

much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the

farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names

including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow

(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al

(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications

of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In

addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent

142

and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of

color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not

identifying a specific variety

In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a

specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color

form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten

identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern

Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety

Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different

fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana

(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples

rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana

either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of

the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name

such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla

rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types

into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both

strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and

variety that passes on color-based information about the variety

Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain

color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package

For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly

distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the

143

intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained

any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences

Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-

driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to

knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package

that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled

ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety

for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely

distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information

may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of

diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of

the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to

base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to

demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity

preservation

The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of

knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the

possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other

quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and

collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide

ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also

reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This

research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano

144

farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of

quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names

Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are

needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of

classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment

of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be

conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection

based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional

information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary

properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa

variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety

knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research

may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield

While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and

which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are

associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)

sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the

product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural

connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still

wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful

especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to

maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate

transportation marketing and other costs

145

To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried

out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of

several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of

quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative

purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was

used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned

the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic

The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same

amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest

panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the

grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all

extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table

4-4)

Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos

Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900

Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by

the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a

plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent

of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests

146

While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an

experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans

placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The

researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even

though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response

however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the

earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on

my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers

loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was

visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that

had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I

observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating

some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews

where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that

attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a

factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the

global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation

Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead

yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers

made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in

the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about

the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo

characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest

147

infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past

information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align

In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties

based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment

choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the

highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this

variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi

which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year

Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for

the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both

of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et

al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with

kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla

is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo

INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences

farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most

frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed

ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not

planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties

most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not

necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this

experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-

hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be

148

some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even

marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the

climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield

obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted

varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be

grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most

frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government

agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo

practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and

features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions

How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant

To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and

interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that

they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in

this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were

linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and

UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is

important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and

others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of

change due to globalization and outside consumer influences

As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had

planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was

28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to

twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm

149

selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of

specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably

this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In

addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds

90

Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties

Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)

1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6

Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA

The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew

blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as

does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the

study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow

unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in

different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based

on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting

question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the

connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this

150

variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed

further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection

and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety

called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the

farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not

list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history

of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers

This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of

sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of

salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may

not completely explain its dominance

Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown

by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only

grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single

female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each

(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and

plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers

and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent

on a small number of farmers

To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown

by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-

student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The

151

average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old

the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old

The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-

op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and

female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers

with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and

thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on

the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who

participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to

their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages

although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups

The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of

these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of

farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university

farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in

the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of

Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although

the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more

extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the

student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not

grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the

university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university

farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller

152

number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance

of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one

with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age

differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including

flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity

maintenance

Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24

Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35

27

2018

16

54

2

Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Blanca de Juli

Kancolla

Chulpi

Choclito

14

8

9

11115

87653

Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Kancolla

Blanca

Coito

Blanca de Juli

Negra

153

With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the

average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average

number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as

gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229

varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older

farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this

measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened

degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions

between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to

the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed

by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos

data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-

op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the

students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further

discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however

does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are

growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties

Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown

Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)

Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265

To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions

among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35

co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table

154

4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group

growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more

co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one

group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding

the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity

maintenance

Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties

Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers

Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29

With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers

there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females

versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most

frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could

be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but

I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic

affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety

This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female

farmers that could be explored in the future

Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university

farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9

versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only

grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only

one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small

155

(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender

differences in agrodiversity maintenance

For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a

season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a

tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on

average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females

however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for

males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female

farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One

particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm

during a single season further discussed below

To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the

farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised

for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety

selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the

farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for

personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces

as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select

seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons

for seed selection to see if they still remained true

Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they

grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30

female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well

156

and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The

farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-

10)

Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection

Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses

Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15

While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given

reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local

environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were

1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)

2) frost resistance (10 responses) and

3) resists climate change (3 responses)

While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the

altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost

resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late

in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the

season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the

reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could

survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not

thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the

varying conditions of the harsh environment

157

The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is

consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)

Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions

including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example

Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are

adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold

temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and

thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason

consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh

altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive

drought cold and salt

The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield

accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18

responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4

responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more

grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to

each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does

not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being

twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in

size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These

findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and

provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an

important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to

158

have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the

farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow

While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on

their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not

the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases

leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew

201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not

have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more

adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara

The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a

total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were

1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)

2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and

3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)

The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in

variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as

blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term

amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white

quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this

trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten

responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows

more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers

159

The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the

availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some

purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some

farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual

seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a

realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the

seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability

which further inhibits their conservation

A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest

resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter

varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents

listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers

specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection

While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no

suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties

In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The

first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly

relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in

obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of

the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third

category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user

With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are

important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety

160

selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to

Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more

variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if

culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo

response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage

This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at

least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years

ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures

of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to

grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which

agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on

how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I

asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties

no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to

availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties

grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the

more obscure varieties

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices

Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety

selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources

and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has

been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al

161

(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean

farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with

neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)

found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties

consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge

(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study

For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties

need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes

where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds

Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds

Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the

prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of

seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed

selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires

knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for

seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further

described in the next section

Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage

Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100

162

While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in

this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that

they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA

(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project

(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that

the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they

collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers

collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other

considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm

As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency

is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments

has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived

from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of

the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production

including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA

representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not

surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains

collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from

using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices

providing them with the benefit of seed independence2

2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act

163

Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the

varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that

originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA

were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic

certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN

has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements

of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not

purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties

needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with

farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with

the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant

INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased

seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that

thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered

organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of

organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with

the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not

afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining

organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source

Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed

experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge

in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same

level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups

164

and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes

(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered

expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and

there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to

outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas

are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of

qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds

During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects

semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016

they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using

semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN

selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I

interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions

between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is

quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to

agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection

Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals

farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held

across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to

quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to

county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products

including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and

musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as

165

food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site

consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour

and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs

have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage

production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large

inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about

agrodiversity

In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future

crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but

seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-

saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the

same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available

however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA

however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of

commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection

the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have

seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds

likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially

due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to

shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the

readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other

varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of

existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an

166

important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be

conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by

semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of

agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor

The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity

maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-

use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic

diversity

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity

Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary

of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number

of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop

Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration

noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for

farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains

on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for

the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports

yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were

selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next

generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed

selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as

compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the

actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well

167

as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the

desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds

Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency

Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89

Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants

can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term

ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate

which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were

noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an

important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50

of the responses for selection

Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or

strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of

environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield

By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive

168

plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants

in the vicinity

Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed

selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the

plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a

frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer

evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future

seed selection

Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the

cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a

specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa

harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants

in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is

not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering

of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can

easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique

also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners

can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed

early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first

plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation

While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions

additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was

a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the

169

evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as

well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight

There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number

of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for

selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the

pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection

meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the

seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety

Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection

indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic

market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the

decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with

maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices

then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification

is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that

was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the

concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community

One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as

a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use

of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the

operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the

number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant

170

preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final

consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting

In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa

seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field

or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of

factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting

season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which

demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by

cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety

selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of

the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the

same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation

Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate

good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to

comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with

the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which

variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be

similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better

environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties

Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion

strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware

of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as

well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration

171

and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation

since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential

While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop

that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits

choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to

farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based

on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between

presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential

predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white

varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into

consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global

market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not

appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since

the variety name rarely appears on labels

As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety

distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence

agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the

culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use

there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-

white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in

the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated

benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the

most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity

172

maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety

distinctions

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection

Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the

distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in

Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la

Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated

gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender

distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often

more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence

agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of

crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn

(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men

demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)

With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the

eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the

exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed

exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-

community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection

Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select

seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos

emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and

cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection

can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch

173

molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al

2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender

aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight

into the nuances and complexities of this intersection

New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by

female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity

sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this

understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had

a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region

According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and

who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than

men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that

women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead

bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or

exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that

women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally

observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his

mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in

and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her

husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional

practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that

such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in

seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of

174

women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected

several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection

demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women

Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

A Female Semillista Example

Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the

community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often

well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of

COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well

known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with

specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a

number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa

varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a

child

Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved

in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by

management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the

population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming

175

She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has

grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and

was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr

Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica

who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide

information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name

but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties

Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them

on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa

varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in

this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field

(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I

have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her

life-long interest in quinoa diversity

Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

176

Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and

carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-

2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were

not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to

conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life

she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered

from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields

and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not

sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays

these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her

seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing

my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display

At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a

table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were

some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label

Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

177

The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below

bull Ajara inerto

bull Ajara negro

bull Blanca de Juli

bull Camacani

bull Cheweca

bull Chile

bull Choclo kancolla

bull Chucapaca

bull Chullpi Amarillo

bull Chullpi blanca

bull Chullpi roja

bull Cuchi willa

bull INIA Ilpa

bull INIA Salcedo

bull INIA Salcedo rosa

bull Kamire

bull Kancolla roja

bull Kancolla rosada

bull Koscosa

bull Marangani

bull Mesa quinoa

bull Mestiza

bull Negra collana I

bull Panela

bull Pasancalla plomo

bull Quinus misturas

bull Rosada junin

bull Rosada taraco

bull Sajama

bull Tahuaco

bull Vizallanino

Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred

INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She

uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She

always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather

Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows

178

the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds

requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is

implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting

crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in

risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional

ecological knowledge

I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she

was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was

familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the

plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her

depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been

identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red

and is also called misa quinoa

Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and

has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does

not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains

When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds

for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects

varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also

seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this

179

study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from

the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from

other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an

interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes

Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of

the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were

used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)

Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color

Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca

Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is

toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help

with pain

Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around

them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is

called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa

harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa

seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the

healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches

from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the

plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season

180

What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection

While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct

gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in

2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to

obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed

experts

An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling

good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as

farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make

arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is

rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly

pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large

and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall

to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa

Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra

Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he

decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this

organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic

certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected

to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa

for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they

purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was

still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he

received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his

181

involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price

While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate

in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until

he could get a better price

Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds

on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa

(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his

agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A

Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32

Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was

broad agrodiversity

This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male

and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)

appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male

crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men

highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional

female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further

study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa

production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding

varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of

agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa

products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further

articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance

182

These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or

indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men

and women

Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused

on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal

interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took

personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa

varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is

enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during

a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any

necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through

seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds

Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

183

Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species

the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This

research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa

variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from

published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian

184

altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional

quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the

importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study

also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also

experimenting with new quinoa varieties

The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the

need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of

quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common

characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological

zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional

categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is

commonly used

Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number

of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate

adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather

conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating

the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the

success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are

important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to

varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice

While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual

yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by

increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important

185

the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the

encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-

resistant varieties can influence yield

The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which

relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa

was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a

variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also

become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary

qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition

demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated

with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level

Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods

continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in

the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected

by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian

cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the

exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties

become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make

a difference in consumer-driven market demand

While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific

reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so

prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types

186

such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance

in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet

this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While

the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the

demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered

against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the

demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white

quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers

who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa

including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who

solely grew white quinoa

An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many

farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed

selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas

Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by

INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection

While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a

published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment

demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was

relatively high

Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who

serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance

187

While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on

yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are

important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender

differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to

agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices

There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of

quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited

number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing

the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus

quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties

may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers

41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these

41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period

were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not

growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of

current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory

of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the

establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a

starting point that can be further developed and studied

188

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa

farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa

market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a

degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow

more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of

planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a

crop due to climatic conditions or infestation

Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what

variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold

drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The

importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional

risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in

the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by

women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The

efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to

the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour

production

The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-

factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed

selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of

semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government

agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of

189

seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices

In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential

yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some

of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving

agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations

Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of

quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as

compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to

teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge

by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence

other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas

Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance

since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows

for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more

mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire

crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to

be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest

Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For

example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary

diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa

agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also

promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear

that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca

190

civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by

COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa

agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and

baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation

Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve

quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro

and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is

another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste

variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that

variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that

serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded

cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa

Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity

The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa

including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful

selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices

dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded

conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to

market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products

use different varieties based on their culinary properties

Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing

population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the

191

biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given

the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate

change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in

understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative

consequences

Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history

includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of

the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the

history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards

due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as

well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural

significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value

of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to

maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption

Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research

demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports

and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While

quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which

provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from

many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity

and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study

found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different

kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about

192

30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different

environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected

that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the

30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the

numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties

were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the

63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not

grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by

Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of

Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two

hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting

a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa

However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented

only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of

quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative

effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca

is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may

account for greater diversity results

There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be

maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both

maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different

varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red

black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional

193

scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the

consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian

efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary

schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes

that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics

Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also

conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different

types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can

boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation

into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive

different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety

diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather

and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be

discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or

governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a

consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection

Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance

is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of

quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market

entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for

the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored

quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global

quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the

194

unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market

hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the

colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique

nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the

market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded

agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline

While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties

to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white

quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors

is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with

red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a

market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white

quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving

global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open

and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market

The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the

results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet

only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of

varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the

Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences

already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects

found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after

Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication

195

date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already

altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my

study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety

grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before

this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on

farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs

The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed

selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had

already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a

silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can

provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa

conservation going forward

Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor

in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic

especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen

through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important

factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides

the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional

differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect

on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge

can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market

diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is

196

an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation

practices that can be rewarded by the market

In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and

medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity

conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in

traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect

of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and

domesticated varieties

The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in

understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor

the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated

and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies

The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in

understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many

different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of

organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings

Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-

species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties

and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the

varieties including morphological as well as cultural information

The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon

independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help

funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas

197

and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research

should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation

especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the

conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be

quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings

that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate

the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly

are doing more for conservation than many government programs

Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer

population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming

tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is

unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa

conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs

that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies

that can help improve quinoa production

Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production

and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men

controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women

are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there

appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact

with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of

many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done

in markets across time

198

There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and

how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean

people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the

complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter

these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe

it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species

that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing

popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa

agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who

personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade

199

APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES

NAME SOURCE

Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014

Achachino Mujica et al 201361

Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014

Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna

Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A

Ajara inerto Expert A

Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392

Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460

Amallado Farmer survey 2014

Amaltado Farmer survey 2014

Amargas Mujica et al 2013

Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)

Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013

Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90

Antawara real Mujica et al 201397

Atacama Mujica et al 201362

Atlas Jarvis et al 2017

Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361

Baer II Mujica et al 201362

Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014

Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015

Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014

Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A

Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A

Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169

Camiri Mujica et al 201369

Canchones Mujica et al 201362

Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014

Carina red Jarvis et al 2017

200

Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943

Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144

Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014

Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013

Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382

Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017

Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Chile Expert A

Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77

Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Choclo kancolla Expert A

Chola Hunziker 1943

Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A

Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A

Chullpi Amarillo Expert A

Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A

Chupica witulla Tapia 2014

Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477

Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection

Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014

Cochabamba Tapia 2014

AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu

Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014

ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943

Copacabana Tapia 2014

Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A

Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014

Cunaccota Tapia 2014

Dahue Hunziker 1943

Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014

ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361

Faro Mujica et al 201321 62

Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Granolada Farmer Survey 2014

Gris Hunziker 1943

Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna

Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

201

Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014

Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361

Huacataz Mujica et al 201361

Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013

Huallhas Mujica et al 201369

Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015

Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Huaranga Mujica et al 201361

Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361

Hueque Fuentes et al 2012

IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382

IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382

Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A

Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012

INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368

INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361

INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)

Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361

Islunga Mujica et al 201321

Jana Hunziker 1943

Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura

Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014

Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Jaru ckello Tapia 2014

Javi Fuentes et al 2012

Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943

Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014

Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014

Jujuy Mujica et al 201369

Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362

Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362

Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Juraj Farmer Survey 2014

Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A

KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Kancolla roja Expert A

Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A

Kcana ckello Tapia 2014

Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013

Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014

202

Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito

Koscosa Expert A

Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017

Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017

Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390

Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382

Lipena Mujica et al 201361

Lito Mujica et al 201321 62

Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014

Maniquena Mujica et al 201361

Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69

Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A

Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361

Mau Fuentes et al 2012

Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Millmi Hunziker 1943

MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Nameya ayara Tapia 201477

Namora Mujica et al 201361

Narino Mujica et al 201362

Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369

Negroa Farmer Survey 2014

Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A

Ollague Jarvis et al 2017

Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103

Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012

Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Pandela rosada INIA photo collection

Parakai Hunziker 1943

Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014

Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013

Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label

Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A

Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460

Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460

Phera Farmer Survey 2014

Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015

Plomao Farmer Survey 2014

Potosi Tapia 2014

Puc Fuentes et al 2012

Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78

203

Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382

Qillu ayara Tapia 201477

Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013

Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014

Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361

Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369

Regalona Jarvis et al 2017

Robura Mujica et al 201361

Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361

Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014

Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014

Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014

Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369

Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014

Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361

Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468

Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014

Samaranti Mujica et al 201361

Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Sayana Mujica et al 201361

Senora Mujica et al 201361 90

Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321

Tabacomi Tapia 201468

Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Toledo Mujica et al 201361

Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321

Tupiza Mujica et al 201321

Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97

Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90

Utusaya Mujica et al 201361

Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014

Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety

Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390

Wila ayara Tapia 201477

Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398

Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478

Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014

Yana quinua Hunziker 1943

204

Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382

Yujiura Tapia 201465

205

APPENDIX B

RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA

Races of the Altiplano

1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla

Races of Inter-Andean Valleys

Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)

Races of Junin

16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)

Races of Ancash

19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)

Races of Cajamarca

23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada

Source Tapia et al (2014)

206

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2008 The Amazonian Caboclo and the Accedilai Palm Forest Farmers in the Global Market New York The New York Botanical Garden Press

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the Lake Titicaca Basin (Taraco Teninsula Bolivia) Dissertation Washington University

Brush Stephen B 2005 Biodiversity Biotechnology and the Legal Protection of Traditional Knowledge

Protecting Traditional Agricultural Knowledge 17 Wash U J L amp Poly 59

2004 Farmersrsquo Bounty Locating Crop Diversity in the Contemporary World Yale University Press New Haven Conn

1995 In Situ Conservation of Landraces in Centers of Crop Diversity Crop Science

35(2)346-354 Bubenheim David L and Greg Schlick 1993 Quinoa An Emerging ldquoNewrdquo Crop with Potential for CELSS NASA Technical

Paper No 3422

Buechler Hans C and Judith-Maria Buechler 1971 The Bolivian Aymara New York Holt Rinehart and Winston

208

Canahua Alipio 2012 Los Tipos de Quinuas en el Altiplano de Puno Proyecto Sipam FAO Puno

Peruacute Caacuterdenas Martin

1944 Descripcioacuten preliminar de las variedades de quinua chenopodium quinoa de Bolivia Revista Agricultura Cochabamba Bolivia 2(2) 13-26

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Missouri Botanical Garden 32(3)297-322 Castillo Carmen del Thierry Winkel Gregory Mahy Jean-Philippe Bizoux

2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian Altiplano as revealed by RAPD Markers Genetic Resource Crop Evolution 54897-905

Chalmers Nigel and Christo Fabricius 2007 Expert and Generalist Local Knowledge about Land-cover Change on South

Africarsquos Wild Coast Can Local Ecological Knowledge Add Value to Science Ecology and Society 12(1)10

Cherfas Jeremy

2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016

Christensen SA DB Pratt C Pratt PT Nelson MR Stevens EN Jellen CE Coleman DJ Fairbanks A Bonifacio PJ Maughan 2007 Assessment of genetic diversity in the USDA and CIP-FAO international nursery

collections of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) using microsatellite markers Plant Genetic Resources Characterization and Utilization 5(2)82-95

Davis Anthony and John R Wagner 2003 Who Knows On the Importance of Identifying ldquoExpertsrdquo When Researching

Local Ecological Knowledge Human Ecology 31(3)463-489

Del Castillo Carmen and Thierry Winkel Gregory Mahy Jean-Philippe Bizoux 2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian

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De Wet JMJ and JR Harlan 1975 Weeds and Domesticates Evolution in the Man-Made Habitat Economic

Botany 2999-107

209

Dove Michael R 2011 The Banana Tree at the Gate A History of Marginal Peoples and Global

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Development Anthropology American Ethnologist 18(4)658-682 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 1999 Women ndash users preservers and managers of agrobiodiversity Rome

1996 Rome Declaration on World Food Security httpwwwfaoorgwfsindex_enhtm Accessed March 23 2017

2017 FAOSTAT database httpwwwfaoorgfaostatendataPP Accessed March

7 and 9 2017 1989 Utilization of tropical foods cereals FAO Food and Nutrition Paper 471 Rome Forbes David 1870 On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru Journal of the Ethnological Society

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Ford Richard I 1981 New Ideas About the Origin of Agriculture Based on 50 Years of Museum-

Curated Remains Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 345-356

Fuentes FF D Bazile A Bhargava EA Martinez 2012 Implications of farmersrsquo seed exchanges for on-farm conservation of quinoa as

revealed by its genetic diversity in Chile Journal of Agricultural Science 150702-716

Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium

(Chenopodiaceae) Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 62359-374 Gade Daniel W 1999 Nature and Culture in the Andes Madison The University of Wisconsin Press Gandarillas Humberto 1968 Razas de quinua Bolivia MACA Boletiacuten Experimental No 34 Instituto Boliviano

de Cultivos Andinos La Paz Bolivia

210

Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the

Present PhD dissertation Department of Anthropology Washington University in St Louis Missouri

Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis

2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497

Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J

1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169

Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology

28(3)372-395

Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated

Plants Summary Journal of Economic Botany 44(3)111-116

Hellin Jon and Sophie Higman 2005 Crop diversity and livelihood security in the Andes Development in Practice

15(2)165-174

Hudson Loraine 2015 Spend Matters Quinoa Prices Fall (Finally) Due to Increase in Production

httpspendmatterscom20150427quinoa-prices-fall-finally-due-to-rise-in-production Accessed April 17 2017

Hunziker Armando T 1952 Los pseudocereales de la Agricultura Indiacutegena de Ameacuterica ACMA AGENCY

Buenos Aires Argentina Isbell Billie Jean

1978 To Defend Ourselves Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village Waveland Press Prospect Heights Illinois

211

Jacobsen S-E 2011 The Situation for Quinoa and Its Production in Southern Bolivia From Economic

Success to Environmental Disaster Journal of Agronomy and Crop Science 390-399

Jacoby Hanan G 1992 Productivity of men and women in the sexual division of labor in peasant

agriculture of the Peruvian Sierra Journal of Development Economics 37265-287

Jameson William 1861 Journey from Quito to Cayambe Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of

London 31184-190 Jarvis David E Yung Shwen Ho Damien J Lightfoot Sandra M Schmoumlckel Bo Li Theo J A Borm Hajime Ohyanagi Katsuhiko Mineta Craig T Michell Noha Saber Najeh M Kharbatia Ryan R Rupper Aaron R Sharp Nadine Dally Berin A Boughton Yong H Woo Ge Gao Elio G W M Schijlen Xiujie Guo Afaque A Momin Soacutenia Negratildeo Salim Al-Babili Christoph Gehring Ute Roessner Christian Jung Kevin Murphy Stefan T Arold Takashi Gojobori C Gerard van der Linden Eibertus N van Loo Eric N Jellen Peter J Maughan and Mark Tester 2017 The genome of Chenopodium quinoa Nature 1-6

httpswwwnaturecomnaturejournalv542n7641fullnature21370html Accessed February 8 2017

Kawa Nicholas 2012 Magic Plants of Amazonia and Their Contribution to Agrobiodiversity Human

Organization 71(3)225-233

Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in

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576

Kobayashi Orion and Mariano Beillard 2016 Peru Quinoa Price Fluctuation Global Agricultural Information Network USDA

Global Agricultural Service July 6 2016 httpsgainfasusdagovRecent20GAIN20PublicationsPeru20Quinoa20Price20Fluctuation20_Lima_Peru_7-6-2016pdf Accessed March 7 2017

212

Langlie BrieAnna S Christine A Hastorf Maria C Bruno Marc Bermann Renee M Bonzani William Castellon Condarco 2011 Diversity in Andean Chenopodium Domestication Describing A New

Morphological Type from La Varca Bolicia 1300-1250 BC Journal of Ethnobiology 31(1)72-88

Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge

2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32

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Science 21365-368

Maughan Peter J Alejandro Bonifacio Craig E Coleman Eric N Jellen Mikel R Stevens Daniel J Fairbanks 2007 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) Genome Mapping and Molecular Breeding in

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Maughan P J BA Kalano J Maluszynska ND Coles A Bonifacio J Rojas CE Coleman MR Stevens DJ Fairbanks SE Parkinson EN Jellen 2006 Molecular and Cytological Characterization of ribosomal RNA genes in

Chenopodium quinoa and Chenopodium berlandieri Genome 49825-839

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Press Medin S and Scott Atran 1999 Folkbiology Cambridge MA The MIT Press

Medina W O Skurtys JM Aguilera 2010 Study on image analysis application for identification Quinoa seeds

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213

Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W

1985 Sweetness and Power New York Penguin Books Mintzer Miguel J 1933 Las Quinoas su cultivo en la Argentina su importancia como planta alimenticia

Boletin Mensual Ministerio Agricultura de la Nacion 34(1)59-77

Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes

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Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute

Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del

presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile

Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford

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Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of

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Anthropology 25329-53

214

Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical

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Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article

Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93

Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany

Field Methods 17(3)1-16

Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick

Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture

Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate

(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87

Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of

Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846

Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y

Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)

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215

Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)

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Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari

2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011

Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain

(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315

Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change

and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138

Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland

Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara

Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of

the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint

Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook

of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497

Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study

in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333

216

Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ

Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany

19(3)223-235

Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa

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the Andes Hum Ecol 42711-726 Smith Bruce 1992 Rivers of Change Washington DC Smithsonian Institution Press

1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First

Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico

Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)

httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)

Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon

51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y

Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de

las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe

Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio

2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC

Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture

Organization

217

Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos

No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65

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Ton G and J Bijman 2006 The role of producer organizations in the process of developing an integrated

supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006

Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural

Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC

United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231

httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)

2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin

America and the Caribbean

2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and

Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region

Nd United Nations Observances International Years

Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547

218

Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)

and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of

Pennsylvania Press

Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site

in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley

Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)

Economic Botany 44(3)92-110

1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239

Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium

nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206

Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023

Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and

Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601

219

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a

Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of

Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after

taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well

as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of

Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme

Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In

2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th

Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has

been active in local and state issues

In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in

environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was

awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal

Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American

Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation

Page 3: THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN …

This dissertation is dedicated to my father Robert S Andrews Jr who sadly passed away in December 2015 shortly after my return from the last round of field work for this

research He taught me the value of education and encouraged me throughout my schooling from kindergarten to PhD and sacrificed the opportunity to obtain a PhD

himself to support his growing family Gone but not forgotten

4

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne

Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my

sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of

my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise

advice

I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional

del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno

He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on

field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to

ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me

and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student

Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was

also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and

quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it

takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa

farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa

farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in

this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most

importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this

study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me

To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much

more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose

5

example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this

dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we

adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the

University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza

for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 8

LIST OF FIGURES 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11

ABSTRACT 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 14

Research Question 14

Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29

2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36

The Fox and the Condor 38

What is Quinoa 39

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45

Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62

Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66

Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72

Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74

3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80

Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82

7

Harvesting 88

Quinoa Processing 93

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104

Pricing 107

4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172

A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180

5 CONCLUSION 188

APPENDIX

A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199

B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205

LIST OF REFERENCES 206

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219

8

LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61

4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132

4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138

4-3 Races of Quinoa 139

4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145

4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149

4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153

4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154

4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156

4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161

4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167

4-11 Quinoa Uses 179

9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47

2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58

2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59

2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63

2-5 Peske 65

2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67

2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68

2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73

2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74

3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89

3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90

3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91

3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92

3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92

3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95

3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96

3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99

3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107

3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108

3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109

3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109

3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110

10

4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132

4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152

4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152

4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174

4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175

4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176

4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182

4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183

4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183

11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa

COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria

NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

NGO Non-governmental organization

UN United Nations

UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

US United States

12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS

AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

Deborah J Andrews

August 2017

Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology

This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-

scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa

crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of

globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-

colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate

it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who

relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however

has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity

maintenance and increased risk to farmers

The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys

and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This

study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers

including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers

selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced

variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200

13

quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period

of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number

of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary

properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this

study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of

between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of

this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance

including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including

the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon

existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level

including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other

consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued

crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and

marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers

especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the

beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint

contributions to global food security

14

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Research Question

This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean

quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the

farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market

Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of

agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection

Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production

and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)

consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including

Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of

agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have

grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is

the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as

well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and

Helmreich 2010546)

In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish

colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the

question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of

market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained

global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to

losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards

monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the

15

dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial

market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least

color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global

market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity

Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on

dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional

benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food

source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for

thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional

small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-

species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in

light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study

This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about

the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets

have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural

practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to

quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the

popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa

specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on

very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon

many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of

varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the

difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored

16

below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This

study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been

maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano

While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity

this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity

maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need

to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity

practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the

biodiversity of quinoa

The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that

affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for

resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and

paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go

togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-

scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and

how they changed in response to market globalization

Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa

provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures

especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the

Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo

et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual

festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for

17

symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits

(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in

decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in

agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In

acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found

that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm

diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association

with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and

quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon

Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the

Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the

Andean people who had a deep history with the plant

Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)

The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-

blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including

quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and

people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food

18

Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people

and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo

where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated

varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo

associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the

Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous

Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world

Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong

association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and

the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity

thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side

Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived

colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency

The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can

contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a

decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now

primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good

way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In

contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the

crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment

coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an

important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long

term negative consequences

19

For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this

traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing

popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a

western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)

Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history

culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale

farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such

as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually

on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local

quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic

example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider

space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking

worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)

The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid

fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a

long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention

and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa

farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to

understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove

2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The

farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of

which lead directly to the global market

20

Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised

concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero

and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied

by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio

found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised

despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the

farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as

noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa

(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by

globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the

relationship between the two

While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the

Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done

by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)

Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls

larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the

remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a

collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The

social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity

(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity

focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important

factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops

were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which

21

emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in

the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into

the equation

Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social

organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)

Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the

question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and

there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call

for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)

Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out

consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of

crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets

The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity

consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a

polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and

various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market

through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular

color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead

to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes

Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers

and crop agrodiversity

Historic Overview

The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of

quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially

22

interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries

whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid

(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth

century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous

rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish

colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous

populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily

classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist

practices has transformed into a global commodity

Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the

Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan

past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the

bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial

classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies

ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and

quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity

for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a

multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as

well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of

discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due

to cultural beliefs

The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its

complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the

23

world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into

the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)

The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the

events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a

history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or

relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression

by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian

foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations

of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity

as a health food in the West

Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and

minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A

recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition

levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its

exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous

implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow

quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the

Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional

reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product

Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other

agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which

has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global

popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association

24

with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to

investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has

caused in the past

Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of

quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in

agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)

defines global food security as follows

Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life

This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security

through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also

inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to

reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local

farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss

Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices

Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on

participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study

describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern

changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance

The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of

Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)

as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie

et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru

(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in

25

the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange

location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa

agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I

obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a

long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several

extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place

during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with

the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I

traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana

Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero

I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)

and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these

100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale

vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field

researchers and relatives of two of the university professors

Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was

introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways

The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food

safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr

Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors

took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed

their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since

it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews

26

with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of

quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems

with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could

base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further

described in my research findings

Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in

Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research

station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this

field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this

field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I

took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on

a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and

surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these

participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts

The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience

sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of

Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a

representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an

outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city

for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set

of farmers

Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going

through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent

27

After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why

they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the

farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to

participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not

write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men

Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in

individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a

meeting

The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN

the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the

city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash

Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is

organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the

Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one

substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four

subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same

membership size and structure

The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining

COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people

getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the

future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important

issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings

they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change

28

At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for

processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes

threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in

large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and

removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further

described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and

global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote

factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts

that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market

presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a

website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global

market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local

farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the

members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their

harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in

Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study

A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I

personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-

structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student

volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and

record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to

the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and

29

met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal

informational and background interviews

As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a

variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the

local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two

agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition

regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather

data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten

Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government

official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa

agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of

the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication

which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or

comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4

Agrodiversity and Globalization

Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices

during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study

to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to

develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a

published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported

thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo

was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are

not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported

quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate

30

or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of

data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its

relationship to Andean farming culture

To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local

quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the

past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of

quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after

consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different

type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the

study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain

While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it

became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for

quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in

Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily

apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-

based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which

provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety

sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with

varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations

The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their

quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the

research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent

season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety

31

selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection

such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability

and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well

as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative

and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also

describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the

dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study

In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for

selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since

Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years

this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global

demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic

conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop

that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors

were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect

agrodiversity maintenance

External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity

maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well

as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of

Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for

the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced

large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the

external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts

32

Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect

agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for

quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than

using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus

quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end

product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred

color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-

grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market

pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a

few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other

characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in

Chapter 2

Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill

et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm

diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby

1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of

potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions

a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any

given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often

select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as

early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity

maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-

based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested

33

these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-

scale farmers

Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited

characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean

farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa

Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US

supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product

the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale

benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale

distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time

allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is

in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would

be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance

In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was

reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-

Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and

community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced

varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However

due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin

(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo

(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with

development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the

preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of

34

this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context

of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also

analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa

agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts

In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming

practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization

in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual

relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique

history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from

domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans

and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian

foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not

necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean

people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh

aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and

quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and

nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection

playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences

such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly

diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal

husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided

Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh

environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the

35

agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time

of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity

maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western

agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different

quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into

agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for

variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety

selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the

future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type

practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the

dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further

agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-

long partners ndash Andean farmers

36

CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People

This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the

present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a

long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-

plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little

known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market

expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it

associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa

its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the

nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the

natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has

had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate

about the present and future conservation practices

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the

world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated

plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to

cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and

ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity

(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity

The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants

is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera

37

1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of

biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant

diversity

Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for

continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human

behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of

plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or

enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms

(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the

latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to

reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase

survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed

development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith

1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer

seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a

thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an

archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions

cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus

seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in

domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated

versions and hence human intervention

The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of

traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed

38

independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most

important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of

domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants

which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with

the Americas (Rivera 1998)

Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including

potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes

(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity

than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known

agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent

notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium

pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or

love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al

2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the

excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time

high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be

found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans

and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific

discoveries about this plant

The Fox and the Condor

The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in

ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin

story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called

39

The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from

starving recounted below

The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The

condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch

anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox

sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a

ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The

others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back

to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox

says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the

earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the

food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha

and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods

ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it

is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as

described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival

This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of

the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand

the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue

living in the otherwise harsh environment

What is Quinoa

Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a

domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South

America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a

40

pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a

primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things

it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments

(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide

variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates

Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2

m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits

(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa

grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al

2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection

discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated

varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as

previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain

exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains

Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely

known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones

and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala

Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a

wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily

detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the

grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-

related characteristics beyond color

41

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species

The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and

communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)

ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this

point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)

Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about

natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs

and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and

understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-

going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as

quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans

Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The

Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which

are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the

Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with

Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change

regarding the scientific classification of quinoa

Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been

misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For

example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds

1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field

work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to

establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports

In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the

42

pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the

usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for

analysis

Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is

due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones

encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked

phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and

Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems

attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of

attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of

genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great

agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in

a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and

species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying

and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in

Chapter 4

Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant

that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single

pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic

complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity

Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250

species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and

new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently

43

was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass

crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum

is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is

spread across the globe

Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean

classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having

ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson

199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated

Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated

Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson

and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World

Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes

Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-

Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)

In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and

wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite

and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri

ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct

Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C

boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006

Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp

zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across

the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into

44

Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi

Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum

has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the

Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South

Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that

grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity

It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C

berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill

2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were

domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis

indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be

more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies

between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa

and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)

Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and

huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for

great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp

zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)

Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species

including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The

quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original

ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American

origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split

45

occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has

been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the

quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further

hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-

industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the

quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies

involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the

large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not

presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise

dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation

of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent

and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future

History of Quinoa in the Andes

Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years

Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as

15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the

archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa

plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an

important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)

Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on

them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and

Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth

of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa

46

Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its

current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical

association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has

vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily

available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of

quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The

relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic

fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent

(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to

imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran

19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the

concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have

been connected in time and space with the plant

Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes

and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations

over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and

potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the

harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into

European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and

potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world

Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact

(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or

mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca

47

above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce

fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of

harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and

so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama

holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in

Argentina

Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360

Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of

European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the

reverence for Pachamama

48

Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their

agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa

2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al

(2013) specifically listed magic

The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus

threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in

discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful

alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous

foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period

(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production

relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its

production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)

Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous

local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was

noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)

providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was

considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory

reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be

inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic

research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people

with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although

49

quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food

revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the

Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status

associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with

competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production

declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European

contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa

Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo

another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of

sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased

competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline

in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain

apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)

although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was

apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the

value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities

continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still

present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the

biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of

Andean agriculture and ecosystems

Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled

with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford

50

1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming

quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the

seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as

well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have

contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times

While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years

South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a

domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are

responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)

so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity

through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by

European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that

maintained traditional knowledge and practices

While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described

across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American

explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean

quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including

Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-

grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th

centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead

1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of

Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow

red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while

51

acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-

consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor

(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the

Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of

quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely

known

While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists

continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the

1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the

Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a

plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-

known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that

the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive

In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and

noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In

1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops

(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread

out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and

nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does

not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a

Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the

botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the

Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence

52

of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone

growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both

color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat

interchangeably

While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead

1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the

nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003

Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South

America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals

and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43

published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which

were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about

quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely

distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the

world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread

publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with

the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global

consumption

The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in

1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier

range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer

1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador

Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds

53

reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other

cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with

the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of

quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)

however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and

Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs

In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno

Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and

consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern

science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American

scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor

collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al

1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who

extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they

ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in

favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean

products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also

affected by this bias

Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global

market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional

value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a

high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with

processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal

54

process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the

Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos

Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the

border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national

quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main

producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also

cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is

also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world

In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later

acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned

organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)

The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book

in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of

Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including

the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean

people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded

Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the

ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people

through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented

that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing

its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo

(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with

both viewed together through a socio-economic lens

55

The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)

who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of

quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed

complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the

domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial

areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including

the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a

place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes

from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was

a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and

culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and

plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live

side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both

survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while

Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a

production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts

prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the

world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional

food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its

noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western

world

Resurgence of Quinoa

Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it

was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and

56

Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids

including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining

nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and

speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the

species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by

ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide

market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health

food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US

expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers

Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be

the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This

proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated

years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity

and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such

accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this

status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN

2011b)

Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals

57

Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important

issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN

acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have

conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged

the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the

environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably

the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the

quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and

landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about

the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people

who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a

UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean

people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint

contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing

an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can

lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and

support of UN Millennium Goals

What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world

market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice

58

(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes

including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa

originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was

taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across

the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was

not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus

for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable

shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes

and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly

nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation

While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in

various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however

the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador

although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across

the world including the US and Canada

Source Bazile et al 2014

Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013

59

The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent

although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US

Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from

1900 to 2014

Source Bazile et al 2016

Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa

The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with

increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN

Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other

countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of

quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated

with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers

association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from

the 1980s to the present

60

Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export

more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow

quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa

exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington

Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved

in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods

Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker

Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company

to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa

include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California

Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows

and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and

Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and

there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large

multi-national industrial agriculture corporations

Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa

Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by

the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community

quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation

into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa

Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-

3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had

144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the

variety (Murphy et al 2016)

61

Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa

PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g

QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22

Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181

Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein

(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein

meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school

children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human

growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its

protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc

content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium

phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)

Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et

al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad

cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also

contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell

membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-

Carrasco et al 2003)

The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5

sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to

its high fiber content (UN 2011a)

62

In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total

dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN

2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of

time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit

and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)

Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These

two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders

caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various

properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo

Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as

wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of

quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa

is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being

touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to

cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al

2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today

Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the

global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the

farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa

which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship

How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa

Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal

consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization

has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section

63

describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products

are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of

the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily

consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual

cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between

traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more

traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within

species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with

agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link

Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary

focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and

leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also

consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is

commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive

and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy

Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews

2012

64

Food

As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is

consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have

different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although

there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties

In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain

recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for

different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used

for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et

al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans

have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which

underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on

culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and

farmer variety selection

Grain Products

The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently

consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part

quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice

although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The

grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske

which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for

the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared

like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed

65

Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of

chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and

sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure

prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that

quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka

celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from

quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru

beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony

A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing

combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which

are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and

convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer

product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in

villages or by farmers

66

Processed Quinoa

While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold

commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further

processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can

be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as

products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes

for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for

baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it

makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute

for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies

Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added

to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa

smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable

breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines

quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores

in the United States including pasta and baby food

In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the

length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the

winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important

step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need

to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer

layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is

exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different

stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most

67

quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional

rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case

Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The

traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using

an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a

child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind

stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this

childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants

agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they

can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of

modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who

makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to

make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant

in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption

Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image

credit Deborah Andrews 2014

68

Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from

rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora

is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa

dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips

Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial

purposes

Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

Medicine

While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa

plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine

The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)

Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation

relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN

2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever

69

urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss

of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness

anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in

addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is

traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments

Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional

medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional

medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not

normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter

however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to

broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used

for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research

on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)

providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent

scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price

since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and

studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes

(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has

antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and

antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have

medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or

therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity

70

Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In

the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high

altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from

the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The

stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as

compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and

scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties

with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity

Ritual Uses

Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in

Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs

and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as

birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from

their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close

relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal

2015)

As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)

Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral

ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most

well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology

Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour

preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and

celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan

Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa

71

The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they

use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to

their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make

figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other

symbols

One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant

Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa

jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration

for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig

blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly

and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production

Consumer Products

Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and

coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer

products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture

of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa

(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before

consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the

plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil

shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red

quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye

72

Animal Forage

The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are

used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals

however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in

Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be

marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does

not grow well

During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development

projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain

waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the

ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens

were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while

I observed farming demonstrations

One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to

become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the

introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would

be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high

elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10

chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than

commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped

into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental

conditions

73

Fuel

The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is

available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and

oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root

foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-

8)

A B

C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa

stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015

74

There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition

to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other

consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array

of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but

which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and

non-traditional

Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017

Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa

Negative Local Health Effects

One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the

indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the

concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase

75

may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-

nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market

demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa

tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher

than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter

3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not

proceeded without social debate

Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market

expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use

of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using

them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on

non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect

on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also

reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated

ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted

for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental

and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand

for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary

changes

The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to

global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too

expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an

article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the

76

fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)

In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the

argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that

quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey

2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the

high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the

loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is

continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since

there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor

diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa

consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)

Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that

consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands

The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems

well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not

the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been

occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a

prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food

source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the

increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of

preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A

common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time

77

that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw

grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes

While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into

Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of

ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino

a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to

the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the

farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue

of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects

vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price

While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent

analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while

quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004

quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period

from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which

Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the

diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly

concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in

household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger

increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the

quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the

price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be

determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers

78

The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by

Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates

including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and

the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced

crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of

poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science

confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source

Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the

20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim

Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace

in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy

restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness

of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used

quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)

Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the

world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a

change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to

science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional

knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past

denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing

conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study

of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics

As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested

79

notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)

Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean

identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The

globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by

Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-

driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as

scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches

While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the

question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its

survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate

In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its

usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage

uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not

worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status

and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to

world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are

often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its

history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and

preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the

Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced

knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either

the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will

explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market

80

CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND

WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME

This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the

market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers

go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale

there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern

changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that

the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the

agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa

farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the

traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of

quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that

have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how

these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

Diversification and the Environment

Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of

ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this

extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes

Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be

grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can

grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato

As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most

important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of

quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000

81

meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there

can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In

some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen

2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little

organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)

Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and

varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just

as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean

environment quinoa has too

In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the

agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most

Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms

can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small

farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder

farms in the altiplano

Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly

diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop

(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme

climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the

same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under

various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will

thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a

traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices

82

due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems

for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of

quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-

zone

What are the Current Farming Practices

Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing

shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen

2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included

the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers

first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a

tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent

one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor

and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting

In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported

in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)

These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing

practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance

(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil

moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study

has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers

(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with

looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a

cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized

tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of

83

any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for

the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist

with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms

having no adult men present

In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging

areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands

have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as

the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can

lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include

environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion

and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the

productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe

or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to

irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip

with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the

altiplano if they have not done so already

Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and

also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers

let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a

current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the

soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other

crops of choice that grows in the altiplano

84

Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with

maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without

interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys

quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes

(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as

2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco

region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow

well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field

crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation

Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot

afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before

planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This

usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil

before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough

fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop

The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a

source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on

the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer

which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm

Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale

and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather

condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting

Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the

85

landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower

which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean

farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant

their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated

to cultural practice

In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa

planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop

Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing

season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first

blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for

the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for

sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of

the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of

September

With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN

2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period

Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the

altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation

the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by

hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual

maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same

field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties

planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully

86

select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that

mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the

traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage

of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same

time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be

harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same

variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening

and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be

planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and

traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of

quinoa

There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the

focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with

a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially

since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was

especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers

However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a

better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the

region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete

ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as

drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place

and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can

reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other

87

regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with

quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with

the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would

make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown

without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more

resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters

allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al

2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-

resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano

Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with

mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one

of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on

the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include

insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are

used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural

practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests

With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due

to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa

such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are

more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa

because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties

including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss

due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating

88

the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due

to pests

Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which

is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can

be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those

locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues

experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of

irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa

harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due

to the onset of cold

The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in

agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a

risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting

more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows

for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the

season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized

harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing

additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity

practices

Harvesting

Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry

After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This

delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is

a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed

89

during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the

exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora

The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held

sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that

added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that

some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout

the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the

same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is

cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry

The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack

hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to

expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other

available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop

(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice

that is not always followed

Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

90

Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on

weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage

of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers

rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the

stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates

the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed

much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to

separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that

the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the

mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product

Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12

people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying

and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the

farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10

for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative

to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be

difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor

Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from

the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

91

The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further

remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional

processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle

This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining

shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile

with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the

panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)

Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The

remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer

stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is

also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although

they can digest the green stalks

The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of

stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure

3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of

92

available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further

remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is

poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris

away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant

altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting

Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

93

Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of

removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this

process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the

birds so that they would not cry

Quinoa Processing

Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are

also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins

are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al

2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the

pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process

(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN

2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that

Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin

removal prior to eating

Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin

removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had

the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously

rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in

saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create

complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water

needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand

pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with

water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN

saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can

94

also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities

for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers

store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale

In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming

techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The

fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued

agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized

harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different

varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand

harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties

can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation

since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An

emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop

at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield

The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root

systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation

also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and

higher humidity

Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms

with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm

animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production

Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their

products on the market discussed in the next section

95

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market

Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next

step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their

product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their

products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers

at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa

on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section

discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market

expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market

access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for

networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes

Farmersrsquo Markets

Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of

Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most

vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground

For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped

out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale

Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

96

Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and

flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed

form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered

form (Figure 3-7)

Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as

commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and

commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for

the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the

vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it

Farmersrsquo Cooperatives

Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join

a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As

noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves

the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market

COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru

97

Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables

them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both

The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health

foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos

empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of

the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I

have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the

representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is

still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting

with outside contacts

COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to

selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed

to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their

education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the

seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4

men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds

The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4

COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an

organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN

formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social

network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014

they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought

their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they

98

purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified

that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It

would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the

people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new

practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This

discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in

another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not

necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth

which will be discussed in the section on price

COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their

harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national

and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well

as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized

market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market

The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the

farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and

the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and

thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory

has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional

drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on

black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for

drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is

gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last

99

steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of

the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)

Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by

the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but

also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was

limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to

foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of

its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in

foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN

seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available

purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in

a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would

be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople

COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each

farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each

100

farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally

consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received

wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired

internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the

farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on

purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day

was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa

on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than

percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped

dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa

grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa

pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing

In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high

demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to

the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with

other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners

of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it

appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for

intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or

end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors

selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their

inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many

distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially

101

maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their

inventory and maintain cash flow

Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition

from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which

almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers

could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price

increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more

quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in

2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year

and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was

restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of

production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent

changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers

and would be an interesting point for further study in the future

While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the

farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter

the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection

between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and

non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the

market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number

of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending

on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a

number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in

102

the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo

markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where

orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the

national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements

to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are

involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the

quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain

The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller

international sales of quinoa flour and flakes

Future Market Expansion

Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales

COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted

above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white

quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market

infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products

Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential

to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation

On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a

meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products

from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food

research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr

Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he

had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products

103

One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic

cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing

salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a

folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger

than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which

they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea

Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed

around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I

thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some

experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due

to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick

lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the

packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared

tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high

nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa

While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what

other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close

to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining

ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat

consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial

market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that

would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved

forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture

104

would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon

return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food

products available in local grocery stores

Agricultural Fairs

Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market

contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and

provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is

informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is

held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in

the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United

States

The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not

notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the

fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place

throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able

to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to

be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate

different ways to consume it

There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products

Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were

displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display

included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were

prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies

105

were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items

included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative

One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice

cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it

out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was

subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair

a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice

cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then

realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the

honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice

cream could be a hit in the United States

The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the

finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the

individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths

had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One

display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was

red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the

potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and

purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same

as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant

activity

One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending

quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an

106

ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to

the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my

hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass

given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise

downed the whole glass

Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking

demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake

Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep

fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I

said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr

Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and

popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise

Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather

and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are

a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for

quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be

a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to

maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of

quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance

since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values

107

Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015

Pricing

Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market

that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream

grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase

production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa

occurred in Peru as well as in other countries

Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising

three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)

Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled

(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price

dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global

market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001

to 2014

108

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014

While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data

Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike

in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production

volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos

annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus

taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than

doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold

production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru

in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the

subsequent drop in price

Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity

and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth

in Figure 3-11

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Vo

lum

e in

Met

ric

ton

s

Year

QUINOA PRODUCTION

Peru Bolivia

109

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003

According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of

sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A

similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)

Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno

Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

19

91

19

92

19

93

19

94

19

95

19

96

19

97

19

98

19

99

20

00

20

01

20

02

20

03

20

04

20

05

20

06

20

07

20

08

20

09

20

10

20

11

20

12

20

13

20

14

US

Do

llars

pe

r to

n

Peru Quinoa Producer Prices

Value

0

05

1

15

2

25

3

35

4

45

Sole

s p

er

kilo

gram

Years

Puno Producer Prices

110

As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went

down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a

dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other

countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly

supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to

grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa

production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)

Source Hudson 2015

Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop

The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to

August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the

period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In

2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently

13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people

were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from

111

the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the

reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and

mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I

returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015

Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back

down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these

price changes have had on quinoa producers

I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I

had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said

that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer

However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to

increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other

segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN

Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase

practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were

delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the

global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned

cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial

sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six

months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their

farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized

vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and

transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and

112

as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN

however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all

of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any

given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-

week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa

Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa

on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members

and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that

they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from

whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others

than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its

own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers

who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative

became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN

Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as

demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very

skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was

in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-

members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new

practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this

development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot

report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local

market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during

113

its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were

previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially

in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues

primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the

demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a

period of time

The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided

insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had

stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and

delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were

indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research

reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the

increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi

and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited

other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including

areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a

shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a

number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional

grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on

the market was not a consideration during the boom times

While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the

color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN

management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in

114

2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal

value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa

which is red white and black

The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the

COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white

quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per

arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained

agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things

occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped

substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white

quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance

practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers

who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame

While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears

that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not

dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the

period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black

quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have

predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be

published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the

consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported

health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific

1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos

115

studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all

reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the

quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus

on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are

usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and

both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa

nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)

however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial

production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other

considerations such as biodiversity maintenance

Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies

range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to

memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The

traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to

the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation

times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines

allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it

relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is

reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of

climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of

pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for

sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a

market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be

116

consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction

to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the

partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with

an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem

and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides

are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons

to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop

success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer

demands

It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take

into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not

distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015

however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the

lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30

more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well

as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price

drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects

that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur

in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-

based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found

demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level

There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers

In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by

117

competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have

different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food

to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While

the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten

years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-

scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the

addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global

market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next

chapter

118

CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING

A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and

agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of

the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study

period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in

selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter

also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related

to these subjects

Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is

essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate

change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human

selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the

desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental

stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that

farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a

variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al

2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the

creation and maintenance of an array of varieties

Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by

maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of

colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food

119

product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be

fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through

domination of market-driven desired product characteristics

While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global

market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)

and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet

and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important

characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the

market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product

that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which

took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for

sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same

colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as

larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices

however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color

while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing

the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in

collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can

also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an

array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product

identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors

efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance

120

While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is

not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some

people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red

quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of

quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about

the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names

to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the

plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural

salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and

this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the

Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-

embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the

variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain

size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself

necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the

specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use

accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a

link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge

relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers

Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a

domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human

selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics

located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among

121

and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity

can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of

seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of

thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting

improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)

Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa

species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by

ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural

selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside

domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa

plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While

many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-

seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis

has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et

al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such

varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the

wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore

contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus

nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo

practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant

With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding

a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the

Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and

122

wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same

time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and

domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian

species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of

the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean

varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even

within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human

selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The

continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of

the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the

agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding

varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate

change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on

sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is

already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus

continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa

that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of

agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species

To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species

quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes

favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not

123

account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the

observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety

of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important

cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to

both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural

and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity

especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple

threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)

states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires

concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the

Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other

humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa

helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified

Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture

local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno

The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make

annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to

the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes

are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences

As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since

the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason

they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not

derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional

124

culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has

a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk

classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up

and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research

discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a

gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the

farmers

While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical

and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are

other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of

scientific classificatory schemes is that

Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)

In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human

element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on

morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of

external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective

on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered

people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the

economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the

spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the

local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has

125

affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient

features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture

The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis

and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains

are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as

belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains

determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-

biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can

provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together

based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk

taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute

to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification

When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa

market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After

all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species

What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were

hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps

thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous

times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published

research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this

information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork

that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I

had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals

126

and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a

Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located

While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report

(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure

does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species

that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a

species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a

comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent

of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction

plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species

including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity

exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper

Farmersrsquo Knowledge

Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector

I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe

logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names

that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the

people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and

experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)

ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also

the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical

knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well

as cultural adaptations and changes

127

To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of

quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers

(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa

varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students

from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered

quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a

total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that

the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or

used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from

the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and

demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also

conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the

participants

During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify

different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often

used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same

species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics

that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a

variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name

The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties

1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable

128

express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select

seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant

This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that

they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable

characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and

organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different

scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species

level

Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash

farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify

quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus

the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to

humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson

noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive

mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus

the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated

with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to

identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the

names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological

classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called

peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and

people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with

129

classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in

some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature

In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a

commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem

with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa

without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the

research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms

especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was

after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific

classification systems arose

Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa

names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications

Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the

accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other

identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the

sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and

included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207

names of varieties some going back over 70 years

Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as

easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made

about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there

was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic

pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and

130

put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the

various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping

I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one

farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which

he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names

which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given

different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a

different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the

State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)

In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate

overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed

this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local

farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and

Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus

for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in

Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the

purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific

varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the

farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in

the scientific literature that I reviewed

Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr

Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is

131

an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the

scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I

removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods

and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying

chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in

ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity

parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus

while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa

demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)

talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the

scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I

have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and

revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness

In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office

in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples

of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13

varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)

The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than

noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able

to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of

gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in

finding names in places outside of publications

132

Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012

Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru

Rank Variety

1 Amarilla Marangani

2 Blanca de Juli

3 Kancolla

4 Blanca de Junin

5 Hualhuas

6 Huancayo

7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano

8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca

9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana

10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla

11 Illpa INIA

12 Salcedo INIA

13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013

As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names

to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most

comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my

collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with

133

the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different

quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they

were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a

list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book

to extract the names

Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)

referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did

not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like

Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In

compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other

researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014

Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the

altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from

Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties

After reviewing published academic research governmental documents

consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a

comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the

farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37

that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but

three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished

names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara

language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive

environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific

134

knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-

laden environment

The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the

evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I

encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa

names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be

comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially

since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes

differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the

quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the

two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern

variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting

point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such

as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional

absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than

accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to

farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to

provide consistency

As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the

use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination

was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the

field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard

135

to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the

biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)

Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is

contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first

used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather

populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria

such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)

says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological

characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)

definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows

Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)

Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on

historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes

are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has

not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the

association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term

ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not

when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace

acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these

136

varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the

term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or

if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way

the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into

accepted categories is not a simple task

Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and

have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of

quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations

Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species

(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa

types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not

synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the

same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage

While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different

varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working

domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a

grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species

as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related

varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several

varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race

While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the

species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification

system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large

137

number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of

quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct

groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)

Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic

distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification

category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems

While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg

Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently

Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and

have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and

Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)

The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between

species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete

varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic

organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the

names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are

used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla

pasankalla and roja among others

Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-

groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca

Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since

they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on

differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the

138

individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and

cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly

anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates

the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking

plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city

names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers

who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired

morphological characteristics

In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with

subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)

Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name

White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla

quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla

Source Tapia et al (2014)

Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my

research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years

covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity

pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90

farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps

an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which

could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting

question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline

was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties

139

(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can

be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof

to social networks including formal organizations

With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I

have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use

One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten

which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten

and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I

studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further

described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial

sale

In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)

Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified

primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for

each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race

Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples

1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa

Source Mujica et al 2013

These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al

(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-

140

Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with

altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al

(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-

Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al

(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not

include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while

these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification

scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually

overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize

classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a

consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification

system

In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the

wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of

species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument

yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild

relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other

domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the

race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara

acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two

types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also

have domesticated characteristics

141

Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know

and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except

for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish

conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to

group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to

provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its

usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a

particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further

organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a

wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa

While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa

it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end

products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the

grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that

can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market

with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a

much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the

farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names

including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow

(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al

(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications

of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In

addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent

142

and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of

color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not

identifying a specific variety

In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a

specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color

form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten

identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern

Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety

Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different

fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana

(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples

rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana

either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of

the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name

such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla

rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types

into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both

strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and

variety that passes on color-based information about the variety

Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain

color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package

For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly

distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the

143

intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained

any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences

Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-

driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to

knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package

that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled

ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety

for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely

distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information

may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of

diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of

the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to

base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to

demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity

preservation

The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of

knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the

possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other

quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and

collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide

ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also

reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This

research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano

144

farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of

quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names

Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are

needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of

classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment

of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be

conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection

based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional

information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary

properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa

variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety

knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research

may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield

While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and

which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are

associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)

sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the

product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural

connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still

wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful

especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to

maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate

transportation marketing and other costs

145

To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried

out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of

several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of

quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative

purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was

used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned

the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic

The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same

amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest

panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the

grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all

extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table

4-4)

Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos

Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900

Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by

the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a

plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent

of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests

146

While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an

experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans

placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The

researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even

though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response

however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the

earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on

my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers

loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was

visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that

had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I

observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating

some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews

where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that

attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a

factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the

global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation

Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead

yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers

made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in

the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about

the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo

characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest

147

infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past

information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align

In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties

based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment

choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the

highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this

variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi

which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year

Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for

the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both

of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et

al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with

kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla

is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo

INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences

farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most

frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed

ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not

planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties

most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not

necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this

experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-

hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be

148

some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even

marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the

climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield

obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted

varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be

grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most

frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government

agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo

practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and

features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions

How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant

To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and

interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that

they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in

this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were

linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and

UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is

important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and

others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of

change due to globalization and outside consumer influences

As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had

planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was

28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to

twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm

149

selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of

specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably

this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In

addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds

90

Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties

Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)

1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6

Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA

The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew

blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as

does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the

study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow

unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in

different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based

on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting

question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the

connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this

150

variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed

further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection

and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety

called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the

farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not

list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history

of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers

This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of

sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of

salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may

not completely explain its dominance

Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown

by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only

grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single

female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each

(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and

plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers

and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent

on a small number of farmers

To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown

by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-

student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The

151

average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old

the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old

The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-

op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and

female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers

with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and

thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on

the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who

participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to

their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages

although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups

The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of

these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of

farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university

farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in

the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of

Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although

the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more

extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the

student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not

grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the

university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university

farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller

152

number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance

of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one

with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age

differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including

flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity

maintenance

Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24

Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35

27

2018

16

54

2

Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Blanca de Juli

Kancolla

Chulpi

Choclito

14

8

9

11115

87653

Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Kancolla

Blanca

Coito

Blanca de Juli

Negra

153

With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the

average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average

number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as

gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229

varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older

farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this

measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened

degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions

between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to

the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed

by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos

data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-

op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the

students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further

discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however

does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are

growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties

Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown

Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)

Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265

To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions

among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35

co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table

154

4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group

growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more

co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one

group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding

the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity

maintenance

Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties

Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers

Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29

With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers

there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females

versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most

frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could

be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but

I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic

affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety

This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female

farmers that could be explored in the future

Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university

farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9

versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only

grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only

one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small

155

(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender

differences in agrodiversity maintenance

For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a

season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a

tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on

average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females

however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for

males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female

farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One

particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm

during a single season further discussed below

To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the

farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised

for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety

selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the

farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for

personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces

as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select

seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons

for seed selection to see if they still remained true

Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they

grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30

female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well

156

and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The

farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-

10)

Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection

Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses

Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15

While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given

reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local

environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were

1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)

2) frost resistance (10 responses) and

3) resists climate change (3 responses)

While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the

altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost

resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late

in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the

season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the

reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could

survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not

thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the

varying conditions of the harsh environment

157

The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is

consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)

Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions

including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example

Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are

adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold

temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and

thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason

consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh

altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive

drought cold and salt

The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield

accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18

responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4

responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more

grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to

each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does

not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being

twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in

size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These

findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and

provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an

important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to

158

have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the

farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow

While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on

their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not

the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases

leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew

201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not

have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more

adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara

The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a

total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were

1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)

2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and

3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)

The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in

variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as

blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term

amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white

quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this

trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten

responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows

more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers

159

The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the

availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some

purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some

farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual

seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a

realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the

seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability

which further inhibits their conservation

A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest

resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter

varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents

listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers

specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection

While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no

suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties

In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The

first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly

relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in

obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of

the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third

category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user

With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are

important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety

160

selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to

Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more

variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if

culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo

response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage

This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at

least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years

ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures

of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to

grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which

agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on

how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I

asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties

no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to

availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties

grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the

more obscure varieties

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices

Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety

selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources

and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has

been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al

161

(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean

farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with

neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)

found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties

consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge

(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study

For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties

need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes

where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds

Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds

Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the

prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of

seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed

selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires

knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for

seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further

described in the next section

Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage

Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100

162

While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in

this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that

they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA

(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project

(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that

the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they

collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers

collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other

considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm

As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency

is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments

has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived

from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of

the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production

including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA

representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not

surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains

collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from

using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices

providing them with the benefit of seed independence2

2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act

163

Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the

varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that

originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA

were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic

certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN

has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements

of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not

purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties

needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with

farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with

the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant

INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased

seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that

thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered

organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of

organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with

the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not

afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining

organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source

Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed

experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge

in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same

level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups

164

and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes

(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered

expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and

there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to

outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas

are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of

qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds

During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects

semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016

they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using

semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN

selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I

interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions

between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is

quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to

agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection

Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals

farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held

across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to

quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to

county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products

including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and

musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as

165

food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site

consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour

and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs

have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage

production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large

inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about

agrodiversity

In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future

crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but

seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-

saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the

same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available

however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA

however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of

commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection

the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have

seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds

likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially

due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to

shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the

readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other

varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of

existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an

166

important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be

conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by

semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of

agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor

The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity

maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-

use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic

diversity

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity

Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary

of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number

of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop

Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration

noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for

farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains

on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for

the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports

yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were

selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next

generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed

selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as

compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the

actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well

167

as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the

desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds

Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency

Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89

Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants

can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term

ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate

which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were

noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an

important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50

of the responses for selection

Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or

strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of

environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield

By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive

168

plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants

in the vicinity

Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed

selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the

plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a

frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer

evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future

seed selection

Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the

cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a

specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa

harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants

in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is

not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering

of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can

easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique

also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners

can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed

early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first

plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation

While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions

additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was

a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the

169

evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as

well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight

There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number

of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for

selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the

pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection

meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the

seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety

Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection

indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic

market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the

decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with

maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices

then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification

is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that

was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the

concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community

One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as

a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use

of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the

operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the

number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant

170

preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final

consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting

In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa

seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field

or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of

factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting

season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which

demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by

cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety

selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of

the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the

same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation

Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate

good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to

comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with

the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which

variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be

similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better

environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties

Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion

strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware

of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as

well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration

171

and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation

since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential

While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop

that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits

choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to

farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based

on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between

presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential

predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white

varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into

consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global

market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not

appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since

the variety name rarely appears on labels

As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety

distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence

agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the

culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use

there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-

white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in

the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated

benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the

most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity

172

maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety

distinctions

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection

Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the

distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in

Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la

Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated

gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender

distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often

more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence

agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of

crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn

(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men

demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)

With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the

eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the

exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed

exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-

community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection

Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select

seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos

emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and

cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection

can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch

173

molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al

2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender

aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight

into the nuances and complexities of this intersection

New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by

female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity

sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this

understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had

a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region

According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and

who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than

men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that

women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead

bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or

exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that

women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally

observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his

mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in

and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her

husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional

practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that

such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in

seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of

174

women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected

several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection

demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women

Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

A Female Semillista Example

Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the

community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often

well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of

COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well

known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with

specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a

number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa

varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a

child

Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved

in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by

management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the

population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming

175

She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has

grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and

was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr

Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica

who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide

information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name

but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties

Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them

on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa

varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in

this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field

(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I

have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her

life-long interest in quinoa diversity

Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

176

Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and

carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-

2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were

not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to

conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life

she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered

from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields

and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not

sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays

these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her

seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing

my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display

At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a

table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were

some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label

Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

177

The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below

bull Ajara inerto

bull Ajara negro

bull Blanca de Juli

bull Camacani

bull Cheweca

bull Chile

bull Choclo kancolla

bull Chucapaca

bull Chullpi Amarillo

bull Chullpi blanca

bull Chullpi roja

bull Cuchi willa

bull INIA Ilpa

bull INIA Salcedo

bull INIA Salcedo rosa

bull Kamire

bull Kancolla roja

bull Kancolla rosada

bull Koscosa

bull Marangani

bull Mesa quinoa

bull Mestiza

bull Negra collana I

bull Panela

bull Pasancalla plomo

bull Quinus misturas

bull Rosada junin

bull Rosada taraco

bull Sajama

bull Tahuaco

bull Vizallanino

Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred

INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She

uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She

always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather

Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows

178

the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds

requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is

implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting

crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in

risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional

ecological knowledge

I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she

was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was

familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the

plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her

depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been

identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red

and is also called misa quinoa

Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and

has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does

not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains

When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds

for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects

varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also

seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this

179

study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from

the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from

other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an

interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes

Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of

the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were

used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)

Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color

Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca

Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is

toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help

with pain

Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around

them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is

called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa

harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa

seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the

healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches

from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the

plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season

180

What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection

While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct

gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in

2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to

obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed

experts

An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling

good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as

farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make

arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is

rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly

pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large

and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall

to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa

Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra

Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he

decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this

organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic

certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected

to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa

for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they

purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was

still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he

received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his

181

involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price

While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate

in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until

he could get a better price

Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds

on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa

(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his

agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A

Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32

Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was

broad agrodiversity

This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male

and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)

appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male

crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men

highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional

female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further

study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa

production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding

varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of

agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa

products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further

articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance

182

These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or

indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men

and women

Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused

on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal

interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took

personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa

varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is

enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during

a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any

necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through

seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds

Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

183

Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species

the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This

research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa

variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from

published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian

184

altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional

quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the

importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study

also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also

experimenting with new quinoa varieties

The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the

need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of

quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common

characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological

zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional

categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is

commonly used

Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number

of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate

adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather

conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating

the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the

success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are

important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to

varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice

While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual

yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by

increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important

185

the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the

encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-

resistant varieties can influence yield

The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which

relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa

was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a

variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also

become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary

qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition

demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated

with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level

Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods

continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in

the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected

by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian

cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the

exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties

become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make

a difference in consumer-driven market demand

While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific

reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so

prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types

186

such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance

in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet

this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While

the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the

demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered

against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the

demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white

quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers

who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa

including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who

solely grew white quinoa

An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many

farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed

selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas

Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by

INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection

While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a

published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment

demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was

relatively high

Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who

serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance

187

While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on

yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are

important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender

differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to

agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices

There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of

quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited

number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing

the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus

quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties

may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers

41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these

41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period

were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not

growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of

current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory

of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the

establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a

starting point that can be further developed and studied

188

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa

farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa

market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a

degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow

more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of

planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a

crop due to climatic conditions or infestation

Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what

variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold

drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The

importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional

risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in

the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by

women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The

efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to

the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour

production

The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-

factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed

selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of

semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government

agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of

189

seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices

In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential

yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some

of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving

agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations

Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of

quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as

compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to

teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge

by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence

other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas

Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance

since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows

for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more

mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire

crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to

be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest

Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For

example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary

diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa

agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also

promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear

that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca

190

civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by

COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa

agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and

baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation

Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve

quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro

and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is

another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste

variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that

variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that

serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded

cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa

Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity

The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa

including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful

selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices

dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded

conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to

market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products

use different varieties based on their culinary properties

Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing

population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the

191

biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given

the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate

change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in

understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative

consequences

Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history

includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of

the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the

history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards

due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as

well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural

significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value

of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to

maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption

Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research

demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports

and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While

quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which

provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from

many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity

and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study

found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different

kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about

192

30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different

environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected

that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the

30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the

numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties

were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the

63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not

grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by

Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of

Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two

hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting

a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa

However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented

only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of

quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative

effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca

is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may

account for greater diversity results

There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be

maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both

maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different

varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red

black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional

193

scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the

consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian

efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary

schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes

that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics

Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also

conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different

types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can

boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation

into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive

different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety

diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather

and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be

discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or

governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a

consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection

Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance

is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of

quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market

entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for

the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored

quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global

quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the

194

unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market

hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the

colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique

nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the

market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded

agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline

While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties

to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white

quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors

is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with

red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a

market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white

quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving

global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open

and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market

The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the

results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet

only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of

varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the

Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences

already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects

found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after

Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication

195

date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already

altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my

study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety

grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before

this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on

farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs

The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed

selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had

already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a

silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can

provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa

conservation going forward

Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor

in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic

especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen

through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important

factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides

the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional

differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect

on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge

can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market

diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is

196

an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation

practices that can be rewarded by the market

In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and

medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity

conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in

traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect

of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and

domesticated varieties

The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in

understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor

the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated

and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies

The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in

understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many

different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of

organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings

Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-

species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties

and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the

varieties including morphological as well as cultural information

The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon

independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help

funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas

197

and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research

should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation

especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the

conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be

quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings

that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate

the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly

are doing more for conservation than many government programs

Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer

population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming

tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is

unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa

conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs

that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies

that can help improve quinoa production

Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production

and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men

controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women

are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there

appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact

with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of

many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done

in markets across time

198

There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and

how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean

people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the

complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter

these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe

it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species

that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing

popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa

agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who

personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade

199

APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES

NAME SOURCE

Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014

Achachino Mujica et al 201361

Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014

Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna

Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A

Ajara inerto Expert A

Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392

Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460

Amallado Farmer survey 2014

Amaltado Farmer survey 2014

Amargas Mujica et al 2013

Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)

Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013

Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90

Antawara real Mujica et al 201397

Atacama Mujica et al 201362

Atlas Jarvis et al 2017

Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361

Baer II Mujica et al 201362

Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014

Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015

Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014

Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A

Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A

Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169

Camiri Mujica et al 201369

Canchones Mujica et al 201362

Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014

Carina red Jarvis et al 2017

200

Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943

Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144

Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014

Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013

Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382

Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017

Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Chile Expert A

Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77

Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Choclo kancolla Expert A

Chola Hunziker 1943

Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A

Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A

Chullpi Amarillo Expert A

Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A

Chupica witulla Tapia 2014

Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477

Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection

Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014

Cochabamba Tapia 2014

AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu

Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014

ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943

Copacabana Tapia 2014

Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A

Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014

Cunaccota Tapia 2014

Dahue Hunziker 1943

Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014

ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361

Faro Mujica et al 201321 62

Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Granolada Farmer Survey 2014

Gris Hunziker 1943

Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna

Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

201

Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014

Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361

Huacataz Mujica et al 201361

Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013

Huallhas Mujica et al 201369

Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015

Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Huaranga Mujica et al 201361

Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361

Hueque Fuentes et al 2012

IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382

IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382

Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A

Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012

INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368

INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361

INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)

Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361

Islunga Mujica et al 201321

Jana Hunziker 1943

Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura

Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014

Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Jaru ckello Tapia 2014

Javi Fuentes et al 2012

Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943

Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014

Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014

Jujuy Mujica et al 201369

Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362

Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362

Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Juraj Farmer Survey 2014

Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A

KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Kancolla roja Expert A

Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A

Kcana ckello Tapia 2014

Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013

Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014

202

Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito

Koscosa Expert A

Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017

Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017

Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390

Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382

Lipena Mujica et al 201361

Lito Mujica et al 201321 62

Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014

Maniquena Mujica et al 201361

Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69

Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A

Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361

Mau Fuentes et al 2012

Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Millmi Hunziker 1943

MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Nameya ayara Tapia 201477

Namora Mujica et al 201361

Narino Mujica et al 201362

Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369

Negroa Farmer Survey 2014

Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A

Ollague Jarvis et al 2017

Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103

Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012

Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Pandela rosada INIA photo collection

Parakai Hunziker 1943

Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014

Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013

Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label

Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A

Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460

Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460

Phera Farmer Survey 2014

Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015

Plomao Farmer Survey 2014

Potosi Tapia 2014

Puc Fuentes et al 2012

Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78

203

Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382

Qillu ayara Tapia 201477

Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013

Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014

Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361

Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369

Regalona Jarvis et al 2017

Robura Mujica et al 201361

Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361

Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014

Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014

Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014

Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369

Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014

Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361

Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468

Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014

Samaranti Mujica et al 201361

Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Sayana Mujica et al 201361

Senora Mujica et al 201361 90

Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321

Tabacomi Tapia 201468

Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Toledo Mujica et al 201361

Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321

Tupiza Mujica et al 201321

Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97

Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90

Utusaya Mujica et al 201361

Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014

Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety

Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390

Wila ayara Tapia 201477

Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398

Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478

Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014

Yana quinua Hunziker 1943

204

Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382

Yujiura Tapia 201465

205

APPENDIX B

RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA

Races of the Altiplano

1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla

Races of Inter-Andean Valleys

Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)

Races of Junin

16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)

Races of Ancash

19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)

Races of Cajamarca

23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada

Source Tapia et al (2014)

206

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2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL

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Chalmers Nigel and Christo Fabricius 2007 Expert and Generalist Local Knowledge about Land-cover Change on South

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Cherfas Jeremy

2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016

Christensen SA DB Pratt C Pratt PT Nelson MR Stevens EN Jellen CE Coleman DJ Fairbanks A Bonifacio PJ Maughan 2007 Assessment of genetic diversity in the USDA and CIP-FAO international nursery

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Davis Anthony and John R Wagner 2003 Who Knows On the Importance of Identifying ldquoExpertsrdquo When Researching

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209

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Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium

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de Cultivos Andinos La Paz Bolivia

210

Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the

Present PhD dissertation Department of Anthropology Washington University in St Louis Missouri

Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis

2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497

Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J

1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169

Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology

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Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated

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London 31184-190 Jarvis David E Yung Shwen Ho Damien J Lightfoot Sandra M Schmoumlckel Bo Li Theo J A Borm Hajime Ohyanagi Katsuhiko Mineta Craig T Michell Noha Saber Najeh M Kharbatia Ryan R Rupper Aaron R Sharp Nadine Dally Berin A Boughton Yong H Woo Ge Gao Elio G W M Schijlen Xiujie Guo Afaque A Momin Soacutenia Negratildeo Salim Al-Babili Christoph Gehring Ute Roessner Christian Jung Kevin Murphy Stefan T Arold Takashi Gojobori C Gerard van der Linden Eibertus N van Loo Eric N Jellen Peter J Maughan and Mark Tester 2017 The genome of Chenopodium quinoa Nature 1-6

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Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in

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576

Kobayashi Orion and Mariano Beillard 2016 Peru Quinoa Price Fluctuation Global Agricultural Information Network USDA

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2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32

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Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes

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Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del

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Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford

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Anthropology 25329-53

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Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical

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Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article

Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93

Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany

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Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick

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Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of

Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846

Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y

Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)

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Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)

and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189

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Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari

2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011

Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain

(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315

Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change

and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138

Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland

Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara

Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of

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Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook

of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497

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in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333

216

Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ

Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany

19(3)223-235

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Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)

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las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe

Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio

2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC

Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture

Organization

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Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos

No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65

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supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006

Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural

Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC

United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231

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2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin

America and the Caribbean

2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and

Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region

Nd United Nations Observances International Years

Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547

218

Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)

and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of

Pennsylvania Press

Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site

in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley

Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)

Economic Botany 44(3)92-110

1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239

Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium

nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206

Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023

Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and

Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601

219

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a

Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of

Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after

taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well

as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of

Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme

Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In

2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th

Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has

been active in local and state issues

In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in

environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was

awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal

Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American

Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation

Page 4: THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN …

4

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne

Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my

sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of

my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise

advice

I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional

del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno

He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on

field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to

ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me

and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student

Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was

also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and

quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it

takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa

farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa

farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in

this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most

importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this

study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me

To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much

more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose

5

example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this

dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we

adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the

University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza

for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 8

LIST OF FIGURES 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11

ABSTRACT 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 14

Research Question 14

Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29

2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36

The Fox and the Condor 38

What is Quinoa 39

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45

Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62

Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66

Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72

Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74

3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80

Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82

7

Harvesting 88

Quinoa Processing 93

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104

Pricing 107

4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172

A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180

5 CONCLUSION 188

APPENDIX

A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199

B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205

LIST OF REFERENCES 206

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219

8

LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61

4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132

4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138

4-3 Races of Quinoa 139

4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145

4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149

4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153

4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154

4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156

4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161

4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167

4-11 Quinoa Uses 179

9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47

2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58

2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59

2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63

2-5 Peske 65

2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67

2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68

2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73

2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74

3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89

3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90

3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91

3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92

3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92

3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95

3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96

3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99

3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107

3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108

3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109

3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109

3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110

10

4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132

4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152

4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152

4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174

4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175

4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176

4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182

4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183

4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183

11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa

COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria

NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

NGO Non-governmental organization

UN United Nations

UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

US United States

12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS

AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

Deborah J Andrews

August 2017

Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology

This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-

scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa

crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of

globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-

colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate

it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who

relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however

has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity

maintenance and increased risk to farmers

The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys

and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This

study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers

including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers

selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced

variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200

13

quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period

of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number

of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary

properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this

study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of

between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of

this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance

including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including

the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon

existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level

including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other

consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued

crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and

marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers

especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the

beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint

contributions to global food security

14

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Research Question

This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean

quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the

farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market

Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of

agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection

Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production

and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)

consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including

Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of

agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have

grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is

the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as

well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and

Helmreich 2010546)

In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish

colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the

question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of

market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained

global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to

losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards

monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the

15

dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial

market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least

color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global

market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity

Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on

dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional

benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food

source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for

thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional

small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-

species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in

light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study

This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about

the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets

have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural

practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to

quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the

popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa

specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on

very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon

many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of

varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the

difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored

16

below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This

study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been

maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano

While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity

this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity

maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need

to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity

practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the

biodiversity of quinoa

The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that

affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for

resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and

paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go

togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-

scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and

how they changed in response to market globalization

Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa

provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures

especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the

Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo

et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual

festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for

17

symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits

(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in

decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in

agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In

acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found

that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm

diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association

with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and

quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon

Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the

Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the

Andean people who had a deep history with the plant

Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)

The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-

blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including

quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and

people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food

18

Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people

and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo

where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated

varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo

associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the

Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous

Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world

Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong

association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and

the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity

thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side

Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived

colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency

The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can

contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a

decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now

primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good

way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In

contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the

crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment

coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an

important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long

term negative consequences

19

For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this

traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing

popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a

western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)

Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history

culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale

farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such

as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually

on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local

quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic

example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider

space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking

worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)

The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid

fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a

long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention

and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa

farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to

understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove

2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The

farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of

which lead directly to the global market

20

Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised

concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero

and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied

by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio

found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised

despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the

farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as

noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa

(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by

globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the

relationship between the two

While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the

Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done

by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)

Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls

larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the

remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a

collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The

social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity

(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity

focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important

factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops

were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which

21

emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in

the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into

the equation

Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social

organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)

Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the

question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and

there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call

for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)

Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out

consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of

crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets

The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity

consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a

polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and

various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market

through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular

color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead

to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes

Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers

and crop agrodiversity

Historic Overview

The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of

quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially

22

interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries

whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid

(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth

century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous

rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish

colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous

populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily

classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist

practices has transformed into a global commodity

Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the

Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan

past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the

bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial

classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies

ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and

quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity

for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a

multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as

well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of

discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due

to cultural beliefs

The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its

complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the

23

world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into

the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)

The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the

events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a

history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or

relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression

by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian

foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations

of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity

as a health food in the West

Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and

minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A

recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition

levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its

exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous

implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow

quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the

Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional

reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product

Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other

agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which

has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global

popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association

24

with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to

investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has

caused in the past

Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of

quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in

agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)

defines global food security as follows

Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life

This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security

through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also

inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to

reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local

farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss

Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices

Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on

participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study

describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern

changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance

The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of

Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)

as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie

et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru

(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in

25

the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange

location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa

agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I

obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a

long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several

extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place

during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with

the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I

traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana

Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero

I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)

and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these

100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale

vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field

researchers and relatives of two of the university professors

Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was

introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways

The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food

safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr

Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors

took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed

their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since

it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews

26

with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of

quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems

with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could

base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further

described in my research findings

Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in

Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research

station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this

field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this

field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I

took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on

a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and

surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these

participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts

The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience

sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of

Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a

representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an

outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city

for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set

of farmers

Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going

through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent

27

After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why

they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the

farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to

participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not

write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men

Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in

individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a

meeting

The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN

the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the

city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash

Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is

organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the

Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one

substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four

subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same

membership size and structure

The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining

COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people

getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the

future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important

issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings

they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change

28

At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for

processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes

threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in

large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and

removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further

described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and

global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote

factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts

that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market

presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a

website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global

market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local

farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the

members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their

harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in

Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study

A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I

personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-

structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student

volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and

record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to

the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and

29

met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal

informational and background interviews

As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a

variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the

local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two

agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition

regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather

data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten

Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government

official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa

agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of

the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication

which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or

comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4

Agrodiversity and Globalization

Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices

during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study

to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to

develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a

published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported

thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo

was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are

not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported

quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate

30

or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of

data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its

relationship to Andean farming culture

To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local

quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the

past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of

quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after

consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different

type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the

study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain

While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it

became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for

quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in

Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily

apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-

based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which

provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety

sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with

varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations

The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their

quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the

research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent

season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety

31

selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection

such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability

and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well

as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative

and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also

describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the

dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study

In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for

selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since

Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years

this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global

demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic

conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop

that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors

were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect

agrodiversity maintenance

External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity

maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well

as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of

Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for

the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced

large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the

external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts

32

Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect

agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for

quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than

using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus

quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end

product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred

color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-

grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market

pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a

few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other

characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in

Chapter 2

Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill

et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm

diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby

1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of

potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions

a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any

given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often

select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as

early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity

maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-

based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested

33

these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-

scale farmers

Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited

characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean

farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa

Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US

supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product

the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale

benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale

distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time

allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is

in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would

be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance

In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was

reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-

Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and

community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced

varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However

due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin

(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo

(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with

development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the

preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of

34

this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context

of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also

analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa

agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts

In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming

practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization

in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual

relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique

history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from

domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans

and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian

foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not

necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean

people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh

aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and

quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and

nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection

playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences

such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly

diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal

husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided

Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh

environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the

35

agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time

of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity

maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western

agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different

quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into

agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for

variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety

selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the

future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type

practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the

dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further

agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-

long partners ndash Andean farmers

36

CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People

This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the

present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a

long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-

plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little

known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market

expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it

associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa

its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the

nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the

natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has

had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate

about the present and future conservation practices

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the

world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated

plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to

cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and

ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity

(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity

The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants

is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera

37

1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of

biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant

diversity

Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for

continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human

behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of

plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or

enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms

(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the

latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to

reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase

survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed

development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith

1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer

seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a

thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an

archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions

cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus

seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in

domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated

versions and hence human intervention

The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of

traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed

38

independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most

important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of

domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants

which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with

the Americas (Rivera 1998)

Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including

potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes

(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity

than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known

agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent

notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium

pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or

love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al

2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the

excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time

high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be

found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans

and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific

discoveries about this plant

The Fox and the Condor

The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in

ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin

story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called

39

The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from

starving recounted below

The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The

condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch

anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox

sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a

ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The

others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back

to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox

says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the

earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the

food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha

and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods

ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it

is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as

described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival

This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of

the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand

the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue

living in the otherwise harsh environment

What is Quinoa

Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a

domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South

America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a

40

pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a

primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things

it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments

(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide

variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates

Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2

m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits

(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa

grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al

2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection

discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated

varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as

previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain

exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains

Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely

known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones

and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala

Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a

wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily

detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the

grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-

related characteristics beyond color

41

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species

The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and

communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)

ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this

point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)

Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about

natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs

and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and

understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-

going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as

quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans

Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The

Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which

are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the

Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with

Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change

regarding the scientific classification of quinoa

Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been

misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For

example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds

1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field

work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to

establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports

In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the

42

pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the

usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for

analysis

Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is

due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones

encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked

phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and

Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems

attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of

attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of

genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great

agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in

a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and

species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying

and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in

Chapter 4

Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant

that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single

pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic

complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity

Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250

species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and

new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently

43

was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass

crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum

is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is

spread across the globe

Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean

classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having

ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson

199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated

Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated

Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson

and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World

Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes

Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-

Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)

In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and

wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite

and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri

ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct

Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C

boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006

Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp

zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across

the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into

44

Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi

Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum

has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the

Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South

Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that

grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity

It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C

berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill

2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were

domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis

indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be

more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies

between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa

and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)

Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and

huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for

great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp

zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)

Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species

including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The

quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original

ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American

origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split

45

occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has

been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the

quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further

hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-

industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the

quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies

involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the

large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not

presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise

dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation

of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent

and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future

History of Quinoa in the Andes

Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years

Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as

15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the

archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa

plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an

important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)

Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on

them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and

Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth

of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa

46

Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its

current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical

association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has

vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily

available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of

quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The

relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic

fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent

(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to

imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran

19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the

concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have

been connected in time and space with the plant

Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes

and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations

over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and

potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the

harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into

European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and

potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world

Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact

(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or

mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca

47

above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce

fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of

harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and

so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama

holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in

Argentina

Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360

Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of

European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the

reverence for Pachamama

48

Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their

agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa

2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al

(2013) specifically listed magic

The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus

threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in

discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful

alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous

foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period

(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production

relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its

production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)

Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous

local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was

noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)

providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was

considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory

reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be

inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic

research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people

with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although

49

quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food

revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the

Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status

associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with

competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production

declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European

contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa

Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo

another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of

sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased

competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline

in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain

apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)

although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was

apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the

value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities

continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still

present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the

biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of

Andean agriculture and ecosystems

Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled

with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford

50

1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming

quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the

seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as

well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have

contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times

While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years

South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a

domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are

responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)

so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity

through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by

European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that

maintained traditional knowledge and practices

While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described

across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American

explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean

quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including

Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-

grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th

centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead

1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of

Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow

red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while

51

acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-

consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor

(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the

Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of

quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely

known

While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists

continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the

1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the

Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a

plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-

known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that

the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive

In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and

noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In

1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops

(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread

out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and

nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does

not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a

Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the

botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the

Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence

52

of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone

growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both

color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat

interchangeably

While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead

1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the

nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003

Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South

America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals

and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43

published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which

were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about

quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely

distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the

world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread

publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with

the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global

consumption

The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in

1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier

range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer

1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador

Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds

53

reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other

cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with

the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of

quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)

however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and

Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs

In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno

Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and

consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern

science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American

scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor

collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al

1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who

extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they

ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in

favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean

products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also

affected by this bias

Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global

market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional

value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a

high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with

processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal

54

process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the

Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos

Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the

border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national

quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main

producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also

cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is

also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world

In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later

acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned

organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)

The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book

in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of

Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including

the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean

people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded

Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the

ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people

through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented

that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing

its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo

(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with

both viewed together through a socio-economic lens

55

The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)

who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of

quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed

complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the

domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial

areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including

the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a

place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes

from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was

a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and

culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and

plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live

side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both

survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while

Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a

production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts

prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the

world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional

food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its

noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western

world

Resurgence of Quinoa

Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it

was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and

56

Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids

including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining

nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and

speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the

species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by

ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide

market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health

food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US

expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers

Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be

the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This

proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated

years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity

and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such

accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this

status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN

2011b)

Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals

57

Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important

issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN

acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have

conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged

the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the

environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably

the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the

quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and

landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about

the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people

who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a

UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean

people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint

contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing

an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can

lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and

support of UN Millennium Goals

What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world

market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice

58

(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes

including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa

originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was

taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across

the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was

not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus

for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable

shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes

and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly

nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation

While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in

various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however

the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador

although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across

the world including the US and Canada

Source Bazile et al 2014

Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013

59

The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent

although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US

Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from

1900 to 2014

Source Bazile et al 2016

Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa

The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with

increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN

Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other

countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of

quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated

with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers

association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from

the 1980s to the present

60

Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export

more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow

quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa

exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington

Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved

in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods

Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker

Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company

to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa

include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California

Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows

and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and

Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and

there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large

multi-national industrial agriculture corporations

Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa

Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by

the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community

quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation

into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa

Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-

3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had

144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the

variety (Murphy et al 2016)

61

Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa

PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g

QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22

Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181

Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein

(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein

meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school

children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human

growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its

protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc

content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium

phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)

Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et

al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad

cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also

contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell

membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-

Carrasco et al 2003)

The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5

sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to

its high fiber content (UN 2011a)

62

In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total

dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN

2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of

time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit

and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)

Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These

two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders

caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various

properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo

Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as

wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of

quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa

is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being

touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to

cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al

2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today

Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the

global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the

farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa

which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship

How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa

Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal

consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization

has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section

63

describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products

are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of

the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily

consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual

cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between

traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more

traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within

species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with

agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link

Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary

focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and

leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also

consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is

commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive

and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy

Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews

2012

64

Food

As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is

consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have

different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although

there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties

In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain

recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for

different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used

for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et

al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans

have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which

underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on

culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and

farmer variety selection

Grain Products

The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently

consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part

quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice

although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The

grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske

which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for

the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared

like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed

65

Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of

chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and

sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure

prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that

quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka

celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from

quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru

beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony

A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing

combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which

are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and

convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer

product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in

villages or by farmers

66

Processed Quinoa

While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold

commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further

processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can

be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as

products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes

for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for

baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it

makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute

for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies

Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added

to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa

smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable

breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines

quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores

in the United States including pasta and baby food

In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the

length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the

winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important

step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need

to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer

layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is

exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different

stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most

67

quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional

rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case

Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The

traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using

an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a

child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind

stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this

childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants

agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they

can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of

modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who

makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to

make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant

in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption

Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image

credit Deborah Andrews 2014

68

Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from

rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora

is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa

dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips

Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial

purposes

Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

Medicine

While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa

plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine

The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)

Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation

relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN

2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever

69

urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss

of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness

anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in

addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is

traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments

Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional

medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional

medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not

normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter

however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to

broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used

for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research

on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)

providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent

scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price

since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and

studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes

(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has

antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and

antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have

medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or

therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity

70

Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In

the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high

altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from

the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The

stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as

compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and

scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties

with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity

Ritual Uses

Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in

Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs

and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as

birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from

their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close

relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal

2015)

As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)

Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral

ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most

well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology

Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour

preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and

celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan

Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa

71

The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they

use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to

their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make

figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other

symbols

One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant

Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa

jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration

for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig

blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly

and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production

Consumer Products

Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and

coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer

products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture

of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa

(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before

consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the

plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil

shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red

quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye

72

Animal Forage

The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are

used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals

however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in

Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be

marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does

not grow well

During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development

projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain

waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the

ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens

were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while

I observed farming demonstrations

One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to

become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the

introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would

be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high

elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10

chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than

commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped

into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental

conditions

73

Fuel

The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is

available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and

oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root

foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-

8)

A B

C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa

stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015

74

There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition

to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other

consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array

of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but

which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and

non-traditional

Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017

Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa

Negative Local Health Effects

One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the

indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the

concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase

75

may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-

nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market

demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa

tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher

than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter

3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not

proceeded without social debate

Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market

expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use

of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using

them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on

non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect

on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also

reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated

ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted

for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental

and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand

for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary

changes

The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to

global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too

expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an

article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the

76

fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)

In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the

argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that

quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey

2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the

high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the

loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is

continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since

there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor

diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa

consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)

Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that

consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands

The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems

well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not

the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been

occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a

prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food

source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the

increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of

preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A

common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time

77

that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw

grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes

While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into

Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of

ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino

a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to

the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the

farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue

of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects

vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price

While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent

analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while

quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004

quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period

from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which

Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the

diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly

concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in

household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger

increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the

quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the

price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be

determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers

78

The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by

Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates

including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and

the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced

crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of

poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science

confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source

Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the

20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim

Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace

in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy

restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness

of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used

quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)

Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the

world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a

change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to

science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional

knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past

denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing

conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study

of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics

As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested

79

notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)

Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean

identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The

globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by

Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-

driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as

scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches

While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the

question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its

survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate

In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its

usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage

uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not

worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status

and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to

world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are

often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its

history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and

preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the

Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced

knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either

the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will

explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market

80

CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND

WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME

This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the

market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers

go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale

there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern

changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that

the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the

agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa

farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the

traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of

quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that

have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how

these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

Diversification and the Environment

Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of

ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this

extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes

Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be

grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can

grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato

As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most

important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of

quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000

81

meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there

can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In

some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen

2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little

organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)

Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and

varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just

as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean

environment quinoa has too

In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the

agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most

Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms

can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small

farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder

farms in the altiplano

Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly

diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop

(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme

climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the

same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under

various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will

thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a

traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices

82

due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems

for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of

quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-

zone

What are the Current Farming Practices

Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing

shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen

2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included

the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers

first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a

tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent

one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor

and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting

In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported

in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)

These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing

practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance

(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil

moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study

has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers

(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with

looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a

cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized

tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of

83

any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for

the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist

with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms

having no adult men present

In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging

areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands

have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as

the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can

lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include

environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion

and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the

productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe

or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to

irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip

with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the

altiplano if they have not done so already

Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and

also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers

let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a

current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the

soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other

crops of choice that grows in the altiplano

84

Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with

maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without

interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys

quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes

(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as

2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco

region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow

well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field

crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation

Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot

afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before

planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This

usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil

before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough

fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop

The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a

source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on

the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer

which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm

Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale

and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather

condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting

Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the

85

landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower

which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean

farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant

their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated

to cultural practice

In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa

planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop

Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing

season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first

blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for

the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for

sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of

the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of

September

With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN

2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period

Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the

altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation

the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by

hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual

maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same

field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties

planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully

86

select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that

mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the

traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage

of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same

time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be

harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same

variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening

and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be

planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and

traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of

quinoa

There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the

focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with

a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially

since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was

especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers

However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a

better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the

region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete

ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as

drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place

and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can

reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other

87

regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with

quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with

the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would

make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown

without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more

resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters

allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al

2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-

resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano

Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with

mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one

of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on

the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include

insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are

used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural

practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests

With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due

to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa

such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are

more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa

because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties

including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss

due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating

88

the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due

to pests

Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which

is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can

be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those

locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues

experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of

irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa

harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due

to the onset of cold

The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in

agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a

risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting

more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows

for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the

season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized

harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing

additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity

practices

Harvesting

Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry

After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This

delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is

a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed

89

during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the

exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora

The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held

sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that

added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that

some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout

the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the

same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is

cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry

The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack

hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to

expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other

available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop

(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice

that is not always followed

Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

90

Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on

weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage

of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers

rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the

stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates

the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed

much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to

separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that

the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the

mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product

Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12

people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying

and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the

farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10

for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative

to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be

difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor

Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from

the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

91

The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further

remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional

processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle

This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining

shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile

with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the

panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)

Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The

remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer

stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is

also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although

they can digest the green stalks

The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of

stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure

3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of

92

available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further

remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is

poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris

away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant

altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting

Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

93

Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of

removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this

process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the

birds so that they would not cry

Quinoa Processing

Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are

also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins

are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al

2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the

pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process

(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN

2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that

Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin

removal prior to eating

Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin

removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had

the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously

rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in

saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create

complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water

needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand

pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with

water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN

saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can

94

also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities

for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers

store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale

In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming

techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The

fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued

agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized

harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different

varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand

harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties

can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation

since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An

emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop

at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield

The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root

systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation

also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and

higher humidity

Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms

with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm

animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production

Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their

products on the market discussed in the next section

95

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market

Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next

step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their

product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their

products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers

at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa

on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section

discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market

expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market

access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for

networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes

Farmersrsquo Markets

Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of

Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most

vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground

For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped

out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale

Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

96

Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and

flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed

form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered

form (Figure 3-7)

Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as

commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and

commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for

the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the

vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it

Farmersrsquo Cooperatives

Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join

a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As

noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves

the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market

COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru

97

Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables

them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both

The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health

foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos

empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of

the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I

have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the

representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is

still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting

with outside contacts

COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to

selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed

to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their

education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the

seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4

men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds

The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4

COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an

organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN

formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social

network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014

they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought

their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they

98

purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified

that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It

would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the

people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new

practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This

discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in

another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not

necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth

which will be discussed in the section on price

COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their

harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national

and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well

as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized

market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market

The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the

farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and

the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and

thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory

has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional

drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on

black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for

drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is

gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last

99

steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of

the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)

Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by

the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but

also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was

limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to

foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of

its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in

foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN

seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available

purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in

a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would

be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople

COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each

farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each

100

farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally

consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received

wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired

internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the

farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on

purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day

was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa

on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than

percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped

dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa

grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa

pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing

In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high

demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to

the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with

other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners

of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it

appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for

intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or

end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors

selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their

inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many

distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially

101

maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their

inventory and maintain cash flow

Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition

from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which

almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers

could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price

increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more

quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in

2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year

and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was

restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of

production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent

changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers

and would be an interesting point for further study in the future

While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the

farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter

the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection

between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and

non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the

market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number

of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending

on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a

number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in

102

the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo

markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where

orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the

national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements

to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are

involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the

quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain

The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller

international sales of quinoa flour and flakes

Future Market Expansion

Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales

COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted

above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white

quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market

infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products

Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential

to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation

On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a

meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products

from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food

research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr

Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he

had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products

103

One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic

cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing

salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a

folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger

than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which

they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea

Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed

around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I

thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some

experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due

to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick

lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the

packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared

tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high

nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa

While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what

other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close

to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining

ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat

consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial

market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that

would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved

forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture

104

would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon

return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food

products available in local grocery stores

Agricultural Fairs

Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market

contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and

provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is

informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is

held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in

the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United

States

The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not

notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the

fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place

throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able

to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to

be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate

different ways to consume it

There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products

Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were

displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display

included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were

prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies

105

were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items

included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative

One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice

cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it

out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was

subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair

a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice

cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then

realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the

honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice

cream could be a hit in the United States

The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the

finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the

individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths

had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One

display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was

red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the

potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and

purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same

as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant

activity

One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending

quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an

106

ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to

the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my

hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass

given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise

downed the whole glass

Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking

demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake

Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep

fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I

said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr

Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and

popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise

Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather

and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are

a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for

quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be

a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to

maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of

quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance

since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values

107

Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015

Pricing

Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market

that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream

grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase

production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa

occurred in Peru as well as in other countries

Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising

three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)

Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled

(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price

dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global

market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001

to 2014

108

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014

While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data

Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike

in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production

volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos

annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus

taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than

doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold

production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru

in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the

subsequent drop in price

Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity

and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth

in Figure 3-11

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Vo

lum

e in

Met

ric

ton

s

Year

QUINOA PRODUCTION

Peru Bolivia

109

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003

According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of

sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A

similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)

Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno

Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

19

91

19

92

19

93

19

94

19

95

19

96

19

97

19

98

19

99

20

00

20

01

20

02

20

03

20

04

20

05

20

06

20

07

20

08

20

09

20

10

20

11

20

12

20

13

20

14

US

Do

llars

pe

r to

n

Peru Quinoa Producer Prices

Value

0

05

1

15

2

25

3

35

4

45

Sole

s p

er

kilo

gram

Years

Puno Producer Prices

110

As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went

down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a

dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other

countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly

supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to

grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa

production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)

Source Hudson 2015

Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop

The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to

August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the

period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In

2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently

13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people

were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from

111

the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the

reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and

mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I

returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015

Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back

down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these

price changes have had on quinoa producers

I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I

had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said

that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer

However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to

increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other

segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN

Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase

practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were

delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the

global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned

cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial

sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six

months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their

farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized

vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and

transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and

112

as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN

however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all

of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any

given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-

week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa

Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa

on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members

and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that

they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from

whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others

than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its

own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers

who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative

became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN

Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as

demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very

skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was

in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-

members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new

practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this

development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot

report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local

market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during

113

its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were

previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially

in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues

primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the

demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a

period of time

The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided

insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had

stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and

delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were

indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research

reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the

increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi

and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited

other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including

areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a

shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a

number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional

grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on

the market was not a consideration during the boom times

While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the

color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN

management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in

114

2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal

value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa

which is red white and black

The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the

COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white

quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per

arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained

agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things

occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped

substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white

quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance

practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers

who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame

While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears

that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not

dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the

period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black

quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have

predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be

published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the

consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported

health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific

1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos

115

studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all

reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the

quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus

on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are

usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and

both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa

nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)

however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial

production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other

considerations such as biodiversity maintenance

Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies

range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to

memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The

traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to

the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation

times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines

allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it

relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is

reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of

climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of

pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for

sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a

market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be

116

consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction

to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the

partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with

an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem

and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides

are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons

to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop

success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer

demands

It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take

into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not

distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015

however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the

lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30

more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well

as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price

drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects

that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur

in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-

based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found

demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level

There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers

In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by

117

competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have

different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food

to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While

the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten

years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-

scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the

addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global

market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next

chapter

118

CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING

A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and

agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of

the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study

period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in

selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter

also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related

to these subjects

Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is

essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate

change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human

selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the

desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental

stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that

farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a

variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al

2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the

creation and maintenance of an array of varieties

Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by

maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of

colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food

119

product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be

fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through

domination of market-driven desired product characteristics

While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global

market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)

and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet

and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important

characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the

market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product

that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which

took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for

sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same

colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as

larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices

however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color

while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing

the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in

collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can

also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an

array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product

identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors

efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance

120

While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is

not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some

people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red

quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of

quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about

the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names

to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the

plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural

salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and

this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the

Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-

embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the

variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain

size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself

necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the

specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use

accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a

link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge

relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers

Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a

domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human

selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics

located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among

121

and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity

can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of

seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of

thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting

improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)

Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa

species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by

ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural

selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside

domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa

plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While

many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-

seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis

has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et

al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such

varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the

wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore

contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus

nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo

practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant

With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding

a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the

Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and

122

wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same

time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and

domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian

species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of

the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean

varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even

within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human

selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The

continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of

the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the

agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding

varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate

change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on

sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is

already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus

continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa

that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of

agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species

To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species

quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes

favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not

123

account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the

observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety

of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important

cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to

both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural

and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity

especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple

threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)

states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires

concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the

Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other

humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa

helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified

Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture

local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno

The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make

annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to

the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes

are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences

As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since

the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason

they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not

derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional

124

culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has

a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk

classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up

and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research

discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a

gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the

farmers

While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical

and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are

other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of

scientific classificatory schemes is that

Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)

In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human

element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on

morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of

external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective

on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered

people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the

economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the

spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the

local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has

125

affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient

features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture

The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis

and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains

are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as

belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains

determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-

biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can

provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together

based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk

taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute

to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification

When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa

market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After

all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species

What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were

hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps

thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous

times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published

research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this

information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork

that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I

had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals

126

and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a

Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located

While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report

(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure

does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species

that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a

species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a

comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent

of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction

plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species

including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity

exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper

Farmersrsquo Knowledge

Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector

I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe

logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names

that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the

people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and

experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)

ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also

the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical

knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well

as cultural adaptations and changes

127

To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of

quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers

(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa

varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students

from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered

quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a

total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that

the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or

used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from

the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and

demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also

conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the

participants

During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify

different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often

used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same

species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics

that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a

variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name

The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties

1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable

128

express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select

seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant

This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that

they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable

characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and

organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different

scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species

level

Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash

farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify

quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus

the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to

humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson

noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive

mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus

the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated

with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to

identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the

names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological

classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called

peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and

people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with

129

classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in

some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature

In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a

commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem

with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa

without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the

research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms

especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was

after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific

classification systems arose

Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa

names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications

Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the

accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other

identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the

sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and

included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207

names of varieties some going back over 70 years

Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as

easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made

about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there

was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic

pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and

130

put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the

various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping

I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one

farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which

he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names

which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given

different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a

different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the

State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)

In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate

overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed

this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local

farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and

Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus

for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in

Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the

purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific

varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the

farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in

the scientific literature that I reviewed

Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr

Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is

131

an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the

scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I

removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods

and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying

chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in

ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity

parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus

while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa

demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)

talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the

scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I

have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and

revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness

In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office

in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples

of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13

varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)

The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than

noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able

to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of

gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in

finding names in places outside of publications

132

Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012

Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru

Rank Variety

1 Amarilla Marangani

2 Blanca de Juli

3 Kancolla

4 Blanca de Junin

5 Hualhuas

6 Huancayo

7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano

8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca

9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana

10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla

11 Illpa INIA

12 Salcedo INIA

13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013

As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names

to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most

comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my

collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with

133

the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different

quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they

were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a

list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book

to extract the names

Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)

referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did

not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like

Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In

compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other

researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014

Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the

altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from

Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties

After reviewing published academic research governmental documents

consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a

comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the

farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37

that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but

three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished

names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara

language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive

environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific

134

knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-

laden environment

The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the

evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I

encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa

names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be

comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially

since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes

differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the

quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the

two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern

variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting

point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such

as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional

absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than

accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to

farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to

provide consistency

As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the

use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination

was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the

field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard

135

to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the

biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)

Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is

contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first

used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather

populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria

such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)

says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological

characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)

definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows

Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)

Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on

historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes

are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has

not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the

association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term

ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not

when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace

acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these

136

varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the

term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or

if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way

the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into

accepted categories is not a simple task

Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and

have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of

quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations

Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species

(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa

types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not

synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the

same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage

While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different

varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working

domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a

grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species

as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related

varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several

varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race

While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the

species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification

system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large

137

number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of

quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct

groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)

Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic

distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification

category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems

While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg

Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently

Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and

have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and

Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)

The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between

species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete

varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic

organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the

names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are

used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla

pasankalla and roja among others

Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-

groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca

Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since

they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on

differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the

138

individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and

cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly

anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates

the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking

plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city

names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers

who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired

morphological characteristics

In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with

subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)

Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name

White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla

quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla

Source Tapia et al (2014)

Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my

research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years

covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity

pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90

farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps

an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which

could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting

question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline

was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties

139

(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can

be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof

to social networks including formal organizations

With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I

have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use

One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten

which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten

and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I

studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further

described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial

sale

In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)

Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified

primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for

each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race

Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples

1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa

Source Mujica et al 2013

These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al

(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-

140

Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with

altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al

(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-

Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al

(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not

include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while

these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification

scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually

overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize

classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a

consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification

system

In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the

wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of

species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument

yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild

relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other

domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the

race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara

acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two

types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also

have domesticated characteristics

141

Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know

and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except

for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish

conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to

group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to

provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its

usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a

particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further

organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a

wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa

While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa

it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end

products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the

grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that

can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market

with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a

much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the

farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names

including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow

(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al

(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications

of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In

addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent

142

and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of

color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not

identifying a specific variety

In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a

specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color

form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten

identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern

Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety

Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different

fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana

(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples

rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana

either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of

the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name

such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla

rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types

into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both

strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and

variety that passes on color-based information about the variety

Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain

color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package

For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly

distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the

143

intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained

any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences

Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-

driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to

knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package

that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled

ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety

for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely

distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information

may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of

diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of

the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to

base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to

demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity

preservation

The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of

knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the

possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other

quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and

collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide

ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also

reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This

research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano

144

farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of

quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names

Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are

needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of

classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment

of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be

conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection

based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional

information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary

properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa

variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety

knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research

may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield

While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and

which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are

associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)

sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the

product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural

connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still

wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful

especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to

maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate

transportation marketing and other costs

145

To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried

out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of

several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of

quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative

purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was

used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned

the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic

The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same

amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest

panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the

grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all

extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table

4-4)

Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos

Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900

Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by

the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a

plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent

of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests

146

While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an

experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans

placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The

researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even

though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response

however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the

earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on

my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers

loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was

visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that

had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I

observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating

some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews

where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that

attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a

factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the

global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation

Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead

yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers

made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in

the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about

the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo

characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest

147

infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past

information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align

In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties

based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment

choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the

highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this

variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi

which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year

Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for

the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both

of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et

al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with

kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla

is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo

INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences

farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most

frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed

ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not

planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties

most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not

necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this

experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-

hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be

148

some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even

marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the

climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield

obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted

varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be

grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most

frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government

agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo

practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and

features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions

How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant

To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and

interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that

they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in

this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were

linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and

UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is

important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and

others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of

change due to globalization and outside consumer influences

As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had

planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was

28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to

twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm

149

selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of

specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably

this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In

addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds

90

Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties

Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)

1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6

Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA

The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew

blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as

does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the

study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow

unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in

different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based

on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting

question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the

connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this

150

variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed

further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection

and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety

called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the

farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not

list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history

of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers

This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of

sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of

salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may

not completely explain its dominance

Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown

by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only

grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single

female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each

(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and

plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers

and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent

on a small number of farmers

To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown

by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-

student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The

151

average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old

the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old

The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-

op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and

female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers

with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and

thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on

the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who

participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to

their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages

although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups

The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of

these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of

farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university

farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in

the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of

Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although

the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more

extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the

student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not

grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the

university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university

farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller

152

number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance

of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one

with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age

differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including

flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity

maintenance

Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24

Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35

27

2018

16

54

2

Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Blanca de Juli

Kancolla

Chulpi

Choclito

14

8

9

11115

87653

Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Kancolla

Blanca

Coito

Blanca de Juli

Negra

153

With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the

average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average

number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as

gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229

varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older

farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this

measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened

degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions

between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to

the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed

by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos

data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-

op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the

students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further

discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however

does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are

growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties

Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown

Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)

Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265

To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions

among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35

co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table

154

4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group

growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more

co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one

group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding

the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity

maintenance

Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties

Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers

Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29

With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers

there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females

versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most

frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could

be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but

I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic

affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety

This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female

farmers that could be explored in the future

Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university

farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9

versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only

grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only

one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small

155

(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender

differences in agrodiversity maintenance

For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a

season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a

tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on

average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females

however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for

males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female

farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One

particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm

during a single season further discussed below

To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the

farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised

for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety

selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the

farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for

personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces

as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select

seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons

for seed selection to see if they still remained true

Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they

grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30

female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well

156

and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The

farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-

10)

Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection

Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses

Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15

While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given

reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local

environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were

1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)

2) frost resistance (10 responses) and

3) resists climate change (3 responses)

While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the

altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost

resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late

in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the

season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the

reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could

survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not

thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the

varying conditions of the harsh environment

157

The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is

consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)

Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions

including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example

Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are

adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold

temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and

thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason

consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh

altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive

drought cold and salt

The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield

accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18

responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4

responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more

grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to

each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does

not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being

twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in

size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These

findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and

provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an

important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to

158

have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the

farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow

While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on

their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not

the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases

leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew

201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not

have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more

adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara

The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a

total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were

1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)

2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and

3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)

The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in

variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as

blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term

amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white

quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this

trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten

responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows

more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers

159

The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the

availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some

purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some

farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual

seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a

realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the

seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability

which further inhibits their conservation

A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest

resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter

varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents

listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers

specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection

While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no

suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties

In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The

first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly

relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in

obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of

the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third

category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user

With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are

important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety

160

selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to

Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more

variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if

culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo

response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage

This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at

least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years

ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures

of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to

grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which

agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on

how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I

asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties

no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to

availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties

grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the

more obscure varieties

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices

Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety

selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources

and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has

been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al

161

(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean

farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with

neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)

found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties

consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge

(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study

For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties

need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes

where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds

Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds

Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the

prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of

seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed

selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires

knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for

seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further

described in the next section

Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage

Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100

162

While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in

this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that

they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA

(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project

(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that

the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they

collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers

collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other

considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm

As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency

is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments

has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived

from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of

the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production

including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA

representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not

surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains

collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from

using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices

providing them with the benefit of seed independence2

2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act

163

Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the

varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that

originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA

were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic

certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN

has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements

of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not

purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties

needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with

farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with

the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant

INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased

seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that

thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered

organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of

organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with

the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not

afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining

organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source

Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed

experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge

in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same

level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups

164

and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes

(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered

expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and

there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to

outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas

are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of

qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds

During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects

semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016

they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using

semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN

selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I

interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions

between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is

quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to

agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection

Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals

farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held

across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to

quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to

county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products

including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and

musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as

165

food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site

consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour

and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs

have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage

production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large

inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about

agrodiversity

In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future

crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but

seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-

saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the

same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available

however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA

however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of

commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection

the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have

seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds

likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially

due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to

shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the

readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other

varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of

existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an

166

important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be

conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by

semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of

agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor

The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity

maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-

use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic

diversity

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity

Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary

of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number

of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop

Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration

noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for

farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains

on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for

the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports

yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were

selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next

generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed

selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as

compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the

actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well

167

as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the

desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds

Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency

Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89

Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants

can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term

ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate

which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were

noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an

important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50

of the responses for selection

Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or

strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of

environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield

By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive

168

plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants

in the vicinity

Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed

selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the

plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a

frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer

evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future

seed selection

Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the

cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a

specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa

harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants

in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is

not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering

of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can

easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique

also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners

can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed

early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first

plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation

While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions

additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was

a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the

169

evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as

well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight

There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number

of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for

selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the

pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection

meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the

seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety

Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection

indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic

market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the

decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with

maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices

then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification

is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that

was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the

concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community

One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as

a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use

of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the

operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the

number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant

170

preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final

consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting

In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa

seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field

or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of

factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting

season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which

demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by

cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety

selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of

the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the

same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation

Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate

good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to

comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with

the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which

variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be

similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better

environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties

Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion

strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware

of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as

well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration

171

and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation

since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential

While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop

that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits

choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to

farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based

on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between

presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential

predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white

varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into

consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global

market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not

appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since

the variety name rarely appears on labels

As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety

distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence

agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the

culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use

there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-

white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in

the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated

benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the

most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity

172

maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety

distinctions

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection

Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the

distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in

Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la

Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated

gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender

distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often

more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence

agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of

crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn

(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men

demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)

With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the

eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the

exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed

exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-

community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection

Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select

seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos

emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and

cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection

can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch

173

molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al

2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender

aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight

into the nuances and complexities of this intersection

New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by

female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity

sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this

understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had

a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region

According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and

who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than

men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that

women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead

bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or

exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that

women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally

observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his

mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in

and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her

husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional

practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that

such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in

seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of

174

women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected

several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection

demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women

Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

A Female Semillista Example

Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the

community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often

well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of

COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well

known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with

specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a

number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa

varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a

child

Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved

in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by

management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the

population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming

175

She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has

grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and

was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr

Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica

who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide

information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name

but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties

Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them

on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa

varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in

this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field

(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I

have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her

life-long interest in quinoa diversity

Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

176

Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and

carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-

2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were

not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to

conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life

she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered

from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields

and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not

sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays

these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her

seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing

my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display

At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a

table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were

some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label

Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

177

The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below

bull Ajara inerto

bull Ajara negro

bull Blanca de Juli

bull Camacani

bull Cheweca

bull Chile

bull Choclo kancolla

bull Chucapaca

bull Chullpi Amarillo

bull Chullpi blanca

bull Chullpi roja

bull Cuchi willa

bull INIA Ilpa

bull INIA Salcedo

bull INIA Salcedo rosa

bull Kamire

bull Kancolla roja

bull Kancolla rosada

bull Koscosa

bull Marangani

bull Mesa quinoa

bull Mestiza

bull Negra collana I

bull Panela

bull Pasancalla plomo

bull Quinus misturas

bull Rosada junin

bull Rosada taraco

bull Sajama

bull Tahuaco

bull Vizallanino

Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred

INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She

uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She

always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather

Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows

178

the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds

requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is

implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting

crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in

risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional

ecological knowledge

I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she

was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was

familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the

plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her

depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been

identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red

and is also called misa quinoa

Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and

has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does

not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains

When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds

for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects

varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also

seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this

179

study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from

the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from

other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an

interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes

Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of

the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were

used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)

Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color

Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca

Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is

toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help

with pain

Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around

them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is

called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa

harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa

seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the

healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches

from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the

plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season

180

What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection

While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct

gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in

2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to

obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed

experts

An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling

good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as

farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make

arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is

rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly

pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large

and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall

to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa

Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra

Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he

decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this

organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic

certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected

to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa

for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they

purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was

still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he

received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his

181

involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price

While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate

in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until

he could get a better price

Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds

on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa

(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his

agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A

Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32

Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was

broad agrodiversity

This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male

and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)

appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male

crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men

highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional

female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further

study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa

production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding

varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of

agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa

products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further

articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance

182

These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or

indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men

and women

Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused

on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal

interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took

personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa

varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is

enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during

a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any

necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through

seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds

Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

183

Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species

the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This

research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa

variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from

published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian

184

altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional

quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the

importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study

also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also

experimenting with new quinoa varieties

The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the

need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of

quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common

characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological

zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional

categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is

commonly used

Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number

of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate

adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather

conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating

the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the

success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are

important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to

varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice

While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual

yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by

increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important

185

the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the

encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-

resistant varieties can influence yield

The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which

relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa

was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a

variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also

become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary

qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition

demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated

with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level

Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods

continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in

the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected

by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian

cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the

exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties

become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make

a difference in consumer-driven market demand

While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific

reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so

prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types

186

such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance

in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet

this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While

the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the

demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered

against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the

demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white

quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers

who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa

including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who

solely grew white quinoa

An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many

farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed

selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas

Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by

INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection

While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a

published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment

demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was

relatively high

Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who

serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance

187

While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on

yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are

important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender

differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to

agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices

There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of

quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited

number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing

the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus

quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties

may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers

41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these

41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period

were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not

growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of

current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory

of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the

establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a

starting point that can be further developed and studied

188

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa

farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa

market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a

degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow

more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of

planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a

crop due to climatic conditions or infestation

Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what

variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold

drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The

importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional

risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in

the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by

women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The

efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to

the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour

production

The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-

factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed

selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of

semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government

agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of

189

seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices

In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential

yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some

of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving

agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations

Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of

quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as

compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to

teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge

by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence

other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas

Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance

since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows

for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more

mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire

crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to

be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest

Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For

example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary

diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa

agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also

promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear

that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca

190

civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by

COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa

agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and

baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation

Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve

quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro

and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is

another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste

variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that

variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that

serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded

cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa

Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity

The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa

including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful

selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices

dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded

conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to

market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products

use different varieties based on their culinary properties

Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing

population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the

191

biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given

the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate

change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in

understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative

consequences

Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history

includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of

the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the

history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards

due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as

well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural

significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value

of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to

maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption

Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research

demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports

and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While

quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which

provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from

many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity

and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study

found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different

kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about

192

30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different

environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected

that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the

30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the

numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties

were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the

63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not

grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by

Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of

Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two

hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting

a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa

However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented

only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of

quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative

effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca

is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may

account for greater diversity results

There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be

maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both

maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different

varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red

black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional

193

scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the

consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian

efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary

schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes

that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics

Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also

conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different

types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can

boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation

into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive

different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety

diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather

and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be

discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or

governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a

consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection

Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance

is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of

quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market

entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for

the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored

quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global

quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the

194

unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market

hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the

colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique

nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the

market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded

agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline

While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties

to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white

quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors

is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with

red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a

market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white

quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving

global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open

and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market

The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the

results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet

only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of

varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the

Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences

already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects

found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after

Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication

195

date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already

altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my

study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety

grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before

this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on

farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs

The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed

selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had

already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a

silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can

provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa

conservation going forward

Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor

in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic

especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen

through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important

factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides

the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional

differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect

on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge

can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market

diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is

196

an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation

practices that can be rewarded by the market

In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and

medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity

conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in

traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect

of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and

domesticated varieties

The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in

understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor

the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated

and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies

The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in

understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many

different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of

organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings

Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-

species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties

and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the

varieties including morphological as well as cultural information

The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon

independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help

funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas

197

and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research

should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation

especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the

conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be

quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings

that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate

the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly

are doing more for conservation than many government programs

Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer

population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming

tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is

unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa

conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs

that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies

that can help improve quinoa production

Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production

and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men

controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women

are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there

appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact

with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of

many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done

in markets across time

198

There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and

how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean

people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the

complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter

these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe

it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species

that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing

popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa

agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who

personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade

199

APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES

NAME SOURCE

Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014

Achachino Mujica et al 201361

Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014

Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna

Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A

Ajara inerto Expert A

Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392

Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460

Amallado Farmer survey 2014

Amaltado Farmer survey 2014

Amargas Mujica et al 2013

Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)

Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013

Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90

Antawara real Mujica et al 201397

Atacama Mujica et al 201362

Atlas Jarvis et al 2017

Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361

Baer II Mujica et al 201362

Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014

Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015

Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014

Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A

Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A

Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169

Camiri Mujica et al 201369

Canchones Mujica et al 201362

Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014

Carina red Jarvis et al 2017

200

Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943

Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144

Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014

Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013

Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382

Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017

Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Chile Expert A

Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77

Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Choclo kancolla Expert A

Chola Hunziker 1943

Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A

Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A

Chullpi Amarillo Expert A

Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A

Chupica witulla Tapia 2014

Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477

Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection

Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014

Cochabamba Tapia 2014

AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu

Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014

ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943

Copacabana Tapia 2014

Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A

Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014

Cunaccota Tapia 2014

Dahue Hunziker 1943

Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014

ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361

Faro Mujica et al 201321 62

Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Granolada Farmer Survey 2014

Gris Hunziker 1943

Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna

Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

201

Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014

Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361

Huacataz Mujica et al 201361

Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013

Huallhas Mujica et al 201369

Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015

Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Huaranga Mujica et al 201361

Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361

Hueque Fuentes et al 2012

IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382

IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382

Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A

Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012

INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368

INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361

INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)

Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361

Islunga Mujica et al 201321

Jana Hunziker 1943

Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura

Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014

Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Jaru ckello Tapia 2014

Javi Fuentes et al 2012

Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943

Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014

Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014

Jujuy Mujica et al 201369

Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362

Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362

Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Juraj Farmer Survey 2014

Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A

KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Kancolla roja Expert A

Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A

Kcana ckello Tapia 2014

Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013

Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014

202

Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito

Koscosa Expert A

Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017

Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017

Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390

Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382

Lipena Mujica et al 201361

Lito Mujica et al 201321 62

Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014

Maniquena Mujica et al 201361

Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69

Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A

Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361

Mau Fuentes et al 2012

Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Millmi Hunziker 1943

MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Nameya ayara Tapia 201477

Namora Mujica et al 201361

Narino Mujica et al 201362

Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369

Negroa Farmer Survey 2014

Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A

Ollague Jarvis et al 2017

Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103

Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012

Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Pandela rosada INIA photo collection

Parakai Hunziker 1943

Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014

Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013

Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label

Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A

Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460

Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460

Phera Farmer Survey 2014

Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015

Plomao Farmer Survey 2014

Potosi Tapia 2014

Puc Fuentes et al 2012

Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78

203

Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382

Qillu ayara Tapia 201477

Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013

Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014

Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361

Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369

Regalona Jarvis et al 2017

Robura Mujica et al 201361

Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361

Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014

Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014

Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014

Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369

Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014

Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361

Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468

Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014

Samaranti Mujica et al 201361

Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Sayana Mujica et al 201361

Senora Mujica et al 201361 90

Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321

Tabacomi Tapia 201468

Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Toledo Mujica et al 201361

Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321

Tupiza Mujica et al 201321

Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97

Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90

Utusaya Mujica et al 201361

Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014

Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety

Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390

Wila ayara Tapia 201477

Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398

Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478

Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014

Yana quinua Hunziker 1943

204

Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382

Yujiura Tapia 201465

205

APPENDIX B

RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA

Races of the Altiplano

1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla

Races of Inter-Andean Valleys

Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)

Races of Junin

16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)

Races of Ancash

19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)

Races of Cajamarca

23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada

Source Tapia et al (2014)

206

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2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016

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Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes

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Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute

Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

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presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile

Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford

University Press Murphy Kevin M Didier Bazile Julianne Kellogg Maryam Rahmanian 2016 Development of a Worldwide Consortium on Evolutionary Participatory Breeding

in Quinoa Frontiers in Plant Science 7608 National Research Council 1989 Lost Crops of the Inca Little-Known Plants of the Andes with Promise for

Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of

Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc

Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of

Anthropology 25329-53

214

Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical

exchanges Human Organization 62(3)242-254 Pickersgill Barbara 2007 Domestication of Plants in the Americas Insights from Mendelian and Molecular

Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article

Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93

Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany

Field Methods 17(3)1-16

Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick

Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture

Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate

(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87

Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of

Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846

Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y

Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)

Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101

215

Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)

and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189

Rivera Julio Valladolid 1998 Andean Peasant Agriculture Nurturing a Diversity of Life in the Chacra In Spirit

of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd

Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari

2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011

Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain

(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315

Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change

and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138

Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland

Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara

Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of

the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint

Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook

of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497

Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study

in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333

216

Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ

Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany

19(3)223-235

Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa

Renaissance Human Organization 74(1)86-99 2014 The Cooked is the Kept Factors Shaping the Maintenance of Agro-biodiversity in

the Andes Hum Ecol 42711-726 Smith Bruce 1992 Rivers of Change Washington DC Smithsonian Institution Press

1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First

Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico

Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)

httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)

Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon

51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y

Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de

las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe

Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio

2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC

Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture

Organization

217

Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos

No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65

httpgogalegroupcomlphsclufledupsidop=GRGMampu=gain40375ampid=GALE|A452743113ampv=21ampit=rampsid=summonampauthCount=1 Accessed March 7 2017

Ton G and J Bijman 2006 The role of producer organizations in the process of developing an integrated

supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006

Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural

Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC

United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231

httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)

2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin

America and the Caribbean

2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and

Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region

Nd United Nations Observances International Years

Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547

218

Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)

and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of

Pennsylvania Press

Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site

in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley

Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)

Economic Botany 44(3)92-110

1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239

Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium

nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206

Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023

Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and

Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601

219

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a

Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of

Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after

taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well

as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of

Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme

Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In

2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th

Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has

been active in local and state issues

In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in

environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was

awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal

Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American

Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation

Page 5: THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN …

5

example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this

dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we

adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the

University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza

for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 8

LIST OF FIGURES 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11

ABSTRACT 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 14

Research Question 14

Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29

2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36

The Fox and the Condor 38

What is Quinoa 39

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45

Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62

Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66

Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72

Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74

3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80

Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82

7

Harvesting 88

Quinoa Processing 93

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104

Pricing 107

4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172

A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180

5 CONCLUSION 188

APPENDIX

A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199

B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205

LIST OF REFERENCES 206

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219

8

LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61

4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132

4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138

4-3 Races of Quinoa 139

4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145

4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149

4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153

4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154

4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156

4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161

4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167

4-11 Quinoa Uses 179

9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47

2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58

2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59

2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63

2-5 Peske 65

2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67

2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68

2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73

2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74

3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89

3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90

3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91

3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92

3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92

3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95

3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96

3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99

3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107

3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108

3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109

3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109

3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110

10

4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132

4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152

4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152

4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174

4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175

4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176

4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182

4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183

4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183

11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa

COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria

NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

NGO Non-governmental organization

UN United Nations

UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

US United States

12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS

AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

Deborah J Andrews

August 2017

Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology

This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-

scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa

crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of

globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-

colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate

it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who

relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however

has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity

maintenance and increased risk to farmers

The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys

and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This

study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers

including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers

selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced

variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200

13

quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period

of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number

of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary

properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this

study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of

between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of

this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance

including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including

the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon

existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level

including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other

consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued

crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and

marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers

especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the

beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint

contributions to global food security

14

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Research Question

This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean

quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the

farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market

Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of

agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection

Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production

and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)

consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including

Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of

agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have

grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is

the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as

well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and

Helmreich 2010546)

In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish

colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the

question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of

market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained

global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to

losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards

monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the

15

dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial

market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least

color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global

market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity

Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on

dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional

benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food

source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for

thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional

small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-

species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in

light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study

This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about

the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets

have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural

practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to

quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the

popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa

specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on

very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon

many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of

varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the

difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored

16

below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This

study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been

maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano

While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity

this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity

maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need

to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity

practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the

biodiversity of quinoa

The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that

affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for

resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and

paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go

togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-

scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and

how they changed in response to market globalization

Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa

provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures

especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the

Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo

et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual

festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for

17

symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits

(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in

decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in

agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In

acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found

that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm

diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association

with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and

quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon

Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the

Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the

Andean people who had a deep history with the plant

Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)

The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-

blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including

quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and

people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food

18

Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people

and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo

where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated

varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo

associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the

Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous

Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world

Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong

association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and

the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity

thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side

Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived

colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency

The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can

contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a

decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now

primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good

way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In

contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the

crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment

coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an

important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long

term negative consequences

19

For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this

traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing

popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a

western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)

Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history

culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale

farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such

as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually

on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local

quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic

example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider

space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking

worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)

The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid

fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a

long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention

and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa

farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to

understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove

2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The

farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of

which lead directly to the global market

20

Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised

concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero

and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied

by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio

found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised

despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the

farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as

noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa

(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by

globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the

relationship between the two

While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the

Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done

by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)

Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls

larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the

remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a

collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The

social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity

(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity

focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important

factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops

were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which

21

emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in

the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into

the equation

Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social

organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)

Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the

question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and

there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call

for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)

Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out

consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of

crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets

The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity

consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a

polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and

various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market

through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular

color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead

to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes

Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers

and crop agrodiversity

Historic Overview

The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of

quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially

22

interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries

whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid

(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth

century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous

rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish

colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous

populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily

classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist

practices has transformed into a global commodity

Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the

Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan

past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the

bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial

classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies

ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and

quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity

for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a

multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as

well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of

discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due

to cultural beliefs

The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its

complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the

23

world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into

the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)

The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the

events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a

history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or

relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression

by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian

foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations

of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity

as a health food in the West

Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and

minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A

recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition

levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its

exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous

implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow

quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the

Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional

reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product

Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other

agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which

has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global

popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association

24

with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to

investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has

caused in the past

Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of

quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in

agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)

defines global food security as follows

Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life

This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security

through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also

inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to

reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local

farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss

Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices

Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on

participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study

describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern

changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance

The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of

Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)

as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie

et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru

(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in

25

the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange

location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa

agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I

obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a

long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several

extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place

during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with

the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I

traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana

Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero

I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)

and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these

100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale

vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field

researchers and relatives of two of the university professors

Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was

introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways

The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food

safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr

Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors

took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed

their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since

it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews

26

with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of

quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems

with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could

base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further

described in my research findings

Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in

Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research

station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this

field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this

field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I

took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on

a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and

surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these

participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts

The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience

sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of

Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a

representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an

outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city

for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set

of farmers

Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going

through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent

27

After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why

they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the

farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to

participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not

write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men

Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in

individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a

meeting

The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN

the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the

city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash

Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is

organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the

Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one

substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four

subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same

membership size and structure

The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining

COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people

getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the

future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important

issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings

they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change

28

At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for

processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes

threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in

large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and

removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further

described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and

global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote

factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts

that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market

presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a

website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global

market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local

farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the

members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their

harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in

Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study

A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I

personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-

structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student

volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and

record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to

the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and

29

met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal

informational and background interviews

As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a

variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the

local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two

agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition

regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather

data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten

Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government

official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa

agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of

the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication

which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or

comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4

Agrodiversity and Globalization

Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices

during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study

to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to

develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a

published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported

thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo

was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are

not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported

quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate

30

or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of

data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its

relationship to Andean farming culture

To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local

quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the

past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of

quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after

consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different

type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the

study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain

While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it

became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for

quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in

Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily

apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-

based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which

provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety

sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with

varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations

The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their

quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the

research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent

season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety

31

selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection

such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability

and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well

as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative

and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also

describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the

dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study

In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for

selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since

Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years

this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global

demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic

conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop

that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors

were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect

agrodiversity maintenance

External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity

maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well

as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of

Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for

the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced

large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the

external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts

32

Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect

agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for

quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than

using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus

quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end

product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred

color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-

grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market

pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a

few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other

characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in

Chapter 2

Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill

et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm

diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby

1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of

potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions

a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any

given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often

select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as

early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity

maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-

based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested

33

these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-

scale farmers

Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited

characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean

farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa

Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US

supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product

the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale

benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale

distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time

allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is

in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would

be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance

In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was

reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-

Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and

community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced

varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However

due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin

(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo

(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with

development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the

preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of

34

this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context

of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also

analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa

agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts

In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming

practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization

in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual

relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique

history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from

domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans

and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian

foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not

necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean

people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh

aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and

quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and

nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection

playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences

such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly

diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal

husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided

Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh

environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the

35

agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time

of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity

maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western

agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different

quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into

agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for

variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety

selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the

future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type

practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the

dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further

agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-

long partners ndash Andean farmers

36

CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People

This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the

present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a

long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-

plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little

known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market

expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it

associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa

its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the

nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the

natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has

had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate

about the present and future conservation practices

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the

world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated

plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to

cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and

ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity

(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity

The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants

is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera

37

1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of

biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant

diversity

Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for

continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human

behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of

plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or

enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms

(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the

latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to

reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase

survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed

development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith

1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer

seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a

thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an

archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions

cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus

seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in

domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated

versions and hence human intervention

The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of

traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed

38

independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most

important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of

domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants

which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with

the Americas (Rivera 1998)

Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including

potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes

(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity

than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known

agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent

notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium

pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or

love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al

2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the

excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time

high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be

found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans

and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific

discoveries about this plant

The Fox and the Condor

The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in

ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin

story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called

39

The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from

starving recounted below

The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The

condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch

anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox

sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a

ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The

others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back

to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox

says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the

earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the

food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha

and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods

ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it

is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as

described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival

This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of

the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand

the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue

living in the otherwise harsh environment

What is Quinoa

Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a

domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South

America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a

40

pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a

primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things

it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments

(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide

variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates

Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2

m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits

(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa

grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al

2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection

discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated

varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as

previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain

exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains

Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely

known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones

and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala

Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a

wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily

detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the

grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-

related characteristics beyond color

41

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species

The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and

communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)

ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this

point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)

Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about

natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs

and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and

understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-

going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as

quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans

Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The

Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which

are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the

Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with

Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change

regarding the scientific classification of quinoa

Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been

misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For

example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds

1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field

work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to

establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports

In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the

42

pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the

usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for

analysis

Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is

due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones

encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked

phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and

Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems

attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of

attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of

genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great

agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in

a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and

species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying

and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in

Chapter 4

Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant

that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single

pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic

complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity

Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250

species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and

new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently

43

was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass

crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum

is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is

spread across the globe

Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean

classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having

ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson

199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated

Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated

Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson

and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World

Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes

Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-

Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)

In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and

wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite

and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri

ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct

Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C

boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006

Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp

zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across

the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into

44

Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi

Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum

has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the

Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South

Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that

grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity

It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C

berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill

2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were

domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis

indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be

more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies

between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa

and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)

Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and

huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for

great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp

zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)

Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species

including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The

quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original

ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American

origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split

45

occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has

been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the

quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further

hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-

industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the

quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies

involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the

large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not

presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise

dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation

of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent

and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future

History of Quinoa in the Andes

Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years

Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as

15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the

archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa

plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an

important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)

Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on

them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and

Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth

of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa

46

Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its

current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical

association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has

vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily

available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of

quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The

relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic

fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent

(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to

imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran

19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the

concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have

been connected in time and space with the plant

Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes

and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations

over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and

potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the

harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into

European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and

potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world

Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact

(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or

mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca

47

above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce

fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of

harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and

so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama

holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in

Argentina

Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360

Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of

European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the

reverence for Pachamama

48

Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their

agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa

2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al

(2013) specifically listed magic

The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus

threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in

discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful

alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous

foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period

(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production

relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its

production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)

Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous

local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was

noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)

providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was

considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory

reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be

inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic

research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people

with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although

49

quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food

revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the

Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status

associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with

competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production

declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European

contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa

Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo

another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of

sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased

competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline

in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain

apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)

although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was

apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the

value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities

continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still

present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the

biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of

Andean agriculture and ecosystems

Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled

with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford

50

1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming

quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the

seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as

well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have

contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times

While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years

South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a

domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are

responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)

so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity

through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by

European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that

maintained traditional knowledge and practices

While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described

across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American

explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean

quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including

Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-

grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th

centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead

1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of

Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow

red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while

51

acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-

consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor

(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the

Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of

quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely

known

While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists

continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the

1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the

Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a

plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-

known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that

the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive

In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and

noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In

1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops

(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread

out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and

nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does

not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a

Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the

botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the

Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence

52

of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone

growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both

color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat

interchangeably

While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead

1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the

nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003

Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South

America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals

and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43

published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which

were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about

quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely

distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the

world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread

publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with

the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global

consumption

The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in

1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier

range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer

1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador

Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds

53

reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other

cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with

the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of

quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)

however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and

Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs

In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno

Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and

consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern

science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American

scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor

collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al

1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who

extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they

ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in

favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean

products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also

affected by this bias

Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global

market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional

value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a

high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with

processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal

54

process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the

Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos

Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the

border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national

quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main

producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also

cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is

also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world

In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later

acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned

organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)

The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book

in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of

Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including

the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean

people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded

Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the

ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people

through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented

that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing

its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo

(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with

both viewed together through a socio-economic lens

55

The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)

who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of

quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed

complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the

domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial

areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including

the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a

place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes

from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was

a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and

culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and

plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live

side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both

survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while

Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a

production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts

prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the

world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional

food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its

noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western

world

Resurgence of Quinoa

Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it

was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and

56

Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids

including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining

nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and

speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the

species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by

ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide

market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health

food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US

expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers

Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be

the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This

proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated

years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity

and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such

accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this

status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN

2011b)

Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals

57

Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important

issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN

acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have

conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged

the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the

environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably

the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the

quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and

landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about

the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people

who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a

UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean

people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint

contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing

an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can

lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and

support of UN Millennium Goals

What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world

market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice

58

(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes

including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa

originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was

taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across

the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was

not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus

for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable

shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes

and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly

nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation

While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in

various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however

the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador

although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across

the world including the US and Canada

Source Bazile et al 2014

Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013

59

The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent

although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US

Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from

1900 to 2014

Source Bazile et al 2016

Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa

The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with

increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN

Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other

countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of

quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated

with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers

association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from

the 1980s to the present

60

Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export

more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow

quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa

exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington

Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved

in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods

Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker

Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company

to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa

include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California

Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows

and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and

Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and

there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large

multi-national industrial agriculture corporations

Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa

Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by

the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community

quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation

into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa

Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-

3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had

144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the

variety (Murphy et al 2016)

61

Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa

PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g

QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22

Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181

Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein

(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein

meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school

children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human

growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its

protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc

content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium

phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)

Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et

al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad

cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also

contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell

membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-

Carrasco et al 2003)

The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5

sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to

its high fiber content (UN 2011a)

62

In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total

dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN

2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of

time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit

and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)

Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These

two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders

caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various

properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo

Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as

wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of

quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa

is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being

touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to

cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al

2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today

Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the

global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the

farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa

which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship

How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa

Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal

consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization

has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section

63

describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products

are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of

the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily

consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual

cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between

traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more

traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within

species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with

agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link

Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary

focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and

leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also

consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is

commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive

and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy

Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews

2012

64

Food

As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is

consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have

different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although

there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties

In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain

recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for

different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used

for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et

al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans

have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which

underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on

culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and

farmer variety selection

Grain Products

The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently

consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part

quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice

although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The

grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske

which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for

the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared

like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed

65

Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of

chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and

sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure

prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that

quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka

celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from

quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru

beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony

A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing

combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which

are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and

convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer

product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in

villages or by farmers

66

Processed Quinoa

While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold

commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further

processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can

be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as

products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes

for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for

baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it

makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute

for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies

Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added

to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa

smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable

breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines

quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores

in the United States including pasta and baby food

In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the

length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the

winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important

step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need

to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer

layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is

exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different

stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most

67

quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional

rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case

Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The

traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using

an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a

child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind

stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this

childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants

agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they

can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of

modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who

makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to

make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant

in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption

Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image

credit Deborah Andrews 2014

68

Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from

rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora

is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa

dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips

Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial

purposes

Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

Medicine

While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa

plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine

The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)

Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation

relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN

2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever

69

urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss

of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness

anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in

addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is

traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments

Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional

medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional

medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not

normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter

however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to

broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used

for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research

on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)

providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent

scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price

since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and

studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes

(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has

antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and

antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have

medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or

therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity

70

Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In

the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high

altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from

the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The

stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as

compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and

scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties

with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity

Ritual Uses

Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in

Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs

and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as

birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from

their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close

relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal

2015)

As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)

Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral

ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most

well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology

Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour

preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and

celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan

Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa

71

The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they

use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to

their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make

figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other

symbols

One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant

Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa

jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration

for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig

blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly

and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production

Consumer Products

Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and

coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer

products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture

of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa

(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before

consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the

plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil

shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red

quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye

72

Animal Forage

The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are

used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals

however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in

Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be

marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does

not grow well

During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development

projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain

waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the

ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens

were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while

I observed farming demonstrations

One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to

become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the

introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would

be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high

elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10

chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than

commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped

into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental

conditions

73

Fuel

The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is

available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and

oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root

foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-

8)

A B

C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa

stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015

74

There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition

to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other

consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array

of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but

which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and

non-traditional

Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017

Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa

Negative Local Health Effects

One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the

indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the

concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase

75

may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-

nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market

demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa

tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher

than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter

3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not

proceeded without social debate

Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market

expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use

of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using

them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on

non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect

on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also

reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated

ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted

for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental

and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand

for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary

changes

The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to

global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too

expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an

article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the

76

fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)

In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the

argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that

quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey

2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the

high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the

loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is

continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since

there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor

diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa

consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)

Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that

consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands

The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems

well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not

the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been

occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a

prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food

source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the

increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of

preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A

common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time

77

that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw

grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes

While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into

Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of

ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino

a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to

the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the

farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue

of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects

vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price

While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent

analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while

quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004

quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period

from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which

Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the

diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly

concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in

household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger

increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the

quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the

price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be

determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers

78

The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by

Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates

including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and

the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced

crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of

poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science

confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source

Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the

20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim

Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace

in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy

restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness

of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used

quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)

Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the

world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a

change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to

science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional

knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past

denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing

conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study

of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics

As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested

79

notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)

Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean

identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The

globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by

Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-

driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as

scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches

While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the

question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its

survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate

In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its

usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage

uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not

worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status

and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to

world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are

often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its

history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and

preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the

Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced

knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either

the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will

explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market

80

CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND

WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME

This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the

market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers

go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale

there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern

changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that

the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the

agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa

farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the

traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of

quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that

have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how

these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

Diversification and the Environment

Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of

ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this

extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes

Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be

grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can

grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato

As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most

important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of

quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000

81

meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there

can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In

some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen

2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little

organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)

Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and

varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just

as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean

environment quinoa has too

In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the

agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most

Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms

can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small

farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder

farms in the altiplano

Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly

diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop

(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme

climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the

same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under

various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will

thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a

traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices

82

due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems

for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of

quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-

zone

What are the Current Farming Practices

Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing

shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen

2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included

the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers

first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a

tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent

one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor

and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting

In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported

in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)

These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing

practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance

(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil

moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study

has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers

(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with

looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a

cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized

tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of

83

any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for

the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist

with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms

having no adult men present

In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging

areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands

have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as

the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can

lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include

environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion

and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the

productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe

or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to

irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip

with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the

altiplano if they have not done so already

Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and

also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers

let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a

current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the

soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other

crops of choice that grows in the altiplano

84

Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with

maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without

interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys

quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes

(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as

2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco

region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow

well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field

crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation

Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot

afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before

planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This

usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil

before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough

fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop

The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a

source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on

the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer

which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm

Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale

and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather

condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting

Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the

85

landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower

which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean

farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant

their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated

to cultural practice

In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa

planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop

Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing

season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first

blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for

the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for

sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of

the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of

September

With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN

2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period

Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the

altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation

the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by

hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual

maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same

field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties

planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully

86

select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that

mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the

traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage

of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same

time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be

harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same

variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening

and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be

planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and

traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of

quinoa

There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the

focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with

a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially

since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was

especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers

However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a

better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the

region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete

ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as

drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place

and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can

reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other

87

regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with

quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with

the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would

make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown

without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more

resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters

allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al

2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-

resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano

Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with

mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one

of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on

the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include

insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are

used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural

practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests

With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due

to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa

such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are

more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa

because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties

including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss

due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating

88

the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due

to pests

Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which

is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can

be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those

locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues

experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of

irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa

harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due

to the onset of cold

The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in

agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a

risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting

more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows

for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the

season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized

harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing

additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity

practices

Harvesting

Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry

After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This

delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is

a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed

89

during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the

exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora

The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held

sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that

added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that

some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout

the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the

same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is

cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry

The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack

hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to

expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other

available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop

(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice

that is not always followed

Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

90

Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on

weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage

of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers

rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the

stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates

the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed

much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to

separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that

the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the

mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product

Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12

people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying

and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the

farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10

for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative

to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be

difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor

Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from

the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

91

The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further

remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional

processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle

This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining

shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile

with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the

panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)

Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The

remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer

stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is

also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although

they can digest the green stalks

The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of

stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure

3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of

92

available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further

remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is

poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris

away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant

altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting

Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

93

Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of

removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this

process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the

birds so that they would not cry

Quinoa Processing

Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are

also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins

are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al

2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the

pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process

(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN

2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that

Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin

removal prior to eating

Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin

removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had

the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously

rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in

saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create

complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water

needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand

pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with

water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN

saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can

94

also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities

for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers

store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale

In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming

techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The

fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued

agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized

harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different

varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand

harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties

can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation

since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An

emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop

at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield

The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root

systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation

also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and

higher humidity

Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms

with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm

animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production

Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their

products on the market discussed in the next section

95

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market

Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next

step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their

product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their

products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers

at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa

on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section

discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market

expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market

access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for

networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes

Farmersrsquo Markets

Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of

Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most

vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground

For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped

out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale

Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

96

Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and

flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed

form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered

form (Figure 3-7)

Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as

commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and

commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for

the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the

vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it

Farmersrsquo Cooperatives

Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join

a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As

noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves

the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market

COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru

97

Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables

them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both

The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health

foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos

empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of

the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I

have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the

representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is

still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting

with outside contacts

COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to

selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed

to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their

education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the

seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4

men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds

The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4

COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an

organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN

formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social

network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014

they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought

their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they

98

purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified

that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It

would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the

people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new

practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This

discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in

another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not

necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth

which will be discussed in the section on price

COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their

harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national

and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well

as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized

market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market

The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the

farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and

the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and

thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory

has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional

drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on

black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for

drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is

gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last

99

steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of

the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)

Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by

the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but

also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was

limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to

foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of

its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in

foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN

seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available

purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in

a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would

be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople

COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each

farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each

100

farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally

consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received

wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired

internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the

farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on

purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day

was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa

on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than

percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped

dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa

grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa

pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing

In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high

demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to

the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with

other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners

of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it

appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for

intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or

end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors

selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their

inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many

distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially

101

maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their

inventory and maintain cash flow

Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition

from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which

almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers

could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price

increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more

quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in

2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year

and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was

restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of

production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent

changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers

and would be an interesting point for further study in the future

While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the

farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter

the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection

between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and

non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the

market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number

of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending

on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a

number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in

102

the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo

markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where

orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the

national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements

to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are

involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the

quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain

The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller

international sales of quinoa flour and flakes

Future Market Expansion

Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales

COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted

above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white

quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market

infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products

Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential

to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation

On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a

meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products

from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food

research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr

Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he

had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products

103

One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic

cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing

salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a

folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger

than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which

they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea

Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed

around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I

thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some

experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due

to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick

lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the

packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared

tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high

nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa

While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what

other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close

to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining

ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat

consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial

market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that

would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved

forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture

104

would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon

return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food

products available in local grocery stores

Agricultural Fairs

Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market

contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and

provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is

informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is

held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in

the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United

States

The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not

notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the

fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place

throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able

to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to

be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate

different ways to consume it

There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products

Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were

displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display

included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were

prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies

105

were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items

included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative

One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice

cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it

out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was

subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair

a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice

cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then

realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the

honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice

cream could be a hit in the United States

The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the

finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the

individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths

had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One

display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was

red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the

potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and

purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same

as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant

activity

One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending

quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an

106

ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to

the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my

hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass

given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise

downed the whole glass

Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking

demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake

Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep

fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I

said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr

Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and

popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise

Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather

and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are

a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for

quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be

a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to

maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of

quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance

since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values

107

Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015

Pricing

Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market

that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream

grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase

production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa

occurred in Peru as well as in other countries

Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising

three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)

Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled

(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price

dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global

market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001

to 2014

108

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014

While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data

Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike

in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production

volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos

annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus

taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than

doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold

production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru

in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the

subsequent drop in price

Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity

and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth

in Figure 3-11

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Vo

lum

e in

Met

ric

ton

s

Year

QUINOA PRODUCTION

Peru Bolivia

109

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003

According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of

sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A

similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)

Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno

Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

19

91

19

92

19

93

19

94

19

95

19

96

19

97

19

98

19

99

20

00

20

01

20

02

20

03

20

04

20

05

20

06

20

07

20

08

20

09

20

10

20

11

20

12

20

13

20

14

US

Do

llars

pe

r to

n

Peru Quinoa Producer Prices

Value

0

05

1

15

2

25

3

35

4

45

Sole

s p

er

kilo

gram

Years

Puno Producer Prices

110

As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went

down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a

dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other

countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly

supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to

grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa

production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)

Source Hudson 2015

Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop

The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to

August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the

period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In

2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently

13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people

were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from

111

the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the

reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and

mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I

returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015

Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back

down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these

price changes have had on quinoa producers

I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I

had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said

that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer

However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to

increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other

segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN

Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase

practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were

delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the

global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned

cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial

sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six

months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their

farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized

vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and

transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and

112

as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN

however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all

of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any

given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-

week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa

Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa

on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members

and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that

they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from

whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others

than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its

own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers

who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative

became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN

Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as

demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very

skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was

in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-

members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new

practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this

development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot

report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local

market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during

113

its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were

previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially

in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues

primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the

demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a

period of time

The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided

insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had

stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and

delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were

indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research

reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the

increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi

and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited

other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including

areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a

shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a

number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional

grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on

the market was not a consideration during the boom times

While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the

color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN

management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in

114

2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal

value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa

which is red white and black

The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the

COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white

quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per

arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained

agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things

occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped

substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white

quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance

practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers

who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame

While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears

that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not

dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the

period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black

quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have

predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be

published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the

consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported

health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific

1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos

115

studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all

reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the

quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus

on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are

usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and

both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa

nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)

however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial

production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other

considerations such as biodiversity maintenance

Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies

range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to

memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The

traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to

the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation

times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines

allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it

relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is

reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of

climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of

pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for

sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a

market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be

116

consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction

to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the

partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with

an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem

and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides

are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons

to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop

success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer

demands

It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take

into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not

distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015

however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the

lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30

more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well

as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price

drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects

that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur

in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-

based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found

demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level

There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers

In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by

117

competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have

different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food

to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While

the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten

years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-

scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the

addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global

market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next

chapter

118

CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING

A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and

agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of

the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study

period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in

selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter

also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related

to these subjects

Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is

essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate

change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human

selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the

desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental

stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that

farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a

variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al

2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the

creation and maintenance of an array of varieties

Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by

maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of

colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food

119

product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be

fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through

domination of market-driven desired product characteristics

While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global

market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)

and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet

and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important

characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the

market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product

that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which

took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for

sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same

colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as

larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices

however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color

while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing

the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in

collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can

also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an

array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product

identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors

efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance

120

While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is

not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some

people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red

quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of

quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about

the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names

to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the

plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural

salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and

this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the

Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-

embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the

variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain

size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself

necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the

specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use

accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a

link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge

relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers

Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a

domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human

selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics

located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among

121

and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity

can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of

seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of

thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting

improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)

Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa

species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by

ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural

selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside

domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa

plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While

many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-

seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis

has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et

al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such

varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the

wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore

contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus

nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo

practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant

With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding

a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the

Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and

122

wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same

time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and

domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian

species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of

the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean

varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even

within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human

selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The

continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of

the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the

agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding

varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate

change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on

sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is

already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus

continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa

that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of

agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species

To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species

quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes

favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not

123

account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the

observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety

of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important

cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to

both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural

and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity

especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple

threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)

states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires

concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the

Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other

humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa

helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified

Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture

local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno

The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make

annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to

the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes

are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences

As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since

the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason

they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not

derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional

124

culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has

a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk

classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up

and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research

discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a

gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the

farmers

While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical

and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are

other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of

scientific classificatory schemes is that

Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)

In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human

element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on

morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of

external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective

on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered

people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the

economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the

spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the

local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has

125

affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient

features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture

The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis

and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains

are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as

belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains

determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-

biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can

provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together

based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk

taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute

to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification

When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa

market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After

all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species

What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were

hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps

thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous

times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published

research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this

information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork

that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I

had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals

126

and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a

Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located

While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report

(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure

does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species

that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a

species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a

comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent

of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction

plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species

including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity

exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper

Farmersrsquo Knowledge

Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector

I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe

logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names

that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the

people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and

experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)

ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also

the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical

knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well

as cultural adaptations and changes

127

To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of

quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers

(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa

varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students

from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered

quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a

total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that

the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or

used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from

the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and

demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also

conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the

participants

During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify

different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often

used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same

species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics

that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a

variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name

The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties

1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable

128

express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select

seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant

This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that

they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable

characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and

organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different

scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species

level

Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash

farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify

quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus

the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to

humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson

noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive

mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus

the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated

with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to

identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the

names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological

classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called

peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and

people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with

129

classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in

some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature

In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a

commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem

with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa

without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the

research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms

especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was

after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific

classification systems arose

Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa

names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications

Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the

accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other

identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the

sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and

included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207

names of varieties some going back over 70 years

Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as

easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made

about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there

was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic

pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and

130

put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the

various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping

I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one

farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which

he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names

which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given

different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a

different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the

State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)

In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate

overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed

this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local

farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and

Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus

for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in

Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the

purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific

varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the

farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in

the scientific literature that I reviewed

Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr

Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is

131

an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the

scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I

removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods

and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying

chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in

ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity

parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus

while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa

demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)

talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the

scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I

have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and

revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness

In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office

in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples

of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13

varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)

The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than

noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able

to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of

gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in

finding names in places outside of publications

132

Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012

Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru

Rank Variety

1 Amarilla Marangani

2 Blanca de Juli

3 Kancolla

4 Blanca de Junin

5 Hualhuas

6 Huancayo

7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano

8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca

9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana

10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla

11 Illpa INIA

12 Salcedo INIA

13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013

As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names

to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most

comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my

collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with

133

the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different

quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they

were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a

list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book

to extract the names

Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)

referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did

not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like

Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In

compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other

researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014

Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the

altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from

Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties

After reviewing published academic research governmental documents

consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a

comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the

farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37

that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but

three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished

names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara

language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive

environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific

134

knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-

laden environment

The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the

evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I

encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa

names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be

comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially

since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes

differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the

quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the

two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern

variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting

point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such

as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional

absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than

accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to

farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to

provide consistency

As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the

use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination

was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the

field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard

135

to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the

biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)

Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is

contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first

used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather

populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria

such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)

says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological

characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)

definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows

Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)

Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on

historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes

are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has

not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the

association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term

ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not

when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace

acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these

136

varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the

term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or

if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way

the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into

accepted categories is not a simple task

Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and

have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of

quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations

Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species

(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa

types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not

synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the

same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage

While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different

varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working

domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a

grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species

as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related

varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several

varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race

While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the

species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification

system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large

137

number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of

quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct

groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)

Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic

distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification

category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems

While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg

Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently

Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and

have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and

Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)

The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between

species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete

varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic

organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the

names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are

used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla

pasankalla and roja among others

Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-

groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca

Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since

they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on

differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the

138

individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and

cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly

anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates

the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking

plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city

names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers

who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired

morphological characteristics

In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with

subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)

Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name

White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla

quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla

Source Tapia et al (2014)

Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my

research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years

covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity

pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90

farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps

an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which

could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting

question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline

was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties

139

(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can

be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof

to social networks including formal organizations

With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I

have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use

One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten

which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten

and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I

studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further

described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial

sale

In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)

Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified

primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for

each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race

Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples

1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa

Source Mujica et al 2013

These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al

(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-

140

Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with

altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al

(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-

Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al

(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not

include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while

these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification

scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually

overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize

classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a

consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification

system

In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the

wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of

species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument

yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild

relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other

domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the

race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara

acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two

types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also

have domesticated characteristics

141

Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know

and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except

for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish

conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to

group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to

provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its

usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a

particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further

organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a

wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa

While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa

it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end

products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the

grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that

can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market

with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a

much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the

farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names

including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow

(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al

(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications

of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In

addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent

142

and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of

color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not

identifying a specific variety

In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a

specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color

form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten

identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern

Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety

Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different

fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana

(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples

rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana

either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of

the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name

such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla

rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types

into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both

strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and

variety that passes on color-based information about the variety

Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain

color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package

For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly

distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the

143

intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained

any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences

Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-

driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to

knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package

that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled

ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety

for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely

distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information

may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of

diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of

the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to

base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to

demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity

preservation

The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of

knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the

possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other

quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and

collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide

ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also

reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This

research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano

144

farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of

quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names

Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are

needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of

classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment

of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be

conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection

based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional

information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary

properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa

variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety

knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research

may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield

While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and

which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are

associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)

sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the

product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural

connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still

wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful

especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to

maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate

transportation marketing and other costs

145

To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried

out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of

several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of

quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative

purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was

used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned

the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic

The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same

amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest

panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the

grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all

extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table

4-4)

Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos

Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900

Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by

the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a

plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent

of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests

146

While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an

experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans

placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The

researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even

though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response

however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the

earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on

my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers

loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was

visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that

had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I

observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating

some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews

where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that

attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a

factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the

global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation

Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead

yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers

made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in

the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about

the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo

characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest

147

infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past

information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align

In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties

based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment

choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the

highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this

variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi

which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year

Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for

the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both

of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et

al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with

kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla

is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo

INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences

farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most

frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed

ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not

planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties

most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not

necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this

experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-

hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be

148

some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even

marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the

climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield

obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted

varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be

grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most

frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government

agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo

practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and

features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions

How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant

To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and

interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that

they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in

this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were

linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and

UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is

important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and

others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of

change due to globalization and outside consumer influences

As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had

planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was

28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to

twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm

149

selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of

specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably

this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In

addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds

90

Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties

Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)

1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6

Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA

The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew

blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as

does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the

study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow

unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in

different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based

on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting

question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the

connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this

150

variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed

further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection

and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety

called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the

farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not

list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history

of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers

This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of

sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of

salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may

not completely explain its dominance

Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown

by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only

grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single

female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each

(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and

plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers

and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent

on a small number of farmers

To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown

by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-

student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The

151

average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old

the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old

The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-

op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and

female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers

with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and

thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on

the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who

participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to

their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages

although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups

The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of

these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of

farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university

farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in

the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of

Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although

the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more

extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the

student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not

grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the

university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university

farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller

152

number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance

of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one

with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age

differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including

flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity

maintenance

Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24

Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35

27

2018

16

54

2

Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Blanca de Juli

Kancolla

Chulpi

Choclito

14

8

9

11115

87653

Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Kancolla

Blanca

Coito

Blanca de Juli

Negra

153

With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the

average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average

number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as

gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229

varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older

farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this

measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened

degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions

between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to

the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed

by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos

data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-

op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the

students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further

discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however

does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are

growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties

Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown

Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)

Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265

To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions

among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35

co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table

154

4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group

growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more

co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one

group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding

the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity

maintenance

Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties

Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers

Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29

With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers

there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females

versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most

frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could

be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but

I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic

affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety

This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female

farmers that could be explored in the future

Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university

farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9

versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only

grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only

one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small

155

(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender

differences in agrodiversity maintenance

For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a

season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a

tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on

average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females

however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for

males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female

farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One

particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm

during a single season further discussed below

To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the

farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised

for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety

selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the

farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for

personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces

as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select

seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons

for seed selection to see if they still remained true

Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they

grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30

female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well

156

and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The

farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-

10)

Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection

Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses

Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15

While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given

reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local

environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were

1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)

2) frost resistance (10 responses) and

3) resists climate change (3 responses)

While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the

altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost

resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late

in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the

season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the

reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could

survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not

thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the

varying conditions of the harsh environment

157

The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is

consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)

Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions

including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example

Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are

adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold

temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and

thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason

consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh

altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive

drought cold and salt

The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield

accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18

responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4

responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more

grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to

each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does

not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being

twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in

size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These

findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and

provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an

important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to

158

have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the

farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow

While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on

their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not

the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases

leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew

201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not

have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more

adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara

The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a

total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were

1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)

2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and

3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)

The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in

variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as

blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term

amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white

quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this

trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten

responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows

more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers

159

The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the

availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some

purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some

farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual

seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a

realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the

seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability

which further inhibits their conservation

A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest

resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter

varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents

listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers

specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection

While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no

suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties

In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The

first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly

relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in

obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of

the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third

category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user

With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are

important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety

160

selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to

Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more

variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if

culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo

response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage

This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at

least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years

ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures

of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to

grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which

agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on

how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I

asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties

no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to

availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties

grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the

more obscure varieties

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices

Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety

selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources

and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has

been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al

161

(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean

farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with

neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)

found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties

consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge

(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study

For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties

need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes

where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds

Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds

Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the

prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of

seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed

selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires

knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for

seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further

described in the next section

Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage

Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100

162

While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in

this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that

they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA

(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project

(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that

the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they

collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers

collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other

considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm

As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency

is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments

has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived

from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of

the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production

including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA

representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not

surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains

collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from

using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices

providing them with the benefit of seed independence2

2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act

163

Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the

varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that

originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA

were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic

certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN

has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements

of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not

purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties

needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with

farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with

the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant

INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased

seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that

thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered

organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of

organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with

the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not

afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining

organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source

Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed

experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge

in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same

level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups

164

and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes

(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered

expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and

there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to

outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas

are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of

qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds

During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects

semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016

they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using

semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN

selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I

interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions

between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is

quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to

agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection

Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals

farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held

across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to

quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to

county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products

including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and

musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as

165

food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site

consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour

and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs

have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage

production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large

inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about

agrodiversity

In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future

crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but

seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-

saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the

same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available

however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA

however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of

commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection

the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have

seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds

likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially

due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to

shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the

readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other

varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of

existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an

166

important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be

conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by

semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of

agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor

The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity

maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-

use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic

diversity

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity

Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary

of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number

of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop

Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration

noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for

farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains

on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for

the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports

yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were

selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next

generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed

selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as

compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the

actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well

167

as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the

desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds

Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency

Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89

Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants

can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term

ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate

which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were

noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an

important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50

of the responses for selection

Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or

strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of

environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield

By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive

168

plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants

in the vicinity

Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed

selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the

plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a

frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer

evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future

seed selection

Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the

cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a

specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa

harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants

in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is

not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering

of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can

easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique

also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners

can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed

early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first

plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation

While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions

additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was

a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the

169

evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as

well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight

There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number

of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for

selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the

pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection

meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the

seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety

Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection

indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic

market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the

decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with

maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices

then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification

is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that

was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the

concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community

One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as

a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use

of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the

operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the

number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant

170

preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final

consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting

In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa

seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field

or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of

factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting

season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which

demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by

cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety

selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of

the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the

same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation

Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate

good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to

comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with

the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which

variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be

similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better

environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties

Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion

strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware

of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as

well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration

171

and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation

since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential

While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop

that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits

choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to

farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based

on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between

presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential

predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white

varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into

consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global

market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not

appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since

the variety name rarely appears on labels

As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety

distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence

agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the

culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use

there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-

white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in

the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated

benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the

most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity

172

maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety

distinctions

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection

Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the

distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in

Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la

Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated

gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender

distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often

more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence

agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of

crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn

(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men

demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)

With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the

eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the

exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed

exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-

community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection

Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select

seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos

emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and

cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection

can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch

173

molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al

2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender

aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight

into the nuances and complexities of this intersection

New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by

female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity

sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this

understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had

a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region

According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and

who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than

men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that

women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead

bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or

exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that

women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally

observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his

mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in

and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her

husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional

practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that

such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in

seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of

174

women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected

several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection

demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women

Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

A Female Semillista Example

Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the

community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often

well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of

COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well

known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with

specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a

number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa

varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a

child

Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved

in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by

management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the

population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming

175

She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has

grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and

was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr

Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica

who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide

information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name

but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties

Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them

on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa

varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in

this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field

(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I

have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her

life-long interest in quinoa diversity

Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

176

Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and

carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-

2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were

not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to

conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life

she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered

from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields

and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not

sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays

these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her

seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing

my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display

At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a

table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were

some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label

Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

177

The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below

bull Ajara inerto

bull Ajara negro

bull Blanca de Juli

bull Camacani

bull Cheweca

bull Chile

bull Choclo kancolla

bull Chucapaca

bull Chullpi Amarillo

bull Chullpi blanca

bull Chullpi roja

bull Cuchi willa

bull INIA Ilpa

bull INIA Salcedo

bull INIA Salcedo rosa

bull Kamire

bull Kancolla roja

bull Kancolla rosada

bull Koscosa

bull Marangani

bull Mesa quinoa

bull Mestiza

bull Negra collana I

bull Panela

bull Pasancalla plomo

bull Quinus misturas

bull Rosada junin

bull Rosada taraco

bull Sajama

bull Tahuaco

bull Vizallanino

Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred

INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She

uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She

always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather

Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows

178

the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds

requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is

implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting

crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in

risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional

ecological knowledge

I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she

was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was

familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the

plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her

depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been

identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red

and is also called misa quinoa

Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and

has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does

not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains

When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds

for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects

varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also

seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this

179

study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from

the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from

other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an

interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes

Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of

the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were

used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)

Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color

Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca

Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is

toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help

with pain

Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around

them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is

called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa

harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa

seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the

healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches

from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the

plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season

180

What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection

While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct

gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in

2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to

obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed

experts

An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling

good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as

farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make

arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is

rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly

pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large

and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall

to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa

Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra

Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he

decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this

organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic

certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected

to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa

for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they

purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was

still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he

received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his

181

involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price

While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate

in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until

he could get a better price

Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds

on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa

(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his

agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A

Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32

Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was

broad agrodiversity

This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male

and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)

appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male

crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men

highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional

female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further

study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa

production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding

varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of

agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa

products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further

articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance

182

These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or

indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men

and women

Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused

on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal

interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took

personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa

varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is

enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during

a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any

necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through

seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds

Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

183

Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species

the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This

research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa

variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from

published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian

184

altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional

quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the

importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study

also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also

experimenting with new quinoa varieties

The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the

need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of

quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common

characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological

zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional

categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is

commonly used

Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number

of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate

adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather

conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating

the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the

success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are

important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to

varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice

While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual

yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by

increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important

185

the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the

encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-

resistant varieties can influence yield

The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which

relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa

was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a

variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also

become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary

qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition

demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated

with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level

Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods

continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in

the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected

by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian

cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the

exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties

become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make

a difference in consumer-driven market demand

While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific

reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so

prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types

186

such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance

in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet

this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While

the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the

demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered

against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the

demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white

quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers

who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa

including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who

solely grew white quinoa

An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many

farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed

selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas

Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by

INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection

While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a

published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment

demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was

relatively high

Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who

serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance

187

While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on

yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are

important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender

differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to

agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices

There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of

quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited

number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing

the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus

quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties

may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers

41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these

41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period

were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not

growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of

current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory

of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the

establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a

starting point that can be further developed and studied

188

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa

farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa

market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a

degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow

more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of

planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a

crop due to climatic conditions or infestation

Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what

variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold

drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The

importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional

risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in

the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by

women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The

efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to

the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour

production

The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-

factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed

selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of

semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government

agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of

189

seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices

In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential

yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some

of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving

agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations

Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of

quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as

compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to

teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge

by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence

other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas

Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance

since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows

for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more

mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire

crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to

be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest

Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For

example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary

diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa

agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also

promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear

that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca

190

civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by

COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa

agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and

baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation

Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve

quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro

and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is

another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste

variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that

variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that

serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded

cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa

Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity

The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa

including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful

selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices

dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded

conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to

market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products

use different varieties based on their culinary properties

Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing

population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the

191

biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given

the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate

change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in

understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative

consequences

Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history

includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of

the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the

history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards

due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as

well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural

significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value

of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to

maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption

Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research

demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports

and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While

quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which

provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from

many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity

and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study

found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different

kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about

192

30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different

environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected

that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the

30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the

numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties

were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the

63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not

grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by

Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of

Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two

hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting

a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa

However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented

only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of

quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative

effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca

is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may

account for greater diversity results

There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be

maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both

maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different

varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red

black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional

193

scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the

consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian

efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary

schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes

that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics

Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also

conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different

types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can

boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation

into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive

different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety

diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather

and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be

discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or

governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a

consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection

Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance

is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of

quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market

entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for

the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored

quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global

quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the

194

unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market

hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the

colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique

nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the

market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded

agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline

While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties

to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white

quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors

is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with

red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a

market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white

quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving

global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open

and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market

The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the

results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet

only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of

varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the

Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences

already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects

found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after

Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication

195

date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already

altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my

study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety

grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before

this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on

farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs

The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed

selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had

already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a

silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can

provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa

conservation going forward

Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor

in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic

especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen

through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important

factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides

the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional

differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect

on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge

can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market

diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is

196

an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation

practices that can be rewarded by the market

In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and

medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity

conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in

traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect

of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and

domesticated varieties

The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in

understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor

the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated

and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies

The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in

understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many

different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of

organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings

Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-

species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties

and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the

varieties including morphological as well as cultural information

The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon

independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help

funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas

197

and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research

should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation

especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the

conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be

quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings

that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate

the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly

are doing more for conservation than many government programs

Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer

population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming

tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is

unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa

conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs

that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies

that can help improve quinoa production

Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production

and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men

controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women

are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there

appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact

with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of

many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done

in markets across time

198

There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and

how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean

people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the

complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter

these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe

it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species

that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing

popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa

agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who

personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade

199

APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES

NAME SOURCE

Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014

Achachino Mujica et al 201361

Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014

Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna

Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A

Ajara inerto Expert A

Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392

Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460

Amallado Farmer survey 2014

Amaltado Farmer survey 2014

Amargas Mujica et al 2013

Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)

Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013

Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90

Antawara real Mujica et al 201397

Atacama Mujica et al 201362

Atlas Jarvis et al 2017

Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361

Baer II Mujica et al 201362

Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014

Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015

Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014

Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A

Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A

Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169

Camiri Mujica et al 201369

Canchones Mujica et al 201362

Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014

Carina red Jarvis et al 2017

200

Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943

Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144

Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014

Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013

Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382

Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017

Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Chile Expert A

Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77

Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Choclo kancolla Expert A

Chola Hunziker 1943

Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A

Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A

Chullpi Amarillo Expert A

Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A

Chupica witulla Tapia 2014

Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477

Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection

Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014

Cochabamba Tapia 2014

AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu

Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014

ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943

Copacabana Tapia 2014

Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A

Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014

Cunaccota Tapia 2014

Dahue Hunziker 1943

Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014

ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361

Faro Mujica et al 201321 62

Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Granolada Farmer Survey 2014

Gris Hunziker 1943

Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna

Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

201

Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014

Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361

Huacataz Mujica et al 201361

Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013

Huallhas Mujica et al 201369

Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015

Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Huaranga Mujica et al 201361

Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361

Hueque Fuentes et al 2012

IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382

IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382

Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A

Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012

INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368

INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361

INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)

Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361

Islunga Mujica et al 201321

Jana Hunziker 1943

Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura

Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014

Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Jaru ckello Tapia 2014

Javi Fuentes et al 2012

Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943

Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014

Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014

Jujuy Mujica et al 201369

Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362

Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362

Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Juraj Farmer Survey 2014

Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A

KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Kancolla roja Expert A

Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A

Kcana ckello Tapia 2014

Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013

Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014

202

Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito

Koscosa Expert A

Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017

Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017

Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390

Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382

Lipena Mujica et al 201361

Lito Mujica et al 201321 62

Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014

Maniquena Mujica et al 201361

Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69

Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A

Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361

Mau Fuentes et al 2012

Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Millmi Hunziker 1943

MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Nameya ayara Tapia 201477

Namora Mujica et al 201361

Narino Mujica et al 201362

Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369

Negroa Farmer Survey 2014

Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A

Ollague Jarvis et al 2017

Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103

Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012

Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Pandela rosada INIA photo collection

Parakai Hunziker 1943

Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014

Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013

Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label

Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A

Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460

Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460

Phera Farmer Survey 2014

Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015

Plomao Farmer Survey 2014

Potosi Tapia 2014

Puc Fuentes et al 2012

Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78

203

Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382

Qillu ayara Tapia 201477

Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013

Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014

Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361

Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369

Regalona Jarvis et al 2017

Robura Mujica et al 201361

Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361

Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014

Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014

Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014

Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369

Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014

Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361

Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468

Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014

Samaranti Mujica et al 201361

Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Sayana Mujica et al 201361

Senora Mujica et al 201361 90

Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321

Tabacomi Tapia 201468

Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Toledo Mujica et al 201361

Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321

Tupiza Mujica et al 201321

Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97

Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90

Utusaya Mujica et al 201361

Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014

Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety

Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390

Wila ayara Tapia 201477

Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398

Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478

Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014

Yana quinua Hunziker 1943

204

Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382

Yujiura Tapia 201465

205

APPENDIX B

RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA

Races of the Altiplano

1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla

Races of Inter-Andean Valleys

Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)

Races of Junin

16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)

Races of Ancash

19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)

Races of Cajamarca

23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada

Source Tapia et al (2014)

206

LIST OF REFERENCES

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Apffel-Marglin Frederique 1998 The Spirit of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of

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Andrews Deborah 2012 Traditional Agriculture Biopiracy and Indigenous Rights In Proceedings of the

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Apaza Vidal Gladys Caacuteceres Rigoberto Estrada and Rember Pinedo 2013 Cataacutelogo de Variedades Comerciales de Quinua en el Peruacute Lima Instituto

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Atran Scott 1999 Itzaj Maya Folkbiological Taxonomy Cognitive Universals and Cultural

Particulars In Folkbiology Medin S and Scott Atran eds Cambridge MA The MIT Press

Aubrey Allison

2013 Your Love of Quinoa is Good News for Andean Farmers National Public Radio Online July 17 2013

Ayala Olazaacutebal Carmen Luz

2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL

Bazile Didier Sven-Erik Jacobsen Alexis Verniau 2016 The Global Expansion of Quinoa Trends and Limits Front Plant Sci 7(622)1-6 Bazile D D Bertero C Nieto Eds 2014 State of the Art Report on Quinoa Around the World in 2013 FAO and CIRAD

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Bhargava Atul Sudhir Sukla Rakesh Kumar Deepak Ohri 2009 Metroglyph Analysis of Morphological Variation of Chenopodium spp World

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Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli Deepak Ohri 2006 Chenopodium quinoa - An Indian Perspective Industrial Crops and Products

2373-87 Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli S Rajan Deepak Ohri 2007 Genetic diversity for morphological and quality traits in quinoa (Chenopodium

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2016 Foods and Fads The Welfare Impacts of Rising Quinoa Prices in Peru Towson University Department of Economics Working Paper No 2016-06

Bernard H Russell 2011 Research Methods in Anthropology Plymouth UK AltaMira Press

Brondizio Eduardo S

2008 The Amazonian Caboclo and the Accedilai Palm Forest Farmers in the Global Market New York The New York Botanical Garden Press

Brown Norman L and E R Pariser 1975 Food Science in Developing Countries Science New Series Food Issue

188(4188)589-593 Bruno Maria Christina 2008 Waranq-Waranq Ethnobotanical Perspectives on Agricultural Intensification in

the Lake Titicaca Basin (Taraco Teninsula Bolivia) Dissertation Washington University

Brush Stephen B 2005 Biodiversity Biotechnology and the Legal Protection of Traditional Knowledge

Protecting Traditional Agricultural Knowledge 17 Wash U J L amp Poly 59

2004 Farmersrsquo Bounty Locating Crop Diversity in the Contemporary World Yale University Press New Haven Conn

1995 In Situ Conservation of Landraces in Centers of Crop Diversity Crop Science

35(2)346-354 Bubenheim David L and Greg Schlick 1993 Quinoa An Emerging ldquoNewrdquo Crop with Potential for CELSS NASA Technical

Paper No 3422

Buechler Hans C and Judith-Maria Buechler 1971 The Bolivian Aymara New York Holt Rinehart and Winston

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Canahua Alipio 2012 Los Tipos de Quinuas en el Altiplano de Puno Proyecto Sipam FAO Puno

Peruacute Caacuterdenas Martin

1944 Descripcioacuten preliminar de las variedades de quinua chenopodium quinoa de Bolivia Revista Agricultura Cochabamba Bolivia 2(2) 13-26

Carter George F and Edgar Anderson 1945 A Preliminary Survey of Maize in the Southwestern United States Annals of the

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Chalmers Nigel and Christo Fabricius 2007 Expert and Generalist Local Knowledge about Land-cover Change on South

Africarsquos Wild Coast Can Local Ecological Knowledge Add Value to Science Ecology and Society 12(1)10

Cherfas Jeremy

2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016

Christensen SA DB Pratt C Pratt PT Nelson MR Stevens EN Jellen CE Coleman DJ Fairbanks A Bonifacio PJ Maughan 2007 Assessment of genetic diversity in the USDA and CIP-FAO international nursery

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Davis Anthony and John R Wagner 2003 Who Knows On the Importance of Identifying ldquoExpertsrdquo When Researching

Local Ecological Knowledge Human Ecology 31(3)463-489

Del Castillo Carmen and Thierry Winkel Gregory Mahy Jean-Philippe Bizoux 2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian

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De Wet JMJ and JR Harlan 1975 Weeds and Domesticates Evolution in the Man-Made Habitat Economic

Botany 2999-107

209

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de Cultivos Andinos La Paz Bolivia

210

Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the

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Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis

2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497

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1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169

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Buenos Aires Argentina Isbell Billie Jean

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211

Jacobsen S-E 2011 The Situation for Quinoa and Its Production in Southern Bolivia From Economic

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London 31184-190 Jarvis David E Yung Shwen Ho Damien J Lightfoot Sandra M Schmoumlckel Bo Li Theo J A Borm Hajime Ohyanagi Katsuhiko Mineta Craig T Michell Noha Saber Najeh M Kharbatia Ryan R Rupper Aaron R Sharp Nadine Dally Berin A Boughton Yong H Woo Ge Gao Elio G W M Schijlen Xiujie Guo Afaque A Momin Soacutenia Negratildeo Salim Al-Babili Christoph Gehring Ute Roessner Christian Jung Kevin Murphy Stefan T Arold Takashi Gojobori C Gerard van der Linden Eibertus N van Loo Eric N Jellen Peter J Maughan and Mark Tester 2017 The genome of Chenopodium quinoa Nature 1-6

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Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in

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576

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212

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Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge

2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32

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Chenopodium quinoa and Chenopodium berlandieri Genome 49825-839

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213

Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W

1985 Sweetness and Power New York Penguin Books Mintzer Miguel J 1933 Las Quinoas su cultivo en la Argentina su importancia como planta alimenticia

Boletin Mensual Ministerio Agricultura de la Nacion 34(1)59-77

Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes

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Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del

presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile

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Anthropology 25329-53

214

Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical

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Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93

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Field Methods 17(3)1-16

Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick

Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture

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(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87

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Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y

Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru

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Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)

Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101

215

Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)

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Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari

2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011

Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain

(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315

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Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara

Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of

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Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook

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Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study

in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333

216

Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ

Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany

19(3)223-235

Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa

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Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)

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Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon

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Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de

las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe

Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio

2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC

Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture

Organization

217

Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos

No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65

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Ton G and J Bijman 2006 The role of producer organizations in the process of developing an integrated

supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006

Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural

Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC

United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231

httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)

2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin

America and the Caribbean

2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and

Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region

Nd United Nations Observances International Years

Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547

218

Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)

and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of

Pennsylvania Press

Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site

in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley

Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)

Economic Botany 44(3)92-110

1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239

Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium

nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206

Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023

Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and

Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601

219

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a

Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of

Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after

taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well

as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of

Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme

Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In

2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th

Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has

been active in local and state issues

In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in

environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was

awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal

Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American

Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation

Page 6: THERE’S SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA: SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN …

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4

LIST OF TABLES 8

LIST OF FIGURES 9

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11

ABSTRACT 12

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 14

Research Question 14

Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29

2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36

The Fox and the Condor 38

What is Quinoa 39

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45

Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62

Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66

Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72

Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74

3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80

Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82

7

Harvesting 88

Quinoa Processing 93

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104

Pricing 107

4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172

A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180

5 CONCLUSION 188

APPENDIX

A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199

B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205

LIST OF REFERENCES 206

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219

8

LIST OF TABLES

Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61

4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132

4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138

4-3 Races of Quinoa 139

4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145

4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149

4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153

4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154

4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156

4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161

4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167

4-11 Quinoa Uses 179

9

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47

2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58

2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59

2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63

2-5 Peske 65

2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67

2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68

2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73

2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74

3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89

3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90

3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91

3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92

3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92

3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95

3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96

3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99

3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107

3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108

3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109

3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109

3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110

10

4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132

4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152

4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152

4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174

4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175

4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176

4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182

4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183

4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183

11

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa

COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria

NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration

NGO Non-governmental organization

UN United Nations

UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

US United States

12

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS

AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

By

Deborah J Andrews

August 2017

Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology

This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-

scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa

crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of

globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-

colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate

it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who

relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however

has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity

maintenance and increased risk to farmers

The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys

and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This

study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers

including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers

selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced

variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200

13

quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period

of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number

of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary

properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this

study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of

between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of

this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance

including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including

the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon

existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level

including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other

consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued

crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and

marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers

especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the

beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint

contributions to global food security

14

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Research Question

This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean

quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the

farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market

Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of

agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection

Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production

and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)

consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including

Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of

agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have

grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is

the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as

well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and

Helmreich 2010546)

In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish

colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the

question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of

market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained

global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to

losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards

monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the

15

dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial

market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least

color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global

market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity

Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on

dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional

benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food

source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for

thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional

small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-

species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in

light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study

This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about

the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets

have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural

practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to

quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the

popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa

specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on

very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon

many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of

varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the

difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored

16

below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This

study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been

maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano

While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity

this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity

maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need

to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity

practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the

biodiversity of quinoa

The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that

affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for

resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and

paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go

togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-

scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and

how they changed in response to market globalization

Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa

provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures

especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the

Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo

et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual

festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for

17

symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits

(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in

decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in

agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In

acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found

that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm

diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association

with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and

quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon

Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the

Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the

Andean people who had a deep history with the plant

Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)

The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-

blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including

quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and

people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food

18

Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people

and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo

where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated

varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo

associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the

Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous

Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world

Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong

association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and

the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity

thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side

Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived

colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency

The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can

contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a

decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now

primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good

way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In

contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the

crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment

coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an

important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long

term negative consequences

19

For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this

traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing

popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a

western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)

Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history

culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale

farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such

as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually

on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local

quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic

example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider

space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking

worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)

The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid

fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a

long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention

and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa

farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to

understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove

2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The

farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of

which lead directly to the global market

20

Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised

concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero

and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied

by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio

found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised

despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the

farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as

noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa

(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by

globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the

relationship between the two

While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the

Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done

by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)

Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls

larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the

remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a

collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The

social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity

(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity

focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important

factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops

were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which

21

emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in

the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into

the equation

Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social

organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)

Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the

question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and

there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call

for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)

Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out

consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of

crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets

The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity

consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a

polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and

various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market

through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular

color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead

to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes

Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers

and crop agrodiversity

Historic Overview

The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of

quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially

22

interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries

whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid

(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth

century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous

rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish

colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous

populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily

classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist

practices has transformed into a global commodity

Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the

Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan

past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the

bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial

classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies

ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and

quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity

for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a

multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as

well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of

discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due

to cultural beliefs

The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its

complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the

23

world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into

the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)

The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the

events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a

history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or

relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression

by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian

foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations

of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity

as a health food in the West

Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and

minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A

recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition

levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its

exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous

implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow

quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the

Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional

reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product

Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other

agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which

has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global

popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association

24

with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to

investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has

caused in the past

Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of

quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in

agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)

defines global food security as follows

Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life

This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security

through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also

inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to

reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local

farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss

Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices

Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on

participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study

describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern

changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance

The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of

Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)

as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie

et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru

(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in

25

the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange

location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa

agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I

obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a

long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several

extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place

during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with

the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I

traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana

Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero

I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)

and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these

100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale

vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field

researchers and relatives of two of the university professors

Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was

introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways

The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food

safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr

Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors

took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed

their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since

it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews

26

with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of

quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems

with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could

base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further

described in my research findings

Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in

Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research

station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this

field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this

field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I

took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on

a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and

surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these

participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts

The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience

sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of

Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a

representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an

outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city

for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set

of farmers

Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going

through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent

27

After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why

they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the

farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to

participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not

write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men

Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in

individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a

meeting

The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN

the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the

city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash

Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is

organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the

Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one

substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four

subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same

membership size and structure

The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining

COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people

getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the

future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important

issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings

they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change

28

At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for

processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes

threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in

large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and

removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further

described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and

global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote

factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts

that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market

presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)

international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a

website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global

market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local

farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the

members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their

harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in

Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study

A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I

personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-

structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student

volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and

record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to

the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and

29

met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal

informational and background interviews

As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a

variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the

local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two

agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition

regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather

data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten

Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government

official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa

agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of

the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication

which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or

comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4

Agrodiversity and Globalization

Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices

during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study

to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to

develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a

published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported

thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo

was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are

not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported

quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate

30

or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of

data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its

relationship to Andean farming culture

To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local

quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the

past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of

quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after

consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different

type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the

study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain

While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it

became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for

quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in

Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily

apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-

based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which

provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety

sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with

varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations

The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their

quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the

research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent

season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety

31

selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection

such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability

and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well

as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative

and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also

describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the

dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study

In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for

selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since

Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years

this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global

demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic

conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop

that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors

were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect

agrodiversity maintenance

External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity

maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well

as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of

Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for

the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced

large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the

external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts

32

Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect

agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for

quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than

using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus

quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end

product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred

color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-

grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market

pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a

few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other

characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in

Chapter 2

Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill

et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm

diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby

1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of

potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions

a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any

given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often

select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as

early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity

maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-

based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested

33

these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-

scale farmers

Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited

characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean

farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa

Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US

supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product

the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale

benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale

distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time

allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is

in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would

be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance

In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was

reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-

Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and

community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced

varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However

due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin

(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo

(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with

development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the

preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of

34

this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context

of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also

analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa

agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts

In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming

practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization

in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual

relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique

history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from

domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans

and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian

foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not

necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean

people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh

aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and

quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and

nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection

playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences

such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly

diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal

husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided

Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh

environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the

35

agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time

of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity

maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western

agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different

quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into

agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for

variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety

selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the

future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type

practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the

dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further

agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-

long partners ndash Andean farmers

36

CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET

Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People

This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the

present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a

long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-

plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little

known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market

expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it

associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa

its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the

nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the

natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has

had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate

about the present and future conservation practices

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the

world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated

plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to

cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and

ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity

(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity

The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants

is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera

37

1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of

biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant

diversity

Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for

continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human

behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of

plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or

enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms

(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the

latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to

reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase

survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed

development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith

1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer

seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a

thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an

archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions

cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus

seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in

domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated

versions and hence human intervention

The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of

traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed

38

independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most

important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of

domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants

which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with

the Americas (Rivera 1998)

Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including

potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes

(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity

than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known

agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent

notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium

pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or

love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al

2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the

excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time

high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be

found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans

and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific

discoveries about this plant

The Fox and the Condor

The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in

ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin

story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called

39

The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from

starving recounted below

The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The

condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch

anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox

sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a

ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The

others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back

to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox

says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the

earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the

food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha

and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods

ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it

is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as

described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival

This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of

the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand

the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue

living in the otherwise harsh environment

What is Quinoa

Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a

domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South

America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a

40

pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a

primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things

it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments

(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide

variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates

Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2

m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits

(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa

grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al

2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection

discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated

varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as

previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain

exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains

Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely

known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones

and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala

Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a

wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily

detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the

grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-

related characteristics beyond color

41

Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species

The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and

communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)

ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this

point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)

Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about

natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs

and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and

understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-

going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as

quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans

Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The

Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which

are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the

Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with

Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change

regarding the scientific classification of quinoa

Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been

misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For

example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds

1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field

work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to

establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports

In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the

42

pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the

usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for

analysis

Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is

due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones

encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked

phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and

Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems

attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of

attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of

genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great

agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in

a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and

species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying

and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in

Chapter 4

Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant

that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single

pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic

complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity

Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250

species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and

new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently

43

was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass

crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum

is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is

spread across the globe

Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean

classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having

ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson

199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated

Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated

Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson

and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World

Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes

Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-

Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)

In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and

wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite

and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri

ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct

Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C

boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006

Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp

zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across

the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into

44

Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi

Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum

has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the

Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South

Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that

grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity

It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C

berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill

2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were

domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis

indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be

more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies

between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa

and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)

Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and

huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for

great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp

zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)

Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species

including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The

quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original

ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American

origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split

45

occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has

been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the

quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further

hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-

industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the

quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies

involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the

large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not

presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise

dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation

of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent

and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future

History of Quinoa in the Andes

Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years

Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as

15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the

archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa

plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an

important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)

Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on

them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and

Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth

of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa

46

Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its

current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical

association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has

vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily

available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of

quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The

relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic

fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent

(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to

imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran

19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the

concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have

been connected in time and space with the plant

Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes

and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations

over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and

potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the

harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into

European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and

potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world

Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact

(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or

mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca

47

above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce

fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of

harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and

so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama

holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in

Argentina

Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360

Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of

European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the

reverence for Pachamama

48

Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their

agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa

2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al

(2013) specifically listed magic

The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus

threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in

discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful

alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous

foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period

(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production

relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its

production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)

Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous

local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was

noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)

providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was

considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory

reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be

inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic

research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people

with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although

49

quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food

revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the

Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status

associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with

competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production

declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European

contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa

Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo

another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of

sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased

competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline

in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain

apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)

although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was

apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the

value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities

continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still

present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the

biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of

Andean agriculture and ecosystems

Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled

with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford

50

1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming

quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the

seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as

well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have

contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times

While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years

South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a

domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are

responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)

so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity

through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by

European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that

maintained traditional knowledge and practices

While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described

across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American

explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean

quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including

Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-

grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th

centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead

1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of

Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow

red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while

51

acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-

consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor

(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the

Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of

quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely

known

While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists

continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the

1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the

Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a

plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-

known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that

the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive

In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and

noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In

1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops

(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread

out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and

nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does

not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a

Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the

botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the

Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence

52

of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone

growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both

color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat

interchangeably

While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead

1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the

nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003

Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South

America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals

and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43

published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which

were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about

quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely

distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the

world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread

publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with

the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global

consumption

The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in

1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier

range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer

1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador

Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds

53

reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other

cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with

the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of

quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)

however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and

Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs

In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno

Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and

consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern

science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American

scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor

collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al

1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who

extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they

ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in

favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean

products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also

affected by this bias

Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global

market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional

value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a

high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with

processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal

54

process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the

Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos

Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the

border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national

quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main

producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also

cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is

also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world

In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later

acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned

organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)

The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book

in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of

Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including

the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean

people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded

Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the

ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people

through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented

that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing

its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo

(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with

both viewed together through a socio-economic lens

55

The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)

who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of

quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed

complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the

domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial

areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including

the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a

place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes

from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was

a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and

culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and

plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live

side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both

survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while

Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a

production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts

prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the

world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional

food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its

noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western

world

Resurgence of Quinoa

Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it

was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and

56

Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids

including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining

nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and

speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the

species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by

ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide

market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health

food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US

expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers

Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be

the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This

proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated

years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity

and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such

accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this

status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN

2011b)

Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals

57

Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important

issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN

acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have

conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged

the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the

environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably

the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the

quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and

landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about

the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people

who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a

UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean

people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint

contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing

an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can

lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and

support of UN Millennium Goals

What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world

market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice

58

(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes

including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa

originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was

taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across

the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was

not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus

for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable

shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes

and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly

nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation

While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in

various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however

the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador

although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across

the world including the US and Canada

Source Bazile et al 2014

Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013

59

The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent

although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US

Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from

1900 to 2014

Source Bazile et al 2016

Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa

The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with

increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN

Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other

countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of

quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated

with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers

association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from

the 1980s to the present

60

Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export

more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow

quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa

exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington

Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved

in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods

Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker

Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company

to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa

include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California

Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows

and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and

Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and

there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large

multi-national industrial agriculture corporations

Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa

Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by

the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community

quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation

into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa

Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-

3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had

144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the

variety (Murphy et al 2016)

61

Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa

PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g

QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22

Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181

Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein

(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein

meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school

children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human

growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its

protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc

content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium

phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)

Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et

al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad

cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also

contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell

membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-

Carrasco et al 2003)

The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5

sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to

its high fiber content (UN 2011a)

62

In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total

dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN

2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of

time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit

and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)

Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These

two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders

caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various

properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo

Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as

wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of

quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa

is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being

touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to

cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al

2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today

Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the

global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the

farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa

which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship

How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa

Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal

consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization

has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section

63

describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products

are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of

the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily

consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual

cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between

traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more

traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within

species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with

agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link

Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary

focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and

leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also

consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is

commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive

and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy

Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews

2012

64

Food

As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is

consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have

different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although

there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties

In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain

recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for

different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used

for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et

al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans

have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which

underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on

culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and

farmer variety selection

Grain Products

The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently

consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part

quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice

although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The

grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske

which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for

the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared

like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed

65

Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of

chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and

sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure

prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that

quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka

celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from

quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru

beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony

A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing

combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which

are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and

convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer

product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in

villages or by farmers

66

Processed Quinoa

While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold

commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further

processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can

be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as

products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes

for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for

baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it

makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute

for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies

Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added

to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa

smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable

breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines

quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores

in the United States including pasta and baby food

In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the

length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the

winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important

step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need

to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer

layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is

exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different

stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most

67

quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional

rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case

Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The

traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using

an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a

child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind

stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this

childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants

agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they

can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of

modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who

makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to

make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant

in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption

Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image

credit Deborah Andrews 2014

68

Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from

rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora

is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa

dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips

Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial

purposes

Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

Medicine

While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al

2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa

plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine

The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)

Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation

relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN

2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever

69

urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss

of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness

anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in

addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is

traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments

Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional

medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional

medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not

normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter

however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to

broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used

for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research

on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)

providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent

scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price

since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and

studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes

(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has

antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and

antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have

medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or

therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity

70

Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In

the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high

altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from

the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The

stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as

compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and

scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties

with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity

Ritual Uses

Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in

Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs

and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as

birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from

their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close

relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal

2015)

As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)

Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral

ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most

well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology

Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour

preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and

celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan

Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa

71

The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they

use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to

their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make

figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler

and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other

symbols

One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant

Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa

jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration

for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig

blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly

and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production

Consumer Products

Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and

coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer

products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture

of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa

(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before

consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the

plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil

shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red

quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye

72

Animal Forage

The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are

used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals

however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in

Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be

marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does

not grow well

During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development

projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain

waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the

ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens

were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while

I observed farming demonstrations

One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to

become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the

introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would

be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high

elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10

chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than

commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped

into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental

conditions

73

Fuel

The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is

available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and

oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root

foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-

8)

A B

C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa

stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015

74

There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition

to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other

consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array

of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but

which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and

non-traditional

Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017

Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa

Negative Local Health Effects

One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the

indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the

concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase

75

may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-

nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market

demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa

tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher

than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter

3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not

proceeded without social debate

Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market

expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use

of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using

them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on

non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect

on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also

reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated

ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted

for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental

and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand

for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary

changes

The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to

global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too

expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an

article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the

76

fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)

In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the

argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that

quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey

2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the

high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the

loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is

continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since

there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor

diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa

consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)

Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that

consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands

The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems

well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not

the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been

occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a

prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food

source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the

increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of

preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A

common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time

77

that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw

grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes

While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into

Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of

ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino

a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to

the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the

farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue

of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects

vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price

While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent

analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while

quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004

quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period

from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which

Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the

diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly

concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in

household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger

increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the

quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the

price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be

determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers

78

The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by

Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates

including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and

the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced

crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of

poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science

confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source

Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the

20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim

Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace

in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy

restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness

of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used

quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)

Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the

world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a

change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to

science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional

knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past

denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing

conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study

of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics

As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested

79

notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)

Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean

identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The

globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by

Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-

driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as

scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches

While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the

question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its

survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate

In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its

usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage

uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not

worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status

and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to

world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are

often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its

history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and

preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the

Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced

knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either

the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will

explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market

80

CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND

WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME

This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the

market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers

go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale

there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern

changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that

the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the

agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa

farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the

traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of

quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that

have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how

these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

Diversification and the Environment

Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of

ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this

extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes

Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be

grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can

grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato

As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most

important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of

quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000

81

meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there

can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In

some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen

2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little

organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)

Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and

varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just

as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean

environment quinoa has too

In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the

agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most

Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms

can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small

farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder

farms in the altiplano

Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly

diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop

(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme

climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the

same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under

various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will

thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a

traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices

82

due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems

for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of

quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-

zone

What are the Current Farming Practices

Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing

shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen

2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included

the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers

first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a

tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent

one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor

and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting

In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported

in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)

These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing

practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance

(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil

moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study

has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers

(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with

looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a

cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized

tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of

83

any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for

the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist

with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms

having no adult men present

In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging

areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands

have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as

the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can

lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include

environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion

and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the

productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe

or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to

irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip

with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the

altiplano if they have not done so already

Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and

also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers

let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a

current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the

soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other

crops of choice that grows in the altiplano

84

Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with

maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without

interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys

quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes

(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as

2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco

region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow

well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field

crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation

Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot

afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before

planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This

usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil

before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough

fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop

The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a

source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on

the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer

which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm

Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale

and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather

condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting

Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the

85

landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower

which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean

farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant

their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated

to cultural practice

In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa

planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop

Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing

season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first

blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for

the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for

sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of

the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of

September

With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN

2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period

Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the

altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation

the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by

hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual

maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same

field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties

planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully

86

select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that

mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the

traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage

of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same

time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be

harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same

variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening

and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be

planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and

traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of

quinoa

There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the

focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with

a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially

since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was

especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers

However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a

better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the

region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete

ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as

drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place

and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can

reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other

87

regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with

quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with

the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would

make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown

without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more

resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters

allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al

2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-

resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano

Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with

mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one

of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on

the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include

insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are

used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural

practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests

With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due

to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa

such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are

more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa

because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties

including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss

due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating

88

the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due

to pests

Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which

is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can

be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those

locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues

experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of

irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa

harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due

to the onset of cold

The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in

agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a

risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting

more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows

for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the

season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized

harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing

additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity

practices

Harvesting

Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry

After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This

delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is

a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed

89

during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the

exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora

The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held

sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that

added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that

some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout

the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the

same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is

cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry

The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack

hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to

expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other

available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop

(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice

that is not always followed

Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews

2014

90

Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on

weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage

of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers

rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the

stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates

the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed

much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to

separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that

the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the

mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product

Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12

people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying

and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the

farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10

for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative

to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be

difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor

Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from

the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

91

The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further

remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional

processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle

This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining

shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile

with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the

panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)

Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The

remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer

stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is

also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although

they can digest the green stalks

The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of

stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure

3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of

92

available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further

remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is

poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris

away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant

altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting

Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

93

Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of

removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this

process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the

birds so that they would not cry

Quinoa Processing

Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are

also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins

are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al

2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the

pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process

(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN

2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that

Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin

removal prior to eating

Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin

removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had

the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously

rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in

saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create

complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water

needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand

pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with

water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN

saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can

94

also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities

for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers

store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale

In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming

techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The

fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued

agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized

harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different

varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand

harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties

can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation

since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An

emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop

at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield

The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root

systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation

also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and

higher humidity

Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms

with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm

animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production

Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their

products on the market discussed in the next section

95

What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market

Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next

step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their

product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their

products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers

at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa

on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section

discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market

expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market

access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for

networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes

Farmersrsquo Markets

Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of

Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most

vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground

For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped

out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale

Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

96

Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and

flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed

form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered

form (Figure 3-7)

Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah

Andrews 2014

Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as

commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and

commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for

the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the

vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it

Farmersrsquo Cooperatives

Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join

a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As

noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves

the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market

COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru

97

Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables

them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both

The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health

foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos

empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of

the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I

have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the

representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is

still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting

with outside contacts

COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to

selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed

to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their

education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the

seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4

men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds

The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4

COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an

organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN

formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social

network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014

they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought

their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they

98

purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified

that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It

would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the

people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new

practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This

discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in

another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not

necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth

which will be discussed in the section on price

COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their

harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national

and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well

as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized

market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market

The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the

farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and

the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and

thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory

has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional

drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on

black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for

drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is

gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last

99

steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of

the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)

Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by

the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but

also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was

limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to

foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of

its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in

foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN

seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available

purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in

a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would

be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople

COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each

farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each

100

farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally

consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received

wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired

internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the

farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on

purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day

was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa

on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than

percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped

dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa

grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa

pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing

In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high

demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to

the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with

other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners

of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it

appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for

intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or

end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors

selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their

inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many

distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially

101

maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their

inventory and maintain cash flow

Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition

from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which

almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers

could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price

increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more

quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in

2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year

and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was

restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of

production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent

changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers

and would be an interesting point for further study in the future

While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the

farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter

the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection

between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and

non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the

market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number

of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending

on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a

number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in

102

the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo

markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where

orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the

national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements

to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are

involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the

quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain

The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller

international sales of quinoa flour and flakes

Future Market Expansion

Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales

COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted

above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white

quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market

infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products

Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential

to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation

On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a

meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products

from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food

research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr

Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he

had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products

103

One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic

cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing

salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a

folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger

than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which

they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea

Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed

around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I

thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some

experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due

to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick

lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the

packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared

tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high

nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa

While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what

other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close

to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining

ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat

consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial

market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that

would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved

forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture

104

would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon

return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food

products available in local grocery stores

Agricultural Fairs

Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market

contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and

provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is

informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is

held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in

the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United

States

The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not

notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the

fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place

throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able

to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to

be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate

different ways to consume it

There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products

Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were

displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display

included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were

prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies

105

were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items

included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative

One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice

cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it

out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was

subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair

a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice

cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then

realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the

honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice

cream could be a hit in the United States

The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the

finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the

individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths

had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One

display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was

red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the

potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and

purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same

as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant

activity

One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending

quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an

106

ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to

the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my

hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass

given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise

downed the whole glass

Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking

demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake

Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep

fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I

said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr

Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and

popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise

Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather

and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are

a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for

quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be

a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to

maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of

quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance

since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values

107

Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015

Pricing

Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market

that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream

grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase

production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa

occurred in Peru as well as in other countries

Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising

three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)

Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled

(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price

dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global

market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001

to 2014

108

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014

While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data

Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike

in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production

volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos

annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus

taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than

doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold

production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru

in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the

subsequent drop in price

Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity

and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth

in Figure 3-11

0

20000

40000

60000

80000

100000

120000

140000

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Vo

lum

e in

Met

ric

ton

s

Year

QUINOA PRODUCTION

Peru Bolivia

109

Source FAOSTAT

Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003

According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of

sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A

similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)

Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno

Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

19

91

19

92

19

93

19

94

19

95

19

96

19

97

19

98

19

99

20

00

20

01

20

02

20

03

20

04

20

05

20

06

20

07

20

08

20

09

20

10

20

11

20

12

20

13

20

14

US

Do

llars

pe

r to

n

Peru Quinoa Producer Prices

Value

0

05

1

15

2

25

3

35

4

45

Sole

s p

er

kilo

gram

Years

Puno Producer Prices

110

As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went

down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a

dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other

countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly

supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to

grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa

production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)

Source Hudson 2015

Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop

The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to

August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the

period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In

2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently

13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people

were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from

111

the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the

reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and

mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I

returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015

Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back

down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these

price changes have had on quinoa producers

I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I

had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said

that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer

However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to

increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other

segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN

Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase

practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were

delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the

global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned

cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial

sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six

months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their

farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized

vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and

transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and

112

as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN

however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all

of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any

given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-

week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa

Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa

on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members

and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that

they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from

whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others

than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its

own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers

who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative

became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN

Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as

demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very

skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was

in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-

members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new

practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this

development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot

report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local

market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during

113

its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were

previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially

in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues

primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the

demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a

period of time

The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided

insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had

stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and

delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were

indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research

reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the

increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi

and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited

other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including

areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a

shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a

number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional

grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on

the market was not a consideration during the boom times

While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the

color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN

management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in

114

2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal

value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa

which is red white and black

The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the

COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white

quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per

arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained

agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things

occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped

substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white

quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance

practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers

who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame

While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears

that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not

dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the

period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black

quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have

predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be

published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the

consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported

health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific

1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos

115

studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all

reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the

quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus

on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are

usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and

both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa

nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)

however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial

production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other

considerations such as biodiversity maintenance

Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies

range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to

memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The

traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to

the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation

times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines

allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it

relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is

reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of

climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of

pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for

sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a

market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be

116

consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction

to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the

partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with

an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem

and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides

are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons

to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop

success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer

demands

It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take

into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not

distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015

however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the

lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30

more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well

as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price

drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects

that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur

in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-

based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found

demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level

There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers

In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by

117

competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have

different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food

to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While

the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten

years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-

scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the

addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global

market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next

chapter

118

CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING

A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET

This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and

agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of

the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study

period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in

selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter

also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related

to these subjects

Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is

essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate

change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human

selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the

desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental

stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that

farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a

variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al

2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the

creation and maintenance of an array of varieties

Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by

maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of

colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food

119

product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be

fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through

domination of market-driven desired product characteristics

While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global

market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)

and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet

and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important

characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the

market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product

that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which

took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for

sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same

colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as

larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices

however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color

while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing

the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in

collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can

also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an

array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product

identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors

efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance

120

While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is

not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some

people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red

quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of

quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about

the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names

to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the

plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural

salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and

this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the

Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-

embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the

variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain

size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself

necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the

specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use

accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a

link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge

relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers

Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a

domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human

selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics

located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among

121

and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity

can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of

seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of

thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting

improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)

Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa

species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by

ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural

selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside

domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa

plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While

many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-

seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis

has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et

al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such

varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the

wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore

contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus

nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo

practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant

With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding

a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the

Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and

122

wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same

time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and

domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian

species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of

the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean

varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even

within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human

selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The

continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of

the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the

agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding

varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate

change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on

sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is

already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus

continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa

that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of

agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species

To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species

quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano

In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures

(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes

favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not

123

account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the

observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety

of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important

cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to

both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural

and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity

especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple

threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)

states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires

concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the

Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other

humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa

helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source

What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified

Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture

local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno

The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make

annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to

the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes

are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences

As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since

the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason

they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not

derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional

124

culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has

a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk

classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up

and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research

discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a

gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the

farmers

While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical

and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are

other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of

scientific classificatory schemes is that

Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)

In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human

element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on

morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of

external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective

on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered

people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the

economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the

spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the

local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has

125

affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient

features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture

The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis

and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains

are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as

belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains

determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-

biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can

provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together

based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk

taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute

to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification

When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa

market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After

all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species

What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were

hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps

thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous

times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published

research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this

information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork

that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I

had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals

126

and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a

Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located

While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report

(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure

does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species

that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a

species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a

comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent

of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction

plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species

including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity

exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper

Farmersrsquo Knowledge

Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector

I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe

logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names

that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the

people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and

experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)

ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also

the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical

knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well

as cultural adaptations and changes

127

To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of

quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers

(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa

varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students

from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered

quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a

total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that

the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or

used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from

the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and

demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also

conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the

participants

During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify

different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often

used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same

species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics

that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a

variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name

The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties

1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable

128

express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select

seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant

This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that

they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable

characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and

organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different

scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species

level

Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash

farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify

quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus

the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to

humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson

noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive

mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus

the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated

with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to

identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the

names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological

classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called

peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and

people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with

129

classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in

some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature

In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a

commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem

with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa

without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the

research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms

especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was

after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific

classification systems arose

Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa

names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications

Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the

accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other

identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the

sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and

included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207

names of varieties some going back over 70 years

Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as

easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made

about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there

was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic

pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and

130

put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the

various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping

I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one

farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which

he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names

which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given

different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a

different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the

State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)

In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate

overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed

this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del

Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local

farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and

Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus

for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in

Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the

purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific

varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the

farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in

the scientific literature that I reviewed

Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr

Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is

131

an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the

scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I

removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods

and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying

chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in

ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity

parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus

while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa

demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)

talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the

scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I

have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and

revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness

In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office

in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples

of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13

varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)

The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than

noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able

to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of

gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in

finding names in places outside of publications

132

Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012

Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru

Rank Variety

1 Amarilla Marangani

2 Blanca de Juli

3 Kancolla

4 Blanca de Junin

5 Hualhuas

6 Huancayo

7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano

8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca

9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana

10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla

11 Illpa INIA

12 Salcedo INIA

13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013

As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names

to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most

comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my

collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with

133

the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different

quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they

were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a

list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book

to extract the names

Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)

referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did

not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like

Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In

compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other

researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014

Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the

altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from

Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties

After reviewing published academic research governmental documents

consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a

comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the

farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37

that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but

three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished

names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara

language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive

environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific

134

knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-

laden environment

The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the

evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I

encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa

names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be

comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially

since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes

differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the

quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the

two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern

variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting

point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such

as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional

absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than

accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to

farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to

provide consistency

As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the

use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination

was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the

field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard

135

to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the

biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)

Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is

contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first

used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather

populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria

such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)

says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological

characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)

definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows

Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)

Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on

historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes

are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has

not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the

association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term

ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not

when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace

acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these

136

varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the

term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or

if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way

the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into

accepted categories is not a simple task

Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and

have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of

quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations

Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species

(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa

types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not

synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the

same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage

While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different

varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working

domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a

grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species

as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related

varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several

varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race

While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the

species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification

system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large

137

number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of

quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct

groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)

Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic

distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification

category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems

While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg

Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently

Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and

have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and

Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)

The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between

species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete

varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic

organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the

names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are

used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla

pasankalla and roja among others

Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-

groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca

Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since

they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on

differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the

138

individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and

cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly

anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates

the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking

plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city

names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers

who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired

morphological characteristics

In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with

subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)

Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name

White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla

quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla

Source Tapia et al (2014)

Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my

research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years

covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity

pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90

farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps

an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which

could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting

question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline

was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties

139

(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can

be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof

to social networks including formal organizations

With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I

have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use

One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten

which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten

and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I

studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further

described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial

sale

In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)

Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified

primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for

each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race

Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples

1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa

Source Mujica et al 2013

These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al

(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-

140

Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with

altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al

(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-

Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al

(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not

include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while

these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification

scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually

overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize

classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a

consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification

system

In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the

wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of

species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument

yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild

relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other

domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the

race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara

acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two

types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also

have domesticated characteristics

141

Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know

and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except

for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish

conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to

group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to

provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its

usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a

particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further

organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a

wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa

While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa

it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end

products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the

grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that

can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market

with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a

much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the

farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names

including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow

(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al

(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications

of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In

addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent

142

and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of

color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not

identifying a specific variety

In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a

specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color

form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten

identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern

Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety

Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different

fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana

(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples

rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana

either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of

the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name

such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla

rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types

into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both

strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and

variety that passes on color-based information about the variety

Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain

color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package

For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly

distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the

143

intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained

any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences

Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-

driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to

knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package

that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled

ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety

for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely

distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information

may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of

diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of

the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to

base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to

demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity

preservation

The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of

knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the

possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other

quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and

collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide

ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also

reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This

research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano

144

farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of

quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names

Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are

needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of

classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment

of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be

conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection

based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional

information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary

properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa

variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety

knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research

may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains

Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield

While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and

which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are

associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)

sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the

product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural

connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still

wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful

especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to

maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate

transportation marketing and other costs

145

To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried

out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of

several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of

quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative

purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was

used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned

the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic

The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same

amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest

panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the

grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all

extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table

4-4)

Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos

Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900

Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by

the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a

plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent

of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests

146

While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an

experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans

placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The

researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even

though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response

however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the

earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on

my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers

loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was

visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that

had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I

observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating

some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews

where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that

attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a

factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the

global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation

Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead

yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers

made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in

the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about

the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo

characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest

147

infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past

information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align

In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties

based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment

choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the

highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this

variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi

which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year

Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for

the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both

of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et

al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with

kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla

is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo

INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences

farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most

frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed

ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not

planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties

most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not

necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this

experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-

hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be

148

some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even

marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the

climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield

obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted

varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be

grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most

frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government

agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo

practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and

features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions

How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant

To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and

interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that

they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in

this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were

linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and

UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is

important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and

others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of

change due to globalization and outside consumer influences

As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had

planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was

28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to

twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm

149

selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of

specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably

this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In

addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds

90

Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties

Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)

1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6

Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA

The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew

blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as

does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the

study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow

unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in

different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based

on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting

question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the

connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this

150

variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed

further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection

and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety

called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the

farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not

list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history

of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers

This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of

sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of

salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may

not completely explain its dominance

Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown

by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only

grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single

female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each

(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and

plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers

and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent

on a small number of farmers

To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown

by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-

student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The

151

average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old

the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old

The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-

op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and

female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers

with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and

thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on

the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who

participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to

their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages

although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups

The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of

these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of

farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university

farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in

the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of

Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although

the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more

extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the

student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not

grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the

university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university

farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller

152

number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance

of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one

with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age

differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including

flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity

maintenance

Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24

Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35

27

2018

16

54

2

Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Blanca de Juli

Kancolla

Chulpi

Choclito

14

8

9

11115

87653

Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers

Salcedo INIA

Pasancalla

Kancolla

Blanca

Coito

Blanca de Juli

Negra

153

With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the

average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average

number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as

gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229

varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older

farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this

measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened

degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions

between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to

the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed

by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos

data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-

op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the

students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further

discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however

does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are

growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties

Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown

Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)

Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265

To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions

among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35

co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table

154

4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group

growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more

co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one

group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding

the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity

maintenance

Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties

Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers

Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29

With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers

there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females

versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most

frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could

be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but

I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic

affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety

This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female

farmers that could be explored in the future

Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university

farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9

versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only

grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only

one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small

155

(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender

differences in agrodiversity maintenance

For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a

season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a

tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on

average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females

however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for

males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female

farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One

particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm

during a single season further discussed below

To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the

farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised

for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety

selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the

farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for

personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces

as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select

seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons

for seed selection to see if they still remained true

Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they

grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30

female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well

156

and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The

farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-

10)

Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection

Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses

Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15

While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given

reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local

environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were

1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)

2) frost resistance (10 responses) and

3) resists climate change (3 responses)

While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the

altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost

resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late

in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the

season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the

reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could

survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not

thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the

varying conditions of the harsh environment

157

The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is

consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)

Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions

including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example

Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are

adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold

temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and

thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason

consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh

altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive

drought cold and salt

The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield

accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18

responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4

responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more

grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to

each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does

not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being

twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in

size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These

findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and

provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an

important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to

158

have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the

farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow

While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on

their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not

the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases

leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew

201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not

have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more

adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara

The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a

total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were

1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)

2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and

3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)

The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in

variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as

blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term

amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white

quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this

trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten

responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows

more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers

159

The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the

availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some

purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some

farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual

seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a

realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the

seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability

which further inhibits their conservation

A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest

resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter

varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents

listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers

specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection

While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no

suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties

In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The

first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly

relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in

obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of

the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third

category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user

With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are

important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety

160

selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to

Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more

variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if

culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo

response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage

This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at

least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years

ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures

of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to

grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which

agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on

how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I

asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties

no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to

availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties

grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the

more obscure varieties

Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices

Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety

selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources

and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has

been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al

161

(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean

farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with

neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)

found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties

consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge

(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study

For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties

need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes

where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds

Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds

Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the

prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of

seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed

selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires

knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for

seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further

described in the next section

Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage

Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100

162

While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in

this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that

they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA

(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project

(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that

the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they

collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers

collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other

considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm

As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency

is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments

has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived

from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of

the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production

including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA

representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not

surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains

collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from

using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices

providing them with the benefit of seed independence2

2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act

163

Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the

varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that

originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA

were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic

certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN

has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements

of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not

purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties

needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with

farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with

the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant

INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased

seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that

thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered

organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of

organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with

the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not

afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining

organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source

Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed

experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge

in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same

level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups

164

and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes

(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered

expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and

there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to

outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas

are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of

qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds

During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects

semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016

they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using

semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN

selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I

interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions

between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is

quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to

agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection

Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals

farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held

across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to

quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to

county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products

including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and

musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as

165

food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site

consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour

and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs

have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage

production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large

inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about

agrodiversity

In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future

crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but

seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-

saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the

same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available

however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA

however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of

commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection

the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have

seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds

likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially

due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to

shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the

readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other

varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of

existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an

166

important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be

conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by

semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of

agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor

The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity

maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-

use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic

diversity

How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity

Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary

of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number

of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop

Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration

noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for

farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains

on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for

the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports

yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were

selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next

generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed

selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as

compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the

actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well

167

as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the

desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds

Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency

Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89

Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants

can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term

ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate

which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were

noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an

important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50

of the responses for selection

Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or

strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of

environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield

By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive

168

plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants

in the vicinity

Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed

selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the

plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a

frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer

evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future

seed selection

Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the

cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a

specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa

harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants

in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is

not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering

of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can

easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique

also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners

can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed

early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first

plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation

While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions

additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was

a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the

169

evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as

well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight

There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number

of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for

selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the

pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection

meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the

seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety

Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection

indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic

market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the

decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with

maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices

then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification

is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that

was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the

concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community

One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as

a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use

of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the

operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the

number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant

170

preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final

consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting

In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa

seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field

or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of

factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting

season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which

demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by

cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety

selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of

the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the

same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation

Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate

good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to

comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with

the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which

variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be

similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better

environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties

Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion

strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware

of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as

well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration

171

and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation

since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential

While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop

that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits

choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to

farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based

on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between

presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential

predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white

varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into

consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global

market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not

appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since

the variety name rarely appears on labels

As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety

distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence

agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the

culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use

there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-

white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in

the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated

benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the

most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity

172

maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety

distinctions

Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection

Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the

distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in

Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la

Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated

gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender

distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often

more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence

agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of

crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn

(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men

demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)

With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the

eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the

exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed

exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-

community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection

Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select

seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos

emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and

cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection

can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch

173

molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al

2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender

aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight

into the nuances and complexities of this intersection

New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by

female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity

sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this

understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had

a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region

According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and

who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than

men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that

women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead

bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or

exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that

women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally

observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his

mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in

and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her

husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional

practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that

such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in

seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of

174

women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected

several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection

demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women

Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014

A Female Semillista Example

Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the

community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often

well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of

COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well

known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with

specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a

number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa

varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a

child

Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved

in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by

management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the

population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming

175

She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has

grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and

was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr

Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica

who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide

information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name

but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties

Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them

on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa

varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in

this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field

(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I

have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her

life-long interest in quinoa diversity

Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

176

Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and

carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-

2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were

not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to

conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life

she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered

from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields

and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not

sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays

these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her

seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing

my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display

At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a

table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were

some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label

Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015

177

The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below

bull Ajara inerto

bull Ajara negro

bull Blanca de Juli

bull Camacani

bull Cheweca

bull Chile

bull Choclo kancolla

bull Chucapaca

bull Chullpi Amarillo

bull Chullpi blanca

bull Chullpi roja

bull Cuchi willa

bull INIA Ilpa

bull INIA Salcedo

bull INIA Salcedo rosa

bull Kamire

bull Kancolla roja

bull Kancolla rosada

bull Koscosa

bull Marangani

bull Mesa quinoa

bull Mestiza

bull Negra collana I

bull Panela

bull Pasancalla plomo

bull Quinus misturas

bull Rosada junin

bull Rosada taraco

bull Sajama

bull Tahuaco

bull Vizallanino

Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred

INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She

uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She

always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather

Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows

178

the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds

requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is

implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting

crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in

risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional

ecological knowledge

I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she

was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was

familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the

plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her

depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been

identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red

and is also called misa quinoa

Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and

has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does

not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains

When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds

for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects

varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also

seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this

179

study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from

the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from

other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an

interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes

Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of

the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were

used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)

Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color

Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca

Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is

toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help

with pain

Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around

them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is

called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa

harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa

seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the

healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches

from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the

plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season

180

What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection

While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct

gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in

2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to

obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed

experts

An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling

good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as

farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make

arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is

rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly

pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large

and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall

to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa

Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra

Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he

decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this

organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic

certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected

to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa

for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they

purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was

still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he

received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his

181

involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price

While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate

in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until

he could get a better price

Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds

on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa

(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his

agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A

Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32

Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was

broad agrodiversity

This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male

and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)

appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male

crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men

highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional

female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further

study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa

production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding

varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of

agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa

products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further

articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance

182

These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or

indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men

and women

Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused

on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal

interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took

personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa

varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is

enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during

a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any

necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through

seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds

Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

183

Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014

While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species

the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This

research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa

variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from

published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian

184

altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional

quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the

importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study

also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also

experimenting with new quinoa varieties

The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the

need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of

quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common

characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological

zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional

categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is

commonly used

Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number

of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate

adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather

conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating

the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the

success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are

important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to

varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice

While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual

yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by

increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important

185

the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the

encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-

resistant varieties can influence yield

The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which

relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa

was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a

variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also

become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary

qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition

demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated

with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level

Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods

continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in

the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected

by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the

characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian

cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the

exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties

become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make

a difference in consumer-driven market demand

While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific

reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so

prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types

186

such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance

in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet

this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While

the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the

demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered

against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the

demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white

quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers

who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa

including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who

solely grew white quinoa

An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance

is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many

farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed

selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas

Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by

INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection

While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a

published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment

demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was

relatively high

Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who

serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance

187

While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on

yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are

important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender

differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to

agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices

There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of

quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited

number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing

the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus

quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties

may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers

41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these

41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period

were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not

growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of

current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory

of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the

establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a

starting point that can be further developed and studied

188

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa

farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa

market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a

degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow

more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of

planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a

crop due to climatic conditions or infestation

Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what

variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold

drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The

importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional

risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in

the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by

women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The

efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to

the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour

production

The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-

factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed

selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of

semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government

agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of

189

seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices

In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential

yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some

of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving

agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations

Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of

quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as

compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to

teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge

by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence

other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas

Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance

since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows

for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more

mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire

crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to

be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest

Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For

example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary

diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa

agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also

promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear

that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca

190

civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by

COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa

agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and

baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation

Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve

quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro

and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is

another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste

variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that

variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that

serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of

maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded

cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa

Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity

The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa

including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful

selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices

dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded

conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to

market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products

use different varieties based on their culinary properties

Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing

population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the

191

biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given

the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate

change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in

understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative

consequences

Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history

includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of

the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the

history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards

due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as

well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural

significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value

of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to

maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption

Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research

demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports

and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While

quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which

provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from

many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity

and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study

found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different

kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about

192

30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different

environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected

that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the

30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the

numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties

were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the

63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not

grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by

Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of

Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two

hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting

a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa

However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented

only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of

quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative

effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca

is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may

account for greater diversity results

There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be

maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both

maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different

varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red

black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional

193

scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the

consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian

efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary

schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes

that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics

Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also

conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different

types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can

boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation

into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive

different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety

diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather

and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be

discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or

governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a

consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection

Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance

is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of

quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market

entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for

the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored

quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global

quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the

194

unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market

hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the

colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique

nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the

market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded

agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline

While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties

to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white

quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors

is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with

red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a

market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white

quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving

global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open

and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market

The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the

results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet

only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of

varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the

Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences

already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects

found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after

Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication

195

date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already

altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my

study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety

grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before

this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on

farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs

The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed

selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had

already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a

silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can

provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa

conservation going forward

Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor

in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic

especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen

through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important

factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides

the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional

differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect

on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge

can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market

diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is

196

an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation

practices that can be rewarded by the market

In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and

medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity

conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in

traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect

of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and

domesticated varieties

The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in

understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor

the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated

and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies

The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in

understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many

different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of

organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings

Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-

species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties

and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the

varieties including morphological as well as cultural information

The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon

independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help

funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas

197

and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research

should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation

especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the

conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be

quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings

that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate

the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly

are doing more for conservation than many government programs

Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer

population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming

tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is

unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa

conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs

that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies

that can help improve quinoa production

Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production

and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men

controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women

are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there

appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact

with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of

many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done

in markets across time

198

There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and

how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean

people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the

complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter

these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe

it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species

that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing

popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa

agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who

personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade

199

APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES

NAME SOURCE

Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014

Achachino Mujica et al 201361

Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014

Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna

Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A

Ajara inerto Expert A

Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392

Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460

Amallado Farmer survey 2014

Amaltado Farmer survey 2014

Amargas Mujica et al 2013

Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)

Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013

Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90

Antawara real Mujica et al 201397

Atacama Mujica et al 201362

Atlas Jarvis et al 2017

Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361

Baer II Mujica et al 201362

Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943

Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014

Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015

Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014

Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A

Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A

Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169

Camiri Mujica et al 201369

Canchones Mujica et al 201362

Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014

Carina red Jarvis et al 2017

200

Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943

Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144

Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381

Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014

Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013

Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382

Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382

Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017

Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Chile Expert A

Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77

Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Choclo kancolla Expert A

Chola Hunziker 1943

Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A

Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A

Chullpi Amarillo Expert A

Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A

Chupica witulla Tapia 2014

Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477

Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection

Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014

Cochabamba Tapia 2014

AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu

Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014

ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943

Copacabana Tapia 2014

Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A

Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014

Cunaccota Tapia 2014

Dahue Hunziker 1943

Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014

ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361

Faro Mujica et al 201321 62

Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381

Granolada Farmer Survey 2014

Gris Hunziker 1943

Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna

Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

201

Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014

Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361

Huacataz Mujica et al 201361

Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013

Huallhas Mujica et al 201369

Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015

Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003

Huaranga Mujica et al 201361

Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361

Hueque Fuentes et al 2012

IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382

IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382

Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A

Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012

INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368

INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361

INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)

Mujica et al 201361

INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361

Islunga Mujica et al 201321

Jana Hunziker 1943

Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura

Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014

Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Jaru ckello Tapia 2014

Javi Fuentes et al 2012

Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943

Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014

Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014

Jujuy Mujica et al 201369

Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362

Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362

Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Juraj Farmer Survey 2014

Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A

KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Kancolla roja Expert A

Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A

Kcana ckello Tapia 2014

Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013

Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014

202

Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito

Koscosa Expert A

Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017

Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017

Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390

Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382

Lipena Mujica et al 201361

Lito Mujica et al 201321 62

Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014

Maniquena Mujica et al 201361

Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69

Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A

Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361

Mau Fuentes et al 2012

Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A

Millmi Hunziker 1943

MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Nameya ayara Tapia 201477

Namora Mujica et al 201361

Narino Mujica et al 201362

Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369

Negroa Farmer Survey 2014

Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420

Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A

Ollague Jarvis et al 2017

Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103

Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012

Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Pandela rosada INIA photo collection

Parakai Hunziker 1943

Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014

Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013

Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label

Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A

Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460

Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460

Phera Farmer Survey 2014

Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015

Plomao Farmer Survey 2014

Potosi Tapia 2014

Puc Fuentes et al 2012

Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78

203

Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382

Qillu ayara Tapia 201477

Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013

Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014

Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361

Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369

Regalona Jarvis et al 2017

Robura Mujica et al 201361

Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014

Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361

Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014

Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014

Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014

Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369

Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014

Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A

Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361

Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468

Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014

Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014

Samaranti Mujica et al 201361

Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381

Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382

Sayana Mujica et al 201361

Senora Mujica et al 201361 90

Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)

Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321

Tabacomi Tapia 201468

Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A

Toledo Mujica et al 201361

Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321

Tupiza Mujica et al 201321

Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97

Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90

Utusaya Mujica et al 201361

Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014

Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety

Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390

Wila ayara Tapia 201477

Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398

Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478

Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014

Yana quinua Hunziker 1943

204

Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382

Yujiura Tapia 201465

205

APPENDIX B

RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA

Races of the Altiplano

1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla

Races of Inter-Andean Valleys

Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)

Races of Junin

16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)

Races of Ancash

19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)

Races of Cajamarca

23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada

Source Tapia et al (2014)

206

LIST OF REFERENCES

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2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL

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207

Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli Deepak Ohri 2006 Chenopodium quinoa - An Indian Perspective Industrial Crops and Products

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Chalmers Nigel and Christo Fabricius 2007 Expert and Generalist Local Knowledge about Land-cover Change on South

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Cherfas Jeremy

2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016

Christensen SA DB Pratt C Pratt PT Nelson MR Stevens EN Jellen CE Coleman DJ Fairbanks A Bonifacio PJ Maughan 2007 Assessment of genetic diversity in the USDA and CIP-FAO international nursery

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Davis Anthony and John R Wagner 2003 Who Knows On the Importance of Identifying ldquoExpertsrdquo When Researching

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Ford Richard I 1981 New Ideas About the Origin of Agriculture Based on 50 Years of Museum-

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Fuentes FF D Bazile A Bhargava EA Martinez 2012 Implications of farmersrsquo seed exchanges for on-farm conservation of quinoa as

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Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium

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de Cultivos Andinos La Paz Bolivia

210

Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the

Present PhD dissertation Department of Anthropology Washington University in St Louis Missouri

Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis

2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497

Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J

1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169

Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology

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Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated

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Hellin Jon and Sophie Higman 2005 Crop diversity and livelihood security in the Andes Development in Practice

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Jameson William 1861 Journey from Quito to Cayambe Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of

London 31184-190 Jarvis David E Yung Shwen Ho Damien J Lightfoot Sandra M Schmoumlckel Bo Li Theo J A Borm Hajime Ohyanagi Katsuhiko Mineta Craig T Michell Noha Saber Najeh M Kharbatia Ryan R Rupper Aaron R Sharp Nadine Dally Berin A Boughton Yong H Woo Ge Gao Elio G W M Schijlen Xiujie Guo Afaque A Momin Soacutenia Negratildeo Salim Al-Babili Christoph Gehring Ute Roessner Christian Jung Kevin Murphy Stefan T Arold Takashi Gojobori C Gerard van der Linden Eibertus N van Loo Eric N Jellen Peter J Maughan and Mark Tester 2017 The genome of Chenopodium quinoa Nature 1-6

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Kawa Nicholas 2012 Magic Plants of Amazonia and Their Contribution to Agrobiodiversity Human

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Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in

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576

Kobayashi Orion and Mariano Beillard 2016 Peru Quinoa Price Fluctuation Global Agricultural Information Network USDA

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Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge

2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32

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Maughan Peter J Alejandro Bonifacio Craig E Coleman Eric N Jellen Mikel R Stevens Daniel J Fairbanks 2007 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) Genome Mapping and Molecular Breeding in

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Mayer Enrique 2002 The Articulated Peasant Household Economies in the Andes Boulder Westview

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Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W

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Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes

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Universidad Nacional del Altiplano

Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del

presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile

Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford

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Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of

Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc

Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of

Anthropology 25329-53

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Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical

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Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article

Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93

Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany

Field Methods 17(3)1-16

Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick

Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture

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Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of

Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846

Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y

Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina

Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)

Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101

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Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)

and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189

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Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari

2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011

Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain

(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315

Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change

and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138

Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland

Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara

Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of

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Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook

of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497

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in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333

216

Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ

Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany

19(3)223-235

Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa

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Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico

Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)

httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)

Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon

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Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de

las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe

Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio

2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC

Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture

Organization

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Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos

No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65

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supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006

Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural

Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC

United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231

httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)

2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin

America and the Caribbean

2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and

Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region

Nd United Nations Observances International Years

Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547

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Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)

and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of

Pennsylvania Press

Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site

in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley

Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)

Economic Botany 44(3)92-110

1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239

Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium

nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206

Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)

Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023

Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and

Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601

219

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a

Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of

Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after

taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well

as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of

Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme

Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In

2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th

Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has

been active in local and state issues

In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in

environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was

awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal

Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American

Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation

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