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THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
DEBORAH J ANDREWS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2017
copy 2017 Deborah J Andrews
This dissertation is dedicated to my father Robert S Andrews Jr who sadly passed away in December 2015 shortly after my return from the last round of field work for this
research He taught me the value of education and encouraged me throughout my schooling from kindergarten to PhD and sacrificed the opportunity to obtain a PhD
himself to support his growing family Gone but not forgotten
4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne
Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my
sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of
my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise
advice
I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional
del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno
He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on
field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to
ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me
and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student
Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was
also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and
quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it
takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa
farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa
farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in
this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most
importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this
study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me
To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much
more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose
5
example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this
dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we
adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the
University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza
for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11
ABSTRACT 12
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 14
Research Question 14
Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29
2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36
The Fox and the Condor 38
What is Quinoa 39
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45
Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62
Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66
Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72
Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74
3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80
Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82
7
Harvesting 88
Quinoa Processing 93
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104
Pricing 107
4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172
A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180
5 CONCLUSION 188
APPENDIX
A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199
B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205
LIST OF REFERENCES 206
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219
8
LIST OF TABLES
Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61
4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132
4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138
4-3 Races of Quinoa 139
4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145
4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149
4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153
4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154
4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156
4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161
4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167
4-11 Quinoa Uses 179
9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47
2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58
2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59
2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63
2-5 Peske 65
2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67
2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68
2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73
2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74
3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89
3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90
3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91
3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92
3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92
3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95
3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96
3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99
3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107
3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108
3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109
3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109
3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110
10
4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132
4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152
4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152
4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174
4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175
4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176
4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182
4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183
4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183
11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa
COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NGO Non-governmental organization
UN United Nations
UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
US United States
12
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS
AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
Deborah J Andrews
August 2017
Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology
This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-
scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa
crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of
globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-
colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate
it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who
relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however
has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity
maintenance and increased risk to farmers
The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys
and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This
study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers
including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers
selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced
variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200
13
quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period
of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number
of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary
properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this
study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of
between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of
this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance
including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including
the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon
existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level
including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other
consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued
crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and
marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers
especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the
beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint
contributions to global food security
14
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Research Question
This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the
farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market
Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of
agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection
Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production
and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)
consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including
Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of
agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have
grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is
the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as
well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and
Helmreich 2010546)
In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish
colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the
question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of
market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained
global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to
losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards
monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the
15
dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial
market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least
color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global
market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity
Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on
dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional
benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food
source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for
thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional
small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-
species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in
light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study
This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about
the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets
have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural
practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to
quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the
popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa
specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on
very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon
many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of
varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the
difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored
16
below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This
study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been
maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano
While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity
this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity
maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need
to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity
practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the
biodiversity of quinoa
The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that
affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for
resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and
paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go
togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-
scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and
how they changed in response to market globalization
Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa
provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures
especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the
Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo
et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual
festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for
17
symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits
(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in
decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in
agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In
acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found
that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm
diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association
with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and
quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon
Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the
Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the
Andean people who had a deep history with the plant
Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)
The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-
blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including
quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and
people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food
18
Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people
and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo
where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated
varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo
associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the
Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous
Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world
Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong
association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and
the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity
thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side
Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived
colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency
The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can
contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a
decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now
primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good
way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In
contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the
crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment
coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an
important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long
term negative consequences
19
For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this
traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing
popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a
western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)
Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history
culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale
farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such
as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually
on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local
quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic
example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider
space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking
worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)
The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid
fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a
long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention
and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa
farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to
understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove
2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The
farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of
which lead directly to the global market
20
Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised
concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero
and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied
by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio
found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised
despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the
farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as
noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa
(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by
globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the
relationship between the two
While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the
Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done
by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)
Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls
larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the
remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a
collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The
social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity
(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity
focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important
factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops
were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which
21
emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in
the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into
the equation
Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social
organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)
Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the
question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and
there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call
for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)
Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out
consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of
crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets
The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity
consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a
polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and
various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market
through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular
color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead
to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes
Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers
and crop agrodiversity
Historic Overview
The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of
quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially
22
interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries
whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid
(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth
century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous
rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish
colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous
populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily
classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist
practices has transformed into a global commodity
Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the
Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan
past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the
bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial
classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies
ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and
quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity
for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a
multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as
well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of
discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due
to cultural beliefs
The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its
complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the
23
world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into
the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)
The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the
events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a
history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or
relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression
by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian
foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations
of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity
as a health food in the West
Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and
minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A
recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition
levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its
exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous
implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow
quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the
Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional
reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product
Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other
agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which
has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global
popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association
24
with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to
investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has
caused in the past
Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of
quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in
agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)
defines global food security as follows
Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life
This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security
through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also
inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to
reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local
farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss
Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices
Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on
participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study
describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern
changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance
The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of
Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)
as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie
et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru
(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in
25
the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange
location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa
agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I
obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a
long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several
extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place
during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with
the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I
traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana
Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero
I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)
and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these
100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale
vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field
researchers and relatives of two of the university professors
Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was
introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways
The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food
safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr
Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors
took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed
their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since
it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews
26
with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of
quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems
with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could
base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further
described in my research findings
Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in
Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research
station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this
field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this
field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I
took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on
a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and
surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these
participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts
The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience
sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of
Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a
representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an
outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city
for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set
of farmers
Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going
through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent
27
After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why
they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the
farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to
participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not
write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men
Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in
individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a
meeting
The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN
the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the
city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash
Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is
organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the
Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one
substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four
subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same
membership size and structure
The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining
COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people
getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the
future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important
issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings
they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change
28
At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for
processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes
threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in
large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and
removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further
described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and
global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote
factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts
that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market
presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a
website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global
market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local
farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the
members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their
harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in
Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study
A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I
personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-
structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student
volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and
record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to
the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and
29
met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal
informational and background interviews
As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a
variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the
local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two
agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition
regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather
data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten
Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government
official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa
agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of
the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication
which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or
comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4
Agrodiversity and Globalization
Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices
during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study
to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to
develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a
published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported
thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo
was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are
not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported
quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate
30
or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of
data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its
relationship to Andean farming culture
To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local
quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the
past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of
quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after
consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different
type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the
study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain
While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it
became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for
quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in
Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily
apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-
based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which
provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety
sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with
varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations
The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their
quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the
research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent
season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety
31
selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection
such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability
and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well
as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative
and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also
describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the
dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study
In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for
selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since
Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years
this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global
demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic
conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop
that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors
were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect
agrodiversity maintenance
External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity
maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well
as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of
Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for
the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced
large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the
external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts
32
Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect
agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for
quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than
using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus
quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end
product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred
color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-
grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market
pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a
few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other
characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in
Chapter 2
Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill
et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm
diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby
1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of
potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions
a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any
given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often
select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as
early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity
maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-
based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested
33
these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-
scale farmers
Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited
characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean
farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa
Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US
supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product
the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale
benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale
distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time
allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is
in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would
be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance
In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was
reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-
Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and
community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced
varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However
due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin
(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo
(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with
development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the
preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of
34
this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context
of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also
analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa
agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts
In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming
practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization
in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual
relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique
history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from
domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans
and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian
foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not
necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean
people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh
aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and
quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and
nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection
playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences
such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly
diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal
husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided
Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh
environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the
35
agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time
of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity
maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western
agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different
quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into
agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for
variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety
selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the
future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type
practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the
dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further
agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-
long partners ndash Andean farmers
36
CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People
This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the
present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a
long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-
plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little
known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market
expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it
associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa
its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the
nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the
natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has
had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate
about the present and future conservation practices
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the
world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated
plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to
cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and
ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity
(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity
The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants
is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera
37
1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of
biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant
diversity
Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for
continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human
behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of
plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or
enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms
(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the
latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to
reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase
survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed
development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith
1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer
seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a
thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an
archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions
cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus
seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in
domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated
versions and hence human intervention
The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of
traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed
38
independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most
important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of
domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants
which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with
the Americas (Rivera 1998)
Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including
potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes
(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity
than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known
agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent
notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium
pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or
love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al
2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the
excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time
high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be
found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans
and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific
discoveries about this plant
The Fox and the Condor
The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in
ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin
story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called
39
The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from
starving recounted below
The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The
condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch
anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox
sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a
ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The
others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back
to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox
says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the
earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the
food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha
and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods
ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it
is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as
described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival
This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of
the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand
the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue
living in the otherwise harsh environment
What is Quinoa
Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a
domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South
America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a
40
pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a
primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things
it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments
(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide
variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates
Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2
m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits
(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa
grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al
2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection
discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated
varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as
previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain
exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains
Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely
known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones
and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala
Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a
wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily
detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the
grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-
related characteristics beyond color
41
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species
The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and
communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)
ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this
point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)
Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about
natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs
and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and
understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-
going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as
quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans
Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The
Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which
are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the
Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with
Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change
regarding the scientific classification of quinoa
Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been
misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For
example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds
1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field
work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to
establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports
In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the
42
pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the
usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for
analysis
Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is
due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones
encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked
phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and
Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems
attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of
attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of
genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great
agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in
a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and
species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying
and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in
Chapter 4
Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant
that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single
pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic
complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity
Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250
species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and
new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently
43
was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass
crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum
is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is
spread across the globe
Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean
classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having
ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson
199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated
Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated
Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson
and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World
Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes
Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-
Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)
In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and
wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite
and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri
ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct
Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C
boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006
Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp
zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across
the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into
44
Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi
Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum
has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the
Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South
Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that
grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity
It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C
berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill
2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were
domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis
indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be
more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies
between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa
and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)
Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and
huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for
great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp
zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)
Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species
including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The
quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original
ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American
origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split
45
occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has
been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the
quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further
hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-
industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the
quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies
involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the
large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not
presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise
dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation
of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent
and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future
History of Quinoa in the Andes
Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years
Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as
15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the
archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa
plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an
important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)
Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on
them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and
Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca
Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth
of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa
46
Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its
current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical
association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has
vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily
available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of
quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The
relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic
fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent
(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to
imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran
19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the
concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have
been connected in time and space with the plant
Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes
and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations
over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and
potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the
harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into
European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and
potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world
Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact
(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or
mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca
47
above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce
fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of
harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and
so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama
holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in
Argentina
Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360
Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of
European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the
reverence for Pachamama
48
Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their
agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa
2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al
(2013) specifically listed magic
The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus
threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in
discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful
alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous
foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period
(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production
relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its
production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)
Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous
local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was
noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)
providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was
considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory
reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be
inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic
research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people
with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although
49
quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food
revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the
Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status
associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with
competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production
declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European
contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa
Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo
another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of
sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased
competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline
in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain
apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)
although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was
apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the
value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities
continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still
present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the
biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of
Andean agriculture and ecosystems
Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled
with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford
50
1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming
quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the
seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as
well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have
contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times
While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years
South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a
domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are
responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)
so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity
through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by
European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that
maintained traditional knowledge and practices
While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described
across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American
explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean
quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including
Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-
grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th
centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead
1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of
Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow
red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while
51
acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-
consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor
(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the
Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of
quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely
known
While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists
continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the
1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the
Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a
plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-
known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that
the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive
In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and
noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In
1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops
(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread
out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and
nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does
not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a
Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the
botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the
Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence
52
of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone
growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both
color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat
interchangeably
While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead
1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the
nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003
Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South
America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals
and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43
published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which
were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about
quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely
distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the
world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread
publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with
the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global
consumption
The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in
1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier
range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer
1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador
Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds
53
reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other
cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with
the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of
quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)
however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and
Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs
In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno
Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and
consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern
science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American
scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor
collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al
1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who
extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they
ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in
favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean
products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also
affected by this bias
Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global
market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional
value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a
high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with
processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal
54
process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the
Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos
Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the
border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national
quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main
producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also
cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is
also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world
In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later
acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned
organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)
The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book
in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of
Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including
the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean
people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded
Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the
ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people
through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented
that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing
its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo
(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with
both viewed together through a socio-economic lens
55
The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)
who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of
quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed
complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the
domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial
areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including
the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a
place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes
from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was
a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and
culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and
plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live
side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both
survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while
Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a
production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts
prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the
world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional
food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its
noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western
world
Resurgence of Quinoa
Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it
was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and
56
Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids
including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining
nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and
speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the
species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by
ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide
market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health
food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US
expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers
Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be
the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This
proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated
years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity
and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such
accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this
status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN
2011b)
Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
57
Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important
issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN
acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have
conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged
the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the
environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably
the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the
quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and
landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about
the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people
who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a
UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean
people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint
contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing
an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can
lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and
support of UN Millennium Goals
What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world
market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice
58
(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes
including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa
originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was
taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across
the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was
not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus
for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable
shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes
and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly
nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation
While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in
various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however
the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador
although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across
the world including the US and Canada
Source Bazile et al 2014
Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013
59
The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent
although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US
Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from
1900 to 2014
Source Bazile et al 2016
Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa
The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with
increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN
Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other
countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of
quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated
with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers
association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from
the 1980s to the present
60
Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export
more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow
quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa
exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington
Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved
in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods
Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker
Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company
to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa
include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California
Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows
and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and
Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and
there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large
multi-national industrial agriculture corporations
Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa
Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by
the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community
quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation
into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa
Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-
3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had
144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the
variety (Murphy et al 2016)
61
Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa
PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g
QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22
Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181
Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein
(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein
meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school
children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human
growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its
protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc
content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium
phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)
Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et
al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad
cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also
contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell
membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-
Carrasco et al 2003)
The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5
sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to
its high fiber content (UN 2011a)
62
In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total
dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN
2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of
time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit
and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)
Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These
two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders
caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various
properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo
Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as
wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of
quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa
is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being
touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to
cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al
2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today
Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the
global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the
farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa
which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship
How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa
Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal
consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization
has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section
63
describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products
are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of
the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily
consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual
cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between
traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more
traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within
species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with
agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link
Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary
focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and
leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also
consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is
commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive
and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy
Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews
2012
64
Food
As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is
consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have
different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although
there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties
In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain
recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for
different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used
for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et
al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans
have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which
underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on
culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and
farmer variety selection
Grain Products
The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently
consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part
quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice
although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The
grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske
which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for
the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared
like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed
65
Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of
chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and
sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure
prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that
quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka
celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from
quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru
beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony
A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing
combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which
are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and
convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer
product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in
villages or by farmers
66
Processed Quinoa
While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold
commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further
processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can
be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as
products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes
for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for
baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it
makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute
for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies
Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added
to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa
smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable
breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines
quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores
in the United States including pasta and baby food
In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the
length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the
winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important
step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need
to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer
layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is
exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different
stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most
67
quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional
rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case
Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The
traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using
an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a
child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind
stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this
childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants
agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they
can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of
modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who
makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to
make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant
in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption
Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image
credit Deborah Andrews 2014
68
Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from
rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora
is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa
dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips
Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial
purposes
Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
Medicine
While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa
plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine
The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)
Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation
relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN
2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever
69
urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss
of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness
anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in
addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is
traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments
Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional
medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional
medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not
normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter
however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to
broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used
for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research
on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)
providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent
scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price
since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and
studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes
(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has
antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and
antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have
medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or
therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity
70
Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In
the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high
altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from
the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The
stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as
compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and
scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties
with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity
Ritual Uses
Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in
Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs
and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as
birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from
their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close
relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal
2015)
As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)
Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral
ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most
well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology
Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour
preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and
celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan
Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa
71
The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they
use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to
their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make
figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other
symbols
One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant
Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa
jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration
for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig
blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly
and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production
Consumer Products
Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and
coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer
products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture
of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa
(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before
consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the
plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil
shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red
quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye
72
Animal Forage
The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are
used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals
however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in
Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be
marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does
not grow well
During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development
projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain
waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the
ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens
were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while
I observed farming demonstrations
One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to
become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the
introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would
be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high
elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10
chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than
commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped
into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental
conditions
73
Fuel
The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is
available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and
oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root
foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-
8)
A B
C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa
stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015
74
There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition
to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other
consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array
of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but
which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and
non-traditional
Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017
Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa
Negative Local Health Effects
One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the
indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the
concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase
75
may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-
nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market
demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa
tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher
than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter
3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not
proceeded without social debate
Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market
expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use
of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using
them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on
non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect
on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also
reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated
ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted
for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental
and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand
for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary
changes
The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to
global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too
expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an
article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the
76
fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)
In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the
argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that
quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey
2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the
high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the
loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is
continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since
there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor
diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa
consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)
Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that
consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands
The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems
well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not
the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been
occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a
prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food
source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the
increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of
preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A
common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time
77
that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw
grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes
While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into
Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of
ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino
a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to
the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the
farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue
of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects
vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price
While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent
analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while
quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004
quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period
from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which
Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the
diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly
concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in
household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger
increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the
quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the
price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be
determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers
78
The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by
Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates
including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and
the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced
crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of
poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science
confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source
Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the
20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim
Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace
in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy
restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness
of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used
quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)
Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the
world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a
change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to
science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional
knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past
denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing
conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study
of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics
As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested
79
notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)
Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean
identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The
globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by
Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-
driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as
scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches
While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the
question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its
survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate
In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its
usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage
uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not
worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status
and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to
world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are
often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its
history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and
preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the
Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced
knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either
the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will
explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market
80
CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND
WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME
This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the
market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers
go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale
there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern
changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that
the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the
agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa
farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the
traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of
quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that
have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how
these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
Diversification and the Environment
Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of
ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this
extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes
Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be
grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can
grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato
As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most
important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of
quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000
81
meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there
can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In
some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen
2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little
organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)
Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and
varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just
as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean
environment quinoa has too
In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the
agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most
Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms
can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small
farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder
farms in the altiplano
Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly
diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop
(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme
climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the
same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under
various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will
thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a
traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices
82
due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems
for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of
quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-
zone
What are the Current Farming Practices
Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing
shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen
2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included
the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers
first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a
tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent
one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor
and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting
In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported
in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)
These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing
practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance
(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil
moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study
has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers
(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with
looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a
cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized
tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of
83
any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for
the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist
with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms
having no adult men present
In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging
areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands
have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as
the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can
lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include
environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion
and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the
productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe
or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to
irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip
with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the
altiplano if they have not done so already
Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and
also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers
let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a
current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the
soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other
crops of choice that grows in the altiplano
84
Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with
maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without
interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys
quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes
(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as
2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco
region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow
well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field
crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation
Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot
afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before
planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This
usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil
before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough
fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop
The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a
source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on
the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer
which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm
Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale
and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather
condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting
Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the
85
landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower
which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean
farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant
their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated
to cultural practice
In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa
planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop
Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing
season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first
blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for
the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for
sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of
the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of
September
With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN
2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period
Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the
altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation
the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by
hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual
maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same
field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties
planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully
86
select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that
mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the
traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage
of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same
time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be
harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same
variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening
and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be
planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and
traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of
quinoa
There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the
focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with
a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially
since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was
especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers
However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a
better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the
region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete
ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as
drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place
and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can
reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other
87
regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with
quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with
the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would
make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown
without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more
resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters
allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al
2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-
resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano
Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with
mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one
of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on
the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include
insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are
used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural
practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests
With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due
to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa
such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are
more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa
because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties
including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss
due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating
88
the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due
to pests
Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which
is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can
be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those
locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues
experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of
irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa
harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due
to the onset of cold
The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in
agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a
risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting
more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows
for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the
season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized
harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing
additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity
practices
Harvesting
Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry
After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This
delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is
a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed
89
during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the
exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora
The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held
sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that
added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that
some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout
the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the
same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is
cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry
The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack
hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to
expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other
available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop
(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice
that is not always followed
Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
90
Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on
weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage
of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers
rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the
stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates
the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed
much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to
separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that
the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the
mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product
Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12
people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying
and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the
farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10
for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative
to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be
difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor
Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from
the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
91
The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further
remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional
processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle
This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining
shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile
with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the
panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)
Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The
remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer
stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is
also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although
they can digest the green stalks
The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of
stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure
3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of
92
available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further
remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is
poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris
away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant
altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting
Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
93
Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of
removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this
process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the
birds so that they would not cry
Quinoa Processing
Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are
also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins
are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al
2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the
pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process
(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN
2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that
Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin
removal prior to eating
Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin
removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had
the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously
rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in
saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create
complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water
needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand
pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with
water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN
saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can
94
also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities
for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers
store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale
In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming
techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The
fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued
agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized
harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different
varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand
harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties
can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation
since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An
emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop
at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield
The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root
systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation
also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and
higher humidity
Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms
with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm
animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production
Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their
products on the market discussed in the next section
95
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market
Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next
step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their
product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their
products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers
at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa
on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section
discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market
expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market
access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for
networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes
Farmersrsquo Markets
Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of
Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most
vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground
For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped
out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale
Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
96
Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and
flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed
form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered
form (Figure 3-7)
Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as
commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and
commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for
the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the
vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it
Farmersrsquo Cooperatives
Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join
a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As
noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves
the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market
COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru
97
Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables
them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both
The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health
foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos
empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of
the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I
have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the
representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is
still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting
with outside contacts
COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to
selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed
to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their
education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the
seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4
men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds
The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4
COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an
organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN
formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social
network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014
they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought
their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they
98
purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified
that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It
would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the
people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new
practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This
discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in
another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not
necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth
which will be discussed in the section on price
COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their
harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national
and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well
as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized
market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market
The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the
farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and
the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and
thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory
has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional
drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on
black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for
drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is
gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last
99
steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of
the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)
Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by
the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but
also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was
limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to
foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of
its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in
foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN
seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available
purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in
a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would
be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople
COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each
farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each
100
farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally
consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received
wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired
internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the
farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on
purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day
was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa
on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than
percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped
dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa
grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa
pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing
In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high
demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to
the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with
other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners
of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it
appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for
intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or
end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors
selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their
inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many
distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially
101
maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their
inventory and maintain cash flow
Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition
from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which
almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers
could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price
increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more
quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in
2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year
and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was
restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of
production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent
changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers
and would be an interesting point for further study in the future
While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the
farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter
the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection
between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and
non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the
market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number
of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending
on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a
number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in
102
the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo
markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where
orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the
national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements
to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are
involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the
quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain
The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller
international sales of quinoa flour and flakes
Future Market Expansion
Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales
COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted
above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white
quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market
infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products
Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential
to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation
On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a
meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products
from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food
research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr
Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he
had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products
103
One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic
cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing
salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a
folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger
than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which
they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea
Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed
around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I
thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some
experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due
to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick
lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the
packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared
tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high
nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa
While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what
other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close
to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining
ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat
consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial
market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that
would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved
forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture
104
would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon
return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food
products available in local grocery stores
Agricultural Fairs
Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market
contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and
provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is
informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is
held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in
the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United
States
The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not
notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the
fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place
throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able
to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to
be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate
different ways to consume it
There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products
Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were
displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display
included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were
prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies
105
were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items
included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative
One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice
cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it
out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was
subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair
a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice
cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then
realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the
honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice
cream could be a hit in the United States
The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the
finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the
individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths
had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One
display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was
red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the
potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and
purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same
as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant
activity
One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending
quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an
106
ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to
the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my
hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass
given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise
downed the whole glass
Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking
demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake
Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep
fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I
said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr
Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and
popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise
Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather
and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are
a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for
quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be
a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to
maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of
quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance
since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values
107
Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015
Pricing
Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market
that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream
grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase
production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa
occurred in Peru as well as in other countries
Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising
three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)
Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled
(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price
dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global
market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001
to 2014
108
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014
While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data
Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike
in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production
volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos
annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus
taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than
doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold
production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru
in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the
subsequent drop in price
Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity
and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth
in Figure 3-11
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Vo
lum
e in
Met
ric
ton
s
Year
QUINOA PRODUCTION
Peru Bolivia
109
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003
According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of
sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A
similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)
Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno
Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06
20
07
20
08
20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
20
14
US
Do
llars
pe
r to
n
Peru Quinoa Producer Prices
Value
0
05
1
15
2
25
3
35
4
45
Sole
s p
er
kilo
gram
Years
Puno Producer Prices
110
As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went
down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a
dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other
countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly
supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to
grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa
production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)
Source Hudson 2015
Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop
The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to
August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the
period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In
2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently
13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people
were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from
111
the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the
reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and
mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I
returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015
Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back
down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these
price changes have had on quinoa producers
I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I
had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said
that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer
However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to
increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other
segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN
Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase
practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were
delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the
global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned
cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial
sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six
months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their
farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized
vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and
transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and
112
as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN
however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all
of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any
given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-
week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa
Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa
on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members
and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that
they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from
whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others
than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its
own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers
who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative
became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN
Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as
demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very
skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was
in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-
members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new
practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this
development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot
report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local
market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during
113
its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were
previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially
in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues
primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the
demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a
period of time
The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided
insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had
stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and
delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were
indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research
reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the
increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi
and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited
other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including
areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a
shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a
number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional
grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on
the market was not a consideration during the boom times
While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the
color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN
management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in
114
2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal
value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa
which is red white and black
The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the
COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white
quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per
arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained
agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things
occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped
substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white
quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance
practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers
who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame
While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears
that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not
dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the
period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black
quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have
predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be
published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the
consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported
health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific
1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos
115
studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all
reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the
quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus
on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are
usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and
both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa
nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)
however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial
production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other
considerations such as biodiversity maintenance
Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies
range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to
memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The
traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to
the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation
times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines
allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it
relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is
reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of
climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of
pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for
sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a
market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be
116
consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction
to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the
partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with
an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem
and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides
are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons
to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop
success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer
demands
It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take
into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not
distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015
however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the
lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30
more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well
as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price
drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects
that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur
in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-
based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found
demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level
There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers
In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by
117
competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have
different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food
to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While
the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten
years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-
scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the
addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global
market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next
chapter
118
CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING
A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and
agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of
the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study
period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in
selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter
also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related
to these subjects
Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is
essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate
change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human
selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the
desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental
stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that
farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a
variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al
2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the
creation and maintenance of an array of varieties
Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by
maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of
colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food
119
product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be
fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through
domination of market-driven desired product characteristics
While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global
market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)
and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet
and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important
characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the
market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product
that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which
took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for
sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same
colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as
larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices
however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color
while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing
the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in
collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can
also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an
array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product
identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors
efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance
120
While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is
not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some
people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red
quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of
quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about
the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names
to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the
plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural
salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and
this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the
Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-
embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the
variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain
size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself
necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the
specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use
accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a
link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge
relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers
Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a
domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human
selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics
located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among
121
and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity
can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of
seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of
thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting
improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)
Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa
species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by
ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural
selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside
domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa
plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While
many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-
seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis
has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et
al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such
varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the
wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore
contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus
nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo
practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant
With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding
a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the
Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and
122
wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same
time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and
domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian
species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of
the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean
varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even
within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human
selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The
continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of
the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the
agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding
varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate
change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on
sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is
already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus
continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa
that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of
agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species
To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species
quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes
favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not
123
account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the
observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety
of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important
cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to
both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural
and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity
especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple
threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)
states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires
concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the
Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other
humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa
helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified
Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture
local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno
The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make
annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to
the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes
are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences
As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since
the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason
they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not
derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional
124
culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has
a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk
classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up
and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research
discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a
gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the
farmers
While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical
and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are
other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of
scientific classificatory schemes is that
Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)
In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human
element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on
morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of
external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective
on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered
people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the
economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the
spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the
local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has
125
affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient
features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture
The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis
and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains
are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as
belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains
determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-
biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can
provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together
based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk
taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute
to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification
When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa
market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After
all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species
What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were
hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps
thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous
times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published
research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this
information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork
that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I
had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals
126
and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a
Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located
While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report
(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure
does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species
that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a
species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a
comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent
of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction
plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species
including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity
exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper
Farmersrsquo Knowledge
Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector
I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe
logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names
that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the
people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and
experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)
ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also
the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical
knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well
as cultural adaptations and changes
127
To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of
quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers
(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa
varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students
from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered
quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a
total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that
the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or
used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from
the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and
demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also
conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the
participants
During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify
different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often
used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same
species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics
that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a
variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name
The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties
1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable
128
express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select
seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant
This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that
they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable
characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and
organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different
scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species
level
Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash
farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify
quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus
the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to
humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson
noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive
mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus
the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated
with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to
identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the
names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological
classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called
peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and
people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with
129
classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in
some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature
In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a
commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem
with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa
without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the
research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms
especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was
after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific
classification systems arose
Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa
names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications
Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the
accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other
identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the
sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and
included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207
names of varieties some going back over 70 years
Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as
easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made
about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there
was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic
pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and
130
put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the
various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping
I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one
farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which
he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names
which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given
different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a
different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the
State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)
In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate
overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed
this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local
farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and
Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus
for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in
Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the
purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific
varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the
farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in
the scientific literature that I reviewed
Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr
Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is
131
an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the
scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I
removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods
and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying
chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in
ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity
parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus
while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa
demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)
talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the
scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I
have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and
revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness
In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office
in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples
of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13
varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)
The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than
noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able
to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of
gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in
finding names in places outside of publications
132
Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012
Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru
Rank Variety
1 Amarilla Marangani
2 Blanca de Juli
3 Kancolla
4 Blanca de Junin
5 Hualhuas
6 Huancayo
7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano
8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca
9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana
10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla
11 Illpa INIA
12 Salcedo INIA
13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013
As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names
to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most
comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my
collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with
133
the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different
quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they
were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a
list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book
to extract the names
Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)
referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did
not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like
Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In
compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other
researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014
Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the
altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from
Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties
After reviewing published academic research governmental documents
consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a
comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the
farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37
that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but
three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished
names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara
language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive
environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific
134
knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-
laden environment
The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the
evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I
encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa
names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be
comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially
since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes
differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the
quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the
two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern
variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting
point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such
as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional
absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than
accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to
farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to
provide consistency
As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the
use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination
was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the
field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard
135
to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the
biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)
Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is
contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first
used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather
populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria
such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)
says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological
characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)
definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows
Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)
Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on
historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes
are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has
not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the
association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term
ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not
when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace
acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these
136
varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the
term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or
if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way
the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into
accepted categories is not a simple task
Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and
have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of
quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations
Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species
(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa
types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not
synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the
same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage
While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different
varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working
domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a
grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species
as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related
varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several
varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race
While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the
species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification
system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large
137
number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of
quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct
groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)
Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic
distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification
category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems
While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg
Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently
Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and
have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and
Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)
The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between
species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete
varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic
organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the
names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are
used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla
pasankalla and roja among others
Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-
groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca
Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since
they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on
differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the
138
individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and
cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly
anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates
the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking
plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city
names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers
who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired
morphological characteristics
In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with
subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)
Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name
White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla
quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla
Source Tapia et al (2014)
Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my
research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years
covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity
pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90
farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps
an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which
could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting
question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline
was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties
139
(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can
be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof
to social networks including formal organizations
With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I
have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use
One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten
which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten
and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I
studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further
described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial
sale
In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)
Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified
primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for
each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race
Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples
1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa
Source Mujica et al 2013
These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al
(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-
140
Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with
altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al
(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-
Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al
(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not
include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while
these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification
scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually
overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize
classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a
consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification
system
In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the
wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of
species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument
yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild
relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other
domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the
race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara
acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two
types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also
have domesticated characteristics
141
Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know
and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except
for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish
conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to
group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to
provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its
usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a
particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further
organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a
wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa
While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa
it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end
products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the
grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that
can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market
with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a
much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the
farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names
including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow
(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al
(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications
of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In
addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent
142
and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of
color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not
identifying a specific variety
In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a
specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color
form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten
identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern
Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety
Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different
fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana
(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples
rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana
either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of
the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name
such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla
rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types
into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both
strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and
variety that passes on color-based information about the variety
Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain
color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package
For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly
distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the
143
intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained
any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences
Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-
driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to
knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package
that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled
ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety
for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely
distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information
may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of
diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of
the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to
base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to
demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity
preservation
The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of
knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the
possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other
quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and
collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide
ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also
reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This
research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano
144
farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of
quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names
Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are
needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of
classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment
of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be
conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection
based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional
information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary
properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa
variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety
knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research
may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield
While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and
which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are
associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)
sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the
product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural
connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still
wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful
especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to
maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate
transportation marketing and other costs
145
To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried
out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of
several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of
quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative
purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was
used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned
the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic
The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same
amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest
panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the
grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all
extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table
4-4)
Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos
Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900
Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by
the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a
plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent
of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests
146
While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an
experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans
placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The
researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even
though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response
however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the
earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on
my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers
loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was
visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that
had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I
observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating
some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews
where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that
attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a
factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the
global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation
Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead
yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers
made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in
the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about
the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo
characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest
147
infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past
information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align
In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties
based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment
choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the
highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this
variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi
which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year
Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for
the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both
of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et
al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with
kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla
is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo
INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences
farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most
frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed
ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not
planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties
most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not
necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this
experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-
hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be
148
some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even
marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the
climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield
obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted
varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be
grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most
frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government
agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo
practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and
features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions
How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant
To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and
interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that
they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in
this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were
linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and
UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is
important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and
others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of
change due to globalization and outside consumer influences
As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had
planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was
28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to
twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm
149
selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of
specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably
this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In
addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds
90
Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties
Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)
1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6
Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA
The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew
blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as
does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the
study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow
unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in
different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based
on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting
question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the
connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this
150
variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed
further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection
and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety
called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the
farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not
list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history
of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers
This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of
sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of
salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may
not completely explain its dominance
Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown
by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only
grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single
female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each
(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and
plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers
and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent
on a small number of farmers
To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown
by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-
student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The
151
average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old
the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old
The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-
op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and
female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers
with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and
thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on
the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who
participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to
their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages
although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups
The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of
these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of
farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university
farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in
the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of
Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although
the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more
extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the
student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not
grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the
university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university
farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller
152
number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance
of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one
with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age
differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including
flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity
maintenance
Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24
Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35
27
2018
16
54
2
Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Blanca de Juli
Kancolla
Chulpi
Choclito
14
8
9
11115
87653
Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Kancolla
Blanca
Coito
Blanca de Juli
Negra
153
With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the
average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average
number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as
gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229
varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older
farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this
measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened
degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions
between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to
the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed
by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos
data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-
op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the
students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further
discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however
does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are
growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties
Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown
Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)
Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265
To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions
among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35
co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table
154
4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group
growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more
co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one
group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding
the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity
maintenance
Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties
Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers
Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29
With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers
there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females
versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most
frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could
be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but
I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic
affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety
This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female
farmers that could be explored in the future
Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university
farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9
versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only
grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only
one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small
155
(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender
differences in agrodiversity maintenance
For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a
season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a
tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on
average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females
however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for
males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female
farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One
particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm
during a single season further discussed below
To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the
farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised
for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety
selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the
farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for
personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces
as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select
seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons
for seed selection to see if they still remained true
Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they
grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30
female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well
156
and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The
farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-
10)
Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection
Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses
Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15
While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given
reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local
environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were
1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)
2) frost resistance (10 responses) and
3) resists climate change (3 responses)
While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the
altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost
resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late
in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the
season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the
reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could
survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not
thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the
varying conditions of the harsh environment
157
The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is
consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)
Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions
including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example
Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are
adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold
temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and
thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason
consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh
altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive
drought cold and salt
The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield
accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18
responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4
responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more
grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to
each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does
not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being
twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in
size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These
findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and
provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an
important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to
158
have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the
farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow
While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on
their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not
the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases
leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew
201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not
have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more
adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara
The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a
total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were
1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)
2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and
3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)
The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in
variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as
blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term
amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white
quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this
trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten
responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows
more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers
159
The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the
availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some
purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some
farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual
seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a
realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the
seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability
which further inhibits their conservation
A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest
resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter
varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents
listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers
specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection
While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no
suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties
In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The
first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly
relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in
obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of
the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third
category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user
With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are
important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety
160
selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to
Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more
variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if
culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo
response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage
This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at
least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years
ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures
of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to
grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which
agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on
how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I
asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties
no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to
availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties
grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the
more obscure varieties
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices
Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety
selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources
and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has
been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al
161
(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean
farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with
neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)
found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties
consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge
(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study
For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties
need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes
where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds
Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds
Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the
prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of
seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed
selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires
knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for
seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further
described in the next section
Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage
Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100
162
While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in
this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that
they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA
(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project
(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that
the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they
collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers
collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other
considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm
As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency
is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments
has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived
from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of
the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production
including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA
representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not
surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains
collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from
using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices
providing them with the benefit of seed independence2
2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act
163
Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the
varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that
originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA
were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic
certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN
has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements
of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not
purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties
needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with
farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with
the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant
INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased
seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that
thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered
organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of
organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with
the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not
afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining
organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source
Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed
experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge
in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same
level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups
164
and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes
(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered
expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and
there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to
outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas
are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of
qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds
During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects
semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016
they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using
semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN
selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I
interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions
between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is
quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to
agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection
Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals
farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held
across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to
quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to
county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products
including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and
musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as
165
food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site
consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour
and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs
have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage
production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large
inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about
agrodiversity
In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future
crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but
seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-
saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the
same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available
however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA
however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of
commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection
the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have
seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds
likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially
due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to
shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the
readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other
varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of
existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an
166
important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be
conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by
semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of
agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor
The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity
maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-
use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic
diversity
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity
Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary
of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number
of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop
Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration
noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for
farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains
on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for
the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports
yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were
selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next
generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed
selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as
compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the
actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well
167
as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the
desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds
Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency
Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89
Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants
can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term
ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate
which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were
noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an
important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50
of the responses for selection
Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or
strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of
environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield
By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive
168
plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants
in the vicinity
Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed
selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the
plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a
frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer
evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future
seed selection
Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the
cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a
specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa
harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants
in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is
not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering
of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can
easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique
also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners
can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed
early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first
plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation
While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions
additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was
a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the
169
evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as
well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight
There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number
of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for
selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the
pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection
meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the
seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety
Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection
indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic
market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the
decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with
maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices
then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification
is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that
was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the
concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community
One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as
a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use
of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the
operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the
number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant
170
preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final
consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting
In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa
seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field
or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of
factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting
season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which
demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by
cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety
selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of
the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the
same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation
Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate
good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to
comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with
the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which
variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be
similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better
environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties
Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion
strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware
of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as
well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration
171
and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation
since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential
While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop
that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits
choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to
farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based
on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between
presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential
predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white
varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into
consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global
market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not
appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since
the variety name rarely appears on labels
As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety
distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence
agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the
culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use
there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-
white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in
the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated
benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the
most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity
172
maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety
distinctions
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection
Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the
distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in
Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la
Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated
gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender
distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often
more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence
agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of
crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn
(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men
demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)
With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the
eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the
exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed
exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-
community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection
Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select
seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos
emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and
cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection
can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch
173
molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al
2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender
aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight
into the nuances and complexities of this intersection
New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by
female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity
sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this
understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had
a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region
According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and
who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than
men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that
women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead
bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or
exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that
women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally
observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his
mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in
and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her
husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional
practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that
such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in
seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of
174
women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected
several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection
demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women
Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
A Female Semillista Example
Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the
community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often
well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of
COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well
known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with
specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a
number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa
varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a
child
Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved
in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by
management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the
population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming
175
She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has
grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and
was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr
Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica
who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide
information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name
but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties
Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them
on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa
varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in
this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field
(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I
have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her
life-long interest in quinoa diversity
Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
176
Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and
carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-
2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were
not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to
conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life
she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered
from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields
and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not
sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays
these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her
seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing
my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display
At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a
table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were
some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label
Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
177
The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below
bull Ajara inerto
bull Ajara negro
bull Blanca de Juli
bull Camacani
bull Cheweca
bull Chile
bull Choclo kancolla
bull Chucapaca
bull Chullpi Amarillo
bull Chullpi blanca
bull Chullpi roja
bull Cuchi willa
bull INIA Ilpa
bull INIA Salcedo
bull INIA Salcedo rosa
bull Kamire
bull Kancolla roja
bull Kancolla rosada
bull Koscosa
bull Marangani
bull Mesa quinoa
bull Mestiza
bull Negra collana I
bull Panela
bull Pasancalla plomo
bull Quinus misturas
bull Rosada junin
bull Rosada taraco
bull Sajama
bull Tahuaco
bull Vizallanino
Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred
INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She
uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She
always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather
Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows
178
the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds
requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is
implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting
crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in
risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional
ecological knowledge
I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she
was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was
familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the
plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her
depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been
identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red
and is also called misa quinoa
Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and
has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does
not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains
When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds
for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects
varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also
seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this
179
study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from
the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from
other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an
interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes
Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of
the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were
used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)
Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color
Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca
Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is
toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help
with pain
Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around
them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is
called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa
harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa
seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the
healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches
from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the
plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season
180
What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection
While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct
gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in
2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to
obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed
experts
An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling
good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as
farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make
arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is
rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly
pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large
and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall
to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa
Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra
Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he
decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this
organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic
certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected
to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa
for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they
purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was
still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he
received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his
181
involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price
While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate
in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until
he could get a better price
Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds
on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa
(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his
agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A
Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32
Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was
broad agrodiversity
This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male
and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)
appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male
crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men
highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional
female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further
study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa
production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding
varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of
agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa
products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further
articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance
182
These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or
indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men
and women
Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused
on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal
interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took
personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa
varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is
enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during
a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any
necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through
seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds
Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
183
Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species
the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This
research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa
variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from
published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian
184
altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional
quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the
importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study
also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also
experimenting with new quinoa varieties
The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the
need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of
quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common
characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological
zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional
categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is
commonly used
Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number
of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate
adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather
conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating
the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the
success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are
important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to
varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice
While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual
yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by
increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important
185
the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the
encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-
resistant varieties can influence yield
The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which
relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa
was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a
variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also
become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary
qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition
demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated
with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level
Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods
continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in
the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected
by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian
cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the
exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties
become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make
a difference in consumer-driven market demand
While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific
reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so
prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types
186
such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance
in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet
this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While
the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the
demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered
against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the
demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white
quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers
who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa
including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who
solely grew white quinoa
An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many
farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed
selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas
Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by
INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection
While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a
published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment
demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was
relatively high
Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who
serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance
187
While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on
yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are
important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender
differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to
agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices
There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of
quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited
number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing
the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus
quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties
may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers
41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these
41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period
were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not
growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of
current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory
of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the
establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a
starting point that can be further developed and studied
188
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa
farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa
market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a
degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow
more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of
planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a
crop due to climatic conditions or infestation
Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what
variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold
drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The
importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional
risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in
the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by
women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The
efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to
the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour
production
The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-
factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed
selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of
semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government
agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of
189
seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices
In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential
yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some
of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving
agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations
Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of
quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as
compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to
teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge
by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence
other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas
Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance
since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows
for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more
mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire
crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to
be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest
Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For
example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary
diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa
agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also
promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear
that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca
190
civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by
COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa
agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and
baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation
Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve
quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro
and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is
another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste
variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that
variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that
serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded
cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa
Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity
The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa
including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful
selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices
dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded
conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to
market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products
use different varieties based on their culinary properties
Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing
population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the
191
biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given
the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate
change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in
understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative
consequences
Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history
includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of
the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the
history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards
due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as
well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural
significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value
of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to
maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption
Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research
demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports
and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While
quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which
provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from
many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity
and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study
found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different
kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about
192
30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different
environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected
that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the
30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the
numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties
were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the
63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not
grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by
Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of
Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two
hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting
a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa
However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented
only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of
quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative
effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca
is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may
account for greater diversity results
There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be
maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both
maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different
varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red
black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional
193
scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the
consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian
efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary
schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes
that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics
Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also
conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different
types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can
boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation
into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive
different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety
diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather
and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be
discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or
governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a
consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection
Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance
is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of
quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market
entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for
the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored
quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global
quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the
194
unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market
hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the
colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique
nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the
market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded
agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline
While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties
to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white
quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors
is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with
red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a
market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white
quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving
global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open
and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market
The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the
results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet
only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of
varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the
Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences
already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects
found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after
Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication
195
date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already
altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my
study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety
grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before
this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on
farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs
The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed
selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had
already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a
silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can
provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa
conservation going forward
Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor
in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic
especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen
through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important
factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides
the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional
differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect
on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge
can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market
diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is
196
an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation
practices that can be rewarded by the market
In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and
medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity
conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in
traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect
of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and
domesticated varieties
The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in
understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor
the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated
and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies
The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in
understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many
different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of
organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings
Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-
species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties
and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the
varieties including morphological as well as cultural information
The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon
independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help
funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas
197
and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research
should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation
especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the
conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be
quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings
that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate
the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly
are doing more for conservation than many government programs
Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer
population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming
tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is
unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa
conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs
that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies
that can help improve quinoa production
Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production
and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men
controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women
are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there
appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact
with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of
many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done
in markets across time
198
There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and
how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean
people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the
complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter
these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe
it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species
that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing
popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa
agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who
personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade
199
APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES
NAME SOURCE
Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014
Achachino Mujica et al 201361
Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014
Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna
Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A
Ajara inerto Expert A
Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392
Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460
Amallado Farmer survey 2014
Amaltado Farmer survey 2014
Amargas Mujica et al 2013
Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)
Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013
Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90
Antawara real Mujica et al 201397
Atacama Mujica et al 201362
Atlas Jarvis et al 2017
Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361
Baer II Mujica et al 201362
Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014
Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015
Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014
Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A
Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A
Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169
Camiri Mujica et al 201369
Canchones Mujica et al 201362
Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014
Carina red Jarvis et al 2017
200
Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943
Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144
Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014
Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013
Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382
Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017
Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Chile Expert A
Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77
Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Choclo kancolla Expert A
Chola Hunziker 1943
Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A
Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A
Chullpi Amarillo Expert A
Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A
Chupica witulla Tapia 2014
Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477
Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection
Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014
Cochabamba Tapia 2014
AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu
Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014
ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943
Copacabana Tapia 2014
Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A
Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014
Cunaccota Tapia 2014
Dahue Hunziker 1943
Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014
ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361
Faro Mujica et al 201321 62
Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Granolada Farmer Survey 2014
Gris Hunziker 1943
Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna
Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
201
Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014
Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361
Huacataz Mujica et al 201361
Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013
Huallhas Mujica et al 201369
Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015
Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Huaranga Mujica et al 201361
Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361
Hueque Fuentes et al 2012
IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382
IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382
Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A
Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012
INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368
INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361
INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)
Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361
Islunga Mujica et al 201321
Jana Hunziker 1943
Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura
Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014
Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Jaru ckello Tapia 2014
Javi Fuentes et al 2012
Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943
Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014
Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014
Jujuy Mujica et al 201369
Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362
Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362
Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Juraj Farmer Survey 2014
Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A
KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Kancolla roja Expert A
Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A
Kcana ckello Tapia 2014
Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013
Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014
202
Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito
Koscosa Expert A
Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017
Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017
Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390
Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382
Lipena Mujica et al 201361
Lito Mujica et al 201321 62
Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014
Maniquena Mujica et al 201361
Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69
Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A
Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361
Mau Fuentes et al 2012
Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Millmi Hunziker 1943
MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Nameya ayara Tapia 201477
Namora Mujica et al 201361
Narino Mujica et al 201362
Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369
Negroa Farmer Survey 2014
Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A
Ollague Jarvis et al 2017
Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103
Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012
Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Pandela rosada INIA photo collection
Parakai Hunziker 1943
Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014
Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013
Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label
Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A
Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460
Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460
Phera Farmer Survey 2014
Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015
Plomao Farmer Survey 2014
Potosi Tapia 2014
Puc Fuentes et al 2012
Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78
203
Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382
Qillu ayara Tapia 201477
Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013
Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014
Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361
Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369
Regalona Jarvis et al 2017
Robura Mujica et al 201361
Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361
Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014
Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014
Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014
Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369
Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014
Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361
Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468
Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014
Samaranti Mujica et al 201361
Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Sayana Mujica et al 201361
Senora Mujica et al 201361 90
Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321
Tabacomi Tapia 201468
Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Toledo Mujica et al 201361
Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321
Tupiza Mujica et al 201321
Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97
Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90
Utusaya Mujica et al 201361
Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014
Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety
Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390
Wila ayara Tapia 201477
Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398
Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478
Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014
Yana quinua Hunziker 1943
204
Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382
Yujiura Tapia 201465
205
APPENDIX B
RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA
Races of the Altiplano
1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla
Races of Inter-Andean Valleys
Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)
Races of Junin
16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)
Races of Ancash
19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)
Races of Cajamarca
23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada
Source Tapia et al (2014)
206
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213
Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W
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Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes
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Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute
Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del
presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile
Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford
University Press Murphy Kevin M Didier Bazile Julianne Kellogg Maryam Rahmanian 2016 Development of a Worldwide Consortium on Evolutionary Participatory Breeding
in Quinoa Frontiers in Plant Science 7608 National Research Council 1989 Lost Crops of the Inca Little-Known Plants of the Andes with Promise for
Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of
Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc
Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of
Anthropology 25329-53
214
Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical
exchanges Human Organization 62(3)242-254 Pickersgill Barbara 2007 Domestication of Plants in the Americas Insights from Mendelian and Molecular
Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article
Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93
Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany
Field Methods 17(3)1-16
Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick
Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture
Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate
(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87
Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of
Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846
Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y
Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru
Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)
Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101
215
Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)
and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189
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of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd
Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari
2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011
Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315
Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change
and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138
Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland
Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara
Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of
the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint
Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook
of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497
Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study
in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333
216
Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ
Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany
19(3)223-235
Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa
Renaissance Human Organization 74(1)86-99 2014 The Cooked is the Kept Factors Shaping the Maintenance of Agro-biodiversity in
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1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First
Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico
Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)
httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)
Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon
51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y
Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de
las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe
Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio
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Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization
217
Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos
No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65
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Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural
Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC
United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231
httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)
2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin
America and the Caribbean
2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and
Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region
Nd United Nations Observances International Years
Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547
218
Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)
and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of
Pennsylvania Press
Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site
in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley
Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)
Economic Botany 44(3)92-110
1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239
Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium
nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206
Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023
Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and
Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601
219
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a
Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of
Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after
taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well
as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of
Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme
Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In
2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th
Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has
been active in local and state issues
In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in
environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was
awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American
Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation
copy 2017 Deborah J Andrews
This dissertation is dedicated to my father Robert S Andrews Jr who sadly passed away in December 2015 shortly after my return from the last round of field work for this
research He taught me the value of education and encouraged me throughout my schooling from kindergarten to PhD and sacrificed the opportunity to obtain a PhD
himself to support his growing family Gone but not forgotten
4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne
Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my
sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of
my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise
advice
I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional
del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno
He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on
field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to
ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me
and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student
Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was
also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and
quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it
takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa
farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa
farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in
this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most
importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this
study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me
To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much
more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose
5
example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this
dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we
adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the
University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza
for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11
ABSTRACT 12
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 14
Research Question 14
Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29
2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36
The Fox and the Condor 38
What is Quinoa 39
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45
Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62
Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66
Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72
Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74
3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80
Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82
7
Harvesting 88
Quinoa Processing 93
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104
Pricing 107
4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172
A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180
5 CONCLUSION 188
APPENDIX
A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199
B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205
LIST OF REFERENCES 206
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219
8
LIST OF TABLES
Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61
4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132
4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138
4-3 Races of Quinoa 139
4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145
4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149
4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153
4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154
4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156
4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161
4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167
4-11 Quinoa Uses 179
9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47
2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58
2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59
2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63
2-5 Peske 65
2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67
2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68
2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73
2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74
3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89
3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90
3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91
3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92
3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92
3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95
3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96
3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99
3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107
3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108
3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109
3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109
3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110
10
4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132
4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152
4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152
4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174
4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175
4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176
4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182
4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183
4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183
11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa
COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NGO Non-governmental organization
UN United Nations
UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
US United States
12
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS
AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
Deborah J Andrews
August 2017
Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology
This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-
scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa
crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of
globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-
colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate
it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who
relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however
has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity
maintenance and increased risk to farmers
The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys
and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This
study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers
including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers
selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced
variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200
13
quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period
of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number
of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary
properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this
study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of
between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of
this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance
including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including
the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon
existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level
including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other
consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued
crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and
marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers
especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the
beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint
contributions to global food security
14
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Research Question
This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the
farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market
Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of
agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection
Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production
and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)
consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including
Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of
agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have
grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is
the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as
well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and
Helmreich 2010546)
In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish
colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the
question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of
market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained
global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to
losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards
monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the
15
dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial
market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least
color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global
market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity
Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on
dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional
benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food
source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for
thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional
small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-
species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in
light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study
This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about
the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets
have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural
practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to
quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the
popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa
specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on
very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon
many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of
varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the
difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored
16
below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This
study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been
maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano
While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity
this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity
maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need
to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity
practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the
biodiversity of quinoa
The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that
affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for
resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and
paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go
togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-
scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and
how they changed in response to market globalization
Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa
provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures
especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the
Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo
et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual
festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for
17
symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits
(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in
decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in
agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In
acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found
that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm
diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association
with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and
quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon
Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the
Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the
Andean people who had a deep history with the plant
Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)
The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-
blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including
quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and
people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food
18
Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people
and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo
where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated
varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo
associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the
Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous
Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world
Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong
association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and
the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity
thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side
Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived
colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency
The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can
contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a
decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now
primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good
way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In
contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the
crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment
coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an
important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long
term negative consequences
19
For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this
traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing
popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a
western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)
Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history
culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale
farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such
as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually
on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local
quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic
example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider
space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking
worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)
The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid
fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a
long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention
and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa
farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to
understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove
2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The
farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of
which lead directly to the global market
20
Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised
concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero
and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied
by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio
found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised
despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the
farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as
noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa
(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by
globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the
relationship between the two
While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the
Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done
by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)
Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls
larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the
remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a
collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The
social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity
(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity
focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important
factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops
were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which
21
emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in
the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into
the equation
Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social
organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)
Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the
question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and
there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call
for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)
Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out
consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of
crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets
The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity
consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a
polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and
various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market
through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular
color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead
to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes
Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers
and crop agrodiversity
Historic Overview
The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of
quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially
22
interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries
whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid
(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth
century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous
rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish
colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous
populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily
classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist
practices has transformed into a global commodity
Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the
Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan
past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the
bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial
classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies
ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and
quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity
for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a
multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as
well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of
discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due
to cultural beliefs
The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its
complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the
23
world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into
the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)
The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the
events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a
history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or
relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression
by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian
foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations
of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity
as a health food in the West
Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and
minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A
recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition
levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its
exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous
implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow
quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the
Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional
reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product
Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other
agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which
has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global
popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association
24
with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to
investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has
caused in the past
Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of
quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in
agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)
defines global food security as follows
Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life
This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security
through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also
inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to
reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local
farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss
Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices
Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on
participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study
describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern
changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance
The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of
Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)
as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie
et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru
(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in
25
the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange
location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa
agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I
obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a
long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several
extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place
during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with
the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I
traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana
Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero
I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)
and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these
100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale
vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field
researchers and relatives of two of the university professors
Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was
introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways
The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food
safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr
Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors
took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed
their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since
it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews
26
with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of
quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems
with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could
base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further
described in my research findings
Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in
Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research
station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this
field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this
field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I
took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on
a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and
surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these
participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts
The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience
sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of
Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a
representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an
outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city
for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set
of farmers
Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going
through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent
27
After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why
they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the
farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to
participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not
write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men
Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in
individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a
meeting
The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN
the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the
city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash
Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is
organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the
Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one
substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four
subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same
membership size and structure
The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining
COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people
getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the
future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important
issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings
they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change
28
At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for
processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes
threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in
large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and
removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further
described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and
global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote
factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts
that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market
presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a
website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global
market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local
farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the
members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their
harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in
Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study
A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I
personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-
structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student
volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and
record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to
the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and
29
met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal
informational and background interviews
As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a
variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the
local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two
agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition
regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather
data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten
Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government
official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa
agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of
the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication
which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or
comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4
Agrodiversity and Globalization
Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices
during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study
to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to
develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a
published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported
thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo
was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are
not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported
quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate
30
or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of
data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its
relationship to Andean farming culture
To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local
quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the
past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of
quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after
consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different
type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the
study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain
While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it
became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for
quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in
Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily
apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-
based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which
provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety
sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with
varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations
The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their
quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the
research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent
season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety
31
selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection
such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability
and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well
as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative
and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also
describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the
dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study
In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for
selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since
Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years
this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global
demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic
conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop
that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors
were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect
agrodiversity maintenance
External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity
maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well
as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of
Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for
the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced
large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the
external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts
32
Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect
agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for
quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than
using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus
quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end
product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred
color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-
grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market
pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a
few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other
characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in
Chapter 2
Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill
et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm
diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby
1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of
potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions
a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any
given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often
select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as
early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity
maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-
based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested
33
these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-
scale farmers
Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited
characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean
farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa
Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US
supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product
the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale
benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale
distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time
allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is
in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would
be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance
In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was
reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-
Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and
community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced
varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However
due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin
(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo
(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with
development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the
preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of
34
this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context
of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also
analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa
agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts
In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming
practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization
in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual
relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique
history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from
domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans
and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian
foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not
necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean
people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh
aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and
quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and
nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection
playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences
such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly
diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal
husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided
Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh
environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the
35
agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time
of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity
maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western
agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different
quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into
agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for
variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety
selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the
future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type
practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the
dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further
agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-
long partners ndash Andean farmers
36
CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People
This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the
present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a
long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-
plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little
known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market
expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it
associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa
its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the
nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the
natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has
had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate
about the present and future conservation practices
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the
world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated
plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to
cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and
ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity
(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity
The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants
is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera
37
1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of
biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant
diversity
Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for
continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human
behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of
plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or
enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms
(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the
latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to
reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase
survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed
development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith
1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer
seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a
thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an
archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions
cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus
seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in
domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated
versions and hence human intervention
The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of
traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed
38
independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most
important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of
domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants
which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with
the Americas (Rivera 1998)
Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including
potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes
(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity
than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known
agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent
notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium
pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or
love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al
2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the
excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time
high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be
found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans
and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific
discoveries about this plant
The Fox and the Condor
The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in
ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin
story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called
39
The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from
starving recounted below
The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The
condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch
anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox
sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a
ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The
others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back
to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox
says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the
earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the
food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha
and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods
ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it
is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as
described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival
This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of
the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand
the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue
living in the otherwise harsh environment
What is Quinoa
Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a
domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South
America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a
40
pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a
primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things
it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments
(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide
variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates
Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2
m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits
(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa
grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al
2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection
discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated
varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as
previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain
exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains
Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely
known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones
and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala
Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a
wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily
detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the
grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-
related characteristics beyond color
41
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species
The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and
communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)
ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this
point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)
Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about
natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs
and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and
understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-
going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as
quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans
Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The
Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which
are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the
Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with
Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change
regarding the scientific classification of quinoa
Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been
misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For
example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds
1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field
work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to
establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports
In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the
42
pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the
usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for
analysis
Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is
due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones
encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked
phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and
Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems
attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of
attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of
genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great
agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in
a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and
species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying
and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in
Chapter 4
Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant
that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single
pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic
complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity
Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250
species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and
new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently
43
was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass
crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum
is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is
spread across the globe
Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean
classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having
ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson
199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated
Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated
Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson
and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World
Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes
Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-
Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)
In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and
wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite
and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri
ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct
Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C
boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006
Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp
zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across
the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into
44
Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi
Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum
has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the
Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South
Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that
grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity
It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C
berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill
2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were
domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis
indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be
more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies
between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa
and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)
Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and
huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for
great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp
zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)
Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species
including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The
quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original
ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American
origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split
45
occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has
been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the
quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further
hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-
industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the
quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies
involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the
large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not
presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise
dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation
of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent
and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future
History of Quinoa in the Andes
Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years
Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as
15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the
archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa
plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an
important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)
Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on
them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and
Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca
Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth
of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa
46
Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its
current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical
association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has
vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily
available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of
quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The
relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic
fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent
(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to
imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran
19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the
concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have
been connected in time and space with the plant
Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes
and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations
over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and
potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the
harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into
European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and
potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world
Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact
(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or
mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca
47
above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce
fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of
harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and
so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama
holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in
Argentina
Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360
Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of
European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the
reverence for Pachamama
48
Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their
agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa
2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al
(2013) specifically listed magic
The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus
threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in
discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful
alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous
foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period
(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production
relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its
production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)
Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous
local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was
noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)
providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was
considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory
reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be
inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic
research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people
with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although
49
quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food
revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the
Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status
associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with
competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production
declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European
contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa
Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo
another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of
sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased
competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline
in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain
apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)
although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was
apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the
value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities
continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still
present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the
biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of
Andean agriculture and ecosystems
Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled
with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford
50
1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming
quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the
seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as
well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have
contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times
While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years
South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a
domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are
responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)
so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity
through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by
European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that
maintained traditional knowledge and practices
While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described
across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American
explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean
quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including
Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-
grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th
centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead
1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of
Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow
red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while
51
acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-
consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor
(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the
Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of
quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely
known
While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists
continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the
1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the
Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a
plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-
known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that
the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive
In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and
noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In
1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops
(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread
out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and
nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does
not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a
Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the
botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the
Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence
52
of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone
growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both
color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat
interchangeably
While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead
1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the
nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003
Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South
America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals
and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43
published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which
were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about
quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely
distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the
world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread
publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with
the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global
consumption
The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in
1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier
range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer
1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador
Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds
53
reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other
cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with
the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of
quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)
however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and
Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs
In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno
Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and
consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern
science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American
scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor
collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al
1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who
extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they
ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in
favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean
products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also
affected by this bias
Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global
market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional
value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a
high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with
processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal
54
process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the
Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos
Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the
border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national
quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main
producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also
cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is
also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world
In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later
acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned
organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)
The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book
in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of
Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including
the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean
people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded
Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the
ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people
through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented
that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing
its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo
(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with
both viewed together through a socio-economic lens
55
The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)
who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of
quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed
complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the
domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial
areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including
the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a
place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes
from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was
a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and
culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and
plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live
side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both
survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while
Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a
production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts
prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the
world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional
food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its
noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western
world
Resurgence of Quinoa
Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it
was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and
56
Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids
including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining
nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and
speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the
species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by
ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide
market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health
food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US
expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers
Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be
the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This
proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated
years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity
and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such
accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this
status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN
2011b)
Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
57
Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important
issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN
acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have
conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged
the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the
environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably
the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the
quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and
landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about
the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people
who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a
UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean
people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint
contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing
an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can
lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and
support of UN Millennium Goals
What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world
market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice
58
(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes
including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa
originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was
taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across
the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was
not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus
for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable
shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes
and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly
nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation
While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in
various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however
the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador
although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across
the world including the US and Canada
Source Bazile et al 2014
Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013
59
The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent
although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US
Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from
1900 to 2014
Source Bazile et al 2016
Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa
The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with
increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN
Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other
countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of
quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated
with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers
association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from
the 1980s to the present
60
Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export
more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow
quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa
exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington
Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved
in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods
Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker
Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company
to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa
include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California
Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows
and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and
Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and
there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large
multi-national industrial agriculture corporations
Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa
Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by
the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community
quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation
into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa
Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-
3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had
144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the
variety (Murphy et al 2016)
61
Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa
PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g
QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22
Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181
Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein
(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein
meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school
children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human
growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its
protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc
content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium
phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)
Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et
al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad
cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also
contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell
membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-
Carrasco et al 2003)
The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5
sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to
its high fiber content (UN 2011a)
62
In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total
dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN
2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of
time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit
and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)
Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These
two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders
caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various
properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo
Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as
wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of
quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa
is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being
touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to
cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al
2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today
Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the
global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the
farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa
which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship
How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa
Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal
consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization
has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section
63
describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products
are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of
the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily
consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual
cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between
traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more
traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within
species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with
agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link
Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary
focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and
leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also
consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is
commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive
and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy
Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews
2012
64
Food
As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is
consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have
different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although
there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties
In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain
recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for
different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used
for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et
al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans
have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which
underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on
culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and
farmer variety selection
Grain Products
The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently
consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part
quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice
although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The
grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske
which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for
the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared
like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed
65
Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of
chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and
sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure
prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that
quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka
celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from
quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru
beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony
A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing
combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which
are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and
convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer
product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in
villages or by farmers
66
Processed Quinoa
While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold
commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further
processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can
be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as
products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes
for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for
baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it
makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute
for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies
Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added
to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa
smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable
breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines
quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores
in the United States including pasta and baby food
In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the
length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the
winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important
step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need
to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer
layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is
exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different
stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most
67
quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional
rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case
Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The
traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using
an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a
child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind
stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this
childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants
agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they
can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of
modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who
makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to
make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant
in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption
Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image
credit Deborah Andrews 2014
68
Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from
rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora
is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa
dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips
Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial
purposes
Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
Medicine
While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa
plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine
The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)
Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation
relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN
2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever
69
urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss
of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness
anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in
addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is
traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments
Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional
medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional
medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not
normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter
however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to
broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used
for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research
on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)
providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent
scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price
since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and
studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes
(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has
antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and
antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have
medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or
therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity
70
Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In
the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high
altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from
the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The
stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as
compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and
scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties
with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity
Ritual Uses
Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in
Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs
and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as
birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from
their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close
relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal
2015)
As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)
Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral
ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most
well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology
Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour
preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and
celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan
Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa
71
The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they
use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to
their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make
figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other
symbols
One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant
Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa
jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration
for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig
blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly
and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production
Consumer Products
Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and
coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer
products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture
of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa
(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before
consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the
plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil
shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red
quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye
72
Animal Forage
The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are
used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals
however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in
Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be
marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does
not grow well
During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development
projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain
waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the
ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens
were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while
I observed farming demonstrations
One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to
become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the
introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would
be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high
elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10
chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than
commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped
into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental
conditions
73
Fuel
The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is
available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and
oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root
foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-
8)
A B
C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa
stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015
74
There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition
to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other
consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array
of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but
which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and
non-traditional
Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017
Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa
Negative Local Health Effects
One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the
indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the
concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase
75
may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-
nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market
demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa
tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher
than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter
3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not
proceeded without social debate
Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market
expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use
of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using
them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on
non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect
on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also
reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated
ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted
for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental
and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand
for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary
changes
The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to
global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too
expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an
article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the
76
fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)
In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the
argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that
quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey
2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the
high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the
loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is
continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since
there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor
diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa
consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)
Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that
consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands
The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems
well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not
the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been
occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a
prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food
source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the
increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of
preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A
common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time
77
that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw
grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes
While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into
Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of
ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino
a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to
the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the
farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue
of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects
vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price
While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent
analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while
quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004
quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period
from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which
Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the
diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly
concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in
household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger
increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the
quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the
price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be
determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers
78
The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by
Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates
including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and
the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced
crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of
poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science
confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source
Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the
20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim
Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace
in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy
restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness
of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used
quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)
Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the
world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a
change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to
science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional
knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past
denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing
conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study
of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics
As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested
79
notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)
Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean
identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The
globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by
Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-
driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as
scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches
While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the
question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its
survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate
In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its
usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage
uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not
worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status
and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to
world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are
often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its
history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and
preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the
Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced
knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either
the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will
explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market
80
CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND
WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME
This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the
market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers
go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale
there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern
changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that
the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the
agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa
farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the
traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of
quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that
have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how
these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
Diversification and the Environment
Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of
ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this
extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes
Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be
grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can
grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato
As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most
important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of
quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000
81
meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there
can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In
some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen
2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little
organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)
Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and
varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just
as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean
environment quinoa has too
In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the
agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most
Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms
can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small
farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder
farms in the altiplano
Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly
diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop
(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme
climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the
same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under
various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will
thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a
traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices
82
due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems
for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of
quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-
zone
What are the Current Farming Practices
Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing
shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen
2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included
the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers
first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a
tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent
one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor
and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting
In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported
in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)
These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing
practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance
(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil
moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study
has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers
(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with
looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a
cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized
tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of
83
any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for
the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist
with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms
having no adult men present
In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging
areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands
have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as
the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can
lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include
environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion
and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the
productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe
or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to
irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip
with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the
altiplano if they have not done so already
Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and
also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers
let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a
current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the
soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other
crops of choice that grows in the altiplano
84
Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with
maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without
interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys
quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes
(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as
2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco
region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow
well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field
crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation
Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot
afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before
planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This
usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil
before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough
fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop
The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a
source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on
the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer
which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm
Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale
and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather
condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting
Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the
85
landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower
which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean
farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant
their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated
to cultural practice
In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa
planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop
Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing
season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first
blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for
the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for
sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of
the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of
September
With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN
2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period
Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the
altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation
the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by
hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual
maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same
field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties
planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully
86
select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that
mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the
traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage
of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same
time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be
harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same
variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening
and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be
planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and
traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of
quinoa
There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the
focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with
a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially
since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was
especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers
However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a
better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the
region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete
ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as
drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place
and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can
reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other
87
regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with
quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with
the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would
make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown
without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more
resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters
allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al
2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-
resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano
Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with
mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one
of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on
the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include
insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are
used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural
practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests
With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due
to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa
such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are
more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa
because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties
including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss
due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating
88
the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due
to pests
Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which
is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can
be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those
locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues
experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of
irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa
harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due
to the onset of cold
The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in
agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a
risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting
more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows
for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the
season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized
harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing
additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity
practices
Harvesting
Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry
After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This
delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is
a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed
89
during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the
exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora
The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held
sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that
added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that
some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout
the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the
same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is
cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry
The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack
hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to
expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other
available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop
(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice
that is not always followed
Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
90
Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on
weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage
of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers
rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the
stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates
the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed
much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to
separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that
the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the
mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product
Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12
people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying
and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the
farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10
for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative
to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be
difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor
Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from
the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
91
The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further
remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional
processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle
This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining
shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile
with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the
panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)
Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The
remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer
stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is
also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although
they can digest the green stalks
The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of
stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure
3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of
92
available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further
remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is
poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris
away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant
altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting
Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
93
Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of
removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this
process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the
birds so that they would not cry
Quinoa Processing
Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are
also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins
are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al
2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the
pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process
(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN
2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that
Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin
removal prior to eating
Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin
removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had
the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously
rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in
saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create
complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water
needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand
pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with
water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN
saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can
94
also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities
for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers
store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale
In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming
techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The
fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued
agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized
harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different
varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand
harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties
can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation
since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An
emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop
at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield
The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root
systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation
also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and
higher humidity
Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms
with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm
animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production
Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their
products on the market discussed in the next section
95
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market
Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next
step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their
product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their
products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers
at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa
on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section
discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market
expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market
access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for
networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes
Farmersrsquo Markets
Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of
Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most
vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground
For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped
out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale
Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
96
Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and
flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed
form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered
form (Figure 3-7)
Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as
commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and
commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for
the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the
vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it
Farmersrsquo Cooperatives
Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join
a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As
noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves
the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market
COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru
97
Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables
them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both
The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health
foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos
empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of
the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I
have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the
representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is
still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting
with outside contacts
COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to
selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed
to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their
education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the
seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4
men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds
The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4
COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an
organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN
formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social
network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014
they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought
their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they
98
purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified
that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It
would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the
people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new
practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This
discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in
another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not
necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth
which will be discussed in the section on price
COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their
harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national
and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well
as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized
market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market
The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the
farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and
the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and
thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory
has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional
drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on
black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for
drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is
gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last
99
steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of
the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)
Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by
the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but
also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was
limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to
foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of
its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in
foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN
seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available
purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in
a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would
be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople
COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each
farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each
100
farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally
consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received
wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired
internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the
farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on
purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day
was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa
on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than
percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped
dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa
grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa
pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing
In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high
demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to
the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with
other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners
of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it
appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for
intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or
end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors
selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their
inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many
distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially
101
maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their
inventory and maintain cash flow
Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition
from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which
almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers
could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price
increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more
quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in
2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year
and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was
restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of
production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent
changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers
and would be an interesting point for further study in the future
While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the
farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter
the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection
between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and
non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the
market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number
of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending
on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a
number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in
102
the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo
markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where
orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the
national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements
to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are
involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the
quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain
The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller
international sales of quinoa flour and flakes
Future Market Expansion
Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales
COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted
above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white
quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market
infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products
Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential
to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation
On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a
meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products
from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food
research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr
Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he
had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products
103
One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic
cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing
salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a
folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger
than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which
they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea
Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed
around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I
thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some
experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due
to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick
lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the
packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared
tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high
nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa
While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what
other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close
to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining
ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat
consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial
market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that
would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved
forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture
104
would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon
return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food
products available in local grocery stores
Agricultural Fairs
Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market
contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and
provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is
informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is
held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in
the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United
States
The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not
notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the
fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place
throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able
to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to
be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate
different ways to consume it
There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products
Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were
displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display
included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were
prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies
105
were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items
included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative
One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice
cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it
out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was
subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair
a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice
cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then
realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the
honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice
cream could be a hit in the United States
The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the
finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the
individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths
had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One
display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was
red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the
potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and
purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same
as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant
activity
One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending
quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an
106
ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to
the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my
hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass
given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise
downed the whole glass
Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking
demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake
Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep
fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I
said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr
Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and
popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise
Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather
and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are
a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for
quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be
a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to
maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of
quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance
since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values
107
Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015
Pricing
Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market
that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream
grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase
production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa
occurred in Peru as well as in other countries
Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising
three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)
Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled
(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price
dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global
market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001
to 2014
108
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014
While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data
Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike
in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production
volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos
annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus
taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than
doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold
production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru
in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the
subsequent drop in price
Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity
and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth
in Figure 3-11
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Vo
lum
e in
Met
ric
ton
s
Year
QUINOA PRODUCTION
Peru Bolivia
109
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003
According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of
sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A
similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)
Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno
Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06
20
07
20
08
20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
20
14
US
Do
llars
pe
r to
n
Peru Quinoa Producer Prices
Value
0
05
1
15
2
25
3
35
4
45
Sole
s p
er
kilo
gram
Years
Puno Producer Prices
110
As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went
down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a
dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other
countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly
supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to
grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa
production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)
Source Hudson 2015
Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop
The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to
August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the
period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In
2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently
13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people
were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from
111
the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the
reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and
mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I
returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015
Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back
down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these
price changes have had on quinoa producers
I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I
had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said
that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer
However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to
increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other
segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN
Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase
practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were
delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the
global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned
cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial
sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six
months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their
farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized
vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and
transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and
112
as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN
however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all
of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any
given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-
week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa
Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa
on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members
and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that
they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from
whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others
than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its
own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers
who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative
became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN
Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as
demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very
skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was
in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-
members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new
practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this
development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot
report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local
market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during
113
its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were
previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially
in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues
primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the
demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a
period of time
The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided
insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had
stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and
delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were
indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research
reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the
increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi
and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited
other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including
areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a
shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a
number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional
grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on
the market was not a consideration during the boom times
While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the
color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN
management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in
114
2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal
value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa
which is red white and black
The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the
COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white
quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per
arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained
agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things
occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped
substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white
quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance
practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers
who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame
While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears
that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not
dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the
period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black
quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have
predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be
published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the
consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported
health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific
1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos
115
studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all
reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the
quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus
on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are
usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and
both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa
nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)
however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial
production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other
considerations such as biodiversity maintenance
Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies
range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to
memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The
traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to
the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation
times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines
allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it
relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is
reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of
climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of
pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for
sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a
market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be
116
consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction
to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the
partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with
an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem
and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides
are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons
to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop
success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer
demands
It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take
into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not
distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015
however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the
lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30
more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well
as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price
drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects
that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur
in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-
based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found
demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level
There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers
In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by
117
competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have
different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food
to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While
the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten
years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-
scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the
addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global
market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next
chapter
118
CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING
A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and
agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of
the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study
period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in
selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter
also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related
to these subjects
Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is
essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate
change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human
selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the
desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental
stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that
farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a
variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al
2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the
creation and maintenance of an array of varieties
Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by
maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of
colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food
119
product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be
fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through
domination of market-driven desired product characteristics
While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global
market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)
and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet
and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important
characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the
market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product
that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which
took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for
sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same
colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as
larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices
however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color
while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing
the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in
collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can
also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an
array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product
identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors
efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance
120
While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is
not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some
people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red
quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of
quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about
the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names
to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the
plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural
salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and
this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the
Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-
embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the
variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain
size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself
necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the
specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use
accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a
link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge
relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers
Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a
domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human
selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics
located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among
121
and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity
can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of
seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of
thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting
improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)
Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa
species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by
ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural
selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside
domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa
plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While
many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-
seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis
has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et
al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such
varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the
wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore
contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus
nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo
practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant
With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding
a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the
Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and
122
wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same
time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and
domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian
species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of
the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean
varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even
within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human
selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The
continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of
the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the
agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding
varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate
change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on
sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is
already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus
continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa
that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of
agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species
To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species
quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes
favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not
123
account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the
observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety
of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important
cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to
both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural
and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity
especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple
threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)
states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires
concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the
Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other
humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa
helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified
Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture
local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno
The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make
annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to
the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes
are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences
As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since
the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason
they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not
derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional
124
culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has
a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk
classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up
and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research
discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a
gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the
farmers
While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical
and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are
other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of
scientific classificatory schemes is that
Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)
In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human
element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on
morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of
external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective
on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered
people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the
economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the
spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the
local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has
125
affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient
features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture
The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis
and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains
are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as
belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains
determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-
biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can
provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together
based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk
taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute
to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification
When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa
market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After
all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species
What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were
hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps
thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous
times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published
research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this
information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork
that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I
had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals
126
and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a
Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located
While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report
(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure
does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species
that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a
species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a
comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent
of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction
plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species
including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity
exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper
Farmersrsquo Knowledge
Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector
I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe
logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names
that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the
people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and
experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)
ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also
the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical
knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well
as cultural adaptations and changes
127
To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of
quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers
(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa
varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students
from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered
quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a
total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that
the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or
used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from
the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and
demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also
conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the
participants
During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify
different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often
used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same
species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics
that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a
variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name
The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties
1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable
128
express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select
seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant
This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that
they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable
characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and
organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different
scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species
level
Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash
farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify
quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus
the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to
humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson
noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive
mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus
the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated
with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to
identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the
names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological
classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called
peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and
people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with
129
classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in
some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature
In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a
commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem
with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa
without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the
research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms
especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was
after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific
classification systems arose
Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa
names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications
Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the
accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other
identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the
sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and
included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207
names of varieties some going back over 70 years
Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as
easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made
about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there
was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic
pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and
130
put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the
various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping
I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one
farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which
he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names
which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given
different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a
different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the
State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)
In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate
overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed
this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local
farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and
Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus
for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in
Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the
purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific
varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the
farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in
the scientific literature that I reviewed
Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr
Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is
131
an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the
scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I
removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods
and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying
chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in
ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity
parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus
while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa
demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)
talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the
scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I
have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and
revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness
In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office
in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples
of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13
varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)
The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than
noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able
to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of
gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in
finding names in places outside of publications
132
Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012
Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru
Rank Variety
1 Amarilla Marangani
2 Blanca de Juli
3 Kancolla
4 Blanca de Junin
5 Hualhuas
6 Huancayo
7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano
8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca
9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana
10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla
11 Illpa INIA
12 Salcedo INIA
13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013
As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names
to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most
comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my
collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with
133
the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different
quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they
were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a
list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book
to extract the names
Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)
referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did
not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like
Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In
compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other
researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014
Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the
altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from
Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties
After reviewing published academic research governmental documents
consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a
comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the
farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37
that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but
three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished
names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara
language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive
environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific
134
knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-
laden environment
The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the
evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I
encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa
names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be
comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially
since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes
differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the
quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the
two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern
variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting
point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such
as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional
absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than
accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to
farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to
provide consistency
As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the
use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination
was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the
field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard
135
to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the
biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)
Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is
contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first
used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather
populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria
such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)
says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological
characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)
definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows
Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)
Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on
historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes
are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has
not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the
association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term
ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not
when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace
acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these
136
varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the
term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or
if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way
the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into
accepted categories is not a simple task
Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and
have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of
quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations
Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species
(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa
types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not
synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the
same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage
While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different
varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working
domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a
grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species
as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related
varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several
varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race
While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the
species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification
system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large
137
number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of
quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct
groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)
Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic
distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification
category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems
While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg
Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently
Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and
have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and
Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)
The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between
species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete
varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic
organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the
names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are
used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla
pasankalla and roja among others
Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-
groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca
Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since
they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on
differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the
138
individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and
cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly
anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates
the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking
plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city
names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers
who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired
morphological characteristics
In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with
subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)
Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name
White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla
quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla
Source Tapia et al (2014)
Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my
research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years
covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity
pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90
farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps
an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which
could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting
question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline
was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties
139
(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can
be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof
to social networks including formal organizations
With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I
have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use
One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten
which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten
and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I
studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further
described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial
sale
In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)
Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified
primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for
each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race
Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples
1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa
Source Mujica et al 2013
These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al
(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-
140
Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with
altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al
(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-
Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al
(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not
include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while
these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification
scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually
overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize
classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a
consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification
system
In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the
wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of
species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument
yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild
relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other
domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the
race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara
acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two
types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also
have domesticated characteristics
141
Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know
and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except
for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish
conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to
group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to
provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its
usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a
particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further
organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a
wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa
While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa
it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end
products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the
grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that
can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market
with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a
much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the
farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names
including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow
(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al
(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications
of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In
addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent
142
and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of
color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not
identifying a specific variety
In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a
specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color
form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten
identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern
Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety
Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different
fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana
(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples
rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana
either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of
the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name
such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla
rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types
into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both
strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and
variety that passes on color-based information about the variety
Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain
color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package
For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly
distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the
143
intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained
any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences
Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-
driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to
knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package
that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled
ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety
for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely
distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information
may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of
diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of
the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to
base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to
demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity
preservation
The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of
knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the
possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other
quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and
collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide
ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also
reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This
research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano
144
farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of
quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names
Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are
needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of
classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment
of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be
conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection
based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional
information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary
properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa
variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety
knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research
may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield
While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and
which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are
associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)
sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the
product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural
connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still
wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful
especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to
maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate
transportation marketing and other costs
145
To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried
out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of
several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of
quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative
purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was
used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned
the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic
The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same
amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest
panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the
grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all
extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table
4-4)
Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos
Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900
Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by
the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a
plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent
of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests
146
While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an
experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans
placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The
researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even
though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response
however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the
earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on
my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers
loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was
visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that
had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I
observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating
some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews
where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that
attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a
factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the
global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation
Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead
yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers
made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in
the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about
the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo
characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest
147
infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past
information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align
In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties
based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment
choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the
highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this
variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi
which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year
Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for
the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both
of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et
al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with
kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla
is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo
INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences
farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most
frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed
ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not
planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties
most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not
necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this
experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-
hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be
148
some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even
marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the
climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield
obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted
varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be
grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most
frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government
agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo
practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and
features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions
How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant
To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and
interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that
they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in
this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were
linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and
UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is
important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and
others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of
change due to globalization and outside consumer influences
As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had
planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was
28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to
twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm
149
selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of
specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably
this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In
addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds
90
Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties
Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)
1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6
Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA
The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew
blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as
does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the
study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow
unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in
different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based
on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting
question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the
connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this
150
variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed
further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection
and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety
called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the
farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not
list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history
of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers
This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of
sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of
salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may
not completely explain its dominance
Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown
by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only
grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single
female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each
(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and
plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers
and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent
on a small number of farmers
To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown
by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-
student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The
151
average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old
the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old
The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-
op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and
female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers
with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and
thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on
the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who
participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to
their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages
although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups
The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of
these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of
farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university
farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in
the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of
Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although
the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more
extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the
student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not
grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the
university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university
farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller
152
number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance
of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one
with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age
differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including
flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity
maintenance
Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24
Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35
27
2018
16
54
2
Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Blanca de Juli
Kancolla
Chulpi
Choclito
14
8
9
11115
87653
Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Kancolla
Blanca
Coito
Blanca de Juli
Negra
153
With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the
average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average
number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as
gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229
varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older
farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this
measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened
degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions
between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to
the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed
by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos
data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-
op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the
students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further
discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however
does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are
growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties
Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown
Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)
Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265
To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions
among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35
co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table
154
4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group
growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more
co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one
group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding
the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity
maintenance
Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties
Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers
Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29
With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers
there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females
versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most
frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could
be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but
I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic
affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety
This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female
farmers that could be explored in the future
Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university
farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9
versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only
grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only
one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small
155
(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender
differences in agrodiversity maintenance
For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a
season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a
tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on
average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females
however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for
males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female
farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One
particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm
during a single season further discussed below
To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the
farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised
for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety
selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the
farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for
personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces
as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select
seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons
for seed selection to see if they still remained true
Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they
grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30
female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well
156
and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The
farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-
10)
Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection
Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses
Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15
While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given
reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local
environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were
1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)
2) frost resistance (10 responses) and
3) resists climate change (3 responses)
While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the
altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost
resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late
in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the
season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the
reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could
survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not
thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the
varying conditions of the harsh environment
157
The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is
consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)
Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions
including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example
Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are
adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold
temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and
thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason
consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh
altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive
drought cold and salt
The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield
accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18
responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4
responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more
grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to
each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does
not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being
twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in
size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These
findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and
provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an
important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to
158
have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the
farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow
While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on
their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not
the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases
leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew
201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not
have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more
adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara
The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a
total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were
1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)
2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and
3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)
The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in
variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as
blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term
amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white
quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this
trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten
responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows
more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers
159
The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the
availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some
purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some
farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual
seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a
realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the
seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability
which further inhibits their conservation
A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest
resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter
varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents
listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers
specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection
While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no
suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties
In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The
first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly
relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in
obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of
the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third
category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user
With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are
important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety
160
selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to
Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more
variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if
culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo
response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage
This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at
least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years
ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures
of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to
grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which
agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on
how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I
asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties
no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to
availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties
grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the
more obscure varieties
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices
Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety
selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources
and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has
been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al
161
(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean
farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with
neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)
found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties
consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge
(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study
For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties
need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes
where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds
Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds
Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the
prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of
seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed
selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires
knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for
seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further
described in the next section
Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage
Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100
162
While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in
this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that
they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA
(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project
(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that
the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they
collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers
collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other
considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm
As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency
is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments
has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived
from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of
the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production
including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA
representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not
surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains
collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from
using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices
providing them with the benefit of seed independence2
2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act
163
Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the
varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that
originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA
were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic
certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN
has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements
of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not
purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties
needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with
farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with
the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant
INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased
seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that
thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered
organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of
organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with
the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not
afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining
organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source
Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed
experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge
in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same
level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups
164
and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes
(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered
expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and
there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to
outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas
are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of
qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds
During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects
semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016
they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using
semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN
selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I
interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions
between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is
quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to
agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection
Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals
farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held
across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to
quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to
county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products
including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and
musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as
165
food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site
consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour
and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs
have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage
production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large
inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about
agrodiversity
In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future
crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but
seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-
saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the
same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available
however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA
however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of
commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection
the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have
seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds
likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially
due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to
shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the
readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other
varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of
existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an
166
important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be
conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by
semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of
agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor
The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity
maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-
use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic
diversity
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity
Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary
of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number
of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop
Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration
noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for
farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains
on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for
the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports
yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were
selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next
generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed
selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as
compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the
actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well
167
as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the
desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds
Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency
Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89
Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants
can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term
ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate
which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were
noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an
important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50
of the responses for selection
Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or
strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of
environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield
By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive
168
plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants
in the vicinity
Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed
selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the
plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a
frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer
evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future
seed selection
Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the
cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a
specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa
harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants
in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is
not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering
of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can
easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique
also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners
can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed
early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first
plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation
While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions
additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was
a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the
169
evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as
well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight
There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number
of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for
selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the
pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection
meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the
seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety
Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection
indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic
market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the
decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with
maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices
then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification
is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that
was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the
concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community
One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as
a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use
of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the
operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the
number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant
170
preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final
consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting
In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa
seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field
or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of
factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting
season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which
demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by
cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety
selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of
the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the
same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation
Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate
good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to
comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with
the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which
variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be
similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better
environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties
Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion
strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware
of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as
well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration
171
and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation
since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential
While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop
that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits
choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to
farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based
on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between
presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential
predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white
varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into
consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global
market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not
appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since
the variety name rarely appears on labels
As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety
distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence
agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the
culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use
there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-
white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in
the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated
benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the
most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity
172
maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety
distinctions
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection
Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the
distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in
Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la
Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated
gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender
distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often
more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence
agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of
crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn
(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men
demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)
With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the
eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the
exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed
exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-
community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection
Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select
seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos
emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and
cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection
can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch
173
molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al
2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender
aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight
into the nuances and complexities of this intersection
New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by
female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity
sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this
understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had
a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region
According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and
who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than
men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that
women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead
bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or
exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that
women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally
observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his
mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in
and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her
husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional
practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that
such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in
seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of
174
women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected
several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection
demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women
Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
A Female Semillista Example
Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the
community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often
well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of
COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well
known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with
specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a
number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa
varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a
child
Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved
in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by
management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the
population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming
175
She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has
grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and
was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr
Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica
who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide
information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name
but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties
Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them
on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa
varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in
this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field
(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I
have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her
life-long interest in quinoa diversity
Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
176
Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and
carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-
2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were
not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to
conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life
she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered
from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields
and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not
sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays
these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her
seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing
my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display
At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a
table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were
some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label
Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
177
The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below
bull Ajara inerto
bull Ajara negro
bull Blanca de Juli
bull Camacani
bull Cheweca
bull Chile
bull Choclo kancolla
bull Chucapaca
bull Chullpi Amarillo
bull Chullpi blanca
bull Chullpi roja
bull Cuchi willa
bull INIA Ilpa
bull INIA Salcedo
bull INIA Salcedo rosa
bull Kamire
bull Kancolla roja
bull Kancolla rosada
bull Koscosa
bull Marangani
bull Mesa quinoa
bull Mestiza
bull Negra collana I
bull Panela
bull Pasancalla plomo
bull Quinus misturas
bull Rosada junin
bull Rosada taraco
bull Sajama
bull Tahuaco
bull Vizallanino
Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred
INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She
uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She
always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather
Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows
178
the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds
requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is
implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting
crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in
risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional
ecological knowledge
I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she
was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was
familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the
plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her
depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been
identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red
and is also called misa quinoa
Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and
has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does
not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains
When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds
for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects
varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also
seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this
179
study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from
the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from
other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an
interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes
Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of
the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were
used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)
Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color
Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca
Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is
toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help
with pain
Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around
them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is
called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa
harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa
seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the
healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches
from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the
plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season
180
What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection
While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct
gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in
2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to
obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed
experts
An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling
good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as
farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make
arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is
rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly
pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large
and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall
to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa
Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra
Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he
decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this
organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic
certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected
to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa
for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they
purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was
still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he
received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his
181
involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price
While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate
in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until
he could get a better price
Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds
on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa
(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his
agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A
Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32
Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was
broad agrodiversity
This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male
and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)
appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male
crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men
highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional
female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further
study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa
production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding
varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of
agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa
products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further
articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance
182
These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or
indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men
and women
Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused
on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal
interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took
personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa
varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is
enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during
a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any
necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through
seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds
Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
183
Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species
the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This
research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa
variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from
published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian
184
altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional
quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the
importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study
also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also
experimenting with new quinoa varieties
The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the
need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of
quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common
characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological
zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional
categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is
commonly used
Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number
of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate
adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather
conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating
the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the
success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are
important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to
varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice
While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual
yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by
increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important
185
the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the
encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-
resistant varieties can influence yield
The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which
relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa
was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a
variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also
become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary
qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition
demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated
with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level
Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods
continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in
the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected
by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian
cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the
exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties
become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make
a difference in consumer-driven market demand
While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific
reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so
prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types
186
such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance
in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet
this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While
the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the
demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered
against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the
demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white
quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers
who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa
including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who
solely grew white quinoa
An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many
farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed
selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas
Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by
INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection
While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a
published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment
demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was
relatively high
Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who
serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance
187
While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on
yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are
important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender
differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to
agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices
There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of
quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited
number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing
the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus
quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties
may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers
41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these
41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period
were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not
growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of
current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory
of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the
establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a
starting point that can be further developed and studied
188
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa
farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa
market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a
degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow
more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of
planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a
crop due to climatic conditions or infestation
Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what
variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold
drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The
importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional
risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in
the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by
women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The
efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to
the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour
production
The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-
factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed
selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of
semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government
agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of
189
seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices
In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential
yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some
of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving
agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations
Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of
quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as
compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to
teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge
by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence
other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas
Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance
since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows
for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more
mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire
crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to
be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest
Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For
example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary
diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa
agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also
promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear
that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca
190
civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by
COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa
agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and
baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation
Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve
quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro
and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is
another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste
variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that
variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that
serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded
cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa
Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity
The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa
including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful
selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices
dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded
conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to
market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products
use different varieties based on their culinary properties
Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing
population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the
191
biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given
the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate
change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in
understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative
consequences
Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history
includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of
the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the
history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards
due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as
well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural
significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value
of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to
maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption
Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research
demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports
and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While
quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which
provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from
many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity
and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study
found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different
kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about
192
30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different
environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected
that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the
30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the
numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties
were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the
63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not
grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by
Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of
Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two
hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting
a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa
However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented
only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of
quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative
effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca
is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may
account for greater diversity results
There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be
maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both
maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different
varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red
black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional
193
scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the
consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian
efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary
schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes
that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics
Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also
conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different
types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can
boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation
into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive
different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety
diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather
and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be
discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or
governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a
consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection
Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance
is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of
quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market
entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for
the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored
quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global
quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the
194
unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market
hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the
colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique
nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the
market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded
agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline
While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties
to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white
quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors
is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with
red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a
market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white
quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving
global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open
and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market
The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the
results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet
only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of
varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the
Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences
already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects
found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after
Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication
195
date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already
altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my
study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety
grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before
this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on
farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs
The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed
selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had
already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a
silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can
provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa
conservation going forward
Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor
in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic
especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen
through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important
factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides
the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional
differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect
on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge
can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market
diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is
196
an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation
practices that can be rewarded by the market
In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and
medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity
conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in
traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect
of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and
domesticated varieties
The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in
understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor
the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated
and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies
The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in
understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many
different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of
organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings
Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-
species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties
and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the
varieties including morphological as well as cultural information
The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon
independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help
funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas
197
and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research
should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation
especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the
conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be
quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings
that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate
the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly
are doing more for conservation than many government programs
Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer
population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming
tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is
unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa
conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs
that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies
that can help improve quinoa production
Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production
and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men
controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women
are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there
appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact
with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of
many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done
in markets across time
198
There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and
how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean
people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the
complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter
these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe
it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species
that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing
popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa
agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who
personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade
199
APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES
NAME SOURCE
Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014
Achachino Mujica et al 201361
Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014
Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna
Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A
Ajara inerto Expert A
Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392
Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460
Amallado Farmer survey 2014
Amaltado Farmer survey 2014
Amargas Mujica et al 2013
Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)
Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013
Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90
Antawara real Mujica et al 201397
Atacama Mujica et al 201362
Atlas Jarvis et al 2017
Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361
Baer II Mujica et al 201362
Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014
Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015
Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014
Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A
Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A
Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169
Camiri Mujica et al 201369
Canchones Mujica et al 201362
Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014
Carina red Jarvis et al 2017
200
Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943
Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144
Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014
Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013
Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382
Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017
Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Chile Expert A
Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77
Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Choclo kancolla Expert A
Chola Hunziker 1943
Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A
Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A
Chullpi Amarillo Expert A
Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A
Chupica witulla Tapia 2014
Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477
Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection
Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014
Cochabamba Tapia 2014
AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu
Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014
ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943
Copacabana Tapia 2014
Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A
Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014
Cunaccota Tapia 2014
Dahue Hunziker 1943
Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014
ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361
Faro Mujica et al 201321 62
Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Granolada Farmer Survey 2014
Gris Hunziker 1943
Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna
Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
201
Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014
Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361
Huacataz Mujica et al 201361
Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013
Huallhas Mujica et al 201369
Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015
Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Huaranga Mujica et al 201361
Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361
Hueque Fuentes et al 2012
IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382
IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382
Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A
Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012
INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368
INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361
INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)
Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361
Islunga Mujica et al 201321
Jana Hunziker 1943
Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura
Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014
Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Jaru ckello Tapia 2014
Javi Fuentes et al 2012
Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943
Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014
Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014
Jujuy Mujica et al 201369
Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362
Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362
Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Juraj Farmer Survey 2014
Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A
KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Kancolla roja Expert A
Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A
Kcana ckello Tapia 2014
Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013
Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014
202
Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito
Koscosa Expert A
Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017
Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017
Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390
Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382
Lipena Mujica et al 201361
Lito Mujica et al 201321 62
Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014
Maniquena Mujica et al 201361
Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69
Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A
Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361
Mau Fuentes et al 2012
Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Millmi Hunziker 1943
MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Nameya ayara Tapia 201477
Namora Mujica et al 201361
Narino Mujica et al 201362
Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369
Negroa Farmer Survey 2014
Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A
Ollague Jarvis et al 2017
Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103
Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012
Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Pandela rosada INIA photo collection
Parakai Hunziker 1943
Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014
Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013
Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label
Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A
Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460
Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460
Phera Farmer Survey 2014
Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015
Plomao Farmer Survey 2014
Potosi Tapia 2014
Puc Fuentes et al 2012
Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78
203
Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382
Qillu ayara Tapia 201477
Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013
Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014
Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361
Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369
Regalona Jarvis et al 2017
Robura Mujica et al 201361
Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361
Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014
Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014
Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014
Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369
Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014
Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361
Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468
Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014
Samaranti Mujica et al 201361
Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Sayana Mujica et al 201361
Senora Mujica et al 201361 90
Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321
Tabacomi Tapia 201468
Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Toledo Mujica et al 201361
Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321
Tupiza Mujica et al 201321
Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97
Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90
Utusaya Mujica et al 201361
Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014
Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety
Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390
Wila ayara Tapia 201477
Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398
Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478
Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014
Yana quinua Hunziker 1943
204
Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382
Yujiura Tapia 201465
205
APPENDIX B
RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA
Races of the Altiplano
1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla
Races of Inter-Andean Valleys
Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)
Races of Junin
16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)
Races of Ancash
19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)
Races of Cajamarca
23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada
Source Tapia et al (2014)
206
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Apffel-Marglin Frederique 1998 The Spirit of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of
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Andrews Deborah 2012 Traditional Agriculture Biopiracy and Indigenous Rights In Proceedings of the
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Atran Scott 1999 Itzaj Maya Folkbiological Taxonomy Cognitive Universals and Cultural
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Aubrey Allison
2013 Your Love of Quinoa is Good News for Andean Farmers National Public Radio Online July 17 2013
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2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL
Bazile Didier Sven-Erik Jacobsen Alexis Verniau 2016 The Global Expansion of Quinoa Trends and Limits Front Plant Sci 7(622)1-6 Bazile D D Bertero C Nieto Eds 2014 State of the Art Report on Quinoa Around the World in 2013 FAO and CIRAD
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Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli Deepak Ohri 2006 Chenopodium quinoa - An Indian Perspective Industrial Crops and Products
2373-87 Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli S Rajan Deepak Ohri 2007 Genetic diversity for morphological and quality traits in quinoa (Chenopodium
quinoa Willd) germplasm Genetic Resources and Crop Evolution 54167-173 Bellemare Johanna Fajardo-Gonzalez Seth R Gitter
2016 Foods and Fads The Welfare Impacts of Rising Quinoa Prices in Peru Towson University Department of Economics Working Paper No 2016-06
Bernard H Russell 2011 Research Methods in Anthropology Plymouth UK AltaMira Press
Brondizio Eduardo S
2008 The Amazonian Caboclo and the Accedilai Palm Forest Farmers in the Global Market New York The New York Botanical Garden Press
Brown Norman L and E R Pariser 1975 Food Science in Developing Countries Science New Series Food Issue
188(4188)589-593 Bruno Maria Christina 2008 Waranq-Waranq Ethnobotanical Perspectives on Agricultural Intensification in
the Lake Titicaca Basin (Taraco Teninsula Bolivia) Dissertation Washington University
Brush Stephen B 2005 Biodiversity Biotechnology and the Legal Protection of Traditional Knowledge
Protecting Traditional Agricultural Knowledge 17 Wash U J L amp Poly 59
2004 Farmersrsquo Bounty Locating Crop Diversity in the Contemporary World Yale University Press New Haven Conn
1995 In Situ Conservation of Landraces in Centers of Crop Diversity Crop Science
35(2)346-354 Bubenheim David L and Greg Schlick 1993 Quinoa An Emerging ldquoNewrdquo Crop with Potential for CELSS NASA Technical
Paper No 3422
Buechler Hans C and Judith-Maria Buechler 1971 The Bolivian Aymara New York Holt Rinehart and Winston
208
Canahua Alipio 2012 Los Tipos de Quinuas en el Altiplano de Puno Proyecto Sipam FAO Puno
Peruacute Caacuterdenas Martin
1944 Descripcioacuten preliminar de las variedades de quinua chenopodium quinoa de Bolivia Revista Agricultura Cochabamba Bolivia 2(2) 13-26
Carter George F and Edgar Anderson 1945 A Preliminary Survey of Maize in the Southwestern United States Annals of the
Missouri Botanical Garden 32(3)297-322 Castillo Carmen del Thierry Winkel Gregory Mahy Jean-Philippe Bizoux
2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian Altiplano as revealed by RAPD Markers Genetic Resource Crop Evolution 54897-905
Chalmers Nigel and Christo Fabricius 2007 Expert and Generalist Local Knowledge about Land-cover Change on South
Africarsquos Wild Coast Can Local Ecological Knowledge Add Value to Science Ecology and Society 12(1)10
Cherfas Jeremy
2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016
Christensen SA DB Pratt C Pratt PT Nelson MR Stevens EN Jellen CE Coleman DJ Fairbanks A Bonifacio PJ Maughan 2007 Assessment of genetic diversity in the USDA and CIP-FAO international nursery
collections of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) using microsatellite markers Plant Genetic Resources Characterization and Utilization 5(2)82-95
Davis Anthony and John R Wagner 2003 Who Knows On the Importance of Identifying ldquoExpertsrdquo When Researching
Local Ecological Knowledge Human Ecology 31(3)463-489
Del Castillo Carmen and Thierry Winkel Gregory Mahy Jean-Philippe Bizoux 2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian
altiplano as revealed by RAPD markers Genet Resour Crop Evol 54897-905
De Wet JMJ and JR Harlan 1975 Weeds and Domesticates Evolution in the Man-Made Habitat Economic
Botany 2999-107
209
Dove Michael R 2011 The Banana Tree at the Gate A History of Marginal Peoples and Global
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Development Anthropology American Ethnologist 18(4)658-682 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 1999 Women ndash users preservers and managers of agrobiodiversity Rome
1996 Rome Declaration on World Food Security httpwwwfaoorgwfsindex_enhtm Accessed March 23 2017
2017 FAOSTAT database httpwwwfaoorgfaostatendataPP Accessed March
7 and 9 2017 1989 Utilization of tropical foods cereals FAO Food and Nutrition Paper 471 Rome Forbes David 1870 On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru Journal of the Ethnological Society
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Ford Richard I 1981 New Ideas About the Origin of Agriculture Based on 50 Years of Museum-
Curated Remains Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 345-356
Fuentes FF D Bazile A Bhargava EA Martinez 2012 Implications of farmersrsquo seed exchanges for on-farm conservation of quinoa as
revealed by its genetic diversity in Chile Journal of Agricultural Science 150702-716
Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium
(Chenopodiaceae) Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 62359-374 Gade Daniel W 1999 Nature and Culture in the Andes Madison The University of Wisconsin Press Gandarillas Humberto 1968 Razas de quinua Bolivia MACA Boletiacuten Experimental No 34 Instituto Boliviano
de Cultivos Andinos La Paz Bolivia
210
Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the
Present PhD dissertation Department of Anthropology Washington University in St Louis Missouri
Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis
2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497
Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J
1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169
Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology
28(3)372-395
Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated
Plants Summary Journal of Economic Botany 44(3)111-116
Hellin Jon and Sophie Higman 2005 Crop diversity and livelihood security in the Andes Development in Practice
15(2)165-174
Hudson Loraine 2015 Spend Matters Quinoa Prices Fall (Finally) Due to Increase in Production
httpspendmatterscom20150427quinoa-prices-fall-finally-due-to-rise-in-production Accessed April 17 2017
Hunziker Armando T 1952 Los pseudocereales de la Agricultura Indiacutegena de Ameacuterica ACMA AGENCY
Buenos Aires Argentina Isbell Billie Jean
1978 To Defend Ourselves Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village Waveland Press Prospect Heights Illinois
211
Jacobsen S-E 2011 The Situation for Quinoa and Its Production in Southern Bolivia From Economic
Success to Environmental Disaster Journal of Agronomy and Crop Science 390-399
Jacoby Hanan G 1992 Productivity of men and women in the sexual division of labor in peasant
agriculture of the Peruvian Sierra Journal of Development Economics 37265-287
Jameson William 1861 Journey from Quito to Cayambe Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of
London 31184-190 Jarvis David E Yung Shwen Ho Damien J Lightfoot Sandra M Schmoumlckel Bo Li Theo J A Borm Hajime Ohyanagi Katsuhiko Mineta Craig T Michell Noha Saber Najeh M Kharbatia Ryan R Rupper Aaron R Sharp Nadine Dally Berin A Boughton Yong H Woo Ge Gao Elio G W M Schijlen Xiujie Guo Afaque A Momin Soacutenia Negratildeo Salim Al-Babili Christoph Gehring Ute Roessner Christian Jung Kevin Murphy Stefan T Arold Takashi Gojobori C Gerard van der Linden Eibertus N van Loo Eric N Jellen Peter J Maughan and Mark Tester 2017 The genome of Chenopodium quinoa Nature 1-6
httpswwwnaturecomnaturejournalv542n7641fullnature21370html Accessed February 8 2017
Kawa Nicholas 2012 Magic Plants of Amazonia and Their Contribution to Agrobiodiversity Human
Organization 71(3)225-233
Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in
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576
Kobayashi Orion and Mariano Beillard 2016 Peru Quinoa Price Fluctuation Global Agricultural Information Network USDA
Global Agricultural Service July 6 2016 httpsgainfasusdagovRecent20GAIN20PublicationsPeru20Quinoa20Price20Fluctuation20_Lima_Peru_7-6-2016pdf Accessed March 7 2017
212
Langlie BrieAnna S Christine A Hastorf Maria C Bruno Marc Bermann Renee M Bonzani William Castellon Condarco 2011 Diversity in Andean Chenopodium Domestication Describing A New
Morphological Type from La Varca Bolicia 1300-1250 BC Journal of Ethnobiology 31(1)72-88
Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge
2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32
Ledesma Don Valentine and W Bollaert 1856 Outlines of the Geography of Peru Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of
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Massawe F S Mayes A Cheng 2016 Crop diversity an unexploited treasure trove for food security Trends in Plant
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Maughan P J BA Kalano J Maluszynska ND Coles A Bonifacio J Rojas CE Coleman MR Stevens DJ Fairbanks SE Parkinson EN Jellen 2006 Molecular and Cytological Characterization of ribosomal RNA genes in
Chenopodium quinoa and Chenopodium berlandieri Genome 49825-839
Mayer Enrique 2002 The Articulated Peasant Household Economies in the Andes Boulder Westview
Press Medin S and Scott Atran 1999 Folkbiology Cambridge MA The MIT Press
Medina W O Skurtys JM Aguilera 2010 Study on image analysis application for identification Quinoa seeds
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) geographical provenance LWT-Food Science and Technology 43238-246
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Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W
1985 Sweetness and Power New York Penguin Books Mintzer Miguel J 1933 Las Quinoas su cultivo en la Argentina su importancia como planta alimenticia
Boletin Mensual Ministerio Agricultura de la Nacion 34(1)59-77
Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes
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Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute
Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del
presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile
Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford
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Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of
Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc
Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of
Anthropology 25329-53
214
Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical
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Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article
Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93
Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany
Field Methods 17(3)1-16
Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick
Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture
Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate
(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87
Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of
Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846
Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y
Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru
Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)
Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101
215
Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)
and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189
Rivera Julio Valladolid 1998 Andean Peasant Agriculture Nurturing a Diversity of Life in the Chacra In Spirit
of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd
Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari
2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011
Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315
Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change
and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138
Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland
Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara
Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of
the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint
Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook
of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497
Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study
in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333
216
Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ
Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany
19(3)223-235
Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa
Renaissance Human Organization 74(1)86-99 2014 The Cooked is the Kept Factors Shaping the Maintenance of Agro-biodiversity in
the Andes Hum Ecol 42711-726 Smith Bruce 1992 Rivers of Change Washington DC Smithsonian Institution Press
1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First
Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico
Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)
httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)
Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon
51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y
Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de
las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe
Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio
2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC
Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization
217
Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos
No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65
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supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006
Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural
Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC
United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231
httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)
2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin
America and the Caribbean
2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and
Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region
Nd United Nations Observances International Years
Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547
218
Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)
and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of
Pennsylvania Press
Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site
in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley
Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)
Economic Botany 44(3)92-110
1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239
Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium
nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206
Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023
Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and
Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601
219
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a
Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of
Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after
taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well
as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of
Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme
Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In
2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th
Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has
been active in local and state issues
In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in
environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was
awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American
Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation
This dissertation is dedicated to my father Robert S Andrews Jr who sadly passed away in December 2015 shortly after my return from the last round of field work for this
research He taught me the value of education and encouraged me throughout my schooling from kindergarten to PhD and sacrificed the opportunity to obtain a PhD
himself to support his growing family Gone but not forgotten
4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne
Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my
sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of
my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise
advice
I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional
del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno
He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on
field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to
ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me
and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student
Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was
also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and
quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it
takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa
farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa
farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in
this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most
importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this
study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me
To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much
more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose
5
example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this
dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we
adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the
University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza
for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11
ABSTRACT 12
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 14
Research Question 14
Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29
2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36
The Fox and the Condor 38
What is Quinoa 39
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45
Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62
Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66
Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72
Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74
3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80
Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82
7
Harvesting 88
Quinoa Processing 93
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104
Pricing 107
4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172
A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180
5 CONCLUSION 188
APPENDIX
A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199
B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205
LIST OF REFERENCES 206
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219
8
LIST OF TABLES
Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61
4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132
4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138
4-3 Races of Quinoa 139
4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145
4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149
4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153
4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154
4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156
4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161
4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167
4-11 Quinoa Uses 179
9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47
2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58
2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59
2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63
2-5 Peske 65
2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67
2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68
2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73
2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74
3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89
3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90
3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91
3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92
3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92
3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95
3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96
3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99
3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107
3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108
3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109
3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109
3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110
10
4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132
4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152
4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152
4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174
4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175
4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176
4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182
4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183
4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183
11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa
COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NGO Non-governmental organization
UN United Nations
UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
US United States
12
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS
AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
Deborah J Andrews
August 2017
Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology
This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-
scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa
crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of
globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-
colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate
it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who
relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however
has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity
maintenance and increased risk to farmers
The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys
and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This
study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers
including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers
selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced
variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200
13
quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period
of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number
of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary
properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this
study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of
between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of
this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance
including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including
the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon
existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level
including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other
consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued
crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and
marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers
especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the
beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint
contributions to global food security
14
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Research Question
This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the
farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market
Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of
agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection
Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production
and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)
consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including
Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of
agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have
grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is
the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as
well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and
Helmreich 2010546)
In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish
colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the
question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of
market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained
global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to
losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards
monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the
15
dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial
market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least
color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global
market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity
Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on
dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional
benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food
source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for
thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional
small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-
species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in
light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study
This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about
the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets
have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural
practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to
quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the
popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa
specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on
very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon
many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of
varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the
difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored
16
below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This
study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been
maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano
While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity
this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity
maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need
to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity
practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the
biodiversity of quinoa
The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that
affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for
resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and
paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go
togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-
scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and
how they changed in response to market globalization
Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa
provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures
especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the
Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo
et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual
festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for
17
symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits
(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in
decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in
agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In
acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found
that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm
diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association
with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and
quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon
Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the
Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the
Andean people who had a deep history with the plant
Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)
The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-
blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including
quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and
people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food
18
Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people
and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo
where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated
varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo
associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the
Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous
Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world
Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong
association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and
the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity
thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side
Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived
colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency
The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can
contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a
decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now
primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good
way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In
contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the
crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment
coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an
important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long
term negative consequences
19
For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this
traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing
popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a
western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)
Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history
culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale
farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such
as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually
on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local
quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic
example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider
space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking
worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)
The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid
fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a
long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention
and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa
farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to
understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove
2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The
farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of
which lead directly to the global market
20
Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised
concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero
and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied
by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio
found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised
despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the
farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as
noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa
(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by
globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the
relationship between the two
While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the
Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done
by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)
Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls
larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the
remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a
collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The
social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity
(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity
focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important
factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops
were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which
21
emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in
the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into
the equation
Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social
organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)
Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the
question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and
there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call
for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)
Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out
consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of
crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets
The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity
consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a
polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and
various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market
through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular
color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead
to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes
Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers
and crop agrodiversity
Historic Overview
The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of
quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially
22
interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries
whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid
(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth
century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous
rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish
colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous
populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily
classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist
practices has transformed into a global commodity
Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the
Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan
past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the
bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial
classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies
ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and
quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity
for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a
multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as
well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of
discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due
to cultural beliefs
The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its
complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the
23
world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into
the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)
The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the
events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a
history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or
relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression
by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian
foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations
of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity
as a health food in the West
Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and
minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A
recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition
levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its
exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous
implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow
quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the
Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional
reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product
Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other
agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which
has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global
popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association
24
with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to
investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has
caused in the past
Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of
quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in
agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)
defines global food security as follows
Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life
This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security
through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also
inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to
reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local
farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss
Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices
Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on
participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study
describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern
changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance
The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of
Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)
as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie
et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru
(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in
25
the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange
location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa
agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I
obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a
long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several
extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place
during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with
the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I
traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana
Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero
I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)
and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these
100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale
vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field
researchers and relatives of two of the university professors
Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was
introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways
The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food
safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr
Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors
took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed
their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since
it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews
26
with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of
quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems
with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could
base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further
described in my research findings
Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in
Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research
station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this
field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this
field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I
took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on
a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and
surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these
participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts
The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience
sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of
Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a
representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an
outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city
for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set
of farmers
Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going
through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent
27
After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why
they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the
farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to
participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not
write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men
Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in
individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a
meeting
The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN
the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the
city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash
Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is
organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the
Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one
substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four
subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same
membership size and structure
The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining
COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people
getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the
future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important
issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings
they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change
28
At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for
processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes
threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in
large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and
removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further
described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and
global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote
factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts
that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market
presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a
website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global
market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local
farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the
members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their
harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in
Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study
A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I
personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-
structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student
volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and
record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to
the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and
29
met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal
informational and background interviews
As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a
variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the
local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two
agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition
regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather
data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten
Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government
official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa
agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of
the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication
which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or
comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4
Agrodiversity and Globalization
Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices
during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study
to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to
develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a
published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported
thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo
was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are
not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported
quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate
30
or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of
data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its
relationship to Andean farming culture
To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local
quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the
past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of
quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after
consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different
type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the
study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain
While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it
became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for
quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in
Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily
apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-
based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which
provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety
sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with
varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations
The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their
quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the
research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent
season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety
31
selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection
such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability
and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well
as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative
and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also
describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the
dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study
In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for
selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since
Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years
this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global
demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic
conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop
that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors
were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect
agrodiversity maintenance
External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity
maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well
as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of
Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for
the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced
large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the
external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts
32
Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect
agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for
quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than
using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus
quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end
product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred
color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-
grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market
pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a
few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other
characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in
Chapter 2
Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill
et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm
diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby
1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of
potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions
a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any
given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often
select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as
early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity
maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-
based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested
33
these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-
scale farmers
Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited
characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean
farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa
Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US
supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product
the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale
benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale
distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time
allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is
in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would
be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance
In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was
reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-
Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and
community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced
varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However
due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin
(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo
(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with
development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the
preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of
34
this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context
of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also
analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa
agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts
In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming
practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization
in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual
relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique
history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from
domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans
and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian
foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not
necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean
people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh
aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and
quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and
nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection
playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences
such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly
diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal
husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided
Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh
environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the
35
agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time
of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity
maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western
agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different
quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into
agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for
variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety
selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the
future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type
practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the
dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further
agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-
long partners ndash Andean farmers
36
CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People
This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the
present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a
long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-
plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little
known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market
expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it
associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa
its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the
nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the
natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has
had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate
about the present and future conservation practices
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the
world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated
plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to
cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and
ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity
(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity
The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants
is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera
37
1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of
biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant
diversity
Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for
continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human
behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of
plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or
enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms
(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the
latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to
reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase
survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed
development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith
1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer
seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a
thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an
archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions
cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus
seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in
domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated
versions and hence human intervention
The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of
traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed
38
independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most
important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of
domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants
which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with
the Americas (Rivera 1998)
Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including
potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes
(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity
than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known
agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent
notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium
pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or
love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al
2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the
excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time
high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be
found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans
and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific
discoveries about this plant
The Fox and the Condor
The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in
ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin
story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called
39
The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from
starving recounted below
The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The
condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch
anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox
sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a
ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The
others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back
to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox
says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the
earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the
food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha
and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods
ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it
is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as
described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival
This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of
the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand
the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue
living in the otherwise harsh environment
What is Quinoa
Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a
domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South
America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a
40
pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a
primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things
it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments
(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide
variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates
Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2
m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits
(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa
grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al
2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection
discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated
varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as
previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain
exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains
Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely
known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones
and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala
Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a
wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily
detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the
grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-
related characteristics beyond color
41
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species
The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and
communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)
ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this
point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)
Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about
natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs
and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and
understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-
going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as
quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans
Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The
Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which
are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the
Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with
Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change
regarding the scientific classification of quinoa
Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been
misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For
example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds
1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field
work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to
establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports
In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the
42
pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the
usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for
analysis
Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is
due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones
encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked
phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and
Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems
attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of
attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of
genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great
agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in
a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and
species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying
and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in
Chapter 4
Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant
that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single
pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic
complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity
Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250
species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and
new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently
43
was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass
crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum
is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is
spread across the globe
Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean
classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having
ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson
199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated
Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated
Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson
and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World
Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes
Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-
Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)
In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and
wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite
and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri
ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct
Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C
boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006
Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp
zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across
the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into
44
Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi
Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum
has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the
Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South
Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that
grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity
It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C
berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill
2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were
domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis
indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be
more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies
between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa
and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)
Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and
huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for
great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp
zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)
Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species
including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The
quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original
ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American
origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split
45
occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has
been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the
quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further
hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-
industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the
quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies
involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the
large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not
presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise
dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation
of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent
and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future
History of Quinoa in the Andes
Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years
Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as
15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the
archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa
plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an
important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)
Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on
them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and
Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca
Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth
of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa
46
Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its
current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical
association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has
vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily
available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of
quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The
relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic
fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent
(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to
imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran
19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the
concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have
been connected in time and space with the plant
Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes
and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations
over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and
potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the
harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into
European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and
potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world
Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact
(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or
mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca
47
above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce
fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of
harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and
so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama
holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in
Argentina
Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360
Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of
European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the
reverence for Pachamama
48
Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their
agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa
2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al
(2013) specifically listed magic
The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus
threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in
discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful
alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous
foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period
(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production
relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its
production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)
Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous
local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was
noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)
providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was
considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory
reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be
inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic
research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people
with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although
49
quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food
revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the
Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status
associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with
competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production
declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European
contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa
Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo
another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of
sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased
competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline
in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain
apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)
although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was
apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the
value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities
continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still
present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the
biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of
Andean agriculture and ecosystems
Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled
with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford
50
1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming
quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the
seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as
well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have
contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times
While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years
South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a
domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are
responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)
so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity
through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by
European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that
maintained traditional knowledge and practices
While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described
across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American
explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean
quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including
Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-
grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th
centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead
1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of
Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow
red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while
51
acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-
consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor
(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the
Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of
quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely
known
While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists
continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the
1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the
Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a
plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-
known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that
the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive
In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and
noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In
1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops
(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread
out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and
nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does
not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a
Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the
botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the
Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence
52
of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone
growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both
color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat
interchangeably
While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead
1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the
nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003
Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South
America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals
and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43
published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which
were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about
quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely
distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the
world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread
publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with
the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global
consumption
The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in
1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier
range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer
1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador
Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds
53
reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other
cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with
the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of
quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)
however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and
Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs
In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno
Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and
consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern
science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American
scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor
collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al
1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who
extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they
ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in
favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean
products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also
affected by this bias
Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global
market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional
value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a
high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with
processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal
54
process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the
Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos
Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the
border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national
quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main
producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also
cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is
also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world
In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later
acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned
organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)
The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book
in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of
Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including
the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean
people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded
Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the
ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people
through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented
that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing
its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo
(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with
both viewed together through a socio-economic lens
55
The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)
who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of
quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed
complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the
domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial
areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including
the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a
place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes
from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was
a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and
culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and
plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live
side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both
survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while
Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a
production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts
prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the
world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional
food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its
noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western
world
Resurgence of Quinoa
Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it
was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and
56
Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids
including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining
nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and
speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the
species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by
ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide
market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health
food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US
expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers
Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be
the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This
proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated
years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity
and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such
accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this
status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN
2011b)
Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
57
Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important
issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN
acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have
conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged
the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the
environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably
the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the
quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and
landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about
the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people
who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a
UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean
people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint
contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing
an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can
lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and
support of UN Millennium Goals
What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world
market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice
58
(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes
including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa
originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was
taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across
the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was
not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus
for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable
shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes
and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly
nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation
While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in
various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however
the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador
although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across
the world including the US and Canada
Source Bazile et al 2014
Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013
59
The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent
although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US
Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from
1900 to 2014
Source Bazile et al 2016
Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa
The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with
increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN
Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other
countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of
quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated
with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers
association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from
the 1980s to the present
60
Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export
more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow
quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa
exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington
Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved
in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods
Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker
Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company
to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa
include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California
Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows
and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and
Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and
there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large
multi-national industrial agriculture corporations
Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa
Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by
the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community
quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation
into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa
Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-
3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had
144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the
variety (Murphy et al 2016)
61
Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa
PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g
QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22
Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181
Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein
(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein
meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school
children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human
growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its
protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc
content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium
phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)
Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et
al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad
cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also
contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell
membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-
Carrasco et al 2003)
The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5
sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to
its high fiber content (UN 2011a)
62
In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total
dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN
2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of
time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit
and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)
Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These
two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders
caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various
properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo
Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as
wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of
quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa
is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being
touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to
cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al
2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today
Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the
global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the
farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa
which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship
How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa
Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal
consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization
has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section
63
describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products
are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of
the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily
consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual
cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between
traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more
traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within
species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with
agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link
Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary
focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and
leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also
consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is
commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive
and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy
Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews
2012
64
Food
As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is
consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have
different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although
there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties
In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain
recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for
different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used
for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et
al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans
have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which
underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on
culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and
farmer variety selection
Grain Products
The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently
consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part
quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice
although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The
grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske
which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for
the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared
like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed
65
Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of
chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and
sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure
prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that
quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka
celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from
quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru
beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony
A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing
combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which
are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and
convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer
product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in
villages or by farmers
66
Processed Quinoa
While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold
commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further
processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can
be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as
products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes
for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for
baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it
makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute
for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies
Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added
to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa
smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable
breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines
quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores
in the United States including pasta and baby food
In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the
length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the
winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important
step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need
to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer
layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is
exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different
stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most
67
quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional
rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case
Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The
traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using
an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a
child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind
stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this
childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants
agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they
can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of
modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who
makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to
make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant
in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption
Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image
credit Deborah Andrews 2014
68
Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from
rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora
is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa
dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips
Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial
purposes
Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
Medicine
While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa
plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine
The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)
Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation
relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN
2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever
69
urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss
of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness
anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in
addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is
traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments
Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional
medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional
medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not
normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter
however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to
broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used
for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research
on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)
providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent
scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price
since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and
studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes
(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has
antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and
antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have
medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or
therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity
70
Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In
the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high
altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from
the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The
stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as
compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and
scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties
with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity
Ritual Uses
Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in
Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs
and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as
birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from
their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close
relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal
2015)
As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)
Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral
ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most
well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology
Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour
preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and
celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan
Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa
71
The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they
use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to
their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make
figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other
symbols
One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant
Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa
jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration
for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig
blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly
and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production
Consumer Products
Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and
coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer
products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture
of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa
(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before
consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the
plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil
shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red
quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye
72
Animal Forage
The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are
used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals
however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in
Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be
marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does
not grow well
During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development
projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain
waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the
ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens
were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while
I observed farming demonstrations
One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to
become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the
introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would
be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high
elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10
chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than
commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped
into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental
conditions
73
Fuel
The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is
available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and
oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root
foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-
8)
A B
C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa
stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015
74
There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition
to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other
consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array
of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but
which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and
non-traditional
Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017
Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa
Negative Local Health Effects
One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the
indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the
concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase
75
may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-
nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market
demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa
tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher
than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter
3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not
proceeded without social debate
Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market
expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use
of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using
them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on
non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect
on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also
reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated
ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted
for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental
and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand
for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary
changes
The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to
global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too
expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an
article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the
76
fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)
In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the
argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that
quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey
2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the
high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the
loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is
continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since
there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor
diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa
consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)
Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that
consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands
The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems
well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not
the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been
occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a
prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food
source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the
increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of
preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A
common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time
77
that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw
grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes
While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into
Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of
ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino
a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to
the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the
farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue
of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects
vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price
While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent
analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while
quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004
quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period
from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which
Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the
diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly
concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in
household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger
increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the
quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the
price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be
determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers
78
The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by
Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates
including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and
the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced
crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of
poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science
confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source
Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the
20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim
Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace
in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy
restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness
of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used
quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)
Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the
world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a
change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to
science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional
knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past
denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing
conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study
of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics
As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested
79
notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)
Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean
identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The
globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by
Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-
driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as
scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches
While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the
question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its
survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate
In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its
usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage
uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not
worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status
and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to
world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are
often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its
history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and
preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the
Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced
knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either
the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will
explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market
80
CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND
WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME
This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the
market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers
go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale
there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern
changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that
the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the
agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa
farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the
traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of
quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that
have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how
these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
Diversification and the Environment
Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of
ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this
extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes
Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be
grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can
grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato
As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most
important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of
quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000
81
meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there
can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In
some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen
2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little
organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)
Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and
varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just
as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean
environment quinoa has too
In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the
agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most
Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms
can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small
farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder
farms in the altiplano
Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly
diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop
(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme
climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the
same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under
various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will
thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a
traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices
82
due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems
for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of
quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-
zone
What are the Current Farming Practices
Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing
shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen
2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included
the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers
first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a
tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent
one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor
and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting
In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported
in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)
These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing
practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance
(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil
moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study
has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers
(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with
looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a
cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized
tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of
83
any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for
the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist
with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms
having no adult men present
In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging
areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands
have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as
the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can
lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include
environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion
and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the
productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe
or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to
irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip
with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the
altiplano if they have not done so already
Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and
also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers
let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a
current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the
soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other
crops of choice that grows in the altiplano
84
Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with
maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without
interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys
quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes
(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as
2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco
region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow
well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field
crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation
Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot
afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before
planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This
usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil
before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough
fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop
The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a
source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on
the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer
which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm
Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale
and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather
condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting
Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the
85
landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower
which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean
farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant
their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated
to cultural practice
In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa
planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop
Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing
season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first
blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for
the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for
sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of
the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of
September
With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN
2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period
Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the
altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation
the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by
hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual
maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same
field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties
planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully
86
select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that
mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the
traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage
of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same
time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be
harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same
variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening
and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be
planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and
traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of
quinoa
There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the
focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with
a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially
since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was
especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers
However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a
better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the
region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete
ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as
drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place
and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can
reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other
87
regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with
quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with
the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would
make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown
without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more
resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters
allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al
2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-
resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano
Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with
mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one
of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on
the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include
insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are
used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural
practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests
With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due
to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa
such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are
more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa
because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties
including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss
due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating
88
the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due
to pests
Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which
is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can
be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those
locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues
experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of
irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa
harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due
to the onset of cold
The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in
agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a
risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting
more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows
for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the
season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized
harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing
additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity
practices
Harvesting
Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry
After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This
delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is
a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed
89
during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the
exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora
The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held
sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that
added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that
some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout
the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the
same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is
cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry
The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack
hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to
expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other
available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop
(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice
that is not always followed
Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
90
Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on
weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage
of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers
rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the
stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates
the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed
much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to
separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that
the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the
mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product
Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12
people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying
and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the
farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10
for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative
to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be
difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor
Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from
the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
91
The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further
remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional
processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle
This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining
shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile
with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the
panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)
Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The
remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer
stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is
also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although
they can digest the green stalks
The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of
stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure
3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of
92
available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further
remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is
poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris
away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant
altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting
Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
93
Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of
removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this
process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the
birds so that they would not cry
Quinoa Processing
Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are
also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins
are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al
2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the
pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process
(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN
2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that
Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin
removal prior to eating
Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin
removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had
the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously
rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in
saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create
complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water
needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand
pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with
water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN
saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can
94
also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities
for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers
store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale
In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming
techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The
fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued
agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized
harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different
varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand
harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties
can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation
since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An
emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop
at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield
The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root
systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation
also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and
higher humidity
Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms
with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm
animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production
Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their
products on the market discussed in the next section
95
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market
Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next
step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their
product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their
products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers
at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa
on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section
discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market
expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market
access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for
networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes
Farmersrsquo Markets
Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of
Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most
vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground
For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped
out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale
Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
96
Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and
flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed
form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered
form (Figure 3-7)
Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as
commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and
commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for
the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the
vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it
Farmersrsquo Cooperatives
Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join
a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As
noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves
the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market
COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru
97
Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables
them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both
The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health
foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos
empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of
the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I
have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the
representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is
still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting
with outside contacts
COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to
selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed
to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their
education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the
seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4
men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds
The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4
COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an
organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN
formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social
network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014
they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought
their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they
98
purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified
that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It
would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the
people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new
practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This
discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in
another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not
necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth
which will be discussed in the section on price
COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their
harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national
and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well
as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized
market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market
The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the
farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and
the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and
thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory
has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional
drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on
black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for
drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is
gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last
99
steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of
the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)
Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by
the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but
also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was
limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to
foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of
its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in
foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN
seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available
purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in
a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would
be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople
COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each
farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each
100
farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally
consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received
wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired
internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the
farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on
purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day
was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa
on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than
percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped
dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa
grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa
pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing
In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high
demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to
the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with
other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners
of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it
appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for
intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or
end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors
selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their
inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many
distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially
101
maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their
inventory and maintain cash flow
Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition
from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which
almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers
could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price
increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more
quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in
2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year
and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was
restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of
production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent
changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers
and would be an interesting point for further study in the future
While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the
farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter
the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection
between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and
non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the
market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number
of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending
on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a
number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in
102
the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo
markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where
orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the
national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements
to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are
involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the
quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain
The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller
international sales of quinoa flour and flakes
Future Market Expansion
Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales
COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted
above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white
quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market
infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products
Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential
to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation
On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a
meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products
from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food
research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr
Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he
had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products
103
One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic
cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing
salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a
folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger
than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which
they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea
Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed
around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I
thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some
experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due
to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick
lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the
packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared
tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high
nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa
While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what
other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close
to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining
ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat
consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial
market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that
would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved
forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture
104
would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon
return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food
products available in local grocery stores
Agricultural Fairs
Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market
contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and
provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is
informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is
held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in
the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United
States
The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not
notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the
fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place
throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able
to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to
be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate
different ways to consume it
There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products
Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were
displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display
included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were
prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies
105
were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items
included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative
One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice
cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it
out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was
subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair
a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice
cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then
realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the
honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice
cream could be a hit in the United States
The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the
finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the
individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths
had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One
display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was
red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the
potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and
purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same
as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant
activity
One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending
quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an
106
ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to
the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my
hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass
given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise
downed the whole glass
Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking
demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake
Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep
fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I
said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr
Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and
popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise
Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather
and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are
a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for
quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be
a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to
maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of
quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance
since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values
107
Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015
Pricing
Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market
that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream
grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase
production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa
occurred in Peru as well as in other countries
Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising
three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)
Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled
(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price
dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global
market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001
to 2014
108
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014
While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data
Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike
in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production
volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos
annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus
taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than
doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold
production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru
in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the
subsequent drop in price
Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity
and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth
in Figure 3-11
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Vo
lum
e in
Met
ric
ton
s
Year
QUINOA PRODUCTION
Peru Bolivia
109
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003
According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of
sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A
similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)
Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno
Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06
20
07
20
08
20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
20
14
US
Do
llars
pe
r to
n
Peru Quinoa Producer Prices
Value
0
05
1
15
2
25
3
35
4
45
Sole
s p
er
kilo
gram
Years
Puno Producer Prices
110
As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went
down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a
dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other
countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly
supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to
grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa
production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)
Source Hudson 2015
Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop
The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to
August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the
period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In
2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently
13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people
were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from
111
the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the
reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and
mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I
returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015
Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back
down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these
price changes have had on quinoa producers
I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I
had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said
that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer
However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to
increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other
segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN
Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase
practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were
delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the
global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned
cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial
sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six
months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their
farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized
vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and
transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and
112
as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN
however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all
of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any
given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-
week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa
Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa
on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members
and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that
they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from
whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others
than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its
own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers
who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative
became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN
Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as
demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very
skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was
in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-
members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new
practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this
development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot
report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local
market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during
113
its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were
previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially
in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues
primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the
demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a
period of time
The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided
insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had
stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and
delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were
indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research
reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the
increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi
and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited
other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including
areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a
shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a
number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional
grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on
the market was not a consideration during the boom times
While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the
color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN
management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in
114
2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal
value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa
which is red white and black
The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the
COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white
quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per
arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained
agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things
occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped
substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white
quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance
practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers
who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame
While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears
that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not
dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the
period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black
quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have
predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be
published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the
consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported
health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific
1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos
115
studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all
reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the
quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus
on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are
usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and
both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa
nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)
however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial
production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other
considerations such as biodiversity maintenance
Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies
range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to
memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The
traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to
the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation
times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines
allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it
relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is
reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of
climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of
pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for
sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a
market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be
116
consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction
to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the
partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with
an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem
and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides
are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons
to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop
success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer
demands
It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take
into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not
distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015
however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the
lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30
more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well
as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price
drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects
that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur
in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-
based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found
demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level
There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers
In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by
117
competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have
different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food
to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While
the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten
years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-
scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the
addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global
market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next
chapter
118
CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING
A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and
agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of
the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study
period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in
selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter
also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related
to these subjects
Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is
essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate
change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human
selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the
desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental
stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that
farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a
variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al
2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the
creation and maintenance of an array of varieties
Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by
maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of
colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food
119
product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be
fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through
domination of market-driven desired product characteristics
While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global
market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)
and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet
and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important
characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the
market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product
that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which
took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for
sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same
colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as
larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices
however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color
while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing
the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in
collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can
also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an
array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product
identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors
efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance
120
While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is
not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some
people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red
quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of
quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about
the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names
to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the
plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural
salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and
this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the
Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-
embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the
variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain
size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself
necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the
specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use
accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a
link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge
relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers
Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a
domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human
selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics
located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among
121
and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity
can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of
seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of
thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting
improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)
Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa
species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by
ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural
selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside
domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa
plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While
many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-
seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis
has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et
al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such
varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the
wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore
contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus
nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo
practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant
With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding
a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the
Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and
122
wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same
time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and
domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian
species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of
the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean
varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even
within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human
selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The
continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of
the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the
agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding
varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate
change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on
sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is
already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus
continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa
that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of
agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species
To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species
quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes
favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not
123
account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the
observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety
of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important
cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to
both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural
and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity
especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple
threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)
states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires
concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the
Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other
humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa
helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified
Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture
local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno
The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make
annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to
the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes
are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences
As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since
the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason
they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not
derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional
124
culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has
a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk
classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up
and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research
discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a
gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the
farmers
While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical
and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are
other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of
scientific classificatory schemes is that
Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)
In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human
element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on
morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of
external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective
on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered
people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the
economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the
spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the
local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has
125
affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient
features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture
The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis
and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains
are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as
belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains
determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-
biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can
provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together
based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk
taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute
to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification
When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa
market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After
all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species
What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were
hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps
thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous
times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published
research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this
information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork
that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I
had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals
126
and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a
Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located
While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report
(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure
does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species
that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a
species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a
comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent
of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction
plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species
including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity
exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper
Farmersrsquo Knowledge
Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector
I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe
logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names
that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the
people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and
experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)
ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also
the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical
knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well
as cultural adaptations and changes
127
To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of
quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers
(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa
varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students
from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered
quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a
total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that
the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or
used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from
the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and
demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also
conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the
participants
During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify
different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often
used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same
species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics
that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a
variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name
The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties
1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable
128
express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select
seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant
This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that
they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable
characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and
organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different
scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species
level
Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash
farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify
quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus
the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to
humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson
noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive
mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus
the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated
with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to
identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the
names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological
classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called
peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and
people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with
129
classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in
some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature
In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a
commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem
with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa
without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the
research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms
especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was
after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific
classification systems arose
Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa
names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications
Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the
accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other
identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the
sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and
included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207
names of varieties some going back over 70 years
Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as
easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made
about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there
was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic
pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and
130
put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the
various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping
I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one
farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which
he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names
which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given
different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a
different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the
State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)
In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate
overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed
this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local
farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and
Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus
for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in
Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the
purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific
varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the
farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in
the scientific literature that I reviewed
Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr
Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is
131
an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the
scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I
removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods
and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying
chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in
ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity
parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus
while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa
demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)
talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the
scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I
have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and
revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness
In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office
in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples
of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13
varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)
The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than
noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able
to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of
gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in
finding names in places outside of publications
132
Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012
Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru
Rank Variety
1 Amarilla Marangani
2 Blanca de Juli
3 Kancolla
4 Blanca de Junin
5 Hualhuas
6 Huancayo
7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano
8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca
9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana
10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla
11 Illpa INIA
12 Salcedo INIA
13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013
As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names
to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most
comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my
collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with
133
the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different
quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they
were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a
list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book
to extract the names
Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)
referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did
not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like
Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In
compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other
researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014
Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the
altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from
Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties
After reviewing published academic research governmental documents
consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a
comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the
farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37
that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but
three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished
names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara
language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive
environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific
134
knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-
laden environment
The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the
evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I
encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa
names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be
comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially
since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes
differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the
quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the
two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern
variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting
point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such
as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional
absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than
accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to
farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to
provide consistency
As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the
use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination
was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the
field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard
135
to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the
biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)
Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is
contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first
used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather
populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria
such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)
says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological
characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)
definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows
Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)
Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on
historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes
are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has
not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the
association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term
ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not
when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace
acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these
136
varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the
term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or
if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way
the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into
accepted categories is not a simple task
Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and
have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of
quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations
Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species
(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa
types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not
synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the
same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage
While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different
varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working
domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a
grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species
as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related
varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several
varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race
While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the
species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification
system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large
137
number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of
quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct
groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)
Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic
distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification
category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems
While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg
Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently
Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and
have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and
Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)
The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between
species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete
varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic
organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the
names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are
used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla
pasankalla and roja among others
Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-
groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca
Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since
they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on
differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the
138
individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and
cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly
anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates
the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking
plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city
names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers
who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired
morphological characteristics
In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with
subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)
Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name
White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla
quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla
Source Tapia et al (2014)
Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my
research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years
covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity
pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90
farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps
an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which
could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting
question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline
was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties
139
(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can
be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof
to social networks including formal organizations
With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I
have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use
One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten
which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten
and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I
studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further
described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial
sale
In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)
Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified
primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for
each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race
Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples
1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa
Source Mujica et al 2013
These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al
(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-
140
Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with
altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al
(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-
Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al
(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not
include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while
these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification
scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually
overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize
classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a
consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification
system
In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the
wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of
species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument
yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild
relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other
domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the
race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara
acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two
types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also
have domesticated characteristics
141
Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know
and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except
for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish
conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to
group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to
provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its
usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a
particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further
organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a
wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa
While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa
it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end
products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the
grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that
can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market
with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a
much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the
farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names
including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow
(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al
(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications
of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In
addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent
142
and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of
color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not
identifying a specific variety
In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a
specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color
form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten
identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern
Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety
Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different
fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana
(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples
rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana
either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of
the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name
such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla
rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types
into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both
strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and
variety that passes on color-based information about the variety
Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain
color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package
For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly
distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the
143
intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained
any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences
Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-
driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to
knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package
that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled
ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety
for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely
distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information
may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of
diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of
the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to
base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to
demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity
preservation
The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of
knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the
possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other
quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and
collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide
ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also
reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This
research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano
144
farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of
quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names
Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are
needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of
classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment
of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be
conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection
based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional
information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary
properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa
variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety
knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research
may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield
While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and
which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are
associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)
sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the
product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural
connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still
wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful
especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to
maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate
transportation marketing and other costs
145
To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried
out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of
several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of
quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative
purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was
used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned
the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic
The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same
amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest
panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the
grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all
extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table
4-4)
Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos
Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900
Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by
the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a
plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent
of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests
146
While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an
experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans
placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The
researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even
though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response
however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the
earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on
my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers
loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was
visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that
had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I
observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating
some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews
where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that
attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a
factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the
global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation
Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead
yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers
made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in
the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about
the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo
characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest
147
infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past
information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align
In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties
based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment
choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the
highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this
variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi
which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year
Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for
the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both
of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et
al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with
kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla
is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo
INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences
farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most
frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed
ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not
planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties
most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not
necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this
experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-
hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be
148
some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even
marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the
climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield
obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted
varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be
grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most
frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government
agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo
practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and
features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions
How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant
To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and
interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that
they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in
this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were
linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and
UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is
important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and
others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of
change due to globalization and outside consumer influences
As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had
planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was
28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to
twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm
149
selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of
specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably
this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In
addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds
90
Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties
Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)
1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6
Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA
The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew
blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as
does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the
study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow
unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in
different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based
on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting
question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the
connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this
150
variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed
further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection
and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety
called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the
farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not
list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history
of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers
This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of
sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of
salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may
not completely explain its dominance
Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown
by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only
grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single
female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each
(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and
plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers
and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent
on a small number of farmers
To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown
by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-
student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The
151
average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old
the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old
The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-
op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and
female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers
with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and
thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on
the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who
participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to
their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages
although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups
The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of
these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of
farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university
farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in
the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of
Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although
the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more
extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the
student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not
grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the
university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university
farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller
152
number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance
of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one
with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age
differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including
flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity
maintenance
Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24
Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35
27
2018
16
54
2
Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Blanca de Juli
Kancolla
Chulpi
Choclito
14
8
9
11115
87653
Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Kancolla
Blanca
Coito
Blanca de Juli
Negra
153
With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the
average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average
number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as
gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229
varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older
farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this
measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened
degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions
between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to
the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed
by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos
data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-
op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the
students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further
discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however
does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are
growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties
Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown
Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)
Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265
To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions
among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35
co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table
154
4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group
growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more
co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one
group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding
the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity
maintenance
Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties
Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers
Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29
With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers
there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females
versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most
frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could
be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but
I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic
affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety
This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female
farmers that could be explored in the future
Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university
farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9
versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only
grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only
one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small
155
(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender
differences in agrodiversity maintenance
For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a
season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a
tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on
average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females
however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for
males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female
farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One
particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm
during a single season further discussed below
To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the
farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised
for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety
selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the
farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for
personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces
as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select
seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons
for seed selection to see if they still remained true
Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they
grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30
female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well
156
and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The
farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-
10)
Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection
Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses
Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15
While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given
reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local
environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were
1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)
2) frost resistance (10 responses) and
3) resists climate change (3 responses)
While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the
altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost
resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late
in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the
season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the
reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could
survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not
thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the
varying conditions of the harsh environment
157
The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is
consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)
Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions
including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example
Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are
adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold
temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and
thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason
consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh
altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive
drought cold and salt
The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield
accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18
responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4
responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more
grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to
each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does
not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being
twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in
size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These
findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and
provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an
important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to
158
have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the
farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow
While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on
their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not
the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases
leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew
201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not
have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more
adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara
The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a
total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were
1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)
2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and
3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)
The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in
variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as
blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term
amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white
quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this
trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten
responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows
more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers
159
The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the
availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some
purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some
farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual
seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a
realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the
seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability
which further inhibits their conservation
A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest
resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter
varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents
listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers
specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection
While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no
suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties
In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The
first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly
relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in
obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of
the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third
category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user
With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are
important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety
160
selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to
Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more
variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if
culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo
response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage
This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at
least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years
ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures
of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to
grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which
agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on
how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I
asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties
no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to
availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties
grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the
more obscure varieties
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices
Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety
selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources
and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has
been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al
161
(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean
farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with
neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)
found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties
consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge
(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study
For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties
need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes
where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds
Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds
Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the
prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of
seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed
selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires
knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for
seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further
described in the next section
Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage
Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100
162
While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in
this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that
they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA
(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project
(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that
the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they
collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers
collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other
considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm
As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency
is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments
has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived
from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of
the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production
including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA
representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not
surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains
collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from
using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices
providing them with the benefit of seed independence2
2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act
163
Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the
varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that
originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA
were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic
certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN
has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements
of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not
purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties
needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with
farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with
the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant
INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased
seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that
thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered
organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of
organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with
the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not
afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining
organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source
Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed
experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge
in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same
level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups
164
and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes
(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered
expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and
there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to
outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas
are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of
qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds
During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects
semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016
they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using
semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN
selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I
interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions
between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is
quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to
agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection
Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals
farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held
across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to
quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to
county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products
including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and
musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as
165
food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site
consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour
and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs
have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage
production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large
inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about
agrodiversity
In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future
crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but
seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-
saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the
same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available
however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA
however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of
commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection
the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have
seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds
likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially
due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to
shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the
readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other
varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of
existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an
166
important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be
conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by
semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of
agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor
The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity
maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-
use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic
diversity
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity
Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary
of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number
of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop
Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration
noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for
farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains
on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for
the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports
yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were
selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next
generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed
selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as
compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the
actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well
167
as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the
desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds
Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency
Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89
Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants
can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term
ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate
which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were
noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an
important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50
of the responses for selection
Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or
strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of
environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield
By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive
168
plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants
in the vicinity
Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed
selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the
plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a
frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer
evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future
seed selection
Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the
cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a
specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa
harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants
in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is
not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering
of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can
easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique
also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners
can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed
early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first
plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation
While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions
additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was
a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the
169
evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as
well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight
There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number
of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for
selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the
pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection
meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the
seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety
Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection
indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic
market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the
decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with
maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices
then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification
is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that
was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the
concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community
One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as
a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use
of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the
operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the
number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant
170
preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final
consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting
In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa
seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field
or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of
factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting
season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which
demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by
cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety
selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of
the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the
same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation
Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate
good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to
comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with
the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which
variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be
similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better
environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties
Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion
strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware
of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as
well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration
171
and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation
since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential
While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop
that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits
choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to
farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based
on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between
presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential
predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white
varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into
consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global
market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not
appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since
the variety name rarely appears on labels
As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety
distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence
agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the
culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use
there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-
white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in
the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated
benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the
most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity
172
maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety
distinctions
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection
Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the
distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in
Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la
Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated
gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender
distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often
more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence
agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of
crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn
(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men
demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)
With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the
eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the
exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed
exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-
community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection
Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select
seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos
emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and
cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection
can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch
173
molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al
2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender
aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight
into the nuances and complexities of this intersection
New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by
female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity
sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this
understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had
a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region
According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and
who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than
men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that
women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead
bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or
exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that
women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally
observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his
mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in
and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her
husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional
practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that
such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in
seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of
174
women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected
several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection
demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women
Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
A Female Semillista Example
Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the
community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often
well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of
COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well
known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with
specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a
number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa
varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a
child
Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved
in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by
management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the
population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming
175
She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has
grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and
was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr
Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica
who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide
information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name
but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties
Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them
on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa
varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in
this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field
(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I
have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her
life-long interest in quinoa diversity
Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
176
Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and
carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-
2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were
not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to
conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life
she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered
from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields
and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not
sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays
these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her
seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing
my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display
At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a
table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were
some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label
Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
177
The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below
bull Ajara inerto
bull Ajara negro
bull Blanca de Juli
bull Camacani
bull Cheweca
bull Chile
bull Choclo kancolla
bull Chucapaca
bull Chullpi Amarillo
bull Chullpi blanca
bull Chullpi roja
bull Cuchi willa
bull INIA Ilpa
bull INIA Salcedo
bull INIA Salcedo rosa
bull Kamire
bull Kancolla roja
bull Kancolla rosada
bull Koscosa
bull Marangani
bull Mesa quinoa
bull Mestiza
bull Negra collana I
bull Panela
bull Pasancalla plomo
bull Quinus misturas
bull Rosada junin
bull Rosada taraco
bull Sajama
bull Tahuaco
bull Vizallanino
Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred
INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She
uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She
always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather
Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows
178
the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds
requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is
implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting
crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in
risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional
ecological knowledge
I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she
was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was
familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the
plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her
depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been
identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red
and is also called misa quinoa
Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and
has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does
not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains
When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds
for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects
varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also
seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this
179
study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from
the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from
other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an
interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes
Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of
the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were
used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)
Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color
Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca
Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is
toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help
with pain
Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around
them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is
called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa
harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa
seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the
healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches
from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the
plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season
180
What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection
While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct
gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in
2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to
obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed
experts
An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling
good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as
farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make
arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is
rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly
pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large
and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall
to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa
Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra
Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he
decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this
organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic
certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected
to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa
for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they
purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was
still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he
received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his
181
involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price
While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate
in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until
he could get a better price
Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds
on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa
(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his
agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A
Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32
Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was
broad agrodiversity
This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male
and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)
appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male
crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men
highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional
female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further
study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa
production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding
varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of
agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa
products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further
articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance
182
These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or
indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men
and women
Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused
on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal
interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took
personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa
varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is
enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during
a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any
necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through
seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds
Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
183
Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species
the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This
research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa
variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from
published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian
184
altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional
quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the
importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study
also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also
experimenting with new quinoa varieties
The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the
need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of
quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common
characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological
zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional
categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is
commonly used
Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number
of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate
adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather
conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating
the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the
success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are
important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to
varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice
While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual
yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by
increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important
185
the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the
encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-
resistant varieties can influence yield
The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which
relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa
was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a
variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also
become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary
qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition
demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated
with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level
Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods
continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in
the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected
by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian
cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the
exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties
become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make
a difference in consumer-driven market demand
While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific
reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so
prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types
186
such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance
in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet
this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While
the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the
demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered
against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the
demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white
quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers
who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa
including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who
solely grew white quinoa
An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many
farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed
selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas
Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by
INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection
While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a
published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment
demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was
relatively high
Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who
serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance
187
While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on
yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are
important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender
differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to
agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices
There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of
quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited
number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing
the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus
quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties
may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers
41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these
41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period
were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not
growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of
current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory
of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the
establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a
starting point that can be further developed and studied
188
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa
farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa
market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a
degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow
more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of
planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a
crop due to climatic conditions or infestation
Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what
variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold
drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The
importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional
risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in
the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by
women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The
efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to
the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour
production
The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-
factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed
selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of
semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government
agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of
189
seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices
In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential
yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some
of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving
agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations
Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of
quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as
compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to
teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge
by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence
other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas
Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance
since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows
for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more
mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire
crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to
be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest
Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For
example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary
diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa
agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also
promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear
that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca
190
civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by
COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa
agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and
baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation
Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve
quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro
and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is
another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste
variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that
variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that
serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded
cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa
Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity
The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa
including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful
selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices
dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded
conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to
market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products
use different varieties based on their culinary properties
Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing
population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the
191
biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given
the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate
change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in
understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative
consequences
Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history
includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of
the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the
history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards
due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as
well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural
significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value
of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to
maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption
Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research
demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports
and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While
quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which
provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from
many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity
and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study
found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different
kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about
192
30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different
environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected
that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the
30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the
numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties
were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the
63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not
grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by
Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of
Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two
hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting
a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa
However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented
only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of
quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative
effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca
is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may
account for greater diversity results
There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be
maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both
maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different
varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red
black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional
193
scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the
consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian
efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary
schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes
that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics
Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also
conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different
types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can
boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation
into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive
different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety
diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather
and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be
discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or
governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a
consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection
Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance
is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of
quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market
entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for
the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored
quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global
quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the
194
unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market
hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the
colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique
nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the
market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded
agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline
While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties
to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white
quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors
is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with
red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a
market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white
quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving
global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open
and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market
The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the
results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet
only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of
varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the
Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences
already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects
found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after
Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication
195
date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already
altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my
study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety
grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before
this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on
farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs
The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed
selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had
already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a
silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can
provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa
conservation going forward
Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor
in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic
especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen
through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important
factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides
the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional
differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect
on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge
can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market
diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is
196
an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation
practices that can be rewarded by the market
In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and
medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity
conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in
traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect
of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and
domesticated varieties
The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in
understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor
the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated
and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies
The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in
understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many
different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of
organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings
Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-
species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties
and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the
varieties including morphological as well as cultural information
The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon
independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help
funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas
197
and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research
should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation
especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the
conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be
quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings
that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate
the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly
are doing more for conservation than many government programs
Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer
population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming
tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is
unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa
conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs
that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies
that can help improve quinoa production
Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production
and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men
controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women
are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there
appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact
with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of
many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done
in markets across time
198
There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and
how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean
people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the
complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter
these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe
it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species
that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing
popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa
agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who
personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade
199
APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES
NAME SOURCE
Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014
Achachino Mujica et al 201361
Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014
Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna
Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A
Ajara inerto Expert A
Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392
Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460
Amallado Farmer survey 2014
Amaltado Farmer survey 2014
Amargas Mujica et al 2013
Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)
Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013
Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90
Antawara real Mujica et al 201397
Atacama Mujica et al 201362
Atlas Jarvis et al 2017
Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361
Baer II Mujica et al 201362
Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014
Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015
Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014
Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A
Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A
Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169
Camiri Mujica et al 201369
Canchones Mujica et al 201362
Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014
Carina red Jarvis et al 2017
200
Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943
Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144
Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014
Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013
Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382
Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017
Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Chile Expert A
Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77
Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Choclo kancolla Expert A
Chola Hunziker 1943
Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A
Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A
Chullpi Amarillo Expert A
Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A
Chupica witulla Tapia 2014
Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477
Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection
Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014
Cochabamba Tapia 2014
AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu
Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014
ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943
Copacabana Tapia 2014
Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A
Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014
Cunaccota Tapia 2014
Dahue Hunziker 1943
Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014
ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361
Faro Mujica et al 201321 62
Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Granolada Farmer Survey 2014
Gris Hunziker 1943
Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna
Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
201
Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014
Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361
Huacataz Mujica et al 201361
Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013
Huallhas Mujica et al 201369
Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015
Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Huaranga Mujica et al 201361
Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361
Hueque Fuentes et al 2012
IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382
IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382
Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A
Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012
INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368
INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361
INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)
Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361
Islunga Mujica et al 201321
Jana Hunziker 1943
Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura
Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014
Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Jaru ckello Tapia 2014
Javi Fuentes et al 2012
Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943
Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014
Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014
Jujuy Mujica et al 201369
Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362
Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362
Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Juraj Farmer Survey 2014
Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A
KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Kancolla roja Expert A
Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A
Kcana ckello Tapia 2014
Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013
Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014
202
Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito
Koscosa Expert A
Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017
Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017
Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390
Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382
Lipena Mujica et al 201361
Lito Mujica et al 201321 62
Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014
Maniquena Mujica et al 201361
Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69
Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A
Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361
Mau Fuentes et al 2012
Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Millmi Hunziker 1943
MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Nameya ayara Tapia 201477
Namora Mujica et al 201361
Narino Mujica et al 201362
Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369
Negroa Farmer Survey 2014
Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A
Ollague Jarvis et al 2017
Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103
Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012
Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Pandela rosada INIA photo collection
Parakai Hunziker 1943
Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014
Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013
Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label
Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A
Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460
Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460
Phera Farmer Survey 2014
Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015
Plomao Farmer Survey 2014
Potosi Tapia 2014
Puc Fuentes et al 2012
Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78
203
Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382
Qillu ayara Tapia 201477
Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013
Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014
Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361
Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369
Regalona Jarvis et al 2017
Robura Mujica et al 201361
Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361
Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014
Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014
Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014
Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369
Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014
Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361
Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468
Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014
Samaranti Mujica et al 201361
Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Sayana Mujica et al 201361
Senora Mujica et al 201361 90
Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321
Tabacomi Tapia 201468
Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Toledo Mujica et al 201361
Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321
Tupiza Mujica et al 201321
Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97
Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90
Utusaya Mujica et al 201361
Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014
Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety
Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390
Wila ayara Tapia 201477
Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398
Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478
Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014
Yana quinua Hunziker 1943
204
Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382
Yujiura Tapia 201465
205
APPENDIX B
RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA
Races of the Altiplano
1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla
Races of Inter-Andean Valleys
Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)
Races of Junin
16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)
Races of Ancash
19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)
Races of Cajamarca
23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada
Source Tapia et al (2014)
206
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2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL
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Cherfas Jeremy
2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016
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209
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Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium
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210
Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the
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Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis
2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497
Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J
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Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology
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Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated
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Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in
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2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32
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Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del
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Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford
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Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of
Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc
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Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical
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Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93
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Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick
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Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846
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Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru
Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)
Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101
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Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)
and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189
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of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd
Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari
2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011
Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315
Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change
and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138
Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland
Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara
Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of
the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint
Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook
of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497
Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study
in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333
216
Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ
Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany
19(3)223-235
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Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio
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Organization
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Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos
No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65
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2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin
America and the Caribbean
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Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region
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Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547
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and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of
Pennsylvania Press
Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site
in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley
Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)
Economic Botany 44(3)92-110
1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239
Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium
nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206
Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023
Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and
Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601
219
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a
Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of
Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after
taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well
as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of
Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme
Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In
2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th
Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has
been active in local and state issues
In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in
environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was
awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American
Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation
4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank my parents for instilling the importance of education in me Marianne
Schmink has been a true inspiration for me and her wise advice and appreciation for my
sense of humor made this process enjoyable I would also like to thank the members of
my committee Drs Chris McCarty Ken Sassaman and Frances Putz for their wise
advice
I want to especially thank Dr Juan Marko Aro Aro of the Universidad Nacional
del Altiplano who helped me get the contacts needed to conduct this research in Puno
He spent an inordinate amount of time assisting me and often accompanying me on
field excursions His knowledge of quinoa also helped me double check my facts to
ensure accuracy I also want to thank Dr Ritva Repo-Carrasco who kindly met with me
and suggested that I contact Dr Aro her former student
Dr Aacutengel Mujica Sanchez also of the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano was
also of great inspiration and assistance to me His depth of knowledge of quinoa and
quinoa farmers from an agronomic aspect helped me to understand the details of what it
takes to study quinoa I also want to thank the students at the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who participated in this study and also assisted in my understanding of quinoa
farming I especially want to thank Edwin Pandia for his assistance in visiting quinoa
farms I want to thank the leadership and members of COOPAIN who participated in
this study and graciously provided access to their operations and membership Most
importantly I want to thank the quinoa farmers who took their time to participate in this
study and teach me more than they could ever learn from me
To my friends at the University of Florida who made graduate school so much
more interesting and fun A special thanks goes out to Dr Steacutephanie Borios whose
5
example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this
dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we
adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the
University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza
for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11
ABSTRACT 12
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 14
Research Question 14
Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29
2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36
The Fox and the Condor 38
What is Quinoa 39
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45
Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62
Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66
Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72
Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74
3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80
Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82
7
Harvesting 88
Quinoa Processing 93
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104
Pricing 107
4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172
A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180
5 CONCLUSION 188
APPENDIX
A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199
B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205
LIST OF REFERENCES 206
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219
8
LIST OF TABLES
Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61
4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132
4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138
4-3 Races of Quinoa 139
4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145
4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149
4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153
4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154
4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156
4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161
4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167
4-11 Quinoa Uses 179
9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47
2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58
2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59
2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63
2-5 Peske 65
2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67
2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68
2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73
2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74
3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89
3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90
3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91
3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92
3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92
3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95
3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96
3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99
3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107
3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108
3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109
3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109
3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110
10
4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132
4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152
4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152
4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174
4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175
4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176
4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182
4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183
4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183
11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa
COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NGO Non-governmental organization
UN United Nations
UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
US United States
12
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS
AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
Deborah J Andrews
August 2017
Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology
This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-
scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa
crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of
globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-
colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate
it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who
relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however
has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity
maintenance and increased risk to farmers
The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys
and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This
study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers
including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers
selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced
variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200
13
quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period
of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number
of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary
properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this
study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of
between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of
this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance
including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including
the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon
existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level
including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other
consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued
crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and
marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers
especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the
beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint
contributions to global food security
14
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Research Question
This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the
farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market
Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of
agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection
Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production
and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)
consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including
Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of
agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have
grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is
the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as
well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and
Helmreich 2010546)
In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish
colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the
question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of
market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained
global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to
losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards
monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the
15
dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial
market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least
color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global
market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity
Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on
dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional
benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food
source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for
thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional
small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-
species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in
light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study
This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about
the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets
have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural
practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to
quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the
popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa
specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on
very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon
many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of
varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the
difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored
16
below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This
study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been
maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano
While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity
this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity
maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need
to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity
practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the
biodiversity of quinoa
The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that
affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for
resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and
paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go
togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-
scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and
how they changed in response to market globalization
Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa
provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures
especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the
Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo
et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual
festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for
17
symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits
(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in
decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in
agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In
acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found
that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm
diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association
with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and
quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon
Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the
Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the
Andean people who had a deep history with the plant
Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)
The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-
blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including
quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and
people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food
18
Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people
and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo
where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated
varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo
associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the
Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous
Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world
Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong
association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and
the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity
thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side
Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived
colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency
The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can
contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a
decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now
primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good
way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In
contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the
crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment
coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an
important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long
term negative consequences
19
For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this
traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing
popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a
western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)
Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history
culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale
farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such
as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually
on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local
quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic
example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider
space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking
worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)
The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid
fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a
long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention
and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa
farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to
understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove
2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The
farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of
which lead directly to the global market
20
Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised
concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero
and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied
by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio
found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised
despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the
farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as
noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa
(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by
globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the
relationship between the two
While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the
Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done
by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)
Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls
larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the
remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a
collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The
social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity
(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity
focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important
factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops
were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which
21
emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in
the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into
the equation
Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social
organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)
Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the
question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and
there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call
for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)
Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out
consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of
crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets
The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity
consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a
polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and
various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market
through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular
color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead
to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes
Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers
and crop agrodiversity
Historic Overview
The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of
quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially
22
interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries
whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid
(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth
century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous
rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish
colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous
populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily
classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist
practices has transformed into a global commodity
Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the
Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan
past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the
bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial
classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies
ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and
quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity
for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a
multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as
well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of
discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due
to cultural beliefs
The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its
complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the
23
world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into
the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)
The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the
events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a
history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or
relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression
by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian
foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations
of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity
as a health food in the West
Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and
minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A
recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition
levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its
exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous
implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow
quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the
Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional
reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product
Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other
agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which
has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global
popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association
24
with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to
investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has
caused in the past
Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of
quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in
agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)
defines global food security as follows
Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life
This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security
through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also
inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to
reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local
farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss
Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices
Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on
participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study
describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern
changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance
The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of
Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)
as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie
et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru
(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in
25
the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange
location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa
agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I
obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a
long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several
extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place
during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with
the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I
traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana
Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero
I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)
and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these
100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale
vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field
researchers and relatives of two of the university professors
Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was
introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways
The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food
safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr
Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors
took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed
their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since
it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews
26
with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of
quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems
with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could
base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further
described in my research findings
Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in
Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research
station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this
field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this
field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I
took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on
a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and
surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these
participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts
The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience
sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of
Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a
representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an
outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city
for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set
of farmers
Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going
through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent
27
After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why
they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the
farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to
participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not
write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men
Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in
individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a
meeting
The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN
the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the
city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash
Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is
organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the
Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one
substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four
subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same
membership size and structure
The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining
COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people
getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the
future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important
issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings
they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change
28
At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for
processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes
threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in
large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and
removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further
described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and
global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote
factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts
that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market
presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a
website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global
market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local
farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the
members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their
harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in
Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study
A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I
personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-
structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student
volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and
record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to
the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and
29
met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal
informational and background interviews
As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a
variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the
local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two
agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition
regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather
data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten
Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government
official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa
agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of
the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication
which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or
comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4
Agrodiversity and Globalization
Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices
during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study
to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to
develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a
published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported
thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo
was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are
not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported
quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate
30
or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of
data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its
relationship to Andean farming culture
To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local
quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the
past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of
quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after
consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different
type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the
study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain
While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it
became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for
quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in
Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily
apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-
based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which
provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety
sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with
varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations
The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their
quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the
research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent
season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety
31
selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection
such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability
and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well
as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative
and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also
describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the
dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study
In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for
selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since
Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years
this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global
demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic
conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop
that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors
were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect
agrodiversity maintenance
External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity
maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well
as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of
Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for
the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced
large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the
external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts
32
Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect
agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for
quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than
using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus
quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end
product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred
color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-
grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market
pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a
few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other
characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in
Chapter 2
Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill
et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm
diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby
1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of
potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions
a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any
given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often
select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as
early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity
maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-
based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested
33
these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-
scale farmers
Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited
characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean
farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa
Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US
supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product
the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale
benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale
distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time
allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is
in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would
be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance
In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was
reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-
Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and
community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced
varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However
due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin
(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo
(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with
development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the
preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of
34
this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context
of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also
analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa
agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts
In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming
practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization
in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual
relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique
history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from
domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans
and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian
foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not
necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean
people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh
aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and
quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and
nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection
playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences
such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly
diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal
husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided
Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh
environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the
35
agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time
of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity
maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western
agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different
quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into
agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for
variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety
selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the
future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type
practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the
dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further
agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-
long partners ndash Andean farmers
36
CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People
This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the
present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a
long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-
plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little
known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market
expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it
associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa
its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the
nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the
natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has
had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate
about the present and future conservation practices
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the
world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated
plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to
cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and
ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity
(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity
The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants
is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera
37
1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of
biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant
diversity
Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for
continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human
behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of
plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or
enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms
(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the
latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to
reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase
survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed
development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith
1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer
seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a
thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an
archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions
cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus
seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in
domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated
versions and hence human intervention
The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of
traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed
38
independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most
important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of
domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants
which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with
the Americas (Rivera 1998)
Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including
potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes
(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity
than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known
agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent
notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium
pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or
love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al
2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the
excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time
high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be
found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans
and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific
discoveries about this plant
The Fox and the Condor
The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in
ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin
story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called
39
The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from
starving recounted below
The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The
condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch
anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox
sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a
ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The
others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back
to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox
says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the
earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the
food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha
and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods
ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it
is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as
described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival
This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of
the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand
the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue
living in the otherwise harsh environment
What is Quinoa
Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a
domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South
America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a
40
pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a
primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things
it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments
(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide
variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates
Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2
m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits
(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa
grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al
2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection
discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated
varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as
previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain
exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains
Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely
known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones
and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala
Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a
wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily
detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the
grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-
related characteristics beyond color
41
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species
The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and
communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)
ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this
point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)
Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about
natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs
and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and
understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-
going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as
quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans
Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The
Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which
are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the
Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with
Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change
regarding the scientific classification of quinoa
Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been
misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For
example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds
1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field
work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to
establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports
In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the
42
pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the
usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for
analysis
Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is
due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones
encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked
phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and
Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems
attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of
attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of
genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great
agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in
a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and
species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying
and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in
Chapter 4
Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant
that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single
pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic
complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity
Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250
species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and
new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently
43
was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass
crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum
is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is
spread across the globe
Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean
classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having
ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson
199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated
Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated
Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson
and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World
Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes
Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-
Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)
In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and
wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite
and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri
ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct
Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C
boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006
Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp
zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across
the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into
44
Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi
Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum
has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the
Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South
Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that
grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity
It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C
berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill
2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were
domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis
indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be
more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies
between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa
and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)
Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and
huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for
great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp
zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)
Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species
including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The
quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original
ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American
origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split
45
occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has
been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the
quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further
hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-
industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the
quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies
involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the
large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not
presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise
dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation
of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent
and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future
History of Quinoa in the Andes
Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years
Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as
15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the
archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa
plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an
important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)
Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on
them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and
Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca
Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth
of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa
46
Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its
current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical
association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has
vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily
available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of
quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The
relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic
fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent
(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to
imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran
19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the
concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have
been connected in time and space with the plant
Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes
and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations
over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and
potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the
harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into
European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and
potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world
Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact
(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or
mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca
47
above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce
fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of
harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and
so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama
holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in
Argentina
Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360
Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of
European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the
reverence for Pachamama
48
Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their
agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa
2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al
(2013) specifically listed magic
The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus
threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in
discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful
alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous
foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period
(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production
relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its
production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)
Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous
local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was
noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)
providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was
considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory
reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be
inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic
research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people
with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although
49
quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food
revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the
Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status
associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with
competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production
declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European
contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa
Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo
another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of
sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased
competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline
in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain
apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)
although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was
apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the
value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities
continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still
present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the
biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of
Andean agriculture and ecosystems
Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled
with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford
50
1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming
quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the
seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as
well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have
contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times
While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years
South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a
domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are
responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)
so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity
through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by
European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that
maintained traditional knowledge and practices
While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described
across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American
explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean
quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including
Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-
grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th
centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead
1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of
Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow
red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while
51
acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-
consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor
(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the
Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of
quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely
known
While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists
continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the
1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the
Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a
plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-
known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that
the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive
In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and
noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In
1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops
(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread
out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and
nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does
not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a
Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the
botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the
Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence
52
of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone
growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both
color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat
interchangeably
While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead
1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the
nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003
Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South
America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals
and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43
published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which
were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about
quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely
distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the
world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread
publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with
the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global
consumption
The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in
1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier
range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer
1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador
Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds
53
reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other
cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with
the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of
quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)
however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and
Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs
In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno
Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and
consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern
science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American
scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor
collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al
1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who
extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they
ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in
favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean
products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also
affected by this bias
Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global
market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional
value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a
high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with
processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal
54
process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the
Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos
Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the
border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national
quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main
producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also
cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is
also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world
In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later
acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned
organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)
The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book
in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of
Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including
the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean
people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded
Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the
ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people
through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented
that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing
its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo
(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with
both viewed together through a socio-economic lens
55
The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)
who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of
quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed
complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the
domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial
areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including
the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a
place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes
from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was
a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and
culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and
plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live
side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both
survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while
Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a
production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts
prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the
world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional
food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its
noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western
world
Resurgence of Quinoa
Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it
was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and
56
Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids
including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining
nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and
speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the
species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by
ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide
market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health
food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US
expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers
Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be
the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This
proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated
years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity
and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such
accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this
status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN
2011b)
Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
57
Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important
issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN
acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have
conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged
the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the
environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably
the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the
quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and
landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about
the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people
who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a
UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean
people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint
contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing
an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can
lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and
support of UN Millennium Goals
What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world
market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice
58
(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes
including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa
originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was
taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across
the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was
not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus
for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable
shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes
and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly
nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation
While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in
various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however
the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador
although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across
the world including the US and Canada
Source Bazile et al 2014
Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013
59
The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent
although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US
Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from
1900 to 2014
Source Bazile et al 2016
Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa
The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with
increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN
Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other
countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of
quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated
with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers
association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from
the 1980s to the present
60
Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export
more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow
quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa
exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington
Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved
in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods
Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker
Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company
to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa
include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California
Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows
and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and
Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and
there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large
multi-national industrial agriculture corporations
Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa
Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by
the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community
quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation
into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa
Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-
3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had
144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the
variety (Murphy et al 2016)
61
Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa
PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g
QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22
Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181
Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein
(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein
meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school
children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human
growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its
protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc
content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium
phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)
Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et
al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad
cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also
contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell
membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-
Carrasco et al 2003)
The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5
sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to
its high fiber content (UN 2011a)
62
In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total
dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN
2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of
time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit
and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)
Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These
two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders
caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various
properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo
Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as
wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of
quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa
is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being
touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to
cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al
2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today
Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the
global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the
farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa
which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship
How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa
Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal
consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization
has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section
63
describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products
are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of
the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily
consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual
cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between
traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more
traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within
species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with
agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link
Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary
focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and
leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also
consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is
commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive
and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy
Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews
2012
64
Food
As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is
consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have
different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although
there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties
In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain
recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for
different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used
for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et
al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans
have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which
underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on
culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and
farmer variety selection
Grain Products
The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently
consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part
quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice
although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The
grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske
which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for
the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared
like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed
65
Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of
chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and
sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure
prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that
quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka
celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from
quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru
beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony
A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing
combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which
are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and
convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer
product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in
villages or by farmers
66
Processed Quinoa
While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold
commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further
processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can
be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as
products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes
for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for
baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it
makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute
for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies
Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added
to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa
smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable
breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines
quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores
in the United States including pasta and baby food
In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the
length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the
winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important
step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need
to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer
layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is
exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different
stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most
67
quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional
rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case
Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The
traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using
an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a
child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind
stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this
childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants
agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they
can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of
modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who
makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to
make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant
in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption
Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image
credit Deborah Andrews 2014
68
Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from
rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora
is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa
dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips
Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial
purposes
Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
Medicine
While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa
plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine
The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)
Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation
relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN
2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever
69
urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss
of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness
anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in
addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is
traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments
Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional
medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional
medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not
normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter
however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to
broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used
for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research
on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)
providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent
scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price
since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and
studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes
(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has
antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and
antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have
medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or
therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity
70
Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In
the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high
altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from
the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The
stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as
compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and
scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties
with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity
Ritual Uses
Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in
Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs
and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as
birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from
their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close
relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal
2015)
As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)
Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral
ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most
well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology
Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour
preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and
celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan
Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa
71
The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they
use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to
their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make
figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other
symbols
One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant
Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa
jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration
for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig
blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly
and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production
Consumer Products
Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and
coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer
products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture
of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa
(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before
consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the
plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil
shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red
quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye
72
Animal Forage
The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are
used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals
however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in
Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be
marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does
not grow well
During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development
projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain
waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the
ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens
were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while
I observed farming demonstrations
One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to
become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the
introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would
be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high
elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10
chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than
commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped
into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental
conditions
73
Fuel
The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is
available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and
oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root
foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-
8)
A B
C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa
stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015
74
There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition
to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other
consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array
of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but
which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and
non-traditional
Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017
Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa
Negative Local Health Effects
One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the
indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the
concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase
75
may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-
nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market
demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa
tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher
than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter
3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not
proceeded without social debate
Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market
expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use
of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using
them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on
non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect
on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also
reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated
ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted
for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental
and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand
for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary
changes
The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to
global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too
expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an
article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the
76
fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)
In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the
argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that
quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey
2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the
high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the
loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is
continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since
there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor
diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa
consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)
Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that
consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands
The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems
well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not
the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been
occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a
prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food
source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the
increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of
preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A
common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time
77
that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw
grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes
While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into
Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of
ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino
a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to
the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the
farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue
of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects
vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price
While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent
analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while
quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004
quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period
from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which
Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the
diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly
concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in
household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger
increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the
quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the
price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be
determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers
78
The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by
Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates
including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and
the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced
crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of
poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science
confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source
Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the
20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim
Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace
in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy
restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness
of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used
quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)
Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the
world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a
change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to
science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional
knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past
denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing
conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study
of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics
As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested
79
notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)
Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean
identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The
globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by
Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-
driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as
scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches
While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the
question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its
survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate
In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its
usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage
uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not
worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status
and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to
world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are
often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its
history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and
preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the
Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced
knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either
the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will
explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market
80
CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND
WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME
This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the
market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers
go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale
there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern
changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that
the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the
agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa
farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the
traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of
quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that
have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how
these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
Diversification and the Environment
Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of
ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this
extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes
Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be
grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can
grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato
As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most
important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of
quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000
81
meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there
can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In
some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen
2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little
organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)
Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and
varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just
as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean
environment quinoa has too
In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the
agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most
Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms
can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small
farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder
farms in the altiplano
Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly
diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop
(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme
climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the
same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under
various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will
thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a
traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices
82
due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems
for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of
quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-
zone
What are the Current Farming Practices
Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing
shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen
2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included
the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers
first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a
tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent
one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor
and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting
In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported
in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)
These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing
practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance
(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil
moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study
has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers
(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with
looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a
cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized
tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of
83
any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for
the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist
with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms
having no adult men present
In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging
areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands
have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as
the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can
lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include
environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion
and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the
productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe
or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to
irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip
with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the
altiplano if they have not done so already
Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and
also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers
let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a
current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the
soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other
crops of choice that grows in the altiplano
84
Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with
maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without
interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys
quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes
(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as
2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco
region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow
well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field
crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation
Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot
afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before
planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This
usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil
before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough
fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop
The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a
source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on
the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer
which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm
Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale
and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather
condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting
Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the
85
landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower
which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean
farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant
their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated
to cultural practice
In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa
planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop
Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing
season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first
blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for
the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for
sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of
the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of
September
With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN
2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period
Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the
altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation
the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by
hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual
maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same
field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties
planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully
86
select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that
mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the
traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage
of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same
time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be
harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same
variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening
and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be
planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and
traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of
quinoa
There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the
focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with
a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially
since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was
especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers
However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a
better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the
region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete
ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as
drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place
and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can
reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other
87
regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with
quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with
the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would
make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown
without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more
resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters
allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al
2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-
resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano
Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with
mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one
of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on
the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include
insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are
used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural
practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests
With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due
to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa
such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are
more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa
because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties
including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss
due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating
88
the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due
to pests
Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which
is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can
be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those
locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues
experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of
irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa
harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due
to the onset of cold
The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in
agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a
risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting
more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows
for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the
season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized
harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing
additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity
practices
Harvesting
Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry
After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This
delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is
a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed
89
during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the
exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora
The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held
sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that
added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that
some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout
the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the
same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is
cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry
The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack
hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to
expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other
available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop
(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice
that is not always followed
Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
90
Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on
weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage
of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers
rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the
stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates
the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed
much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to
separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that
the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the
mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product
Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12
people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying
and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the
farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10
for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative
to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be
difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor
Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from
the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
91
The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further
remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional
processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle
This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining
shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile
with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the
panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)
Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The
remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer
stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is
also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although
they can digest the green stalks
The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of
stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure
3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of
92
available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further
remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is
poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris
away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant
altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting
Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
93
Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of
removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this
process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the
birds so that they would not cry
Quinoa Processing
Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are
also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins
are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al
2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the
pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process
(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN
2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that
Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin
removal prior to eating
Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin
removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had
the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously
rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in
saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create
complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water
needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand
pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with
water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN
saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can
94
also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities
for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers
store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale
In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming
techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The
fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued
agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized
harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different
varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand
harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties
can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation
since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An
emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop
at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield
The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root
systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation
also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and
higher humidity
Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms
with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm
animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production
Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their
products on the market discussed in the next section
95
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market
Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next
step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their
product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their
products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers
at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa
on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section
discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market
expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market
access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for
networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes
Farmersrsquo Markets
Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of
Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most
vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground
For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped
out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale
Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
96
Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and
flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed
form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered
form (Figure 3-7)
Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as
commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and
commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for
the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the
vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it
Farmersrsquo Cooperatives
Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join
a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As
noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves
the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market
COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru
97
Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables
them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both
The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health
foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos
empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of
the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I
have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the
representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is
still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting
with outside contacts
COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to
selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed
to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their
education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the
seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4
men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds
The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4
COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an
organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN
formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social
network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014
they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought
their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they
98
purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified
that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It
would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the
people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new
practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This
discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in
another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not
necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth
which will be discussed in the section on price
COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their
harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national
and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well
as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized
market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market
The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the
farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and
the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and
thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory
has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional
drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on
black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for
drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is
gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last
99
steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of
the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)
Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by
the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but
also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was
limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to
foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of
its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in
foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN
seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available
purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in
a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would
be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople
COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each
farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each
100
farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally
consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received
wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired
internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the
farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on
purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day
was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa
on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than
percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped
dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa
grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa
pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing
In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high
demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to
the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with
other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners
of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it
appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for
intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or
end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors
selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their
inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many
distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially
101
maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their
inventory and maintain cash flow
Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition
from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which
almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers
could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price
increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more
quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in
2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year
and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was
restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of
production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent
changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers
and would be an interesting point for further study in the future
While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the
farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter
the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection
between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and
non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the
market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number
of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending
on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a
number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in
102
the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo
markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where
orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the
national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements
to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are
involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the
quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain
The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller
international sales of quinoa flour and flakes
Future Market Expansion
Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales
COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted
above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white
quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market
infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products
Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential
to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation
On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a
meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products
from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food
research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr
Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he
had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products
103
One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic
cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing
salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a
folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger
than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which
they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea
Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed
around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I
thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some
experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due
to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick
lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the
packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared
tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high
nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa
While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what
other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close
to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining
ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat
consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial
market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that
would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved
forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture
104
would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon
return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food
products available in local grocery stores
Agricultural Fairs
Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market
contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and
provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is
informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is
held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in
the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United
States
The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not
notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the
fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place
throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able
to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to
be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate
different ways to consume it
There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products
Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were
displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display
included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were
prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies
105
were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items
included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative
One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice
cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it
out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was
subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair
a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice
cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then
realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the
honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice
cream could be a hit in the United States
The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the
finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the
individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths
had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One
display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was
red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the
potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and
purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same
as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant
activity
One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending
quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an
106
ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to
the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my
hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass
given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise
downed the whole glass
Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking
demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake
Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep
fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I
said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr
Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and
popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise
Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather
and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are
a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for
quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be
a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to
maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of
quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance
since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values
107
Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015
Pricing
Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market
that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream
grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase
production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa
occurred in Peru as well as in other countries
Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising
three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)
Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled
(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price
dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global
market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001
to 2014
108
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014
While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data
Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike
in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production
volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos
annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus
taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than
doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold
production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru
in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the
subsequent drop in price
Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity
and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth
in Figure 3-11
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Vo
lum
e in
Met
ric
ton
s
Year
QUINOA PRODUCTION
Peru Bolivia
109
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003
According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of
sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A
similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)
Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno
Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06
20
07
20
08
20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
20
14
US
Do
llars
pe
r to
n
Peru Quinoa Producer Prices
Value
0
05
1
15
2
25
3
35
4
45
Sole
s p
er
kilo
gram
Years
Puno Producer Prices
110
As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went
down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a
dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other
countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly
supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to
grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa
production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)
Source Hudson 2015
Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop
The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to
August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the
period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In
2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently
13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people
were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from
111
the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the
reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and
mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I
returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015
Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back
down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these
price changes have had on quinoa producers
I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I
had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said
that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer
However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to
increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other
segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN
Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase
practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were
delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the
global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned
cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial
sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six
months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their
farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized
vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and
transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and
112
as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN
however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all
of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any
given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-
week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa
Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa
on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members
and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that
they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from
whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others
than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its
own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers
who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative
became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN
Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as
demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very
skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was
in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-
members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new
practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this
development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot
report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local
market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during
113
its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were
previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially
in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues
primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the
demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a
period of time
The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided
insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had
stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and
delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were
indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research
reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the
increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi
and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited
other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including
areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a
shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a
number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional
grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on
the market was not a consideration during the boom times
While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the
color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN
management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in
114
2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal
value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa
which is red white and black
The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the
COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white
quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per
arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained
agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things
occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped
substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white
quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance
practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers
who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame
While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears
that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not
dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the
period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black
quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have
predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be
published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the
consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported
health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific
1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos
115
studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all
reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the
quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus
on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are
usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and
both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa
nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)
however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial
production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other
considerations such as biodiversity maintenance
Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies
range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to
memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The
traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to
the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation
times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines
allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it
relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is
reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of
climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of
pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for
sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a
market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be
116
consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction
to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the
partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with
an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem
and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides
are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons
to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop
success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer
demands
It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take
into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not
distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015
however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the
lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30
more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well
as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price
drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects
that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur
in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-
based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found
demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level
There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers
In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by
117
competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have
different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food
to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While
the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten
years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-
scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the
addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global
market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next
chapter
118
CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING
A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and
agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of
the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study
period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in
selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter
also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related
to these subjects
Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is
essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate
change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human
selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the
desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental
stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that
farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a
variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al
2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the
creation and maintenance of an array of varieties
Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by
maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of
colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food
119
product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be
fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through
domination of market-driven desired product characteristics
While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global
market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)
and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet
and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important
characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the
market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product
that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which
took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for
sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same
colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as
larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices
however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color
while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing
the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in
collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can
also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an
array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product
identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors
efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance
120
While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is
not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some
people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red
quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of
quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about
the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names
to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the
plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural
salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and
this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the
Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-
embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the
variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain
size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself
necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the
specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use
accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a
link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge
relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers
Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a
domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human
selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics
located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among
121
and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity
can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of
seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of
thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting
improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)
Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa
species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by
ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural
selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside
domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa
plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While
many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-
seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis
has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et
al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such
varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the
wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore
contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus
nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo
practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant
With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding
a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the
Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and
122
wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same
time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and
domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian
species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of
the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean
varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even
within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human
selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The
continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of
the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the
agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding
varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate
change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on
sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is
already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus
continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa
that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of
agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species
To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species
quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes
favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not
123
account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the
observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety
of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important
cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to
both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural
and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity
especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple
threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)
states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires
concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the
Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other
humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa
helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified
Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture
local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno
The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make
annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to
the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes
are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences
As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since
the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason
they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not
derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional
124
culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has
a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk
classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up
and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research
discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a
gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the
farmers
While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical
and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are
other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of
scientific classificatory schemes is that
Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)
In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human
element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on
morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of
external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective
on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered
people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the
economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the
spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the
local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has
125
affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient
features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture
The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis
and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains
are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as
belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains
determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-
biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can
provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together
based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk
taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute
to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification
When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa
market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After
all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species
What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were
hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps
thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous
times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published
research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this
information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork
that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I
had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals
126
and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a
Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located
While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report
(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure
does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species
that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a
species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a
comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent
of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction
plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species
including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity
exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper
Farmersrsquo Knowledge
Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector
I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe
logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names
that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the
people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and
experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)
ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also
the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical
knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well
as cultural adaptations and changes
127
To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of
quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers
(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa
varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students
from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered
quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a
total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that
the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or
used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from
the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and
demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also
conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the
participants
During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify
different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often
used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same
species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics
that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a
variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name
The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties
1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable
128
express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select
seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant
This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that
they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable
characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and
organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different
scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species
level
Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash
farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify
quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus
the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to
humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson
noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive
mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus
the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated
with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to
identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the
names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological
classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called
peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and
people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with
129
classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in
some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature
In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a
commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem
with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa
without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the
research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms
especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was
after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific
classification systems arose
Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa
names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications
Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the
accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other
identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the
sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and
included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207
names of varieties some going back over 70 years
Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as
easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made
about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there
was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic
pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and
130
put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the
various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping
I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one
farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which
he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names
which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given
different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a
different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the
State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)
In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate
overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed
this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local
farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and
Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus
for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in
Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the
purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific
varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the
farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in
the scientific literature that I reviewed
Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr
Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is
131
an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the
scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I
removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods
and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying
chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in
ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity
parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus
while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa
demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)
talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the
scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I
have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and
revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness
In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office
in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples
of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13
varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)
The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than
noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able
to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of
gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in
finding names in places outside of publications
132
Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012
Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru
Rank Variety
1 Amarilla Marangani
2 Blanca de Juli
3 Kancolla
4 Blanca de Junin
5 Hualhuas
6 Huancayo
7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano
8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca
9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana
10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla
11 Illpa INIA
12 Salcedo INIA
13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013
As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names
to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most
comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my
collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with
133
the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different
quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they
were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a
list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book
to extract the names
Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)
referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did
not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like
Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In
compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other
researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014
Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the
altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from
Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties
After reviewing published academic research governmental documents
consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a
comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the
farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37
that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but
three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished
names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara
language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive
environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific
134
knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-
laden environment
The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the
evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I
encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa
names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be
comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially
since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes
differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the
quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the
two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern
variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting
point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such
as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional
absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than
accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to
farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to
provide consistency
As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the
use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination
was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the
field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard
135
to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the
biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)
Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is
contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first
used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather
populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria
such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)
says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological
characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)
definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows
Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)
Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on
historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes
are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has
not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the
association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term
ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not
when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace
acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these
136
varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the
term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or
if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way
the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into
accepted categories is not a simple task
Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and
have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of
quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations
Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species
(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa
types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not
synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the
same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage
While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different
varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working
domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a
grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species
as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related
varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several
varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race
While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the
species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification
system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large
137
number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of
quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct
groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)
Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic
distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification
category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems
While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg
Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently
Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and
have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and
Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)
The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between
species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete
varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic
organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the
names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are
used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla
pasankalla and roja among others
Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-
groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca
Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since
they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on
differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the
138
individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and
cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly
anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates
the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking
plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city
names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers
who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired
morphological characteristics
In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with
subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)
Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name
White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla
quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla
Source Tapia et al (2014)
Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my
research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years
covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity
pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90
farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps
an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which
could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting
question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline
was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties
139
(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can
be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof
to social networks including formal organizations
With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I
have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use
One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten
which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten
and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I
studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further
described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial
sale
In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)
Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified
primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for
each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race
Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples
1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa
Source Mujica et al 2013
These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al
(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-
140
Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with
altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al
(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-
Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al
(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not
include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while
these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification
scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually
overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize
classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a
consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification
system
In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the
wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of
species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument
yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild
relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other
domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the
race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara
acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two
types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also
have domesticated characteristics
141
Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know
and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except
for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish
conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to
group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to
provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its
usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a
particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further
organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a
wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa
While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa
it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end
products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the
grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that
can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market
with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a
much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the
farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names
including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow
(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al
(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications
of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In
addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent
142
and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of
color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not
identifying a specific variety
In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a
specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color
form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten
identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern
Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety
Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different
fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana
(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples
rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana
either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of
the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name
such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla
rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types
into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both
strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and
variety that passes on color-based information about the variety
Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain
color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package
For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly
distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the
143
intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained
any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences
Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-
driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to
knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package
that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled
ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety
for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely
distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information
may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of
diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of
the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to
base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to
demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity
preservation
The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of
knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the
possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other
quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and
collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide
ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also
reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This
research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano
144
farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of
quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names
Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are
needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of
classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment
of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be
conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection
based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional
information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary
properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa
variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety
knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research
may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield
While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and
which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are
associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)
sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the
product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural
connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still
wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful
especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to
maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate
transportation marketing and other costs
145
To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried
out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of
several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of
quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative
purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was
used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned
the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic
The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same
amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest
panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the
grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all
extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table
4-4)
Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos
Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900
Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by
the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a
plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent
of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests
146
While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an
experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans
placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The
researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even
though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response
however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the
earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on
my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers
loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was
visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that
had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I
observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating
some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews
where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that
attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a
factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the
global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation
Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead
yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers
made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in
the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about
the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo
characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest
147
infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past
information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align
In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties
based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment
choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the
highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this
variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi
which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year
Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for
the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both
of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et
al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with
kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla
is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo
INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences
farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most
frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed
ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not
planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties
most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not
necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this
experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-
hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be
148
some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even
marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the
climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield
obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted
varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be
grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most
frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government
agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo
practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and
features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions
How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant
To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and
interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that
they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in
this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were
linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and
UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is
important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and
others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of
change due to globalization and outside consumer influences
As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had
planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was
28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to
twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm
149
selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of
specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably
this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In
addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds
90
Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties
Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)
1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6
Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA
The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew
blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as
does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the
study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow
unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in
different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based
on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting
question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the
connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this
150
variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed
further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection
and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety
called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the
farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not
list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history
of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers
This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of
sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of
salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may
not completely explain its dominance
Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown
by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only
grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single
female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each
(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and
plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers
and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent
on a small number of farmers
To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown
by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-
student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The
151
average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old
the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old
The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-
op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and
female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers
with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and
thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on
the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who
participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to
their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages
although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups
The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of
these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of
farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university
farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in
the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of
Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although
the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more
extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the
student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not
grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the
university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university
farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller
152
number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance
of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one
with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age
differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including
flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity
maintenance
Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24
Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35
27
2018
16
54
2
Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Blanca de Juli
Kancolla
Chulpi
Choclito
14
8
9
11115
87653
Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Kancolla
Blanca
Coito
Blanca de Juli
Negra
153
With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the
average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average
number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as
gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229
varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older
farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this
measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened
degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions
between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to
the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed
by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos
data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-
op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the
students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further
discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however
does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are
growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties
Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown
Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)
Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265
To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions
among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35
co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table
154
4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group
growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more
co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one
group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding
the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity
maintenance
Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties
Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers
Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29
With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers
there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females
versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most
frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could
be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but
I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic
affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety
This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female
farmers that could be explored in the future
Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university
farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9
versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only
grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only
one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small
155
(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender
differences in agrodiversity maintenance
For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a
season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a
tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on
average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females
however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for
males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female
farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One
particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm
during a single season further discussed below
To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the
farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised
for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety
selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the
farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for
personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces
as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select
seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons
for seed selection to see if they still remained true
Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they
grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30
female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well
156
and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The
farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-
10)
Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection
Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses
Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15
While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given
reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local
environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were
1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)
2) frost resistance (10 responses) and
3) resists climate change (3 responses)
While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the
altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost
resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late
in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the
season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the
reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could
survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not
thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the
varying conditions of the harsh environment
157
The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is
consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)
Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions
including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example
Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are
adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold
temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and
thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason
consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh
altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive
drought cold and salt
The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield
accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18
responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4
responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more
grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to
each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does
not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being
twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in
size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These
findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and
provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an
important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to
158
have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the
farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow
While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on
their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not
the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases
leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew
201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not
have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more
adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara
The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a
total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were
1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)
2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and
3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)
The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in
variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as
blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term
amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white
quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this
trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten
responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows
more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers
159
The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the
availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some
purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some
farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual
seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a
realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the
seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability
which further inhibits their conservation
A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest
resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter
varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents
listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers
specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection
While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no
suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties
In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The
first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly
relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in
obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of
the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third
category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user
With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are
important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety
160
selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to
Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more
variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if
culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo
response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage
This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at
least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years
ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures
of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to
grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which
agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on
how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I
asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties
no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to
availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties
grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the
more obscure varieties
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices
Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety
selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources
and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has
been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al
161
(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean
farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with
neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)
found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties
consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge
(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study
For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties
need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes
where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds
Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds
Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the
prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of
seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed
selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires
knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for
seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further
described in the next section
Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage
Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100
162
While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in
this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that
they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA
(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project
(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that
the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they
collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers
collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other
considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm
As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency
is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments
has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived
from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of
the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production
including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA
representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not
surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains
collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from
using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices
providing them with the benefit of seed independence2
2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act
163
Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the
varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that
originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA
were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic
certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN
has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements
of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not
purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties
needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with
farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with
the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant
INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased
seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that
thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered
organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of
organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with
the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not
afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining
organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source
Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed
experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge
in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same
level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups
164
and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes
(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered
expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and
there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to
outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas
are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of
qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds
During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects
semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016
they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using
semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN
selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I
interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions
between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is
quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to
agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection
Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals
farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held
across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to
quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to
county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products
including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and
musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as
165
food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site
consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour
and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs
have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage
production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large
inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about
agrodiversity
In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future
crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but
seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-
saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the
same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available
however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA
however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of
commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection
the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have
seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds
likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially
due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to
shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the
readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other
varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of
existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an
166
important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be
conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by
semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of
agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor
The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity
maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-
use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic
diversity
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity
Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary
of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number
of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop
Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration
noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for
farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains
on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for
the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports
yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were
selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next
generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed
selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as
compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the
actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well
167
as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the
desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds
Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency
Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89
Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants
can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term
ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate
which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were
noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an
important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50
of the responses for selection
Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or
strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of
environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield
By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive
168
plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants
in the vicinity
Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed
selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the
plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a
frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer
evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future
seed selection
Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the
cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a
specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa
harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants
in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is
not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering
of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can
easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique
also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners
can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed
early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first
plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation
While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions
additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was
a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the
169
evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as
well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight
There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number
of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for
selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the
pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection
meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the
seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety
Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection
indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic
market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the
decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with
maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices
then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification
is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that
was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the
concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community
One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as
a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use
of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the
operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the
number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant
170
preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final
consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting
In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa
seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field
or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of
factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting
season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which
demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by
cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety
selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of
the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the
same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation
Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate
good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to
comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with
the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which
variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be
similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better
environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties
Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion
strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware
of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as
well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration
171
and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation
since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential
While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop
that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits
choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to
farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based
on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between
presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential
predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white
varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into
consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global
market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not
appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since
the variety name rarely appears on labels
As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety
distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence
agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the
culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use
there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-
white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in
the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated
benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the
most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity
172
maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety
distinctions
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection
Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the
distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in
Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la
Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated
gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender
distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often
more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence
agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of
crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn
(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men
demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)
With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the
eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the
exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed
exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-
community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection
Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select
seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos
emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and
cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection
can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch
173
molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al
2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender
aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight
into the nuances and complexities of this intersection
New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by
female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity
sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this
understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had
a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region
According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and
who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than
men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that
women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead
bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or
exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that
women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally
observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his
mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in
and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her
husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional
practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that
such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in
seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of
174
women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected
several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection
demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women
Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
A Female Semillista Example
Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the
community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often
well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of
COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well
known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with
specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a
number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa
varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a
child
Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved
in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by
management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the
population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming
175
She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has
grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and
was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr
Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica
who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide
information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name
but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties
Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them
on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa
varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in
this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field
(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I
have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her
life-long interest in quinoa diversity
Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
176
Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and
carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-
2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were
not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to
conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life
she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered
from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields
and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not
sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays
these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her
seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing
my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display
At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a
table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were
some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label
Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
177
The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below
bull Ajara inerto
bull Ajara negro
bull Blanca de Juli
bull Camacani
bull Cheweca
bull Chile
bull Choclo kancolla
bull Chucapaca
bull Chullpi Amarillo
bull Chullpi blanca
bull Chullpi roja
bull Cuchi willa
bull INIA Ilpa
bull INIA Salcedo
bull INIA Salcedo rosa
bull Kamire
bull Kancolla roja
bull Kancolla rosada
bull Koscosa
bull Marangani
bull Mesa quinoa
bull Mestiza
bull Negra collana I
bull Panela
bull Pasancalla plomo
bull Quinus misturas
bull Rosada junin
bull Rosada taraco
bull Sajama
bull Tahuaco
bull Vizallanino
Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred
INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She
uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She
always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather
Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows
178
the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds
requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is
implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting
crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in
risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional
ecological knowledge
I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she
was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was
familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the
plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her
depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been
identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red
and is also called misa quinoa
Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and
has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does
not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains
When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds
for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects
varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also
seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this
179
study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from
the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from
other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an
interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes
Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of
the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were
used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)
Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color
Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca
Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is
toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help
with pain
Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around
them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is
called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa
harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa
seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the
healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches
from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the
plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season
180
What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection
While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct
gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in
2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to
obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed
experts
An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling
good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as
farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make
arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is
rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly
pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large
and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall
to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa
Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra
Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he
decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this
organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic
certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected
to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa
for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they
purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was
still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he
received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his
181
involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price
While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate
in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until
he could get a better price
Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds
on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa
(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his
agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A
Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32
Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was
broad agrodiversity
This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male
and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)
appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male
crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men
highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional
female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further
study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa
production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding
varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of
agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa
products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further
articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance
182
These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or
indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men
and women
Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused
on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal
interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took
personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa
varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is
enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during
a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any
necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through
seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds
Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
183
Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species
the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This
research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa
variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from
published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian
184
altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional
quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the
importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study
also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also
experimenting with new quinoa varieties
The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the
need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of
quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common
characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological
zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional
categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is
commonly used
Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number
of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate
adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather
conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating
the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the
success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are
important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to
varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice
While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual
yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by
increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important
185
the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the
encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-
resistant varieties can influence yield
The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which
relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa
was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a
variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also
become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary
qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition
demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated
with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level
Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods
continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in
the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected
by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian
cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the
exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties
become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make
a difference in consumer-driven market demand
While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific
reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so
prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types
186
such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance
in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet
this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While
the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the
demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered
against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the
demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white
quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers
who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa
including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who
solely grew white quinoa
An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many
farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed
selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas
Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by
INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection
While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a
published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment
demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was
relatively high
Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who
serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance
187
While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on
yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are
important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender
differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to
agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices
There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of
quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited
number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing
the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus
quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties
may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers
41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these
41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period
were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not
growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of
current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory
of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the
establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a
starting point that can be further developed and studied
188
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa
farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa
market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a
degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow
more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of
planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a
crop due to climatic conditions or infestation
Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what
variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold
drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The
importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional
risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in
the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by
women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The
efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to
the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour
production
The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-
factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed
selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of
semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government
agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of
189
seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices
In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential
yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some
of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving
agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations
Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of
quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as
compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to
teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge
by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence
other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas
Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance
since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows
for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more
mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire
crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to
be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest
Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For
example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary
diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa
agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also
promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear
that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca
190
civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by
COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa
agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and
baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation
Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve
quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro
and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is
another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste
variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that
variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that
serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded
cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa
Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity
The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa
including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful
selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices
dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded
conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to
market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products
use different varieties based on their culinary properties
Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing
population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the
191
biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given
the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate
change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in
understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative
consequences
Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history
includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of
the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the
history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards
due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as
well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural
significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value
of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to
maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption
Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research
demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports
and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While
quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which
provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from
many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity
and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study
found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different
kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about
192
30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different
environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected
that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the
30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the
numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties
were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the
63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not
grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by
Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of
Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two
hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting
a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa
However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented
only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of
quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative
effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca
is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may
account for greater diversity results
There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be
maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both
maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different
varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red
black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional
193
scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the
consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian
efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary
schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes
that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics
Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also
conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different
types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can
boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation
into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive
different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety
diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather
and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be
discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or
governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a
consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection
Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance
is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of
quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market
entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for
the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored
quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global
quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the
194
unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market
hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the
colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique
nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the
market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded
agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline
While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties
to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white
quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors
is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with
red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a
market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white
quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving
global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open
and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market
The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the
results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet
only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of
varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the
Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences
already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects
found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after
Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication
195
date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already
altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my
study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety
grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before
this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on
farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs
The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed
selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had
already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a
silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can
provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa
conservation going forward
Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor
in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic
especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen
through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important
factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides
the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional
differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect
on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge
can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market
diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is
196
an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation
practices that can be rewarded by the market
In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and
medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity
conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in
traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect
of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and
domesticated varieties
The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in
understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor
the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated
and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies
The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in
understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many
different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of
organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings
Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-
species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties
and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the
varieties including morphological as well as cultural information
The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon
independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help
funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas
197
and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research
should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation
especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the
conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be
quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings
that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate
the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly
are doing more for conservation than many government programs
Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer
population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming
tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is
unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa
conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs
that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies
that can help improve quinoa production
Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production
and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men
controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women
are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there
appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact
with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of
many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done
in markets across time
198
There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and
how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean
people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the
complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter
these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe
it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species
that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing
popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa
agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who
personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade
199
APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES
NAME SOURCE
Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014
Achachino Mujica et al 201361
Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014
Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna
Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A
Ajara inerto Expert A
Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392
Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460
Amallado Farmer survey 2014
Amaltado Farmer survey 2014
Amargas Mujica et al 2013
Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)
Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013
Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90
Antawara real Mujica et al 201397
Atacama Mujica et al 201362
Atlas Jarvis et al 2017
Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361
Baer II Mujica et al 201362
Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014
Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015
Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014
Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A
Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A
Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169
Camiri Mujica et al 201369
Canchones Mujica et al 201362
Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014
Carina red Jarvis et al 2017
200
Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943
Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144
Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014
Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013
Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382
Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017
Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Chile Expert A
Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77
Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Choclo kancolla Expert A
Chola Hunziker 1943
Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A
Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A
Chullpi Amarillo Expert A
Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A
Chupica witulla Tapia 2014
Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477
Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection
Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014
Cochabamba Tapia 2014
AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu
Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014
ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943
Copacabana Tapia 2014
Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A
Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014
Cunaccota Tapia 2014
Dahue Hunziker 1943
Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014
ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361
Faro Mujica et al 201321 62
Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Granolada Farmer Survey 2014
Gris Hunziker 1943
Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna
Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
201
Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014
Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361
Huacataz Mujica et al 201361
Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013
Huallhas Mujica et al 201369
Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015
Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Huaranga Mujica et al 201361
Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361
Hueque Fuentes et al 2012
IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382
IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382
Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A
Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012
INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368
INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361
INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)
Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361
Islunga Mujica et al 201321
Jana Hunziker 1943
Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura
Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014
Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Jaru ckello Tapia 2014
Javi Fuentes et al 2012
Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943
Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014
Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014
Jujuy Mujica et al 201369
Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362
Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362
Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Juraj Farmer Survey 2014
Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A
KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Kancolla roja Expert A
Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A
Kcana ckello Tapia 2014
Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013
Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014
202
Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito
Koscosa Expert A
Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017
Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017
Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390
Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382
Lipena Mujica et al 201361
Lito Mujica et al 201321 62
Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014
Maniquena Mujica et al 201361
Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69
Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A
Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361
Mau Fuentes et al 2012
Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Millmi Hunziker 1943
MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Nameya ayara Tapia 201477
Namora Mujica et al 201361
Narino Mujica et al 201362
Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369
Negroa Farmer Survey 2014
Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A
Ollague Jarvis et al 2017
Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103
Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012
Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Pandela rosada INIA photo collection
Parakai Hunziker 1943
Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014
Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013
Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label
Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A
Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460
Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460
Phera Farmer Survey 2014
Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015
Plomao Farmer Survey 2014
Potosi Tapia 2014
Puc Fuentes et al 2012
Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78
203
Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382
Qillu ayara Tapia 201477
Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013
Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014
Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361
Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369
Regalona Jarvis et al 2017
Robura Mujica et al 201361
Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361
Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014
Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014
Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014
Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369
Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014
Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361
Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468
Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014
Samaranti Mujica et al 201361
Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Sayana Mujica et al 201361
Senora Mujica et al 201361 90
Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321
Tabacomi Tapia 201468
Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Toledo Mujica et al 201361
Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321
Tupiza Mujica et al 201321
Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97
Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90
Utusaya Mujica et al 201361
Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014
Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety
Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390
Wila ayara Tapia 201477
Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398
Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478
Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014
Yana quinua Hunziker 1943
204
Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382
Yujiura Tapia 201465
205
APPENDIX B
RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA
Races of the Altiplano
1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla
Races of Inter-Andean Valleys
Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)
Races of Junin
16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)
Races of Ancash
19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)
Races of Cajamarca
23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada
Source Tapia et al (2014)
206
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Cherfas Jeremy
2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016
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2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497
Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J
1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169
Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology
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Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated
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Hellin Jon and Sophie Higman 2005 Crop diversity and livelihood security in the Andes Development in Practice
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Hunziker Armando T 1952 Los pseudocereales de la Agricultura Indiacutegena de Ameacuterica ACMA AGENCY
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Jacobsen S-E 2011 The Situation for Quinoa and Its Production in Southern Bolivia From Economic
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Jameson William 1861 Journey from Quito to Cayambe Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of
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Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in
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576
Kobayashi Orion and Mariano Beillard 2016 Peru Quinoa Price Fluctuation Global Agricultural Information Network USDA
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Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge
2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32
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Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W
1985 Sweetness and Power New York Penguin Books Mintzer Miguel J 1933 Las Quinoas su cultivo en la Argentina su importancia como planta alimenticia
Boletin Mensual Ministerio Agricultura de la Nacion 34(1)59-77
Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes
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Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute
Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del
presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile
Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford
University Press Murphy Kevin M Didier Bazile Julianne Kellogg Maryam Rahmanian 2016 Development of a Worldwide Consortium on Evolutionary Participatory Breeding
in Quinoa Frontiers in Plant Science 7608 National Research Council 1989 Lost Crops of the Inca Little-Known Plants of the Andes with Promise for
Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of
Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc
Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of
Anthropology 25329-53
214
Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical
exchanges Human Organization 62(3)242-254 Pickersgill Barbara 2007 Domestication of Plants in the Americas Insights from Mendelian and Molecular
Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article
Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93
Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany
Field Methods 17(3)1-16
Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick
Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture
Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate
(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87
Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of
Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846
Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y
Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru
Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)
Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101
215
Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)
and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189
Rivera Julio Valladolid 1998 Andean Peasant Agriculture Nurturing a Diversity of Life in the Chacra In Spirit
of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd
Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari
2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011
Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315
Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change
and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138
Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland
Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara
Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of
the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint
Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook
of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497
Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study
in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333
216
Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ
Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany
19(3)223-235
Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa
Renaissance Human Organization 74(1)86-99 2014 The Cooked is the Kept Factors Shaping the Maintenance of Agro-biodiversity in
the Andes Hum Ecol 42711-726 Smith Bruce 1992 Rivers of Change Washington DC Smithsonian Institution Press
1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First
Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico
Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)
httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)
Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon
51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y
Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de
las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe
Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio
2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC
Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization
217
Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos
No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65
httpgogalegroupcomlphsclufledupsidop=GRGMampu=gain40375ampid=GALE|A452743113ampv=21ampit=rampsid=summonampauthCount=1 Accessed March 7 2017
Ton G and J Bijman 2006 The role of producer organizations in the process of developing an integrated
supply chain experiences from Quinoa chain development in Bolivia Paper presented at the 7th International Conference on Management in AgriFood Chains and Networks Ede The Netherlands 31 May-2 June 2006
Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural
Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC
United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231
httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)
2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin
America and the Caribbean
2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and
Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region
Nd United Nations Observances International Years
Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547
218
Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)
and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of
Pennsylvania Press
Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site
in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley
Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)
Economic Botany 44(3)92-110
1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239
Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium
nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206
Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023
Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and
Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601
219
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a
Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of
Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after
taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well
as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of
Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme
Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In
2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th
Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has
been active in local and state issues
In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in
environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was
awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American
Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation
5
example I followed as we progressed through graduate school The inspiration for this
dissertation arose from our casual conversations and the ldquoQuinoa kidsrdquo name we
adopted in the horseshoe tournament at the Armadillo Roast fundraiser for the
University of Florida Department of Anthropology I also want to thank Marlon Carranza
for listening to my woes and providing humor and perspective throughout this process
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11
ABSTRACT 12
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 14
Research Question 14
Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29
2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36
The Fox and the Condor 38
What is Quinoa 39
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45
Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62
Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66
Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72
Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74
3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80
Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82
7
Harvesting 88
Quinoa Processing 93
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104
Pricing 107
4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172
A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180
5 CONCLUSION 188
APPENDIX
A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199
B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205
LIST OF REFERENCES 206
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219
8
LIST OF TABLES
Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61
4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132
4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138
4-3 Races of Quinoa 139
4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145
4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149
4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153
4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154
4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156
4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161
4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167
4-11 Quinoa Uses 179
9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47
2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58
2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59
2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63
2-5 Peske 65
2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67
2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68
2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73
2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74
3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89
3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90
3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91
3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92
3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92
3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95
3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96
3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99
3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107
3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108
3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109
3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109
3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110
10
4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132
4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152
4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152
4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174
4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175
4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176
4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182
4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183
4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183
11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa
COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NGO Non-governmental organization
UN United Nations
UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
US United States
12
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS
AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
Deborah J Andrews
August 2017
Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology
This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-
scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa
crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of
globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-
colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate
it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who
relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however
has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity
maintenance and increased risk to farmers
The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys
and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This
study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers
including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers
selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced
variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200
13
quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period
of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number
of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary
properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this
study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of
between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of
this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance
including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including
the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon
existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level
including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other
consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued
crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and
marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers
especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the
beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint
contributions to global food security
14
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Research Question
This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the
farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market
Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of
agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection
Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production
and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)
consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including
Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of
agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have
grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is
the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as
well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and
Helmreich 2010546)
In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish
colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the
question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of
market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained
global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to
losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards
monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the
15
dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial
market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least
color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global
market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity
Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on
dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional
benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food
source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for
thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional
small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-
species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in
light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study
This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about
the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets
have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural
practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to
quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the
popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa
specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on
very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon
many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of
varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the
difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored
16
below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This
study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been
maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano
While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity
this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity
maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need
to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity
practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the
biodiversity of quinoa
The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that
affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for
resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and
paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go
togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-
scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and
how they changed in response to market globalization
Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa
provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures
especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the
Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo
et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual
festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for
17
symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits
(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in
decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in
agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In
acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found
that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm
diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association
with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and
quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon
Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the
Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the
Andean people who had a deep history with the plant
Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)
The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-
blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including
quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and
people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food
18
Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people
and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo
where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated
varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo
associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the
Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous
Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world
Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong
association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and
the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity
thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side
Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived
colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency
The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can
contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a
decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now
primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good
way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In
contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the
crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment
coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an
important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long
term negative consequences
19
For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this
traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing
popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a
western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)
Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history
culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale
farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such
as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually
on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local
quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic
example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider
space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking
worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)
The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid
fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a
long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention
and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa
farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to
understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove
2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The
farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of
which lead directly to the global market
20
Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised
concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero
and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied
by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio
found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised
despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the
farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as
noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa
(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by
globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the
relationship between the two
While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the
Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done
by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)
Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls
larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the
remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a
collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The
social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity
(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity
focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important
factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops
were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which
21
emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in
the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into
the equation
Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social
organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)
Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the
question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and
there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call
for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)
Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out
consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of
crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets
The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity
consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a
polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and
various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market
through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular
color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead
to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes
Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers
and crop agrodiversity
Historic Overview
The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of
quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially
22
interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries
whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid
(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth
century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous
rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish
colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous
populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily
classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist
practices has transformed into a global commodity
Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the
Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan
past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the
bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial
classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies
ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and
quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity
for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a
multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as
well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of
discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due
to cultural beliefs
The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its
complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the
23
world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into
the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)
The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the
events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a
history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or
relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression
by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian
foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations
of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity
as a health food in the West
Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and
minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A
recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition
levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its
exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous
implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow
quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the
Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional
reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product
Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other
agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which
has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global
popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association
24
with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to
investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has
caused in the past
Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of
quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in
agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)
defines global food security as follows
Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life
This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security
through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also
inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to
reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local
farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss
Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices
Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on
participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study
describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern
changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance
The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of
Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)
as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie
et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru
(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in
25
the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange
location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa
agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I
obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a
long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several
extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place
during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with
the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I
traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana
Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero
I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)
and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these
100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale
vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field
researchers and relatives of two of the university professors
Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was
introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways
The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food
safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr
Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors
took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed
their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since
it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews
26
with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of
quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems
with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could
base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further
described in my research findings
Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in
Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research
station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this
field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this
field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I
took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on
a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and
surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these
participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts
The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience
sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of
Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a
representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an
outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city
for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set
of farmers
Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going
through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent
27
After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why
they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the
farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to
participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not
write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men
Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in
individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a
meeting
The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN
the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the
city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash
Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is
organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the
Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one
substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four
subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same
membership size and structure
The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining
COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people
getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the
future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important
issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings
they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change
28
At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for
processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes
threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in
large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and
removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further
described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and
global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote
factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts
that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market
presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a
website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global
market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local
farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the
members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their
harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in
Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study
A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I
personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-
structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student
volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and
record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to
the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and
29
met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal
informational and background interviews
As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a
variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the
local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two
agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition
regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather
data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten
Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government
official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa
agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of
the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication
which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or
comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4
Agrodiversity and Globalization
Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices
during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study
to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to
develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a
published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported
thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo
was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are
not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported
quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate
30
or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of
data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its
relationship to Andean farming culture
To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local
quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the
past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of
quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after
consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different
type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the
study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain
While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it
became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for
quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in
Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily
apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-
based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which
provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety
sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with
varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations
The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their
quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the
research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent
season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety
31
selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection
such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability
and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well
as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative
and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also
describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the
dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study
In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for
selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since
Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years
this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global
demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic
conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop
that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors
were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect
agrodiversity maintenance
External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity
maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well
as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of
Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for
the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced
large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the
external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts
32
Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect
agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for
quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than
using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus
quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end
product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred
color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-
grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market
pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a
few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other
characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in
Chapter 2
Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill
et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm
diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby
1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of
potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions
a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any
given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often
select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as
early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity
maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-
based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested
33
these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-
scale farmers
Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited
characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean
farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa
Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US
supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product
the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale
benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale
distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time
allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is
in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would
be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance
In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was
reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-
Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and
community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced
varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However
due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin
(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo
(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with
development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the
preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of
34
this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context
of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also
analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa
agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts
In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming
practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization
in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual
relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique
history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from
domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans
and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian
foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not
necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean
people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh
aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and
quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and
nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection
playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences
such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly
diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal
husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided
Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh
environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the
35
agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time
of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity
maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western
agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different
quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into
agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for
variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety
selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the
future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type
practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the
dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further
agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-
long partners ndash Andean farmers
36
CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People
This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the
present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a
long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-
plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little
known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market
expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it
associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa
its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the
nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the
natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has
had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate
about the present and future conservation practices
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the
world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated
plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to
cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and
ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity
(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity
The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants
is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera
37
1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of
biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant
diversity
Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for
continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human
behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of
plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or
enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms
(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the
latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to
reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase
survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed
development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith
1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer
seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a
thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an
archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions
cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus
seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in
domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated
versions and hence human intervention
The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of
traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed
38
independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most
important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of
domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants
which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with
the Americas (Rivera 1998)
Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including
potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes
(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity
than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known
agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent
notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium
pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or
love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al
2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the
excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time
high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be
found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans
and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific
discoveries about this plant
The Fox and the Condor
The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in
ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin
story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called
39
The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from
starving recounted below
The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The
condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch
anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox
sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a
ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The
others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back
to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox
says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the
earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the
food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha
and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods
ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it
is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as
described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival
This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of
the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand
the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue
living in the otherwise harsh environment
What is Quinoa
Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a
domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South
America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a
40
pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a
primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things
it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments
(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide
variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates
Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2
m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits
(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa
grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al
2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection
discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated
varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as
previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain
exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains
Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely
known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones
and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala
Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a
wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily
detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the
grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-
related characteristics beyond color
41
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species
The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and
communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)
ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this
point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)
Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about
natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs
and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and
understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-
going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as
quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans
Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The
Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which
are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the
Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with
Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change
regarding the scientific classification of quinoa
Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been
misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For
example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds
1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field
work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to
establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports
In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the
42
pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the
usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for
analysis
Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is
due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones
encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked
phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and
Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems
attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of
attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of
genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great
agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in
a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and
species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying
and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in
Chapter 4
Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant
that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single
pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic
complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity
Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250
species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and
new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently
43
was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass
crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum
is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is
spread across the globe
Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean
classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having
ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson
199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated
Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated
Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson
and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World
Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes
Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-
Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)
In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and
wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite
and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri
ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct
Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C
boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006
Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp
zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across
the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into
44
Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi
Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum
has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the
Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South
Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that
grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity
It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C
berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill
2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were
domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis
indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be
more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies
between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa
and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)
Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and
huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for
great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp
zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)
Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species
including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The
quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original
ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American
origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split
45
occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has
been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the
quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further
hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-
industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the
quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies
involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the
large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not
presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise
dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation
of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent
and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future
History of Quinoa in the Andes
Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years
Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as
15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the
archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa
plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an
important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)
Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on
them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and
Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca
Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth
of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa
46
Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its
current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical
association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has
vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily
available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of
quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The
relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic
fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent
(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to
imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran
19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the
concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have
been connected in time and space with the plant
Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes
and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations
over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and
potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the
harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into
European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and
potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world
Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact
(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or
mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca
47
above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce
fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of
harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and
so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama
holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in
Argentina
Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360
Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of
European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the
reverence for Pachamama
48
Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their
agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa
2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al
(2013) specifically listed magic
The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus
threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in
discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful
alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous
foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period
(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production
relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its
production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)
Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous
local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was
noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)
providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was
considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory
reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be
inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic
research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people
with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although
49
quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food
revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the
Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status
associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with
competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production
declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European
contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa
Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo
another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of
sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased
competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline
in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain
apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)
although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was
apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the
value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities
continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still
present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the
biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of
Andean agriculture and ecosystems
Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled
with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford
50
1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming
quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the
seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as
well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have
contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times
While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years
South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a
domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are
responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)
so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity
through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by
European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that
maintained traditional knowledge and practices
While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described
across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American
explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean
quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including
Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-
grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th
centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead
1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of
Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow
red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while
51
acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-
consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor
(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the
Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of
quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely
known
While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists
continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the
1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the
Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a
plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-
known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that
the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive
In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and
noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In
1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops
(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread
out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and
nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does
not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a
Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the
botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the
Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence
52
of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone
growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both
color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat
interchangeably
While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead
1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the
nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003
Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South
America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals
and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43
published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which
were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about
quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely
distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the
world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread
publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with
the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global
consumption
The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in
1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier
range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer
1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador
Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds
53
reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other
cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with
the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of
quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)
however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and
Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs
In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno
Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and
consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern
science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American
scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor
collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al
1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who
extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they
ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in
favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean
products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also
affected by this bias
Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global
market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional
value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a
high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with
processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal
54
process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the
Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos
Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the
border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national
quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main
producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also
cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is
also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world
In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later
acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned
organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)
The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book
in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of
Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including
the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean
people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded
Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the
ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people
through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented
that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing
its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo
(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with
both viewed together through a socio-economic lens
55
The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)
who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of
quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed
complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the
domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial
areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including
the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a
place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes
from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was
a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and
culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and
plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live
side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both
survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while
Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a
production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts
prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the
world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional
food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its
noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western
world
Resurgence of Quinoa
Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it
was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and
56
Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids
including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining
nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and
speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the
species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by
ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide
market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health
food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US
expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers
Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be
the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This
proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated
years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity
and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such
accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this
status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN
2011b)
Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
57
Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important
issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN
acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have
conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged
the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the
environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably
the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the
quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and
landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about
the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people
who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a
UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean
people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint
contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing
an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can
lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and
support of UN Millennium Goals
What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world
market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice
58
(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes
including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa
originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was
taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across
the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was
not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus
for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable
shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes
and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly
nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation
While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in
various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however
the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador
although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across
the world including the US and Canada
Source Bazile et al 2014
Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013
59
The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent
although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US
Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from
1900 to 2014
Source Bazile et al 2016
Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa
The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with
increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN
Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other
countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of
quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated
with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers
association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from
the 1980s to the present
60
Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export
more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow
quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa
exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington
Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved
in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods
Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker
Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company
to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa
include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California
Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows
and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and
Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and
there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large
multi-national industrial agriculture corporations
Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa
Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by
the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community
quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation
into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa
Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-
3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had
144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the
variety (Murphy et al 2016)
61
Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa
PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g
QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22
Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181
Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein
(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein
meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school
children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human
growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its
protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc
content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium
phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)
Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et
al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad
cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also
contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell
membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-
Carrasco et al 2003)
The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5
sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to
its high fiber content (UN 2011a)
62
In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total
dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN
2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of
time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit
and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)
Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These
two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders
caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various
properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo
Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as
wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of
quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa
is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being
touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to
cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al
2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today
Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the
global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the
farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa
which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship
How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa
Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal
consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization
has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section
63
describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products
are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of
the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily
consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual
cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between
traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more
traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within
species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with
agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link
Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary
focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and
leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also
consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is
commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive
and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy
Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews
2012
64
Food
As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is
consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have
different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although
there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties
In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain
recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for
different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used
for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et
al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans
have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which
underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on
culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and
farmer variety selection
Grain Products
The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently
consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part
quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice
although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The
grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske
which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for
the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared
like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed
65
Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of
chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and
sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure
prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that
quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka
celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from
quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru
beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony
A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing
combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which
are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and
convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer
product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in
villages or by farmers
66
Processed Quinoa
While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold
commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further
processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can
be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as
products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes
for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for
baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it
makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute
for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies
Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added
to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa
smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable
breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines
quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores
in the United States including pasta and baby food
In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the
length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the
winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important
step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need
to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer
layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is
exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different
stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most
67
quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional
rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case
Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The
traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using
an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a
child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind
stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this
childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants
agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they
can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of
modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who
makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to
make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant
in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption
Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image
credit Deborah Andrews 2014
68
Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from
rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora
is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa
dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips
Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial
purposes
Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
Medicine
While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa
plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine
The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)
Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation
relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN
2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever
69
urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss
of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness
anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in
addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is
traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments
Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional
medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional
medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not
normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter
however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to
broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used
for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research
on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)
providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent
scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price
since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and
studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes
(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has
antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and
antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have
medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or
therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity
70
Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In
the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high
altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from
the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The
stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as
compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and
scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties
with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity
Ritual Uses
Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in
Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs
and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as
birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from
their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close
relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal
2015)
As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)
Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral
ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most
well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology
Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour
preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and
celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan
Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa
71
The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they
use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to
their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make
figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other
symbols
One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant
Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa
jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration
for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig
blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly
and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production
Consumer Products
Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and
coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer
products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture
of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa
(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before
consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the
plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil
shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red
quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye
72
Animal Forage
The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are
used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals
however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in
Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be
marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does
not grow well
During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development
projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain
waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the
ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens
were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while
I observed farming demonstrations
One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to
become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the
introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would
be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high
elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10
chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than
commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped
into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental
conditions
73
Fuel
The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is
available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and
oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root
foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-
8)
A B
C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa
stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015
74
There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition
to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other
consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array
of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but
which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and
non-traditional
Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017
Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa
Negative Local Health Effects
One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the
indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the
concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase
75
may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-
nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market
demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa
tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher
than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter
3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not
proceeded without social debate
Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market
expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use
of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using
them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on
non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect
on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also
reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated
ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted
for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental
and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand
for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary
changes
The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to
global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too
expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an
article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the
76
fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)
In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the
argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that
quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey
2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the
high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the
loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is
continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since
there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor
diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa
consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)
Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that
consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands
The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems
well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not
the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been
occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a
prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food
source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the
increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of
preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A
common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time
77
that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw
grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes
While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into
Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of
ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino
a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to
the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the
farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue
of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects
vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price
While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent
analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while
quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004
quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period
from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which
Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the
diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly
concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in
household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger
increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the
quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the
price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be
determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers
78
The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by
Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates
including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and
the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced
crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of
poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science
confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source
Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the
20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim
Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace
in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy
restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness
of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used
quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)
Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the
world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a
change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to
science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional
knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past
denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing
conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study
of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics
As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested
79
notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)
Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean
identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The
globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by
Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-
driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as
scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches
While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the
question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its
survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate
In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its
usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage
uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not
worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status
and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to
world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are
often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its
history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and
preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the
Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced
knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either
the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will
explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market
80
CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND
WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME
This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the
market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers
go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale
there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern
changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that
the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the
agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa
farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the
traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of
quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that
have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how
these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
Diversification and the Environment
Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of
ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this
extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes
Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be
grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can
grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato
As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most
important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of
quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000
81
meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there
can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In
some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen
2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little
organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)
Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and
varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just
as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean
environment quinoa has too
In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the
agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most
Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms
can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small
farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder
farms in the altiplano
Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly
diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop
(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme
climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the
same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under
various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will
thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a
traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices
82
due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems
for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of
quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-
zone
What are the Current Farming Practices
Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing
shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen
2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included
the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers
first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a
tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent
one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor
and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting
In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported
in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)
These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing
practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance
(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil
moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study
has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers
(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with
looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a
cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized
tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of
83
any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for
the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist
with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms
having no adult men present
In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging
areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands
have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as
the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can
lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include
environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion
and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the
productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe
or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to
irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip
with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the
altiplano if they have not done so already
Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and
also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers
let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a
current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the
soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other
crops of choice that grows in the altiplano
84
Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with
maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without
interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys
quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes
(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as
2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco
region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow
well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field
crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation
Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot
afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before
planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This
usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil
before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough
fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop
The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a
source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on
the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer
which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm
Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale
and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather
condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting
Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the
85
landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower
which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean
farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant
their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated
to cultural practice
In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa
planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop
Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing
season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first
blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for
the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for
sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of
the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of
September
With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN
2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period
Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the
altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation
the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by
hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual
maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same
field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties
planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully
86
select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that
mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the
traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage
of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same
time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be
harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same
variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening
and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be
planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and
traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of
quinoa
There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the
focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with
a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially
since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was
especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers
However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a
better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the
region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete
ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as
drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place
and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can
reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other
87
regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with
quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with
the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would
make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown
without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more
resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters
allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al
2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-
resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano
Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with
mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one
of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on
the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include
insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are
used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural
practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests
With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due
to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa
such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are
more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa
because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties
including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss
due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating
88
the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due
to pests
Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which
is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can
be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those
locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues
experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of
irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa
harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due
to the onset of cold
The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in
agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a
risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting
more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows
for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the
season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized
harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing
additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity
practices
Harvesting
Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry
After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This
delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is
a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed
89
during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the
exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora
The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held
sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that
added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that
some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout
the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the
same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is
cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry
The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack
hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to
expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other
available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop
(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice
that is not always followed
Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
90
Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on
weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage
of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers
rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the
stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates
the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed
much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to
separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that
the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the
mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product
Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12
people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying
and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the
farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10
for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative
to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be
difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor
Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from
the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
91
The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further
remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional
processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle
This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining
shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile
with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the
panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)
Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The
remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer
stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is
also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although
they can digest the green stalks
The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of
stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure
3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of
92
available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further
remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is
poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris
away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant
altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting
Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
93
Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of
removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this
process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the
birds so that they would not cry
Quinoa Processing
Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are
also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins
are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al
2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the
pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process
(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN
2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that
Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin
removal prior to eating
Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin
removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had
the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously
rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in
saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create
complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water
needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand
pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with
water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN
saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can
94
also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities
for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers
store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale
In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming
techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The
fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued
agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized
harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different
varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand
harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties
can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation
since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An
emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop
at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield
The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root
systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation
also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and
higher humidity
Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms
with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm
animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production
Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their
products on the market discussed in the next section
95
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market
Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next
step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their
product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their
products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers
at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa
on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section
discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market
expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market
access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for
networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes
Farmersrsquo Markets
Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of
Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most
vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground
For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped
out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale
Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
96
Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and
flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed
form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered
form (Figure 3-7)
Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as
commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and
commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for
the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the
vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it
Farmersrsquo Cooperatives
Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join
a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As
noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves
the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market
COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru
97
Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables
them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both
The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health
foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos
empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of
the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I
have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the
representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is
still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting
with outside contacts
COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to
selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed
to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their
education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the
seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4
men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds
The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4
COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an
organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN
formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social
network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014
they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought
their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they
98
purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified
that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It
would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the
people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new
practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This
discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in
another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not
necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth
which will be discussed in the section on price
COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their
harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national
and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well
as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized
market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market
The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the
farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and
the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and
thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory
has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional
drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on
black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for
drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is
gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last
99
steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of
the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)
Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by
the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but
also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was
limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to
foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of
its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in
foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN
seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available
purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in
a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would
be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople
COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each
farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each
100
farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally
consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received
wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired
internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the
farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on
purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day
was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa
on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than
percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped
dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa
grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa
pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing
In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high
demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to
the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with
other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners
of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it
appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for
intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or
end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors
selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their
inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many
distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially
101
maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their
inventory and maintain cash flow
Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition
from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which
almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers
could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price
increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more
quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in
2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year
and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was
restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of
production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent
changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers
and would be an interesting point for further study in the future
While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the
farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter
the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection
between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and
non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the
market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number
of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending
on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a
number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in
102
the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo
markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where
orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the
national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements
to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are
involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the
quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain
The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller
international sales of quinoa flour and flakes
Future Market Expansion
Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales
COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted
above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white
quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market
infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products
Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential
to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation
On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a
meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products
from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food
research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr
Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he
had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products
103
One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic
cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing
salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a
folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger
than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which
they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea
Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed
around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I
thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some
experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due
to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick
lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the
packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared
tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high
nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa
While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what
other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close
to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining
ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat
consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial
market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that
would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved
forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture
104
would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon
return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food
products available in local grocery stores
Agricultural Fairs
Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market
contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and
provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is
informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is
held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in
the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United
States
The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not
notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the
fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place
throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able
to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to
be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate
different ways to consume it
There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products
Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were
displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display
included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were
prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies
105
were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items
included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative
One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice
cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it
out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was
subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair
a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice
cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then
realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the
honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice
cream could be a hit in the United States
The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the
finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the
individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths
had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One
display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was
red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the
potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and
purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same
as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant
activity
One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending
quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an
106
ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to
the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my
hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass
given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise
downed the whole glass
Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking
demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake
Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep
fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I
said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr
Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and
popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise
Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather
and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are
a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for
quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be
a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to
maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of
quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance
since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values
107
Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015
Pricing
Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market
that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream
grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase
production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa
occurred in Peru as well as in other countries
Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising
three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)
Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled
(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price
dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global
market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001
to 2014
108
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014
While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data
Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike
in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production
volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos
annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus
taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than
doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold
production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru
in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the
subsequent drop in price
Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity
and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth
in Figure 3-11
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Vo
lum
e in
Met
ric
ton
s
Year
QUINOA PRODUCTION
Peru Bolivia
109
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003
According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of
sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A
similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)
Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno
Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06
20
07
20
08
20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
20
14
US
Do
llars
pe
r to
n
Peru Quinoa Producer Prices
Value
0
05
1
15
2
25
3
35
4
45
Sole
s p
er
kilo
gram
Years
Puno Producer Prices
110
As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went
down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a
dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other
countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly
supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to
grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa
production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)
Source Hudson 2015
Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop
The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to
August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the
period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In
2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently
13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people
were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from
111
the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the
reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and
mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I
returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015
Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back
down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these
price changes have had on quinoa producers
I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I
had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said
that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer
However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to
increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other
segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN
Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase
practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were
delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the
global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned
cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial
sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six
months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their
farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized
vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and
transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and
112
as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN
however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all
of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any
given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-
week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa
Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa
on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members
and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that
they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from
whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others
than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its
own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers
who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative
became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN
Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as
demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very
skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was
in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-
members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new
practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this
development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot
report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local
market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during
113
its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were
previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially
in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues
primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the
demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a
period of time
The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided
insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had
stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and
delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were
indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research
reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the
increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi
and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited
other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including
areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a
shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a
number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional
grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on
the market was not a consideration during the boom times
While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the
color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN
management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in
114
2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal
value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa
which is red white and black
The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the
COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white
quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per
arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained
agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things
occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped
substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white
quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance
practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers
who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame
While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears
that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not
dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the
period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black
quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have
predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be
published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the
consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported
health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific
1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos
115
studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all
reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the
quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus
on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are
usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and
both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa
nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)
however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial
production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other
considerations such as biodiversity maintenance
Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies
range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to
memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The
traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to
the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation
times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines
allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it
relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is
reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of
climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of
pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for
sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a
market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be
116
consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction
to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the
partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with
an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem
and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides
are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons
to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop
success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer
demands
It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take
into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not
distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015
however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the
lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30
more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well
as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price
drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects
that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur
in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-
based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found
demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level
There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers
In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by
117
competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have
different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food
to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While
the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten
years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-
scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the
addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global
market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next
chapter
118
CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING
A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and
agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of
the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study
period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in
selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter
also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related
to these subjects
Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is
essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate
change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human
selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the
desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental
stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that
farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a
variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al
2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the
creation and maintenance of an array of varieties
Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by
maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of
colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food
119
product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be
fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through
domination of market-driven desired product characteristics
While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global
market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)
and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet
and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important
characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the
market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product
that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which
took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for
sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same
colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as
larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices
however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color
while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing
the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in
collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can
also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an
array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product
identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors
efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance
120
While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is
not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some
people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red
quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of
quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about
the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names
to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the
plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural
salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and
this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the
Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-
embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the
variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain
size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself
necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the
specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use
accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a
link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge
relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers
Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a
domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human
selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics
located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among
121
and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity
can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of
seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of
thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting
improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)
Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa
species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by
ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural
selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside
domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa
plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While
many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-
seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis
has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et
al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such
varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the
wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore
contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus
nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo
practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant
With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding
a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the
Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and
122
wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same
time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and
domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian
species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of
the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean
varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even
within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human
selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The
continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of
the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the
agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding
varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate
change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on
sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is
already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus
continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa
that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of
agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species
To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species
quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes
favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not
123
account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the
observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety
of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important
cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to
both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural
and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity
especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple
threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)
states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires
concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the
Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other
humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa
helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified
Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture
local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno
The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make
annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to
the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes
are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences
As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since
the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason
they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not
derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional
124
culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has
a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk
classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up
and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research
discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a
gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the
farmers
While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical
and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are
other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of
scientific classificatory schemes is that
Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)
In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human
element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on
morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of
external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective
on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered
people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the
economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the
spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the
local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has
125
affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient
features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture
The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis
and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains
are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as
belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains
determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-
biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can
provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together
based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk
taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute
to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification
When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa
market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After
all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species
What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were
hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps
thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous
times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published
research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this
information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork
that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I
had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals
126
and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a
Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located
While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report
(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure
does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species
that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a
species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a
comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent
of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction
plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species
including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity
exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper
Farmersrsquo Knowledge
Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector
I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe
logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names
that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the
people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and
experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)
ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also
the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical
knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well
as cultural adaptations and changes
127
To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of
quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers
(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa
varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students
from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered
quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a
total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that
the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or
used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from
the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and
demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also
conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the
participants
During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify
different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often
used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same
species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics
that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a
variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name
The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties
1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable
128
express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select
seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant
This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that
they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable
characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and
organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different
scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species
level
Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash
farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify
quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus
the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to
humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson
noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive
mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus
the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated
with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to
identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the
names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological
classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called
peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and
people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with
129
classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in
some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature
In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a
commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem
with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa
without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the
research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms
especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was
after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific
classification systems arose
Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa
names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications
Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the
accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other
identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the
sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and
included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207
names of varieties some going back over 70 years
Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as
easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made
about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there
was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic
pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and
130
put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the
various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping
I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one
farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which
he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names
which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given
different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a
different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the
State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)
In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate
overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed
this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local
farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and
Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus
for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in
Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the
purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific
varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the
farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in
the scientific literature that I reviewed
Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr
Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is
131
an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the
scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I
removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods
and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying
chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in
ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity
parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus
while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa
demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)
talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the
scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I
have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and
revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness
In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office
in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples
of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13
varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)
The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than
noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able
to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of
gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in
finding names in places outside of publications
132
Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012
Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru
Rank Variety
1 Amarilla Marangani
2 Blanca de Juli
3 Kancolla
4 Blanca de Junin
5 Hualhuas
6 Huancayo
7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano
8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca
9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana
10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla
11 Illpa INIA
12 Salcedo INIA
13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013
As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names
to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most
comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my
collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with
133
the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different
quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they
were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a
list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book
to extract the names
Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)
referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did
not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like
Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In
compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other
researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014
Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the
altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from
Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties
After reviewing published academic research governmental documents
consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a
comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the
farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37
that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but
three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished
names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara
language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive
environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific
134
knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-
laden environment
The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the
evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I
encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa
names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be
comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially
since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes
differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the
quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the
two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern
variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting
point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such
as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional
absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than
accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to
farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to
provide consistency
As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the
use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination
was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the
field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard
135
to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the
biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)
Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is
contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first
used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather
populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria
such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)
says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological
characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)
definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows
Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)
Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on
historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes
are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has
not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the
association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term
ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not
when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace
acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these
136
varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the
term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or
if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way
the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into
accepted categories is not a simple task
Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and
have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of
quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations
Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species
(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa
types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not
synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the
same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage
While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different
varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working
domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a
grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species
as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related
varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several
varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race
While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the
species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification
system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large
137
number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of
quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct
groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)
Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic
distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification
category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems
While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg
Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently
Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and
have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and
Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)
The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between
species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete
varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic
organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the
names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are
used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla
pasankalla and roja among others
Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-
groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca
Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since
they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on
differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the
138
individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and
cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly
anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates
the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking
plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city
names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers
who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired
morphological characteristics
In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with
subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)
Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name
White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla
quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla
Source Tapia et al (2014)
Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my
research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years
covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity
pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90
farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps
an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which
could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting
question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline
was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties
139
(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can
be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof
to social networks including formal organizations
With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I
have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use
One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten
which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten
and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I
studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further
described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial
sale
In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)
Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified
primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for
each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race
Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples
1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa
Source Mujica et al 2013
These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al
(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-
140
Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with
altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al
(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-
Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al
(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not
include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while
these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification
scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually
overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize
classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a
consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification
system
In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the
wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of
species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument
yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild
relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other
domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the
race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara
acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two
types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also
have domesticated characteristics
141
Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know
and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except
for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish
conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to
group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to
provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its
usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a
particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further
organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a
wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa
While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa
it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end
products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the
grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that
can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market
with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a
much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the
farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names
including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow
(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al
(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications
of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In
addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent
142
and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of
color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not
identifying a specific variety
In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a
specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color
form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten
identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern
Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety
Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different
fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana
(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples
rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana
either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of
the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name
such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla
rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types
into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both
strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and
variety that passes on color-based information about the variety
Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain
color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package
For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly
distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the
143
intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained
any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences
Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-
driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to
knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package
that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled
ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety
for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely
distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information
may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of
diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of
the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to
base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to
demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity
preservation
The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of
knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the
possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other
quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and
collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide
ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also
reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This
research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano
144
farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of
quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names
Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are
needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of
classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment
of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be
conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection
based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional
information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary
properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa
variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety
knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research
may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield
While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and
which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are
associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)
sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the
product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural
connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still
wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful
especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to
maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate
transportation marketing and other costs
145
To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried
out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of
several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of
quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative
purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was
used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned
the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic
The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same
amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest
panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the
grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all
extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table
4-4)
Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos
Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900
Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by
the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a
plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent
of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests
146
While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an
experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans
placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The
researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even
though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response
however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the
earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on
my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers
loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was
visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that
had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I
observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating
some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews
where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that
attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a
factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the
global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation
Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead
yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers
made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in
the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about
the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo
characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest
147
infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past
information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align
In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties
based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment
choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the
highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this
variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi
which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year
Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for
the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both
of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et
al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with
kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla
is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo
INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences
farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most
frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed
ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not
planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties
most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not
necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this
experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-
hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be
148
some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even
marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the
climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield
obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted
varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be
grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most
frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government
agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo
practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and
features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions
How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant
To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and
interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that
they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in
this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were
linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and
UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is
important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and
others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of
change due to globalization and outside consumer influences
As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had
planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was
28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to
twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm
149
selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of
specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably
this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In
addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds
90
Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties
Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)
1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6
Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA
The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew
blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as
does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the
study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow
unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in
different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based
on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting
question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the
connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this
150
variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed
further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection
and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety
called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the
farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not
list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history
of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers
This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of
sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of
salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may
not completely explain its dominance
Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown
by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only
grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single
female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each
(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and
plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers
and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent
on a small number of farmers
To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown
by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-
student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The
151
average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old
the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old
The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-
op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and
female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers
with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and
thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on
the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who
participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to
their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages
although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups
The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of
these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of
farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university
farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in
the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of
Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although
the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more
extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the
student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not
grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the
university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university
farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller
152
number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance
of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one
with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age
differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including
flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity
maintenance
Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24
Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35
27
2018
16
54
2
Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Blanca de Juli
Kancolla
Chulpi
Choclito
14
8
9
11115
87653
Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Kancolla
Blanca
Coito
Blanca de Juli
Negra
153
With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the
average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average
number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as
gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229
varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older
farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this
measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened
degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions
between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to
the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed
by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos
data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-
op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the
students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further
discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however
does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are
growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties
Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown
Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)
Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265
To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions
among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35
co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table
154
4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group
growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more
co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one
group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding
the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity
maintenance
Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties
Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers
Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29
With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers
there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females
versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most
frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could
be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but
I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic
affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety
This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female
farmers that could be explored in the future
Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university
farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9
versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only
grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only
one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small
155
(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender
differences in agrodiversity maintenance
For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a
season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a
tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on
average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females
however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for
males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female
farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One
particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm
during a single season further discussed below
To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the
farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised
for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety
selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the
farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for
personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces
as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select
seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons
for seed selection to see if they still remained true
Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they
grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30
female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well
156
and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The
farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-
10)
Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection
Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses
Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15
While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given
reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local
environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were
1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)
2) frost resistance (10 responses) and
3) resists climate change (3 responses)
While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the
altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost
resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late
in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the
season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the
reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could
survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not
thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the
varying conditions of the harsh environment
157
The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is
consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)
Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions
including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example
Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are
adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold
temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and
thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason
consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh
altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive
drought cold and salt
The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield
accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18
responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4
responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more
grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to
each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does
not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being
twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in
size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These
findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and
provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an
important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to
158
have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the
farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow
While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on
their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not
the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases
leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew
201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not
have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more
adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara
The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a
total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were
1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)
2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and
3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)
The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in
variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as
blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term
amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white
quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this
trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten
responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows
more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers
159
The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the
availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some
purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some
farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual
seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a
realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the
seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability
which further inhibits their conservation
A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest
resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter
varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents
listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers
specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection
While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no
suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties
In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The
first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly
relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in
obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of
the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third
category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user
With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are
important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety
160
selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to
Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more
variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if
culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo
response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage
This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at
least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years
ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures
of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to
grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which
agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on
how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I
asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties
no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to
availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties
grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the
more obscure varieties
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices
Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety
selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources
and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has
been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al
161
(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean
farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with
neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)
found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties
consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge
(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study
For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties
need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes
where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds
Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds
Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the
prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of
seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed
selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires
knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for
seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further
described in the next section
Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage
Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100
162
While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in
this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that
they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA
(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project
(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that
the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they
collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers
collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other
considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm
As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency
is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments
has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived
from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of
the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production
including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA
representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not
surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains
collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from
using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices
providing them with the benefit of seed independence2
2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act
163
Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the
varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that
originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA
were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic
certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN
has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements
of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not
purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties
needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with
farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with
the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant
INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased
seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that
thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered
organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of
organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with
the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not
afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining
organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source
Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed
experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge
in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same
level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups
164
and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes
(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered
expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and
there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to
outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas
are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of
qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds
During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects
semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016
they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using
semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN
selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I
interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions
between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is
quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to
agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection
Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals
farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held
across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to
quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to
county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products
including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and
musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as
165
food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site
consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour
and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs
have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage
production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large
inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about
agrodiversity
In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future
crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but
seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-
saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the
same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available
however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA
however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of
commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection
the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have
seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds
likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially
due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to
shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the
readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other
varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of
existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an
166
important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be
conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by
semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of
agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor
The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity
maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-
use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic
diversity
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity
Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary
of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number
of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop
Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration
noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for
farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains
on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for
the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports
yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were
selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next
generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed
selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as
compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the
actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well
167
as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the
desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds
Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency
Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89
Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants
can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term
ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate
which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were
noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an
important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50
of the responses for selection
Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or
strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of
environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield
By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive
168
plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants
in the vicinity
Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed
selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the
plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a
frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer
evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future
seed selection
Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the
cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a
specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa
harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants
in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is
not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering
of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can
easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique
also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners
can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed
early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first
plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation
While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions
additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was
a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the
169
evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as
well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight
There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number
of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for
selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the
pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection
meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the
seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety
Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection
indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic
market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the
decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with
maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices
then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification
is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that
was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the
concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community
One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as
a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use
of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the
operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the
number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant
170
preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final
consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting
In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa
seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field
or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of
factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting
season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which
demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by
cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety
selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of
the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the
same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation
Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate
good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to
comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with
the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which
variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be
similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better
environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties
Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion
strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware
of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as
well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration
171
and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation
since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential
While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop
that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits
choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to
farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based
on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between
presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential
predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white
varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into
consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global
market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not
appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since
the variety name rarely appears on labels
As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety
distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence
agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the
culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use
there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-
white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in
the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated
benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the
most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity
172
maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety
distinctions
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection
Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the
distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in
Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la
Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated
gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender
distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often
more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence
agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of
crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn
(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men
demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)
With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the
eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the
exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed
exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-
community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection
Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select
seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos
emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and
cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection
can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch
173
molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al
2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender
aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight
into the nuances and complexities of this intersection
New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by
female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity
sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this
understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had
a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region
According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and
who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than
men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that
women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead
bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or
exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that
women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally
observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his
mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in
and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her
husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional
practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that
such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in
seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of
174
women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected
several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection
demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women
Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
A Female Semillista Example
Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the
community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often
well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of
COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well
known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with
specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a
number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa
varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a
child
Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved
in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by
management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the
population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming
175
She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has
grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and
was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr
Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica
who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide
information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name
but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties
Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them
on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa
varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in
this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field
(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I
have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her
life-long interest in quinoa diversity
Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
176
Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and
carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-
2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were
not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to
conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life
she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered
from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields
and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not
sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays
these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her
seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing
my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display
At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a
table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were
some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label
Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
177
The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below
bull Ajara inerto
bull Ajara negro
bull Blanca de Juli
bull Camacani
bull Cheweca
bull Chile
bull Choclo kancolla
bull Chucapaca
bull Chullpi Amarillo
bull Chullpi blanca
bull Chullpi roja
bull Cuchi willa
bull INIA Ilpa
bull INIA Salcedo
bull INIA Salcedo rosa
bull Kamire
bull Kancolla roja
bull Kancolla rosada
bull Koscosa
bull Marangani
bull Mesa quinoa
bull Mestiza
bull Negra collana I
bull Panela
bull Pasancalla plomo
bull Quinus misturas
bull Rosada junin
bull Rosada taraco
bull Sajama
bull Tahuaco
bull Vizallanino
Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred
INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She
uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She
always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather
Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows
178
the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds
requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is
implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting
crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in
risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional
ecological knowledge
I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she
was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was
familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the
plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her
depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been
identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red
and is also called misa quinoa
Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and
has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does
not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains
When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds
for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects
varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also
seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this
179
study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from
the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from
other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an
interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes
Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of
the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were
used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)
Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color
Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca
Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is
toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help
with pain
Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around
them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is
called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa
harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa
seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the
healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches
from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the
plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season
180
What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection
While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct
gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in
2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to
obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed
experts
An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling
good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as
farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make
arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is
rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly
pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large
and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall
to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa
Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra
Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he
decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this
organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic
certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected
to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa
for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they
purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was
still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he
received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his
181
involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price
While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate
in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until
he could get a better price
Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds
on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa
(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his
agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A
Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32
Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was
broad agrodiversity
This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male
and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)
appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male
crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men
highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional
female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further
study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa
production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding
varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of
agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa
products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further
articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance
182
These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or
indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men
and women
Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused
on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal
interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took
personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa
varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is
enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during
a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any
necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through
seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds
Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
183
Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species
the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This
research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa
variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from
published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian
184
altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional
quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the
importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study
also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also
experimenting with new quinoa varieties
The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the
need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of
quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common
characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological
zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional
categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is
commonly used
Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number
of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate
adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather
conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating
the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the
success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are
important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to
varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice
While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual
yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by
increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important
185
the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the
encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-
resistant varieties can influence yield
The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which
relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa
was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a
variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also
become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary
qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition
demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated
with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level
Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods
continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in
the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected
by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian
cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the
exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties
become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make
a difference in consumer-driven market demand
While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific
reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so
prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types
186
such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance
in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet
this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While
the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the
demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered
against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the
demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white
quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers
who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa
including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who
solely grew white quinoa
An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many
farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed
selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas
Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by
INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection
While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a
published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment
demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was
relatively high
Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who
serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance
187
While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on
yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are
important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender
differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to
agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices
There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of
quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited
number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing
the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus
quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties
may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers
41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these
41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period
were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not
growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of
current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory
of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the
establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a
starting point that can be further developed and studied
188
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa
farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa
market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a
degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow
more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of
planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a
crop due to climatic conditions or infestation
Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what
variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold
drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The
importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional
risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in
the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by
women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The
efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to
the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour
production
The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-
factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed
selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of
semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government
agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of
189
seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices
In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential
yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some
of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving
agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations
Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of
quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as
compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to
teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge
by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence
other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas
Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance
since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows
for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more
mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire
crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to
be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest
Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For
example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary
diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa
agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also
promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear
that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca
190
civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by
COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa
agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and
baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation
Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve
quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro
and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is
another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste
variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that
variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that
serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded
cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa
Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity
The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa
including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful
selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices
dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded
conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to
market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products
use different varieties based on their culinary properties
Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing
population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the
191
biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given
the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate
change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in
understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative
consequences
Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history
includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of
the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the
history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards
due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as
well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural
significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value
of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to
maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption
Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research
demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports
and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While
quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which
provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from
many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity
and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study
found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different
kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about
192
30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different
environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected
that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the
30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the
numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties
were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the
63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not
grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by
Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of
Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two
hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting
a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa
However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented
only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of
quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative
effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca
is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may
account for greater diversity results
There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be
maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both
maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different
varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red
black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional
193
scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the
consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian
efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary
schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes
that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics
Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also
conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different
types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can
boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation
into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive
different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety
diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather
and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be
discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or
governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a
consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection
Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance
is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of
quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market
entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for
the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored
quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global
quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the
194
unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market
hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the
colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique
nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the
market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded
agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline
While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties
to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white
quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors
is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with
red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a
market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white
quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving
global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open
and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market
The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the
results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet
only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of
varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the
Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences
already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects
found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after
Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication
195
date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already
altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my
study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety
grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before
this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on
farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs
The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed
selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had
already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a
silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can
provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa
conservation going forward
Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor
in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic
especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen
through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important
factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides
the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional
differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect
on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge
can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market
diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is
196
an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation
practices that can be rewarded by the market
In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and
medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity
conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in
traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect
of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and
domesticated varieties
The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in
understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor
the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated
and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies
The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in
understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many
different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of
organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings
Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-
species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties
and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the
varieties including morphological as well as cultural information
The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon
independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help
funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas
197
and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research
should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation
especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the
conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be
quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings
that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate
the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly
are doing more for conservation than many government programs
Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer
population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming
tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is
unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa
conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs
that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies
that can help improve quinoa production
Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production
and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men
controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women
are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there
appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact
with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of
many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done
in markets across time
198
There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and
how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean
people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the
complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter
these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe
it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species
that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing
popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa
agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who
personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade
199
APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES
NAME SOURCE
Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014
Achachino Mujica et al 201361
Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014
Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna
Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A
Ajara inerto Expert A
Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392
Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460
Amallado Farmer survey 2014
Amaltado Farmer survey 2014
Amargas Mujica et al 2013
Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)
Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013
Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90
Antawara real Mujica et al 201397
Atacama Mujica et al 201362
Atlas Jarvis et al 2017
Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361
Baer II Mujica et al 201362
Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014
Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015
Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014
Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A
Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A
Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169
Camiri Mujica et al 201369
Canchones Mujica et al 201362
Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014
Carina red Jarvis et al 2017
200
Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943
Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144
Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014
Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013
Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382
Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017
Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Chile Expert A
Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77
Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Choclo kancolla Expert A
Chola Hunziker 1943
Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A
Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A
Chullpi Amarillo Expert A
Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A
Chupica witulla Tapia 2014
Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477
Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection
Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014
Cochabamba Tapia 2014
AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu
Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014
ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943
Copacabana Tapia 2014
Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A
Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014
Cunaccota Tapia 2014
Dahue Hunziker 1943
Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014
ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361
Faro Mujica et al 201321 62
Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Granolada Farmer Survey 2014
Gris Hunziker 1943
Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna
Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
201
Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014
Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361
Huacataz Mujica et al 201361
Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013
Huallhas Mujica et al 201369
Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015
Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Huaranga Mujica et al 201361
Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361
Hueque Fuentes et al 2012
IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382
IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382
Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A
Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012
INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368
INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361
INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)
Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361
Islunga Mujica et al 201321
Jana Hunziker 1943
Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura
Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014
Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Jaru ckello Tapia 2014
Javi Fuentes et al 2012
Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943
Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014
Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014
Jujuy Mujica et al 201369
Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362
Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362
Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Juraj Farmer Survey 2014
Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A
KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Kancolla roja Expert A
Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A
Kcana ckello Tapia 2014
Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013
Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014
202
Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito
Koscosa Expert A
Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017
Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017
Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390
Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382
Lipena Mujica et al 201361
Lito Mujica et al 201321 62
Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014
Maniquena Mujica et al 201361
Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69
Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A
Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361
Mau Fuentes et al 2012
Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Millmi Hunziker 1943
MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Nameya ayara Tapia 201477
Namora Mujica et al 201361
Narino Mujica et al 201362
Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369
Negroa Farmer Survey 2014
Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A
Ollague Jarvis et al 2017
Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103
Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012
Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Pandela rosada INIA photo collection
Parakai Hunziker 1943
Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014
Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013
Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label
Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A
Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460
Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460
Phera Farmer Survey 2014
Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015
Plomao Farmer Survey 2014
Potosi Tapia 2014
Puc Fuentes et al 2012
Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78
203
Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382
Qillu ayara Tapia 201477
Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013
Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014
Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361
Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369
Regalona Jarvis et al 2017
Robura Mujica et al 201361
Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361
Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014
Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014
Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014
Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369
Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014
Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361
Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468
Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014
Samaranti Mujica et al 201361
Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Sayana Mujica et al 201361
Senora Mujica et al 201361 90
Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321
Tabacomi Tapia 201468
Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Toledo Mujica et al 201361
Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321
Tupiza Mujica et al 201321
Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97
Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90
Utusaya Mujica et al 201361
Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014
Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety
Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390
Wila ayara Tapia 201477
Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398
Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478
Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014
Yana quinua Hunziker 1943
204
Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382
Yujiura Tapia 201465
205
APPENDIX B
RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA
Races of the Altiplano
1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla
Races of Inter-Andean Valleys
Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)
Races of Junin
16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)
Races of Ancash
19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)
Races of Cajamarca
23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada
Source Tapia et al (2014)
206
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Apffel-Marglin Frederique 1998 The Spirit of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of
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Andrews Deborah 2012 Traditional Agriculture Biopiracy and Indigenous Rights In Proceedings of the
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Atran Scott 1999 Itzaj Maya Folkbiological Taxonomy Cognitive Universals and Cultural
Particulars In Folkbiology Medin S and Scott Atran eds Cambridge MA The MIT Press
Aubrey Allison
2013 Your Love of Quinoa is Good News for Andean Farmers National Public Radio Online July 17 2013
Ayala Olazaacutebal Carmen Luz
2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL
Bazile Didier Sven-Erik Jacobsen Alexis Verniau 2016 The Global Expansion of Quinoa Trends and Limits Front Plant Sci 7(622)1-6 Bazile D D Bertero C Nieto Eds 2014 State of the Art Report on Quinoa Around the World in 2013 FAO and CIRAD
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Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli Deepak Ohri 2006 Chenopodium quinoa - An Indian Perspective Industrial Crops and Products
2373-87 Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli S Rajan Deepak Ohri 2007 Genetic diversity for morphological and quality traits in quinoa (Chenopodium
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2016 Foods and Fads The Welfare Impacts of Rising Quinoa Prices in Peru Towson University Department of Economics Working Paper No 2016-06
Bernard H Russell 2011 Research Methods in Anthropology Plymouth UK AltaMira Press
Brondizio Eduardo S
2008 The Amazonian Caboclo and the Accedilai Palm Forest Farmers in the Global Market New York The New York Botanical Garden Press
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Brush Stephen B 2005 Biodiversity Biotechnology and the Legal Protection of Traditional Knowledge
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2004 Farmersrsquo Bounty Locating Crop Diversity in the Contemporary World Yale University Press New Haven Conn
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Buechler Hans C and Judith-Maria Buechler 1971 The Bolivian Aymara New York Holt Rinehart and Winston
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Canahua Alipio 2012 Los Tipos de Quinuas en el Altiplano de Puno Proyecto Sipam FAO Puno
Peruacute Caacuterdenas Martin
1944 Descripcioacuten preliminar de las variedades de quinua chenopodium quinoa de Bolivia Revista Agricultura Cochabamba Bolivia 2(2) 13-26
Carter George F and Edgar Anderson 1945 A Preliminary Survey of Maize in the Southwestern United States Annals of the
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Chalmers Nigel and Christo Fabricius 2007 Expert and Generalist Local Knowledge about Land-cover Change on South
Africarsquos Wild Coast Can Local Ecological Knowledge Add Value to Science Ecology and Society 12(1)10
Cherfas Jeremy
2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016
Christensen SA DB Pratt C Pratt PT Nelson MR Stevens EN Jellen CE Coleman DJ Fairbanks A Bonifacio PJ Maughan 2007 Assessment of genetic diversity in the USDA and CIP-FAO international nursery
collections of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) using microsatellite markers Plant Genetic Resources Characterization and Utilization 5(2)82-95
Davis Anthony and John R Wagner 2003 Who Knows On the Importance of Identifying ldquoExpertsrdquo When Researching
Local Ecological Knowledge Human Ecology 31(3)463-489
Del Castillo Carmen and Thierry Winkel Gregory Mahy Jean-Philippe Bizoux 2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian
altiplano as revealed by RAPD markers Genet Resour Crop Evol 54897-905
De Wet JMJ and JR Harlan 1975 Weeds and Domesticates Evolution in the Man-Made Habitat Economic
Botany 2999-107
209
Dove Michael R 2011 The Banana Tree at the Gate A History of Marginal Peoples and Global
Markets in Borneo New Haven Yale University Press Escobar Arturo 1991 Anthropology and the Development Encounter The Making and Marketing of
Development Anthropology American Ethnologist 18(4)658-682 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 1999 Women ndash users preservers and managers of agrobiodiversity Rome
1996 Rome Declaration on World Food Security httpwwwfaoorgwfsindex_enhtm Accessed March 23 2017
2017 FAOSTAT database httpwwwfaoorgfaostatendataPP Accessed March
7 and 9 2017 1989 Utilization of tropical foods cereals FAO Food and Nutrition Paper 471 Rome Forbes David 1870 On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru Journal of the Ethnological Society
of London 2(3)193-305
Ford Richard I 1981 New Ideas About the Origin of Agriculture Based on 50 Years of Museum-
Curated Remains Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 345-356
Fuentes FF D Bazile A Bhargava EA Martinez 2012 Implications of farmersrsquo seed exchanges for on-farm conservation of quinoa as
revealed by its genetic diversity in Chile Journal of Agricultural Science 150702-716
Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium
(Chenopodiaceae) Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 62359-374 Gade Daniel W 1999 Nature and Culture in the Andes Madison The University of Wisconsin Press Gandarillas Humberto 1968 Razas de quinua Bolivia MACA Boletiacuten Experimental No 34 Instituto Boliviano
de Cultivos Andinos La Paz Bolivia
210
Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the
Present PhD dissertation Department of Anthropology Washington University in St Louis Missouri
Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis
2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497
Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J
1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169
Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology
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Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated
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Buenos Aires Argentina Isbell Billie Jean
1978 To Defend Ourselves Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village Waveland Press Prospect Heights Illinois
211
Jacobsen S-E 2011 The Situation for Quinoa and Its Production in Southern Bolivia From Economic
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Jameson William 1861 Journey from Quito to Cayambe Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of
London 31184-190 Jarvis David E Yung Shwen Ho Damien J Lightfoot Sandra M Schmoumlckel Bo Li Theo J A Borm Hajime Ohyanagi Katsuhiko Mineta Craig T Michell Noha Saber Najeh M Kharbatia Ryan R Rupper Aaron R Sharp Nadine Dally Berin A Boughton Yong H Woo Ge Gao Elio G W M Schijlen Xiujie Guo Afaque A Momin Soacutenia Negratildeo Salim Al-Babili Christoph Gehring Ute Roessner Christian Jung Kevin Murphy Stefan T Arold Takashi Gojobori C Gerard van der Linden Eibertus N van Loo Eric N Jellen Peter J Maughan and Mark Tester 2017 The genome of Chenopodium quinoa Nature 1-6
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Kawa Nicholas 2012 Magic Plants of Amazonia and Their Contribution to Agrobiodiversity Human
Organization 71(3)225-233
Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in
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576
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Global Agricultural Service July 6 2016 httpsgainfasusdagovRecent20GAIN20PublicationsPeru20Quinoa20Price20Fluctuation20_Lima_Peru_7-6-2016pdf Accessed March 7 2017
212
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Morphological Type from La Varca Bolicia 1300-1250 BC Journal of Ethnobiology 31(1)72-88
Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge
2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32
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London 26210-229 Lewis David 2005 Anthropology and development the uneasy relationship London LSE Online
Massawe F S Mayes A Cheng 2016 Crop diversity an unexploited treasure trove for food security Trends in Plant
Science 21365-368
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Plants Vol 3 Pulses Sugar and Tuber Crops C Kole (ed) Pringer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg
Maughan P J BA Kalano J Maluszynska ND Coles A Bonifacio J Rojas CE Coleman MR Stevens DJ Fairbanks SE Parkinson EN Jellen 2006 Molecular and Cytological Characterization of ribosomal RNA genes in
Chenopodium quinoa and Chenopodium berlandieri Genome 49825-839
Mayer Enrique 2002 The Articulated Peasant Household Economies in the Andes Boulder Westview
Press Medin S and Scott Atran 1999 Folkbiology Cambridge MA The MIT Press
Medina W O Skurtys JM Aguilera 2010 Study on image analysis application for identification Quinoa seeds
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) geographical provenance LWT-Food Science and Technology 43238-246
Milstead Harley P 1928 Distribution of Crops in Peru Economic Geography 4(1)88-106
213
Minnis Paul E 2000 Ethnobotany A Reader Norman University of Oklahoma Press Mintz Sidney W
1985 Sweetness and Power New York Penguin Books Mintzer Miguel J 1933 Las Quinoas su cultivo en la Argentina su importancia como planta alimenticia
Boletin Mensual Ministerio Agricultura de la Nacion 34(1)59-77
Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes
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Mujica Aacutengel Manuel Suquilanda Ernesto Chura Enrique Ruiz Alicia Leon Sabino Cutipa Corina Ponce 2013 Produccioacuten Orgaacutenica de Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Puno Peruacute
Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del
presente y futuro FAO Santiago de Chile
Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford
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Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of
Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc
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Anthropology 25329-53
214
Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical
exchanges Human Organization 62(3)242-254 Pickersgill Barbara 2007 Domestication of Plants in the Americas Insights from Mendelian and Molecular
Genetics Annals of Botany 100925-940 Powell Stephen J and Paolla A Chavarro 2008 Seventh Annual Conference on Legal amp Policy Issues in the Americas Article
Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93
Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany
Field Methods 17(3)1-16
Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick
Bibliography Series 86-42 United States Department of Agriculture
Rahiminejad MR and R J Gornall 2004 Flavinoid evidence for Allopolyploidy in the Chenopodium album aggregate
(Amaranthaceae) Plant Sys Evo 24677-87
Rana TS Diganta Narzary Deepak Ohri 2010 Genetic diversity and relationships among some wild and cultivated species of
Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846
Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y
Nutricion Humana Programa de Alimentos Enriquecidos Publicacion 0191 Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru
Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)
Grain Extrudate and Bran Plant Foods Human Nutrition 64 94-101
215
Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)
and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189
Rivera Julio Valladolid 1998 Andean Peasant Agriculture Nurturing a Diversity of Life in the Chacra In Spirit
of Regeneration Andean culture confronting Western notions of development London Zed Books Ltd
Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari
2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011
Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315
Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change
and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138
Royal Botanic Gardens Kew 2016 The State of the Worldrsquos Plants Report - 2016 Royal Botanic Gardens Kew Rumold Claudia Ursula 2010 Illuminating Womenrsquos Work and the Advent of Plant Cultivation in the Highland
Titicaca Basin of South America New Evidence from Grinding Tool and Starch Grain Analysis Dissertation University of California Santa Barbara
Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of
the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists Held at Washington DC December 27-31 1915 288-297 Nendeln Lichtenstein Knaus Reprint
Sauer Carl 1950 Cultivated plants of South and Central America In JJ Steward ed Handbook
of the South American Indians Bureau of American Ethnology Bull 143 Part 6 495-497
Setalaphruk Chantita and Lisa Leimar Price 2007 Childrenrsquos traditional ecological knowledge of wild food resources a case study
in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333
216
Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ
Conservation of Agricultural Biodiversity Current Anthropology 51(5) 629-654 Simmonds NW 1965 The Grain Chenopods of the Tropical American Highlands Economic Botany
19(3)223-235
Skarbo Kristine 2015 From Lost Crop to Lucrative Commodity Implications of the Quinoa
Renaissance Human Organization 74(1)86-99 2014 The Cooked is the Kept Factors Shaping the Maintenance of Agro-biodiversity in
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1995 Seed Plant Domestication in Eastern North America In Last Hunters First
Farmers Price T Douglas and Gebauer Anne Birgitte (eds) School of American Research Press Santa Fe New Mexico
Stevens Andrew 2015 Quinoa Quandry Cultural Tastes and Nutrition in Peru (unpublished)
httpandrewwstevenscomwp-contentuploads201506Quinoapdf (accessed Feb 23 2017)
Stevens Peter F 2002 Why Do We Name Organisms Some Reminders from the past Taxon
51(1)11-26 Tapia Mario 2013 Razas de Quinuas del Peru In Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y
Granos Andinos Peru Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina 1990 Cultivos Andinos Subexplotados y su Aporte a la Alimentacion Organizacion de
las Naciones Unidas Para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion Oficina Regional para America Latina y el Caribe
Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio
2014 Razas de Quinuas del Peruacute - De los Andes al Mundo Lima Peruacute ANPE Peruacute y CONCYTEC
Tapia Mario and Ana De la Torre 1997 Women Farmers and Andean Seeds United Nations Food and Agriculture
Organization
217
Tapia Mario H Gandarillas S Alandia A Cardozo Aacute MujicaR Ortiz V Otazu J Rea B Salas E Zanabria 1979 La Quinua y la Kantildeiwa Cultivos Andinos Serie Libros y Materiales Educativos
No 40 IICA Turrialba Costa Rica The Economist 2016 Against the grain quinoa The Economist 21 May 2016 P 65
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Tuxill John Luis Arias Reyes Luis Latournerie Moreno and Vidal Cob Uicab Devra I Jarvis 2010 All Maize is Not Equal Maize Variety Choices and Mayan Foodways in Rural
Yucatan Mexico In Precolumbian Foodways Interdisciplinary Approaches to Food Culture and Markets in Ancient Mesoamerica Springer Science and Business Media LLC
United Nations 2016 United Nations Resolution 68231
httpwwwunorgengasearchview_docaspsymbol=ARES68231ampreferer=httpwwwunorgeneventsobservancesyearsshtmlampLang=E (accessed Feb 8 2017)
2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin
America and the Caribbean
2011b International Year of Quinoa UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011 2010 Intellectual Property Agrobiodiversity and Gender Considerations Issues and
Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region
Nd United Nations Observances International Years
Vega-Gaacutelvez Antonio Margarita Miranda Judith Vergara Elsa Uribe Luis Puents Enrique A Martiacutenez 2010 Nutritional facts and functional potential of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
an ancient Andean grain a review J Sci Food Agric 902541-2547
218
Villa Diane Yamile Gallego Luigi Russo Khawla Kerbab Maddalena Landi Luca Rastrelli 2014 Chemical and nutritional characterization Chenopodium pallidicuale (cantildeihua)
and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) seeds Emir J Food Agric 26(7)609-615 Weismantel Mary 1988 Food Gender and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes Philadelphia University of
Pennsylvania Press
Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site
in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley
Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)
Economic Botany 44(3)92-110
1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239
Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium
nuttalliae Safford) Domesticated Chenopod of Mexico American Journal of Botany 66(2)198-206
Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
Seeds in Lipopolysaccharide-Stimulated RAW 2647 Macrophages Cells Journal of Food Science 79(5)H1018-1023
Zimmerer Carl S 2003 Geographies of Seed Networks for Food Plants (Potato Ulluco) and
Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601
219
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a
Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of
Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after
taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well
as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of
Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme
Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In
2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th
Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has
been active in local and state issues
In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in
environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was
awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American
Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4
LIST OF TABLES 8
LIST OF FIGURES 9
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 11
ABSTRACT 12
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 14
Research Question 14
Historic Overview 21 Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices 24 Agrodiversity and Globalization 29
2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET 36
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People 36
The Fox and the Condor 38
What is Quinoa 39
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species 41 History of Quinoa in the Andes 45
Resurgence of Quinoa 55 Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa 60 How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa 62
Food 64 Grain Products 64 Processed Quinoa 66
Medicine 68 Ritual Uses 70 Consumer Products 71 Animal Forage 72
Fuel 73 Negative Local Health Effects 74
3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME 80
Diversification and the Environment 80 What are the Current Farming Practices 82
7
Harvesting 88
Quinoa Processing 93
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market 95 Farmersrsquo Markets 95 Farmersrsquo Cooperatives 96 Future Market Expansion 102 Agricultural Fairs 104
Pricing 107
4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET 118
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified 123 Farmersrsquo Knowledge 126
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield 144 How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant 148
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices 160
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity 166
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection 172
A Female Semillista Example 174 What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection 180
5 CONCLUSION 188
APPENDIX
A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES 199
B RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA 205
LIST OF REFERENCES 206
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 219
8
LIST OF TABLES
Table page 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa 61
4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru 132
4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color 138
4-3 Races of Quinoa 139
4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment 145
4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties 149
4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown 153
4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties 154
4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection 156
4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds 161
4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection 167
4-11 Quinoa Uses 179
9
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches 47
2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013 58
2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa 59
2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products 63
2-5 Peske 65
2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools 67
2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products 68
2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven 73
2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa 74
3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station 89
3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from the plant 90
3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle 91
3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains 92
3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA 92
3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market 95
3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market 96
3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN 99
3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included 107
3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014 108
3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003 109
3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012 109
3-13 Quinoa Price Drop 110
10
4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office 132
4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24 152
4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35 152
4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa 174
4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field 175
4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display 176
4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest 182
4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains 183
4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display 183
11
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANAPQUI Asociacioacuten National de Productores de Quinoa
COOPAIN Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash Cabana
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
INIA Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NGO Non-governmental organization
UN United Nations
UNAP Universidad Nacional del Altiplano
US United States
12
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THERErsquoS SOMETHING ABOUT QUINOA SMALL-SCALE ANDEAN FARMERS
AGRODIVERSITY AND THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
By
Deborah J Andrews
August 2017
Chair Marianne Schmink Co-chair Christopher McCarty Major Anthropology
This research seeks to seeks to understand the inter-relationship between small-
scale Andean quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa
crop and how they are maintaining same-species agrodiversity during a time of
globalization of the market Despite Spanish suppression of the crop as well as post-
colonial discriminatory practices against quinoa and the indigenous populations who ate
it this crop survived due to the inter-species relationship with Andean farmers who
relied on quinoa as an important food source The popularization of quinoa however
has changed the quinoa market with potential effects on quinoa agrodiversity
maintenance and increased risk to farmers
The study was carried out in Puno Peru using participant observation surveys
and interviews with both Quechua and Aymara farmers as well as other experts This
study investigated the quinoa variety agrodiversity practices of small-scale farmers
including the number of varieties grown during the past season the reasons farmers
selected quinoa varieties for production how seeds were selected and who influenced
variety and seed choice The literature review and field research revealed over 200
13
quinoa names including 63 varieties grown by the participant farmers during the period
of this study The farmers selected these varieties by analyzing and balancing a number
of factors including market demand environmental adaptation yield culinary
properties cultural practices and experimentation The farmers who participated in this
study grew an average of 257 quinoa varieties during the past season with a range of
between one to thirty-two varieties being grown by an individual farmer The results of
this study demonstrate that there are various influences on agrodiversity maintenance
including the availability of seed the promotion of varieties by organizations including
the government NGOs and cooperatives as well as farm-saved seed reliant upon
existing local germplasm Ongoing and future investigation of quinoa at the variety level
including nutritional and health benefit distinctions as well as culinary and other
consumer uses can maintain agrodiversity while serving the goals of both continued
crop resilience as well as competitiveness in the market through diverse unique and
marketable options Knowledge and agrodiversity maintenance by Andean farmers
especially the local experts can play a valuable role in future investigations into the
beneficial interspecies relationship between people and plants and their joint
contributions to global food security
14
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Research Question
This research addresses the inter-relationship between small-scale Andean
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) farmers in Peru and their quinoa crop and how the
farmers maintain agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa market
Humans have been breeding plants for thousands of years leading to the rise of
agriculture This breeding of plants has altered biodiversity based on human selection
Unfortunately only a small number of crops now dominate global agricultural production
and human diets which is detrimental to long-term food security Murphy et al (2016)
consider maintenance of quinoa diversity to be an imperative Many cultures including
Andean farmers have maintained lesser-known traditional crops and have a wealth of
agricultural heritage and knowledge The study of quinoa and the people who have
grown it for thousands of years offers an example of ldquohumannonhuman minglingrdquo that is
the hallmark of multispecies ethnography which focuses on how other organisms as
well as humans are shaped by cultural political and economic forces (Kirksey and
Helmreich 2010546)
In light of the long-term historical suppression of quinoa starting with Spanish
colonialists and continuing with post-colonial practices this research addresses the
question of whether intra-species quinoa diversity is being maintained during a time of
market globalization In the context of a traditionally-maintained crop that has gained
global attention the working hypothesis is that the global attention on quinoa will lead to
losses in sub-species agrodiversity due to external market demands and trends towards
monocultural practices The expectation of diversity loss is further justified by the
15
dominance of the white-colored Bolivian real variety in the market which was the initial
market entry for quinoa While aggregation of quinoa of the same variety or at least
color allows for small-scale farmers to pool their crops and contribute to the global
market this market benefit could be at the expense of agrodiversity
Traditional Andean grains grown by Peruvian farmers increasingly are served on
dinner plates across the Western world With the discovery of the excellent nutritional
benefits the quinoa boom has exploded on the market as a trendy healthy new food
source in the modern world In contrast Andeans have been farming quinoa for
thousands of years While most Andean farmers still produce quinoa using traditional
small-scale farming techniques the global demands for quinoa may be affecting within-
species diversity Thus the timing of the expansion of the quinoa market especially in
light of its multi-millennial usage is an important factor in this study
This research arises from questions that have been raised by the media about
the effects of the global demand for quinoa on local farmers such as whether their diets
have suffered due to a decrease in quinoa consumption or whether other agricultural
practices have been affected such as llama or alpaca grazing areas being converted to
quinoa fields (Eg Aubrey 2013 Romero and Shahriari 2011) More recently the
popular press has also questioned the effects that the global popularity of quinoa
specifically has had on agrodiversity with claims that ldquoExport demand has focused on
very few of the 3000 or so different varieties of quinoa prompting farmers to abandon
many of those varietiesrdquo (Cherfas 2016) While this statement about the number of
varieties of quinoa is often repeated it derives from a misunderstanding of the
difference between varieties and accessioned samples in seed banks which is explored
16
below Nevertheless it clearly raised concern for continued quinoa agrodiversity This
study focuses on the current extent of quinoa agrodiversity and how it has been
maintained and conserved by small-scale Andean farmers in the Peruvian altiplano
While this study focuses on how Andean quinoa farmers are maintaining agrodiversity
this does not imply that these farmers are solely responsible for agrodiversity
maintenance or loss but rather they are an important part of the discussion and need
to be included in discourse about future efforts to maintain or improve diversity
practices In addition their knowledge can contribute to an overall understanding of the
biodiversity of quinoa
The anthropological discourse on globalization describes various processes that
affect local communities and their culture due to the pressures of global demands for
resources originating in these communities ldquoGlobalization is a long-term uneven and
paradoxical process in which widening social cooperation and deepening inequality go
togetherrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20043-4) This study investigated the practices of small-
scale Andean farmers as well as their folk knowledge related to quinoa varieties and
how they changed in response to market globalization
Since food is very much linked to cultural identity (Weismantel 1988) quinoa
provides an excellent exemplar for studying the effects of globalization on local cultures
especially since quinoa is considered to be one of the most important food crops in the
Andes having both economic and cultural importance (Christensen et al 2007 Castillo
et al 2007) Quinoa is used as a diverse food product and is also used during ritual
festivals for consumption and to make symbolic figurines out of quinoa dough (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) In this regard quinoa is like other plants that are valued for
17
symbolic ritual and sociocultural practice rather than just for direct economic benefits
(Kawa 2012) and provides evidence that money is not always the principal factor in
decision-making With this in mind this study analyzes the cultural factors in
agrodiversity decision-making during a time of globalization of this traditional product In
acknowledging the link between traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found
that those who eat more traditional foods including quinoa maintain more farm
diversity including more crop diversity and more varieties Thus there is an association
with biodiversity and food products that have a strong cultural link to the farmer and
quinoa is a prime crop to investigate this phenomenon
Prior studies of Andean crops including the aptly titled book ldquoLost Crops of the
Incardquo (1989) described quinoa and other important crops in direct connection with the
Andean people who had a deep history with the plant
Today in the high Andes the ancient influences still persist with rural peasants who are largely pure-blooded Indian and continue to grow the crops of their forbears During the centuries they have maintained the Incarsquos food crops in the face of neglect and even scorn by much of the society around them In local markets women in distinctive hats and homespun jackets (many incorporating vivid designs inspired by plant forms and prescribed by the Incas more than 500 years ago) sit behind sacks of glowing grains baskets of beans of every color and bowls containing luscious fruits At their feet are piles of strangely shaped tubers ndash red yellow purple even candy striped some as round and bright as billiard balls others long and thin and wrinkled These are the ldquolost crops of the Incasrdquo (NRC 19893)
The National Research Councilrsquos (NRC) comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-
blooded Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including
quinoarsquos ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and
people through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food
18
Similarly in 1990 Wilson observed the relationship between the race of people
and the status of quinoa he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed complexesrdquo
where the wild ancestral plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the domesticated
varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial areasrdquo
associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including the
Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo provided a place for both indigenous
Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes from the outside world
Wilson (1990) observed as other scientists before him that there was a strong
association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and culture and
the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and plant diversity
thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live side-by-side
Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both survived
colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency
The United Nations (ldquoUNrdquo) determined that quinoa is a product that can
contribute to food security for the worldrsquos growing population (UN 2011a) Over a
decade earlier the National Research Council commented that ldquoBecause it is now
primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing its production is a good
way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo (NRC 1989150) In
contrast the process of globalization may put local farmers and the biodiversity of the
crop at risk Given the fact that the Andean altiplano is a harsh growing environment
coupled with climate change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an
important issue in understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long
term negative consequences
19
For this dissertation the relationship between Andean quinoa farmers and this
traditional subsistence crop was studied during a time of rapid globalization and growing
popularity of quinoa As Mintz observed ldquothe social history of the use of new foods in a
western nation can contribute to an anthropology of modern liferdquo (Mintz 1985xxviii)
Quinoa provides a classic example since it is a traditional crop with a long history
culminating in recent global popularity and demand that has affected small-scale
farmers whose product climbed onto the world stage When peripheral economies such
as that of the Andean farmers are integrated into a larger capitalist system it is usually
on unequal terms (Lewis 2005) This raises the question of the effect on the local
quinoa farmers due to the increased popularity of their crop This scenario is a classic
example of the idea that ldquoglobalization involves more intensive interaction across wider
space and in shorter time than before in other words the experience of a shrinking
worldrdquo (Nederveen Pieterse 20048)
The product of Andean farmers vaulted to global attention in a relatively rapid
fashion after a multi-millennial relationship with the people of the Andes What was a
long-term relationship between Andeans and quinoa was altered by outside attention
and demand Since the world has noticed quinoa what has happened to the quinoa
farmers and their relationship to quinoa To understand local farmers we need to
understand the contextual components of their relationships to external markets (Dove
2011247) especially given the strong Andean cultural identity that includes quinoa The
farmersrsquo connections to the market can include a number of points of access some of
which lead directly to the global market
20
Due to the globalization of the quinoa market the popular press has raised
concerns about changes to local diets and loss of grazing areas (Aubrey 2013 Romero
and Shafiari 2011) Much like accedilaiacute (Euterpe oleraceae Mart) from the Amazon studied
by Brondizio (2008) quinoa has rocketed onto the global market yet as Brondizio
found local farmers pejoratively called caboclos in Brazil can be disenfranchised
despite the high acclaim of their plant partner on the world stage In addition to the
farmers the global attention on quinoa can also have adverse effects on the species as
noted in the popular press with regard to the maintenance of agrodiversity of quinoa
(Cherfas 2016) Thus both farmers and their partner crop can be affected by
globalization and this study investigates some of these changes including the
relationship between the two
While globalized agriculture is often associated with large factory farms in the
Andes quinoa is primarily produced on small family farms with most of the tasks done
by hand with little mechanization through the harvesting stage (Ton and Bijman 2006)
Despite the small size of the farms they are not isolated from what Dove (2011) calls
larger networks of economic exchange Indeed the farmers in this study who live in the
remote Andes are participants in the global quinoa market Farmers are not just a
collection of individuals but rather are part of a complex system (Escobar 1991) The
social organization in rural communities can substantially influence crop biodiversity
(Leclerc and Copperns drsquoEeckenbrugge 2012) While many studies of crop agrodiversity
focus on seed selection factors related to the environment culture is also an important
factor in diversity and ultimately food security Indeed at the outset agricultural crops
were selected by humans for cultivation and ultimately domestication which
21
emphasizes the human element in agrodiversity This process is not static especially in
the context of globalization when external socially driven market demands factor into
the equation
Ecological anthropology seeks to understand the relationship between social
organizations population dynamics human culture and the environment (Orlove 1980)
Coupling ecological anthropology with biodiversity discourse further focuses the
question of human factors in biodiversity maintenance Biodiversity is important and
there is concern about the loss of plant biodiversity (FAO 1999) There has been a call
for increased emphasis for biodiversity in the agricultural landscape (Brush 1995 2005)
Past agricultural research demonstrates that commercial markets often seek out
consistent standardized products which allows for the pooling and consolidation of
crops from different farms to be aggregated and sold in bulk volumes on larger markets
The drive for a singular similar-looking product however can have agrodiversity
consequences especially if the external market seeks one look But quinoa is a
polyploid plant that produces grain with highly diverse morphological characteristics and
various colors White quinoa was the initial product popularized on the global market
through the early market entry of the Bolivian real variety The emphasis on a singular
color potentially might deleteriously affect the agrodiversity of the crop which can lead
to higher production risks for local farmers due to the harsh environment in the Andes
Thus reduced agrodiversity can have immense consequences for both local farmers
and crop agrodiversity
Historic Overview
The history of quinoa and how it reached the global market and the utilization of
quinoa in the Andes are described in Chapter 2 Quinoa provides an especially
22
interesting example because it was not adopted into European agriculture for centuries
whereas the adoption of other food crops from the Andes such as potatoes was rapid
(Maughan et al 2007) From the colonial period through the first half of the twentieth
century quinoa production was in great decline Due to its association with indigenous
rituals and its ceremonial importance quinoa was suppressed by the Spanish
colonizers although cultivation continued in remote areas with mostly indigenous
populations (Sauer 1950 Simmonds 1965 Wilson 1990) What was once derogatorily
classified as an indigenous food suppressed by European colonizers under racist
practices has transformed into a global commodity
Notions of discrimination permeate the historical treatment of quinoa and the
Andeans with an interesting joint-species racialized experience As noted by Hartigan
past discourse by cultural anthropologists in the US focused on ldquomaintaining the
bulwark between culture and biologyrdquo (2013373) especially when discussing racial
classification but this research seeks to breach that bulwark using multispecies
ethnography in an attempt to understand the relationship between Andeans and
quinoa and how this relationship which has successfully maintained quinoa diversity
for thousands of years is being affected by globalization In this study I use a
multispecies approach to this analysis which means that I investigate both the plant as
well as human culture which is especially fitting here considering the history of
discrimination that both Andeans and quinoa have jointly experienced across time due
to cultural beliefs
The second chapter addresses the biological nature of quinoa and its
complicated taxonomic history Other species of Chenopodium grow throughout the
23
world with closely related species in the US and Mexico that may provide insights into
the migrations of both the plants and their associated people (Heiser 1990)
The second chapter also describes the more recent history of quinoa and the
events that led to its international resurgence as an important food crop Plants have a
history of interactions with humans and how we think about the importance or
relevance of different plant species varies Quinoa has a unique history of suppression
by Spaniards during the Conquest to the post-colonial attitudes of quinoa as an ldquoIndian
foodrdquo to the present cultural belief in quinoa as a ldquosuper-foodrdquo Scientific investigations
of quinoa led to its current status as a food for astronauts and its increasing popularity
as a health food in the West
Quinoa has high nutritional value with more protein essential amino acids and
minerals than other cereal crops (Medina et al 2010 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) A
recent UN publication states ldquoIn countries (such as Peru and Bolivia) where malnutrition
levels are high it is essential to boost quinoa consumption in order to benefit from its
exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa has tremendous
implications for human health and food security even in countries that traditionally grow
quinoa such as Peru and Bolivia yet still have malnutrition Stunting is a problem in the
Peruvian Andes which has been linked to poor diet (Mayer 2002) providing additional
reasons to investigate this highly nutritious product
Research on quinoa has been conducted by agronomists geneticists and other
agricultural scientists with more limited anthropological research on the topic which
has been growing recently While the history of quinoa and timeliness of its global
popularity is well suited to this study it is the people and the human cultural association
24
with an important food crop that are the focus here This is a prime opportunity to
investigate debate and perhaps prevent the problems that globalized agriculture has
caused in the past
Food security is a worldwide issue and this study of the cultural aspects of
quinoa production in a globalized market can provide anthropological perspectives in
agricultural contexts The FAO Rome Declaration on World Food Security (1996)
defines global food security as follows
Food security exists when all people at all times have physical social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food which meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life
This study seeks to provide information that can be used to improve food security
through the maintenance of diversity of an important food crop This research can also
inform debates about globalization of the quinoa market The intent of this study is to
reflect upon and suggest ways to mitigate the unintended consequences to local
farmers as well as to mitigate agrodiversity loss
Research Locale Methods and Farming Practices
Chapter 3 describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers based on
participant observation and interviews with quinoa farmers and experts This study
describes the continuation of traditional farming practices as well as analyzing modern
changes to these practices and how they may affect agrodiversity maintenance
The research for this dissertation was based in Puno Peru on the shores of
Lake Titicaca since that is the place of greatest genetic diversity (Medina et al 2010)
as well as where there have been archaeological discoveries of ancient quinoa (Langlie
et al 2011) Presently the main producers and exporters of quinoa are Bolivia and Peru
(Medina et al 2010) The Puno region is the main quinoa agricultural growing area in
25
the altiplano Andes of Peru is a major production area in Peru is a market exchange
location for both Peru and Bolivia and is believed to have the highest range of quinoa
agrodiversity The Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (UNAP) is located in Puno and I
obtained an official affiliation with that institution and worked with professors who had a
long history of working with quinoa farmers This study was conducted during several
extensive trips to Puno from 2012 to 2015 The initial field investigation took place
during May and June 2012 I returned to Puno from May to June in 2014 and 2015 with
the fieldwork concluding in December 2015 While I was based in the City of Puno I
traveled to the nearby farms and villages in the Puno region including Cabana
Cabanillas Juli Juliaca Ilave Kilca Chucuito and Desaguadero
I primarily gathered information from farmers (N=66) student farmers (N=24)
and professors at the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=10) In addition to these
100 participants I conducted numerous informal interviews with quinoa wholesale
vendors government officials farmers at farmers markets fair participants three field
researchers and relatives of two of the university professors
Since I obtained an affiliation with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano I was
introduced to numerous professors who were linked to quinoa research in various ways
The expertise of the professors was varied and included anthropology agronomy food
safety entomology and animal science I worked extensively with two professors ndash Dr
Marco Aro and Dr Aacutengel Mujicamdashthroughout this process Two additional professors
took me to their family farms where I observed their practices and informally interviewed
their relatives although they did not participate in the formal agrodiversity surveys since
it was early in the research process For the professor group I conducted interviews
26
with each of the 10 professors to gain insight and information on various aspects of
quinoa and culture This information ranged from cultural traditions to pest problems
with the crop I also sought to find an existing list of quinoa varieties upon which I could
base my agrodiversity inventory and research but was unable to locate one as further
described in my research findings
Working with Dr Mujica I participated in the agricultural field school in
Camacani where students were taught to harvest quinoa at the university research
station Twenty-three of the student farmers participated in formal surveys during this
field school and one additional student participated in the survey who did not attend this
field session In addition to the student surveys I participated in the harvest where I
took many photographs and extensively interviewed Dr Mujica In 2015 I also went on
a three-day field trip with a group of agricultural students to Arequipa Majes and
surrounding communities I obtained the additional student survey from one of these
participants who also assisted in providing farmer contacts
The first group of non-student farmers that I worked with were a convenience
sample of 31 farmers who attended a meeting conducted by Dr Mujica in the city of
Puno Since this was a convenience sample it had some bias and is not necessarily a
representative sample of all farmers in the region because they were associated with an
outreach program affiliated with the University and had the means to travel to the city
for the meeting Due to travel constraints I was not able to individually interview this set
of farmers
Towards the end of the meeting I explained my research project by going
through the Institutional Review Board-approved disclosures and request for consent
27
After answering a few questions including one question about compensation and why
they should help me for free I conducted a formal agrodiversity survey of 31 of the
farmers present who were primarily of Aymara ethnicity Several farmers declined to
participate for unknown reasons although I suspect one reason was that they could not
write another bias in this sample selection All but one of these farmers were men
Thus it was not a random sample and was skewed in both gender roles as well as in
individual motivation availability education or opportunity to travel to Puno for a
meeting
The second group of farmers that I worked with were affiliated with COOPAIN
the local cooperative located in the town of Cabana which is a small town north of the
city of Puno COOPAIN stands for Cooperative Agro Industrial Cabana Ltda Coopain ndash
Cabana COOPAIN is a democratically run organization with elections each year It is
organized into two committees the ManagementAdministration Committee and the
Oversight Committee Each committee has four members three permanent and one
substitute member Under the ManagementAdministration Committee are four
subcommittees Production Education Womenrsquos and Election each with the same
membership size and structure
The education committee focused on promotion of growing quinoa and joining
COOPAIN The education committee was primarily concerned with young people
getting involved in farming to replace the aging farmer population This concern with the
future of farming and the need to attract or keep young people in farming is an important
issue for the continuation of quinoa farming in the altiplano At the education meetings
they answer questions from the audience and also discuss climate change
28
At this cooperative farmers bring their harvested quinoa to the small factory for
processing and refinement The farmers process the quinoa in the field which includes
threshing sifting and winnowing prior to bringing their production to the cooperative in
large bags The cooperative further processes the quinoa by washing the quinoa and
removing the saponins and sorting the quinoa by color These processes will be further
described in the following chapters The cooperative distributes to the national and
global market although sales direct to consumers are also available at the remote
factory COOPAIN provides access to the globalized market due to marketing efforts
that connects the small farmers to the larger market COOPAIN maintains a market
presence through its connections with non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
international and local researchers the press its own outreach programs as well as a
website Since the farmer-members of COOPAIN were selling their crops on the global
market it offered a unique opportunity to see the effects of globalization on the local
farmers and quinoa agrodiversity While the COOPAIN facility is located in Cabana the
members live in the small communities in the surrounding region and they bring their
harvests to Cabana The meetings regarding the operation of COOPAIN occur in
Cabana and this tiny town was a central location for finding participants for this study
A total of 35 farmers affiliated with COOPAIN participated in this study I
personally met with 21 of the 35 farmers conducting a formal survey and semi-
structured interviews The additional 14 farmer participants were surveyed by student
volunteers that both Dr Aro and I trained to interview the participants gather and
record consistent data and demographics using a written interview guide In addition to
the surveys and interviews I observed the manufacturing practices at COOPAIN and
29
met with the management and leadership on several occasions conducting formal
informational and background interviews
As noted above across the period of this study I gathered information from a
variety of more informal sources I visited farmersrsquo markets and also investigated the
local food stores to gather pricing and marketing data on quinoa I attended two
agricultural fairs and observed the display of quinoa products and the competition
regarding quinoa food recipes I met with two governmental officials in Puno to gather
data on regional quinoa production I also visited the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten
Agraria (INIA) to observe their quinoa research station and interviewed a government
official running the program The information I gathered from INIA related to quinoa
agrodiversity and they had many samples on display in the office I asked for a list of
the quinoa varieties and was told that the information was in their recent publication
which I purchased It turned out that the publication was not quite as helpful or
comprehensive as I had hoped as further discussed in Chapter 4
Agrodiversity and Globalization
Chapter 4 describes the investigation into agrodiversity conservation practices
during globalization of the quinoa market There are several components to this study
to evaluate the agrodiversity of quinoa the first component of this research was to
develop a list of quinoa varieties especially since my research discovered that a
published comprehensive list did not already exist While the popular press reported
thousands of quinoa varieties (eg Cherfas 2016) I discovered that the term ldquovarietyrdquo
was mistakenly used for ldquoaccessionsrdquo associated with seed bank collections which are
not necessarily separate varieties for each accession Thus the number of purported
quinoa varieties was both undocumented and inflated Without the collection of accurate
30
or existing data to use as a starting point I re-tooled my research to establish a set of
data from which I could evaluate the present state of agrodiversity of quinoa and its
relationship to Andean farming culture
To establish a starting point for quinoa agrodiversity I conducted a study of local
quinoa farmers and asked them to list the quinoa varieties that they had grown over the
past two years I also reviewed published research to create a comprehensive list of
quinoa names As research progressed additional varieties were added to the list after
consulting with quinoa experts to determine if the new names were indeed a different
type or just another name for a previously-listed variety Thus this component of the
study created the comprehensive quinoa variety domain
While this research started with an investigation into quinoa variety diversity it
became apparent that the nomenclature for categories within species at least for
quinoa is an area that needs further refinement and consensus which is evaluated in
Chapter 4 While I started this research using the term ldquovarietyrdquo it became readily
apparent that the use of that term was less than clear In Chapter 4 I discuss the race-
based classification systems that have been proposed by Peruvian researchers which
provides an intermediate level of taxonomic classification between species and variety
sometimes referred to as landrace which is a loosely defined term associated with
varieties developed by farmers rather than commercial organizations
The next component of the study was to interview and survey farmers about their
quinoa farming practices including quinoa variety selection This component of the
research investigated the number of different quinoa varieties grown during the recent
season the variety selection and the reasons for both seed selection and variety
31
selection by the farmers This chapter describes the factors involved in variety selection
such as yield environmental conditions culinary qualities as well as seed availability
and the importance of those reasons The sources for seeds are also analyzed as well
as the maintenance of quinoa agrodiversity on the farms To determine a comparative
and current evaluation of the variety yields during the 2014-2015 growing season I also
describe an experiment conducted by Dr Mujica at UNAP and compare it to the
dominant quinoa varieties that were in production during the time of this study
In addition to the compilation of the list I also researched the reasons for
selection of both the varieties as well as how seeds themselves are selected Since
Andean farmers have had to address a high-risk environment for thousands of years
this study investigated the cultural adaptations in seeking to benefit from the global
demand of a local product while still reducing economic risk under current climatic
conditions Producing a crop that can survive the growing season and producing a crop
that is commercially desired may not necessarily be congruent so the selection factors
were investigated to understand the trade-offs and analysis that could affect
agrodiversity maintenance
External market factors may be the reason for lack of crop agrodiversity
maintenance External consumer-driven preferences can influence the market as well
as agrodiversity which Kawa et al (2013) found in their study of social networks of
Amazonian manioc farmers They found that two crop characteristics were desired for
the manioc market high biomass and yellow color As a result varieties that produced
large manioc tubers of a yellow color were selected by farmers for production to the
external market explaining a lower agrodiversity than found in non-market contexts
32
Thus external market demands such as varieties with preferred colors can affect
agrodiversity through human selection In the Andes due to the higher prices for
quinoa other researchers found that farmers were selling their quinoa crops rather than
using them solely for their familiesrsquo consumption (Hellin and Higman 2005) Thus
quinoa is also being grown for the market and therefore the characteristics of the end
product are subject to market pressures and consumer preferences such as preferred
color as well as yield or biomass The dominance of the white sweet flavored large-
grained Bolivian real variety in the international market exemplifies external market
pressures related to color and biomass as well as flavor Color and biomass are but a
few examples of the diverse characteristics of quinoa and a range of other
characteristics are desired for other traditional Andean uses which are described in
Chapter 2
Seed selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies (Tuxill
et al 2010) Andean farms tend to be highly diversified (Zimmerer 2003) The farm
diversity is implemented by using various ecological zones across the terrain (Jacoby
1992) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme climate and high risk of
potential crop failure By planting varieties that thrive under various climatic conditions
a harvest is more likely to succeed since at least some of the seeds will thrive in any
given range of climatic conditions (Tuxill et al 2010 Rivera 1998) Thus farmers often
select seeds based on different criteria including color as well as other factors such as
early ripening and yield (Rosero et al 2010 Tuxill et al 2010) Thus while agrodiversity
maintenance is a traditional risk-averting strategy findings also imply that other market-
based or aesthetic factors such as color influence seed selection This research tested
33
these previous findings regarding agrodiversity conservation practices among small-
scale farmers
Due to globalization the concern is the early market entry established limited
characteristics related to color and perhaps sweet taste that could influence Andean
farmersrsquo conservation practices In the global quinoa market the white colored quinoa
Bolivian real is the dominant variety (Castillo et al 2007) and is widely available in US
supermarkets Due to the consumer and market driven desire for a consistent product
the harvests from multiple farms can be collected and managed in a large scale
benefiting larger organizations and distributors Thus commercialized large scale
distribution practices can have the effect of inhibit biodiversity while at the same time
allowing for market entry and competition If farmers grow sweet white quinoa since it is
in demand by the market and discontinue growing the other varieties then there would
be consequences for in situ agrodiversity maintenance
In the past but not that long after quinoa gained global recognition it was
reported that local Andean peasants preserved their biodiversity practices (Apffel-
Marglin 1998) These varieties were often used for subsistence personal and
community purposes with the certain varieties including commercially produced
varieties grown for the external commercial market (Apffel-Marglin 1998) However
due to the more recent global market pressures the observations of Apffel-Marglin
(1998) need to be tested to see if they continue to hold true Quite recently Skarbo
(2015) documented a loss of quinoa diversity in Ecuador in association with
development projects linked to commercialized quinoa varieties raising an alarm for the
preservation of quinoa diversity during what she calls a ldquoquinoa Renaissancerdquo A goal of
34
this study is to analyze these notions of food security and agrobiodiversity in the context
of quinoa variety selection during a time of dramatic price increase In Chapter 4 I also
analyze to a very limited degree the differing roles of men and women in quinoa
agrodiversity conservation and the importance of local experts
In summary this research investigated the historical and current farming
practices that affect agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa during a time of globalization
in the context of culturally-laden meaning due to the long-term beneficial mutual
relationship between quinoa and Andean farmers The dissertation tells the unique
history of this co-evolving relationship between Andeans and quinoa from
domestication thousands of years ago through Spanish suppression of both humans
and quinoa through lingering post-colonial attitudes against ldquodirty Indiansrdquo and ldquoIndian
foodrdquo through the present worldwide acclaim and attention focused on quinoa but not
necessarily its human partners in survival This story involves the success of Andean
people who have not only survived in a harsh climate but have survived through harsh
aspects of human history The mutually-beneficial relationship between Andeans and
quinoa is a survival story that has not concluded Andean farmers cultivated and
nurtured quinoa through thousands of years of harvests resulting in human selection
playing a substantial role in the evolution of the crop alongside other genetic influences
such as natural selection gene flow mutation and genetic drift The result is a highly
diverse species that survived despite competition with introduced crops and animal
husbandry as well as intentional Spanish suppression In return quinoa provided
Andean farmers with a highly nutritious crop that can both thrive in the harsh
environment and also be stored for many years This research looks at the
35
agrodiversity methods farmers use in selecting the types of quinoa to grow during a time
of global pressure to increase production of the crop which can decrease agrodiversity
maintenance through the use of monoculture-type practices adopted from Western
agricultural practices This research has resulted in a compilation of names of different
quinoa varieties to establish a varietal domain to facilitate further investigation into
agrodiversity of the crop I discuss the agrodiversity practices including reasons for
variety selection as well as seed selection I present a survey of current quinoa variety
selection and discuss it in the context of the larger domain of quinoa types and the
future implications for agrodiversity maintenance Thus while monoculture-type
practices have clearly influenced Andean farming practices as demonstrated by the
dominance of the white Bolivian real variety there are ways to prevent further
agrodiversity loss which would be a loss not only to the species but to their millennial-
long partners ndash Andean farmers
36
CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORY OF QUINOA AND HOW IT REACHED THE GLOBAL MARKET
Origins of Agriculture Quinoa Domestication and Andean People
This chapter traces the history of agrodiversity and quinoa in Peru to place the
present status of the globalized quinoa market in historical perspective Quinoa has a
long-term connection among Andean people and a review of the history of the human-
plant relationship explains why and how an agricultural product which was once little
known outside of the Andes attained great global acclaim and associated market
expansion This chapter addresses the questions of what is quinoa and how is it
associated with human culture This chapter describes the botanical nature of quinoa
its taxonomic place and the problems with the classification of varieties as well as the
nutritional benefits and uses it provides to people This chapter also describes the
natural biodiversity and plasticity of the species as well as the effects that history has
had on the survival and success of this plant and what this information may indicate
about the present and future conservation practices
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
Peru has a large variety of plants amounting to about 10 of the total plants in the
world Perursquos diverse floral regime includes about 25000 species 128 domesticated
plants and 4400 native species with known uses ranging from food to medicinal to
cosmetic (Powell and Chavarro 2008) The presence of a variety of climates and
ecozones in the Andes favors the generation and maintenance of genetic diversity
(Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not account for the high rate of diversity
The presence of Andean culture that supports the observation and nurturance of plants
is a key factor in the development of a wide variety of domesticated plants (Rivera
37
1998) Thus humans are an important factor in the generation and maintenance of
biodiversity and Andean cosmology has a role in the successful maintenance of plant
diversity
Plant domestication signified by changes that rely upon human intervention for
continued survival is considered a key factor in the understanding of past human
behavior related to the rise of agriculture Domestication can result in the alteration of
plant life cycles such as reduction in dormancy enhancement of seedling vigor or
enhancement of stored food reserves in seeds and loss of dispersal mechanisms
(Gremillion 1993) A notable difference between domestic and wild plants is that the
latter lack seed dormancy (DeWet and Harlan 1975) Selective pressures linked to
reduced seed dormancy can encourage quick sprouting after planting and increase
survival (Smith 1995) The outer epidermis or testa has an important role in seed
development since it controls imbibition of water and hence seed germination (Smith
1995) The testa thus prevents premature germination in nature and a reduced outer
seed coat testa allow early germination (Gremillion 1993) Domesticated quinoa has a
thin seed coat and is one of the key ways that archaeologists can determine if an
archaeological sample is from a wild or domesticated plant The thin seed coat versions
cannot survive without human intervention even in the Andes (Wilson 1981) and thus
seed coat thickness is an important indicator of domestication The thin seed coat in
domesticated chenopods is the key factor in distinguishing wild from domesticated
versions and hence human intervention
The development of agriculture demonstrates the importance and contribution of
traditional ecological knowledge by farmers in Peru Agriculture developed
38
independently in several disparate locations across the globe One of the most
important locations is the Andes The Andes are one of Vavilovrsquos ldquocenters of
domesticationrdquo (Murphy 2007) including the domestication of 45 species of plants
which is more than all of the domesticated plants in Europe at the time of contact with
the Americas (Rivera 1998)
Many agricultural products were first domesticated in the Andes including
potatoes and quinoa There are 3500 different varieties of potatoes grown in the Andes
(Apffel-Marglin 1998) One province in the Peruvian Andes has more potato diversity
than the entire North American continent (Brush 2005) While potatoes are a well-known
agricultural product of the Andes there are other plants that have gained recent
notoriety Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) kaniwa or canihua (Chenopodium
pallidicaule Aellen) and kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) also known as amaranth or
love-lies-bleeding were domesticated in Peru thousands of years ago (Langlie et al
2011) More recently however the global community became more informed about the
excellent nutritional value of these products (Repo-Carrasco 2003 Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Massawe et al 2016 Gordillo-Bastidas et al 2016) and demand is at an all-time
high (Jacobsen 2011) Quinoa has become a household word in the US and can be
found at local grocery stores This chapter will review the co-evolving history of humans
and quinoa agrodiversity in Peru along with the cultural significance and scientific
discoveries about this plant
The Fox and the Condor
The Andean people have a unique relationship with quinoa and it is involved in
ritual uses and ceremonies and is a part of Andean cosmology I was told an origin
story by an Aymara participant in this study According to ancient lore in a story called
39
The Fox and the Condor quinoa was responsible for saving the Andean people from
starving recounted below
The fox meets with the condor and wants to go to Pati which is the sky The
condor tells the fox that he must be respectful when he is there and not take or touch
anything The fox agrees and he rides on the condor to Pati When they arrive the fox
sees food and violates the agreement by eating all the food The food was there for a
ceremony but when the others arrive the food was all gone because the fox ate it The
others decide to send the fox back to earth so they prepare a rope to lower the fox back
to earth While the fox was being lowered back to earth about half way down the fox
says some bad things The others then decide to cut the cord and the fox falls to the
earth with his body exploding upon impact Since the foxrsquos stomach was full all of the
food spread across the land including the Andean grains of quinoa kantildeiwa kiwicha
and all the other Andean foods That is why these grains are called the food of the gods
ndash since they fell from the sky If any of these grains are found growing out of fox feces it
is considered good Today traditional Andean people say ldquoquinoa is our liferdquo as
described by a participant since quinoa provides sustenance for their survival
This story which is one of many about quinoa demonstrates the importance of
the native Andean foods in their cosmology as well as survival Andeans understand
the life-sustaining role quinoa and other Andean grains have in their ability to continue
living in the otherwise harsh environment
What is Quinoa
Quinoa or quinua the Spanish spelling of the word (C quinoa Willd) is a
domesticated plant that grows in both the Andes and at lower elevations in South
America and is now being grown in many countries around the world Quinoa is a
40
pseudo-cereal that has been used by South Americans for thousands of years While a
primary use is similar to grains since it is often used to make flour among other things
it is not a grass but rather is a weedy species and inhabits disturbed soil environments
(Wilson 1990) Thus quinoa is an opportunistic species which may account for its wide
variation and adaption to various climates and micro-climates
Depending on growing conditions quinoa plant height can vary from 20 cm to 2
m tall (Simmonds 1965) One gram of grains can have between 250 and 520 fruits
(Simmonds 1965) and thus the yields can be quite different Along with weight quinoa
grains also vary in size with the grain area varying from 256 to 51 mmsup2 (Medina et al
2010) again a factor that can affect yield a factor that is used by farmers for selection
discussed in later chapters Another characteristic of quinoa is that in the domesticated
varieties seed dormancy is absent and germination is rapid (Simmonds 1965) as
previously noted in the context of archaeological samples Thus the quinoa grain
exhibits a wide range of morphology which diversity is not just limited to the grains
Quinoa flowers in a variety of colors and shades of those colors The most widely
known colors are white red and black In 1960 JL Lescano described 42 color tones
and 7 basic colors of quinoa white red purple yellow gray brown and black (Ayala
Olazaacutebal 2015) Additional colors include pink orange and green Thus quinoa has a
wide range of color variation which reflects the diversity of the species at an easily
detectible morphological level Thus for human selection the color of the flower or the
grain can be used to distinguish varieties and to use as a marker for identifying co-
related characteristics beyond color
41
Where does Quinoa fit taxonomically and how is it related to other species
The purpose of taxonomic classification is to facilitate comprehension and
communicate ideas about the relationship of organisms to each other (Stevens 2002)
ldquoHierarchical naming systems pervade our whole language and thought and from this
point of view the Linnaean hierarchy is simply one such systemrdquo (Stevens 200212)
Taxonomies are not just simple descriptions but contain embedded theories about
natural order based on human perceptions of nature (Gould 2000) Thus human beliefs
and perceptions influence taxonomic categorization in attempts to organize and
understand species diversity This concept holds especially true as it relates to the on-
going categorization of varieties in the efforts to understand a diverse species such as
quinoa and its variety of usefulness to humans
Taxonomically quinoa is a member of the Amaranthaceae family The
Amaranthaceae family has dicotyledonous plants that are often halophytic herbs which
are salt-tolerant (Bhargava et al 2009) The chenopods used to be classified in the
Chenopodiaceae family but are now classified in the Amaranthaceae family with
Chenopodiaceae being a sub-family Thus there is a history of confusion and change
regarding the scientific classification of quinoa
Especially in older accounts quinoa and other chenopods have sometimes been
misidentified in the literature as being in the genus Amaranthus (Ford 1981) For
example quinoa has also been mis-identified as Amaranthus caudatus (Simmonds
1965) locally known as kiwicha and indeed this same error occurred during my field
work as further described in Chapter 4 This misidentification makes it difficult to
establish the early history of quinoa based on travelersrsquo accounts and colonial reports
In addition and more recently paleobotanical analysis of pollen often identifies the
42
pollen to the family level as Amaranthaceae rather than to genus thus limiting the
usefulness of such studies to the extent the precise species and variety is needed for
analysis
Finally another reason for the great difficulty in classifying some chenopods is
due to their polyploidy ldquoThe reasons for the taxonomic difficulties are the usual ones
encountered in polyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked
phenotypic plasticity parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and
Gornal 2004) Thus while polyploidy can lead to great diversity classification systems
attempt to be static and the classification history of quinoa demonstrates the foibles of
attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013) talks about the plasticity of
genomes of which quinoa is a good example The plasticity of quinoa has led to great
agrodiversity of the crop which will be discussed infra yet makes it difficult to classify in
a hierarchical system Considering the problems with classifying quinoa at a genus and
species level attempts to organize quinoa at the variety level for purposes of studying
and evaluating variety diversity are similarly problematic as further discussed in
Chapter 4
Quinoa is a tetraploid (Pickersgill 2007) which means that it is a polyploid plant
that has four times the number of chromosomes in the cell nucleus rather than a single
pair of chromosomes like humans have As a polyploid plant quinoa has genetic
complexity that can contribute to great intra-species diversity
Quinoa is a member of the Chenopodium genus which contains at least 250
species (Rana et al 2010) Other chenopods are present in other parts of the old and
new worlds In Europe lambsquarter or fat hen (C album L) was grown but apparently
43
was not a substantial crop in early history likely due to the availability of other grass
crops that can thrive at the lower elevations (Simmonds 1965) In China C giganticum
is grown for many uses (Maughan et al 2006) and thus the Chenopodium genus is
spread across the globe
Quinoa was assigned to the Chenopodium taxa as its place in the Linnaean
classification system in 1797 and two hundred years later was described as having
ldquoarchaic relictual and rather mysterious elements of the world of ethnoflorardquo (Wilson
199093) Quinoa was initially was thought to be a unique New World domesticated
Chenopodium species but in 1917 it was determined that a second domesticated
Chenopodium species C nuttalliae existed in domesticated form in Mexico (Wilson
and Heiser 1979) and thus quinoa has relatives in other parts of the New World
Alongside quinoa canihua (or kaniwa) (C pallidacuale Aellen) also grows in the Andes
Canihua can grow at higher altitudes and withstands cold better than quinoa (Repo-
Carrasco-Valencia et al 2009)
In Mexico C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae Moq is present in both domesticated and
wild forms This species has three well-known varieties known as huauzontle quelite
and chia roja (Wilson 1981 Glore 2006) In North America goosefoot (C berlandieri
ssp jonesium Moq) was also domesticated but the domesticated variety is now extinct
Wild goosefoot species including C berlandieri ssp zschackei C bushianum C
boscianum and C macrocalycium are present in North America (Maughan et al 2006
Ford 1981) The two most discussed North American species are C berlandieri ssp
zschackei and C bushianum Chenopodium berlandieri ssp zschackei extends across
the US west of the Mississippi as well as the Gulf coast and east of the Mississippi into
44
Wisconsin Illinois Michigan and part of Indiana and is infrequently in Mississippi
Alabama Georgia Florida and the Carolinas (Smith 1992) Chenopodium bushianum
has larger fruits (often called grains) and its geographical range includes much of the
Northeast and Midwest and has been found in Tennessee Alabama and South
Carolina (Smith 1992) The Chenopodium genus has a great number of species that
grow all over the world demonstrating its plasticity
It appears that quinoa was domesticated independently from goosefoot (C
berlandieri) and huauzontle (C berlandieri ssp nuttalliae) (Rana et al 2010 Pickersgill
2007) however it is not yet conclusive whether goosefoot and huauzontle were
domesticated independently (Pickersgill 2007 cf Ford 1981) Past genetic analysis
indicated that another North American species C berlandieri ssp zschackei may be
more closely related to quinoa and may perhaps be an intermediate subspecies
between quinoa and huauzontle (Rana et al 2010) especially since hybrids of quinoa
and C berlandieri ssp zschackei can produce fertile offspring (Maughan et al 2006)
Notably the three New World species discussed above quinoa goosefoot and
huauzontle are all tetraploids (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2009) which can account for
great genetic diversity It has been suggested that quinoa and C berlandieri ssp
zschackei as allotetraploids may share a common ancestor (Rana et al 2010)
Recently the quinoa genome was sequenced and compared to other species
including C berlandieri (goosefoot) C hircinum and C pallidicuale (kaniwa) The
quinoa genome has 44776 genes and the genomic analysis revealed that original
ancestry included the hybridization of two diploids labelled A of likely North American
origin and B of likely Eurasian origin (Jarvis et al 2016) This tetraploidization split
45
occurred 33 to 63 million years ago although Jarvis et al (2016) noted that there has
been some recombination between the A and B sub-genomes across time Now that the
quinoa genome has been sequenced additional genetic analysis can lead to further
hybridization of the species which may lead to more involvement by global agro-
industrial corporations which thus far have had limited success in tapping into the
quinoa market from a production standpoint While there are many smaller companies
involved in quinoa production including growing and marketing quinoa products the
large multi-national corporations that dominate many agricultural systems do not
presently dominate the quinoa market and do not grow significant yields or otherwise
dominate the quinoa market at the sales or distribution level The genetic manipulation
of quinoa can lead to the creation of new varieties that are qualified to receive a patent
and will surely bring significant changes to the global quinoa market in the future
History of Quinoa in the Andes
Humans have had a direct relationship with quinoa for thousands of years
Quinoa is a domesticated species with human selection occurring perhaps as early as
15000 years ago (Wilson 1990) although that date is not confirmed by the
archaeological record While the precise time when human manipulation of quinoa
plants began is unknown archaeological evidence indicates that quinoa was an
important agricultural product by the Formative Period 2000 BC in Peru (Bruno 2008)
Quinoa use pre-dates the Inca and Wari ceremonial vases have figures of quinoa on
them (Tapia et al 201413) Archaeologists continue to investigate Bolivian and
Peruvian archaeological sites with regard to the archaeobotany of the Lake Titicaca
Basin (Langlie et al 2011 Rumold 2010 Whitehead 2007) providing additional depth
of history and knowledge of the inception of agriculture and domestication of quinoa
46
Quinoa is often marketed in the US as the food of the Inca gods due to its
current cachet and popularity in Western diets thus associating it with its deep historical
association with a famous civilization Over the past several decades quinoa has
vaulted from a crop threatened with extinction to a popular food product readily
available in grocery stores across the US and elsewhere in the world The reputation of
quinoa has gone from low status ldquoIndian foodrdquo to high status health food The
relationship between humans and quinoa has evolved across time and is a dynamic
fluid relationship As Medin and Atran state ldquoMuch of human history has been spent
(and is being spent) in intimate contact with plants and animals and it is difficult to
imagine that human cognition would not be molded by that factrdquo (Medin and Atran
19991) The human-quinoa interspecies relationship can provide insight into the
concepts of biodiversity through understanding the knowledge of the people who have
been connected in time and space with the plant
Historically the three major agricultural foods in the Andes were maize potatoes
and quinoa (Wilson 1990) However there are limitations on growing food at elevations
over 10000 feet where quinoa is harvested (Simmonds 1965) While quinoa and
potatoes are grown in the altiplano corn is rarely grown with any success due to the
harsh climate Of these three products both corn and potato were adopted into
European diets during the colonial period but not so for quinoa and today corn and
potatoes rank among the most widely grown food products across the world
Quinoa was an important food crop in the Andes at the time of European contact
(Simmonds 1965) Quinoa was sacred to the Incas who called it chisiya mama or
mother grain (NRC 1989149) Quinoa was considered to have significance to the Inca
47
above other crops (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Quinoa was used by the Inca to produce
fermentation of chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of
harvest and sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and
so ensure prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Figure 2-1 is a depiction of Pachamama
holding quinoa based on an undated bronze artifact from an archaeological context in
Argentina
Figure 2-1 Sketch of a bronze amulet depicting Pachamama holding quinoa branches -Image credit Mintzer 193360
Thus quinoa was closely linked to spiritual beliefs and ritual practices at the time of
European contact The production of chicha using quinoa continues today as does the
reverence for Pachamama
48
Perhaps due to its ritual role Europeans did not adopt quinoa into their
agriculture (Maughan et al 2007) Plants can be perceived as having magic (Kawa
2012) In articulating several reasons for the decline in quinoa production Mujica et al
(2013) specifically listed magic
The conquistadores fear the lsquomagic quinoarsquo They believed that consuming quinoa and the religious ceremonies with quinoa were the same and they might attribute extraordinary forces to the Indians and endanger the conquest (Mujica et al 201311) This colonial concern that a plant could have the ability to empower people thus
threatening colonial conquest and domination caused the Spaniards to engage in
discrimination and suppression against quinoa to suppress this perceived powerful
alliance between quinoa and Andeans Ceremonial and ritually significant indigenous
foods such as quinoa were ldquotargeted for extinctionrdquo during the Spanish colonial period
(Wilson 1990108) European colonization dramatically affected quinoa production
relegating it to a low status food associated with the indigenous population with its
production shrinking in range through much of the 20th century (Wilson 1990)
Instead of being adopted into European cuisine quinoa remained an indigenous
local food In a report by the Kew Royal Botanic Gardens (RBG Kew) in 1909 it was
noted that quinoa was a food of the ldquoIndians or the laboring classesrdquo (RBG Kew 1909)
providing an example of the discrimination against people eating quinoa and it was
considered ldquoIndian foodrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 201526 Bazile et al 2014) a derogatory
reference based on continuing neocolonial mind-sets that considered Indians to be
inferior to either the white or the mestizo population Based on recent ethnographic
research at least in Puno quinoa sometimes is still perceived as food for poor people
with rich people eating rice noodles and chicken (Aguumlero Garcia 2014) although
49
quinoa is marketed to tourists today and there is a strong native Peruvian food
revitalization movement Thus while the production of quinoa was suppressed by the
Spaniards due to its ritual use along with neo-colonial perceptions of low social status
associated with Indians that lingered until recent globalization and coupled with
competition from other newly introduced crops as well as animals quinoa production
declined except in Andean regions where its cultural significance survived European
contact and neo-colonial discrimination against indigenous Andeans and quinoa
Besides the history of suppression and racism associated with ldquoIndian foodrdquo
another reason postulated for the reduction in quinoa production was the introduction of
sheep and cattle as alternative sources of protein (Mujica et al 2013) The increased
competition with broad beans oats and barley is yet another reason for the past decline
in quinoa production (Wilson 1990) In 1990 Wilson remarked that ldquothis leafy grain
apparently failed in direct global competition with the true cerealsrdquo (Wilson 199096)
although at the time of Wilsonrsquos publication the trend was changing and he was
apparently referring to the earlier decline across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
This fact however has changed since then While Europeans failed to recognize the
value of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities
continued to cultivate quinoa Thus much of the traditional indigenous knowledge is still
present in these farming communities and can be key to the conservation of the
biodiversity Cultural traditions therefore are very important in the understanding of
Andean agriculture and ecosystems
Perhaps quinoarsquos symbolic representation of Inca or indigenous culture coupled
with the time-consuming processing required to remove the toxic saponins (Safford
50
1968 [1915]) dissuaded Europeans from adopting quinoa into their diets Consuming
quinoa without first removing the saponins which requires vigorous abrasion of the
seeds and washing with water can have unpleasant effects on the digestive tract as
well as having an unpleasant bitter taste Either reason or perhaps both may have
contributed to the European rejection of quinoa starting with colonial times
While Europeans failed to recognize the value of quinoa for hundreds of years
South American indigenous communities managed to maintain quinoa as a
domesticated plant for personal and local consumption Indigenous Andean women are
responsible for approximately 70 of agricultural work (Tapia and De La Torre 1997)
so it is likely that women were the conservators of quinoa knowledge and diversity
through silent resistance to colonial domination Thus despite the rejection of quinoa by
European colonizers quinoa survived in remote indigenous populations that
maintained traditional knowledge and practices
While quinoa was not adopted into European cuisine it has been described
across time in various reports emanating from the Andes by European and American
explorers and scientists In 1551 Spaniard Pedro Valdivia described fields of Chilean
quinoa which he called quingua (Wilson 1990) Other early explorers including
Garcilaso de la Vega also described quinoa and stated that it resembled millet or short-
grained rice (Mujica et al 2013) Such descriptions continued into the 19th and 20th
centuries (eg Ledesma and Bollaert 1856 Jameson 1861 Forbes 1870 Milstead
1928) Ledesman and Bollaert (1856) noted that quinoa was grown on the island of
Lake Titicaca Forbes (1870) noted the different varieties of quinoa that were yellow
red and white and called it Inca rice a hint at the diversity of the crop while
51
acknowledging that it was a Chenopodium species In 1891 Safford observed the time-
consuming processing of quinoa grains in Bolivia and found it to have good flavor
(Safford 1968 [1915]) In 1931 Standley noted that quinoa was a common crop in the
Andes due to its edible seeds Thus across time explorers and researchers took note of
quinoa although it was not adopted into European cuisine and therefore not widely
known
While indigenous Andeans maintained local quinoa production botanists
continued to explore species across the globe including lesser-known plants In the
1800s Alexander von Humboldt observed that quinoa was like ldquolsquowine was to the
Greeks wheat to the Romans cotton to the Arabsrsquordquo (NRC 1989151) Quinoa was a
plant that was observed by scientists known and classified yet was not otherwise well-
known to global consumers maintaining an air of mystery to it What was this plant that
the Spaniards rejected yet that still managed to survive
In 1909 the Kew Royal Botanical Gardens issued a short report on quinoa and
noted an interest by Americans for potential import into the US (RBG Kew 1909) In
1928 quinoa was described in a published survey of Peruvian agricultural crops
(Milstead 1928) At that time it was reported to be grown in small patches but spread
out across the landscape of farms Milstead noted that quinoa provides ldquoa palatable and
nutritious article of food for the highland Indiansrdquo (Milstead 1928101) although he does
not otherwise describe how he came to the conclusion that it was a nutritious food In a
Spanish language publication Mintzer (1933) published an extensive article on the
botanical cultural and agronomic characteristics of quinoa including study in the
Peruvian altiplano and included nutritional data Mintzer (1933) also noted the presence
52
of different varieties that could be distinguished by pigmentation and ecological zone
growing conditions a noteworthy acknowledgement of the agrodiversity based on both
color and environment in which he used the terms ldquovarietiesrdquo and ldquoracesrdquo somewhat
interchangeably
While there were prior hints at the nutritional value of quinoa (eg Milstead
1928) over the past fifty years or more there have been ongoing studies of the
nutritional values of quinoa (Eg Repo-Carrasco 1991 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003
Repo de Carrasco 2014 Villa et al 2014) Much of this scholarship is based in South
America often presented at conferences but not often published in scholarly journals
and rarely in English language journals Between 1970 and 1986 there were at least 43
published papers about quinoa over half of which were in Spanish and most of which
were published in gray literature (Rafats 1986) While there was much information about
quinoa in the South American scholarly articles and gray literature not all of it is widely
distributed or easily accessible which may have also delayed its explosion onto the
world market until the scientific analysis was more widely-accessible More widespread
publications of the nutritional benefits of quinoa in English language articles along with
the growing popularity of health foods in the US and Europe led to the rise in global
consumption
The rejection of quinoa continued well past Spanish colonial domination and in
1950 Sauer reported that quinoa has now retreated from the extremities of its earlier
range but is still a characteristic food plant of the Inca-dominated Highlands (Sauer
1950) In the mid-1960s it was also reported that quinoa was in decline in Ecuador
Chile and Argentina and absent in Columbia (Simmonds 1965) In 1965 Simmonds
53
reported that quinoa had excellent protein content especially as compared to other
cereals and noted that ldquothe uses to which this plant are put are intimately bound up with
the lore and customs of the people that grow themrdquo (232) Again the nutritional value of
quinoa was noted in the scientific literature without much acclaim Simmonds (1965)
however acknowledged the meaningful interspecies relationship between quinoa and
Andeans by including the intimate connection between quinoa people and customs
In 1968 an international convention on quinoa and kantildeiwa was held in Puno
Peru organized by prominent South American scientists to demonstrate and
consolidate their efforts to emphasize the importance of Andean grains to modern
science (NRC 1989) Over a decade later some of those same South American
scientists published what the National Research Council has called a ldquomajor
collaborative work on quinoa and kaniwardquo (NRC 198913) referring to Tapia et al
1979 Notwithstanding the scholarship and efforts of Andean researchers who
extensively studied quinoa the National Research Council acknowledged that they
ldquostruggled for decades to promote them in the face of deeply ingrained prejudices in
favor of European foodrdquo (NRC 1989v) Thus not only were quinoa and other Andean
products disparaged as inferior ldquoIndian foodrdquo the efforts by Andean scholars were also
affected by this bias
Events occurred in the 1970s and 1980s that would lead quinoa to the global
market The scientific community continued to study quinoa including its nutritional
value and in 1975 scientists reported that quinoa was ldquoa little known plant hellip with a
high protein contentrdquo that could contribute to food security if problems associated with
processing were resolved (Brown and Pariser 1975) referring to the saponin removal
54
process Scientific interest in quinoa started to increase and in 1980 in Peru the
Instituto Nacional de Investigacion Agraria established the Programa de Cultivos
Andinos which included investigations into quinoa (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Across the
border international marketing of Bolivian quinoa began in 1983 when the national
quinoa growers association was established (ANAPQUI) (Jacobsen 2011) The main
producers and exporters of quinoa currently are in Bolivia and Peru Quinoa is also
cultivated in Colombia Ecuador Argentina and Chile (Medina et al 2010) Quinoa is
also grown in lesser amounts in various countries around the world
In 1986 the FAO defined quinoa as a strategic food crop for the Andes and later
acknowledged its high nutritional value Based on this acclaim by a world-renowned
organization quinoa was no longer a ldquosecond-rate productrdquo (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015 26)
The National Research Council collaborated with over 600 scientists to produce a book
in 1989 called ldquoLost Crops of the Incasrdquo led by Dr Hugh Popenoe of the University of
Florida and included quinoa as one of the so-called lost crops These crops including
the ldquoglowing grainsrdquo of quinoa were aptly described in connection with the Andean
people (NRC 19893) The NRCrsquos comparison of the racialized ldquolargely pure-blooded
Indianrdquo citizenry of the Andes and the treatment of the ldquolost cropsrdquo including the
ldquoglowing grainsrdquo (19893) exemplifies the co-relationship between plants and people
through cultural and class affiliation Indian peopleIndian food The NRC commented
that ldquoBecause it is now primarily a food of campesinos and poorer classes increasing
its production is a good way to improve the diets of the most needy sector of societyrdquo
(NRC 1989150) Thus even in 1989 quinoa was still considered food for the poor with
both viewed together through a socio-economic lens
55
The relationship between quinoa and Andeans was also noted by Wilson (1990)
who similarly observed the relationship between the race of people and the status of
quinoa in a paper published in 1990 he noted the importance of ldquointact cropweed
complexesrdquo where the wild parent plants or ldquoweedsrdquo co-exist side-by-side with the
domesticated varieties or ldquocropsrdquo and that they were found in what he called ldquorefugial
areasrdquo associated with indigenous communities with strong cultural traditions including
the Andes (Wilson 1990108) These ldquorefugial areasrdquo (Wilson 1990108) provided a
place for both indigenous Andeans and quinoa to survive the pressures and changes
from the outside world Wilson observed as other scientists before him that there was
a strong association and connection between traditional indigenous presence and
culture and the survival of the quinoa agricultural complex Thus human diversity and
plant diversity thrived side-by-side just as the weeds and domesticates continued to live
side-by-side Andean indigenous culture and the quinoa agricultural complex both
survived colonialism due to the interspecies relationship and dependency Thus while
Wilson could observe as recently as 1990 that quinoa was in a downward spiral from a
production standpoint struggling to survive much as their human Andean counterparts
prior literature regarding the nutritional value hinted at things to come Over time the
world re-discovered what the Andeans already knew quinoa is a high-value nutritional
food source worthy of consumer attention and acclaim as demonstrated by its
noteworthy rise on the world market and place on grocery shelves across the Western
world
Resurgence of Quinoa
Quinoa gained international attention in 1993 from a report by NASA in which it
was identified as suitable for astronauts on long-term space missions (Bubenheim and
56
Schlick 1993) Due to its high protein value and unique combination of amino acids
including lysine NASA concluded that it is a food that can provide life-sustaining
nutrients from one species Interestingly NASA noted the varying colors of quinoa and
speculated that the colors are associated with ldquoeco-typesrdquo hinting at diversity of the
species but not further explaining the significance of these factors or what they mean by
ldquoeco-typerdquo The results of this NASA report had a significant effect on the worldwide
market If quinoa was a premium food for astronauts it was a commodity that health
food stores certainly wanted in stock Gradually the quinoa market in the US
expanded from health food stores to mainstream grocers
Twenty years after the NASA report the United Nations (UN) named 2013 to be
the Year of Quinoa (UN Resolution 66221 22 December 2011) (UN 2011b) This
proclamation elevated quinoa to an exclusive club alongside other UN designated
years including lofty goals such as education human rights peace literacy biodiversity
and sustainable energy to name a few The reason that quinoa achieved such
accolades by the UN was due to its high nutritional status The resolution seeking this
status stated the importance of quinoa and of the indigenous people who grow it (UN
2011b)
Recognizing that Andean indigenous peoples through their traditional knowledge and practices of living well in harmony with mother earth and nature have maintained controlled protected and preserved quinoa in its natural state including its many varieties and landraces as food for present and future generations Affirming the need to focus world attention on the role that quinoa biodiversity plays owing to the nutritional value of quinoa in providing food security and nutrition the eradication of poverty in support of the achievement of the internationally agreed development goals including the Millennium Development Goals and the outcome document of the High-Level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals
57
Recalling the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the World Food Summit Plan of Action (13-17 November 1996) the Declaration of the World Food Summit five years later (10-13 June 2002) and the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security (16-18 November 2009) Affirming the need to heighten public awareness of the nutritional economic environmental and cultural properties of quinoa The recognition given to this traditional food crop by the UN is linked to important
issues including global food security and eradication of poverty Notably the UN
acknowledged that traditional Andean practices and relationship with nature have
conserved quinoa varieties for future generations This UN declaration acknowledged
the scientific contributions of the traditional Andean farmers and also emphasized the
environmentally-sensitive sustainable traditional farming practices they need Notably
the UN declaration points out that the Andean people preserved the biodiversity of the
quinoa agricultural complex including its ldquonatural state including its many varieties and
landracesrdquo (UN 2011b) This statement harkens to Wilsonrsquos (1990) observation about
the importance of the intact ldquocropweedrdquo complex associated with the indigenous people
who maintained this agricultural strategy Thus the selection of quinoa as the focus of a
UN ldquoyear ofrdquo sends multiple messages about the relationship of quinoa to the Andean
people and their harmonious farming practices and traditions and their joint
contributions to the world including the biodiversity maintenance of varieties drawing
an interesting parallel between plants and humans where diversity maintenance can
lead to worldwide contributions to humanity including global-scale food security and
support of UN Millennium Goals
What is interesting about quinoa is that it is a relative newcomer to the world
market Since 1959 the UN has elevated three crops to the ldquoYear ofrdquo status rice
58
(2004) potato (2008) quinoa (2013) (UN nd) and more recently pulses (legumes
including beans peas lentils and chickpeas) (UN 2016) While both potato and quinoa
originated in the Andes and were domesticated there of the two only the potato was
taken to Europe during early colonization by Spain and adopted into foodways across
the globe While quinoa was part of the Andean diet when the Spaniards arrived it was
not adopted into European diets and was relegated the status of ldquoIndian foodrdquo Thus
for quinoa to achieve UN recognition a mere five years after the potato is a remarkable
shift in status While both have been lauded by the UN a distinction between potatoes
and quinoa is the relative nutritional value of these products with quinoa being highly
nutritional compared to potato as has been revealed by recent scientific investigation
While quinoa is a crop that is endemic to the Andes it is presently being grown in
various countries across the globe (Figure 2-2) According to FAO databases however
the only countries that export quinoa in quantity are Bolivia Peru and Ecuador
although it is grown in all the Andean countries as well as scattered locations across
the world including the US and Canada
Source Bazile et al 2014
Figure 2-2 Quinoa Producers 2013
59
The expansion of quinoa production beyond the Andean countries is fairly recent
although there were some noteworthy earlier efforts including in Kenya and the US
Figure 2-3 shows plots the growth in the number of UN countries that grow quinoa from
1900 to 2014
Source Bazile et al 2016
Figure 2-3 Percentage of UN Countries growing or experimenting with quinoa
The interest in quinoa as a global food product sharply increased in conjunction with
increased scientific and development efforts as well as the recognition due to the UN
Year of Quinoa Thus quinoa now has widespread global acceptance and other
countries are growing or attempting to grown quinoa This chart tracks the history of
quinoa outlined above and shows that an increase in global production was associated
with significant historical events including the formation of the quinoa producers
association in Bolivia in the early 1980s to the expanded scientific investigation from
the 1980s to the present
60
Peru Bolivia and Ecuador are the only significant sources of quinoa for export
more countries are involved in growing quinoa or conducting research on how to grow
quinoa under their climate conditions While the FAO does not list the US as a quinoa
exporter it is being grown in various locations including Colorado Washington
Oregon California and Utah There are different companies in the US that are involved
in quinoa sales including Ancient Harvests Quinoa Corporation Quinoa Foods
Company Keen One Quinoa Inca Organics Eden Foods Alter Eco Foods Quaker
Oats and Trader Joersquos The Ancient Harvests company claims to be the first company
to import quinoa into the US from Bolivia in 1983 Farms in the US that grow quinoa
include White Mountains Farm in Colorado and Lundberg Family Farms in California
Quinoa is also grown in Canada and Northern Quinoa Production Company both grows
and markets quinoa products While the global quinoa market is dominated by Peru and
Bolivia and Ecuador to a lesser extent production has expanded across the globe and
there is no doubt that there will be a larger global presence in the future including large
multi-national industrial agriculture corporations
Scientific Investigation into the Nutritional Benefits of Quinoa
Based on its unique history of being an important ritual food then suppressed by
the Spanish then once again returning to high acclaim by the scientific community
quinoa has left its mark on the global stage This section reviews scientific investigation
into the nutritional qualities and values of quinoa
Quinoa is high in protein especially as compared to other cereal crops (Table 2-
3 Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) While Repo-Carrasco et al (2003) found that quinoa had
144 g100 g of protein the actual protein contents vary 12-17 depending on the
variety (Murphy et al 2016)
61
Table 2-1 Comparative nutritional value of quinoa
PRODUCT PROTEIN CONTENT g100g FAT CONTENT g100g
QUINOA 144 6 COMMON RYE 134 18 BARLEY 118 18 OATS 116 52 CORN 111 49 ENGLISH WHEAT 105 26 RICE 91 22
Source Data compiled from Repo-Carrasco et al 2003181
Quinoa contains amino acids that are similar to casein which is milk protein
(Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) ldquoThe amino acid content of the quinoa grainacutes protein
meets the amino acid requirements recommended for preschool children school
children and adultsrdquo (UN 2011a) Thus quinoa provides an important protein for human
growth and is likened to the importance of milk in a childrsquos modern diet Beyond its
protein content quinoa contains high calcium magnesium iron copper and zinc
content In addition to the grains quinoa leaves also contain protein as well as calcium
phosphorous and iron (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003)
Quinoa contains fatty acids that are about 82 unsaturated (Repo-Carrasco et
al 2003) Since it contains omega 3 and omega 6 it helps reduce LDL (or bad
cholesterol) and helps raise HDL (or good cholesterol) (UN 2011a) Quinoa also
contains tocopherols as Vitamin E which is an antioxidant This protects cell
membranes against free radical attack thus providing additional health benefits (Repo-
Carrasco et al 2003)
The carbohydrates in quinoa seeds contain between 58 and 68 starch and 5
sugar Quinoa is also a good energy source that is slowly released into the body due to
its high fiber content (UN 2011a)
62
In addition to the high nutritional value quinoa also has a high percentage of total
dietary fiber As such quinoa is a food that can be used to detoxify the body (UN
2011a) Quinoa also has the ability to absorb water and remain for a longer period of
time in the stomach (UN 2011a) The dietary fiber in quinoa promotes intestinal transit
and regulates cholesterol (UN 2011a)
Interestingly quinoa has two phytoestrogens deaidzein and cenisteina These
two phytoestrogens help prevent osteoporosis In addition they may alleviate disorders
caused by the lack of estrogen during menopause (UN 2011a) Due to these various
properties of quinoa it certainly deserves the title ldquosuperfoodrdquo
Quinoa is also gluten free and provides an excellent alternative to grains such as
wheat (Repo-Carrasco et al 2003) Some studies indicate that the consumption of
quinoa by people with celiac disease improves their condition (UN 2011) Thus quinoa
is an alternative food source for populations with food sensitivities Quinoa is now being
touted as an alternative for a gluten-free diet has anti-oxidant characteristics linked to
cancer preventions (Villa et al 2014) and has anti-inflammatory effects (Yao et al
2014) all of which are prevalent health concerns today
Fueled by studies of quinoarsquos nutritional value which is now well-known the
global market has expanded and consumer choices across the world can affect the
farming practices of Andeans The next section discusses the Andean uses of quinoa
which is also a part of the deep history of this human-plant relationship
How do Andeans Utilize Quinoa
Prior to the globalization of quinoa the crop was primarily used for personal
consumption and was not historically a cash crop (Jacobsen 2011) While globalization
has changed quinoa into a cash crop Andeans still use quinoa and this section
63
describes the current uses of quinoa by Andeans Many commercial quinoa products
are currently available on the Peruvian consumer food market (Figure 2-4) All parts of
the plants can be used for various products and uses While Andean people primarily
consumed quinoa as food it also has a variety of other uses including medicinal ritual
cultural artistic industrial and for animal forage In acknowledging the link between
traditional culture and biodiversity Skarbo (2014) found that those who eat more
traditional foods maintain higher levels of farm diversity both between and within
species Thus having a strong tradition of quinoa use has a positive correlation with
agrodiversity and the variety of Andean uses for quinoa demonstrates this link
Various parts of the plant have different uses Quinoa grains are the primary
focus of production although other parts of the plant including the flower stems and
leaves also have economic value The leaves are similar to spinach and are also
consumed either as a salad or potherb (Simmonds 1965) Thus while quinoa is
commonly associated today as a nutritious grain the quinoa plant is very productive
and plays a diverse role in Andean culture and economy
Figure 2-4 Quinoa kantildeihua and kiwicha products Image Credit Deborah Andrews
2012
64
Food
As previously noted quinoa is an important Andean food product Quinoa is
consumed as a part of any meal of the day including snacks Quinoa varieties can have
different flavors which can sometimes be distinguished based on the color although
there are also flavor distinctions within the same color but based on different varieties
In addition the texture varies based on variety with some varieties preferred for certain
recipes and uses Different quinoa varieties have culinary qualities that are used for
different cooking purposes For example chullpi is used for soups pasankalla is used
for toasting altiplano is used for flour and real is used for pissara or grains (Mujica et
al 2001) Black quinoa is harder to cook and harder to grind for flour Thus Andeans
have distinct culinary uses for the different types or varieties of quinoa which
underscores the relevance of agrodiversity The selection of quinoa varieties based on
culinary uses is further explored in Chapter 4 which focuses on agrodiversity and
farmer variety selection
Grain Products
The grain is the primary focus of quinoa production Andeans frequently
consume quinoa in the form of grain which is boiled with two parts water and one part
quinoa similar to rice The grains can be used in many recipes in the place of rice
although in the Andes rice appears to be more frequently consumed than quinoa The
grains are often used to make porridge and soups A common Andean dish is peske
which is boiled quinoa served with milk as depicted in Figure 2-5 The variety used for
the peske that I was served was kancolla which has a large grain so it can be prepared
like rice In addition to boiling the grain can be toasted or puffed
65
Figure 2-5 Peske Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Since the time of the Inca quinoa has been used to produce fermentation of
chicha which was used in religious rituals for the Andean seasons of harvest and
sowing and to thank Pachamama or Earth Mother for her generosity and so ensure
prosperity (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) In Quechua culture Isbell (1978) observed that
quinoa was added to corn-based chicha to make a special ritual drink called machka
celebrating the first planting of the season Andeans also presently prepare a juice from
quinoa usually made with orange juice Indeed chicha is widely available in Peru
beyond the Andes and is a symbol of national pride and patrimony
A more trendy use of quinoa is the manufacture of protein bars containing
combinations of quinoa and other products such as peanuts kiwicha or cantildeihua which
are sold in modern grocery stores in Peru These bars are similar in style and
convenience to granola bars and appear to be a more recent modern consumer
product since I did not see these bars being either sold or consumed in small stores in
villages or by farmers
66
Processed Quinoa
While raw quinoa grain is the primary form of the product that is sold
commercially and for export there is also a market for products that are further
processed and used in forms other than as raw grain Processed quinoa products can
be found in Peruvian grocery stores and include items such as quinoa flour as well as
products made using quinoa flour such as pasta There are a variety of modern recipes
for quinoa using either the grains or milled flour The grains are milled into flour for
baking purposes for bread and other products Based on my use of quinoa flour it
makes a stiffer product than wheat flour so it is not necessarily an acceptable substitute
for bread wheat flour unless a firmer product is desired such as in crisp cookies
Quinoa is also milled to make flakes which can be used as a breakfast food or added
to yogurt smoothies purees soups and drinks (Montoya Restrepo et al 2005) Quinoa
smoothies can be purchased from roadside vendors in Puno as a quick portable
breakfast Other Peruvian retail products include a breakfast porridge that combines
quinoa flakes with oatmeal A limited variety of quinoa products are sold in retail stores
in the United States including pasta and baby food
In the Andes one of the local complaints about consuming quinoa relates to the
length of time it takes to prepare If the quinoa grain has not been processed past the
winnowing stage the grain needs to be further prepared before cooking This important
step is the removal of the saponins Due to the mild toxicity of the saponins they need
to be removed prior to cooking This is done by abrading the grain to remove the outer
layer as well as washing the grains and disposing of the waste-water For quinoa that is
exported on the global market the saponin removal process can occur at different
stages of the distribution chain including by the end-use consumer However most
67
quinoa on the US market today already has the saponin removed with no additional
rinsing needed by the consumer although this was not always the case
Another time-consuming tedious process is the grinding of quinoa into flour The
traditional method of milling quinoa is to actually grind the grains on a mill stone using
an oblong stone tool as depicted in Figure 2-6 One informant said that when he was a
child when he came home from school he would have to grind quinoa using the grind
stone before he could go out to play He said that he resents quinoa due to this
childhood chore While modern electric mills are now available the female informants
agreed that stone ground quinoa tastes better than the modern processing and that they
can tell the difference in flavor between the two milling practices A problem of
modernization however is that at least in the Juli region south of Puno the man who
makes the stone grinding tools is getting old and no one else in the area is known to
make the stone grinding tools COOPAIN has an industrial mill at their processing plant
in Cabana for the members to mill their quinoa into flour for personal consumption
Figure 2-6 Aymara woman grinding quinoa using the traditional stone tools Image
credit Deborah Andrews 2014
68
Masamora is a dish made with quinoa flour with added calcium obtained from
rocks Figure 2-7 depicts masamora along with other quinoa food products Masamora
is cooked into a paste-like dish usually eaten for breakfast Krsquoispina is steamed quinoa
dough Many families have their own special krsquoispina recipe for lunch as well as for trips
Traditional Andeans also use krsquoispina formed into special shapes for ritual ceremonial
purposes
Figure 2-7 Display of traditional quinoa products Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
Medicine
While scientists are studying medicinal values of quinoa (Vega-Gaacutelvez et al
2010 Yao et al 2014 Navruz-Varley and Sanlier 2016) various parts of the quinoa
plant are used in traditional Aymara medicine (UN 2011) as well as Quechua medicine
The seeds leaves and stems are used to cure many diseases (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015)
Traditional healing uses include as an antiseptic gargle heartburn relief constipation
relief nausea relief as a poultice as an analgesic and as an anti-inflammatory (UN
2011a) In addition quinoa is traditionally used to treat liver problems tonsillitis fever
69
urinary problems contusions hemorrhages bowel disorders wounds insect bites loss
of blood irritation loss of appetite loss of strength insomnia headache dizziness
anemia loss of focus and to prevent osteoporosis (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Thus in
addition to having an important role as a food product in Andean diets quinoa also is
traditionally used for a variety of medical ailments
Ajara or wild quinoa which is black colored is normally used for traditional
medicine usually by community members who specialize in healing Traditional
medicine can be purchased at the open-air farmersrsquo markets in Puno Ajara is not
normally used for consumption because it does not taste good since it is bitter
however it is used for medicinal purposes such as paste placed on the body next to
broken bones The black quinoa has more saponin than the other varieties and is used
for medicine against cancer and diabetes based on folk knowledge Recent research
on saponins in quinoa have linked it to anti-inflammatory properties (Yao et al 2014)
providing scientific support for traditional Andean medicine Based on this recent
scientific confirmation of medicinal values black quinoa is now fetching a higher price
since it is considered to have medicinal value which is being more widely-reported and
studied In other parts of the world C album has been used for medicinal purposes
(Bharagava et al 2009) Scientific analysis has revealed that Chenopodium has
antibacterial antifungal anti-parasitic anthelmintic antispasmodic antipruritic and
antinociceptive properties (Bharagava et al 2009) Thus properties of quinoa have
medicinal value and research into the variety distinctions from a medicinal or
therapeutic perspective can potentially contribute to efforts to conserve agrodiversity
70
Another medicinal use of quinoa is in relation to the practice of chewing coca In
the Andes coca is often used to alleviate symptoms of hypoxia related to the high
altitude and is also used as a stimulant which can also suppress hunger Alkaline from
the ash of burned quinoa stems (lliptu) is used for coca chewing (Simmonds 1965) The
stems of the quinoa plant are still considered to be the best for this purpose as
compared to other kinds of plants Thus quinoa has a variety of traditional and
scientifically confirmed medical benefits and the correlation of the beneficial properties
with certain varieties can provide impetus to conserve agrodiversity
Ritual Uses
Andean farmers have a close relationship with nature Many believe in
Pachamama or Earth Mother as well as the presence of spirits in the rivers springs
and tombs This cosmology also extends to sharing quinoa with other species such as
birds as exemplified by the lack of vigor to some degree in keeping birds away from
their crop because they do not want the birds to ldquocryrdquo This spiritual religion is a close
relationship between life and the actions of the farmer in the fields (Ayala Olazaacutebal
2015)
As noted above Andeans ferment quinoa to make chicha (Simmonds 1965)
Chicha is fermented with quinoa and is involved in religious and magical ancestral
ceremonies in giving to the Earth (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) This is likely one of the most
well-known ritual and culturally-laden uses of quinoa linked to Andean cosmology
Traditional Andeans make different shapes by hand from a quinoa flour
preparation called krsquoispina as noted above which are used for different festivals and
celebrations including the Carnival celebration and All Saints Day During the San Juan
Festival which is in June some people make animal shapes with this form of quinoa
71
The San Juan Festival is the day of the farmer Families have specific shapes that they
use for this product and community members recognize who made the product due to
their trademark-like shape Among the Aymara quinoa dough was used to make
figurines and shapes such as babies llamas and wreaths for use at funerals (Buechler
and Buechler 1971) Thus quinoa is not only symbolic it is used to make other
symbols
One quinoa variety has alternating white and red panicles on the same plant
Andeans usually do not eat this variety which is called miste misti misa quinua misa
jiura or mistiza but it is used in Pachamama rituals There is a ceremonycelebration
for Pachamama in which there are offerings of quinoa corn habas and guinea pig
blood The reason they use guinea pig blood is because guinea pigs reproduce quickly
and the farmers are asking Pachamama for a high yield agricultural production
Consumer Products
Quinoa can also be processed for products such as oils starch saponin and
coloring (UN 2011a) These extractions are used to produce a variety of consumer
products such as cosmetics and pharmaceuticals (UN 2011a) Saponins are a mixture
of triterpene glycosides and over 100 different saponins have been identified in quinoa
(Jarvis et al 2017) Saponins are mildly toxic so they are extracted before
consumption and can then be used for other items making it an efficient use of the
plant Quinoa is also used to make industrial alcohol cartons paper starch flour oil
shampoo creams detergent and industrial colorants (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Red
quinoa is used to redden lips as well as for dye
72
Animal Forage
The quinoa plant is also used for livestock forage Waste leaves and stems are
used for livestock feed for their high protein content (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) Animals
however cannot consume the dried stalks One study suggests that quinoa be grown in
Colombia as sustainable forage for livestock (Rosero et al 2010) Thus quinoa can be
marketed as livestock forage which may be appealing in locations where grass does
not grow well
During this study a local professor suggested that there should be development
projects introducing more chickens to Andean farms since there is a lot of quinoa grain
waste during harvesting The chickens could feed upon the quinoa that falls to the
ground during the harvest thereby providing a nutritious animal feed Indeed chickens
were ready to eat quinoa during threshing and provided a source of humor for me while
I observed farming demonstrations
One problem with introducing more chickens to the Andes is that they need to
become acclimated to the lower-oxygen environment much like humans so the
introduction of chickens from lower elevations can be problematic The alternative would
be to breed the chickens acclimated to the highlands Chickens can thrive at the high
elevations but while I observed chickens on many farms there often were less than 10
chickens and therefore appeared to be for household egg production rather than
commercial production Large scale egg production occurs in Bolivia with eggs shipped
into Peru and the Bolivian chickens have apparently adapted to the environmental
conditions
73
Fuel
The dried stalks left over from quinoa processing can be used for fuel When it is
available it is used for fuel in earthen ovens that are constructed to bake potatoes and
oca The quinoa stalks are used to start the fire and get the embers going The root
foods are poured in the oven then the oven is then collapsed during cooking (Figures 2-
8)
A B
C D Figure 2-8 Series of Steps in Using an Earthen Oven A) Lighting fire with quinoa
stems B) Pouring potatoes and oca into oven C) View of potatoes and oca in oven and D) Collapsing of earthen oven for baking process Image credit Deborah Andrews 2015
74
There are a variety of uses for the different parts of the quinoa plants In addition
to the traditional and ongoing Andean uses of quinoa as well as expanded use by other
consumers there are also industrial applications of quinoa Figure 2-9 displays an array
of quinoa uses including applications that were not observed as part of this study but
which shows the production potential of quinoa for a variety of uses both traditional and
non-traditional
Source httpwwwfaoorgquinoa-2013faqsen Accessed March 13 2017
Figure 2-9 Industrial Uses of Quinoa
Negative Local Health Effects
One of the issues that has arisen in relation to the popularity of quinoa is the
indirect effects it may have on the health of the local communities The reason for the
concern is due to the increase in the price for quinoa and the effect the price increase
75
may have on the local consumption of quinoa which historically had been a high-
nutrition subsistence food for Andeans Due to world-wide popularity there were market
demands to increase production of quinoa From 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa
tripled and was three times higher than the price of soybeans and five times higher
than the price of wheat (Jacobsen 2011) The pricing data will be discussed in Chapter
3 The increased popularity price and production of quinoa however has not
proceeded without social debate
Due to the higher prices for quinoa that occurred during the global market
expansion Hellin and Higman (2005) reported there had been a reduction of local use
of quinoa as a food source since the farmers were selling their crops rather than using
them for their familiesrsquo consumption The families were switching to greater reliance on
non-local less nutritious foods such as rice and pasta This could have a negative effect
on the health of the local people Similarly Jacobsen (2011) an agronomist also
reported that Andean farmers were eating more rice and pasta than quinoa and stated
ldquoQuinoa is a very good case study of an underutilized species that has been promoted
for the market in a way that has not taken into account important social environmental
and health aspectsrdquo (396) Thus there were concerns that the increased global demand
for quinoa may adversely affect the local farmers in unintended ways including dietary
changes
The popular press also has raised concern that the high cost of quinoa due to
global demand and high popularity has resulted in this traditional food source being too
expensive for the quinoa farmers to eat In 2011 the New York Times published an
article entitled ldquoQuinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandary at Homerdquo discussing the
76
fact that many Andeans could not afford quinoa anymore (Romero and Shariari 2011)
In July 2013 National Public Radio published an online article that presented the
argument that the quinoa farmers were making more money due to the high price that
quinoa fetched offsetting the high cost of quinoa for personal consumption (Aubrey
2013) Even Bolivian President Evo Morales got involved in the debate denying that the
high price led to less quinoa consumption by Andeans but raising concern about the
loss of alpaca grazing areas due to expansion of quinoa fields (Aubrey 2013) There is
continuing concern for local nutrition in countries that export quinoa especially since
there are high malnutrition levels in Peru and Bolivia as well as stunting linked to poor
diet (Mayer 2002) and the UN has stated that ldquoit is essential to boost quinoa
consumption in order to benefit from its exceptional nutritional propertiesrdquo (UN 2011a)
Given the issues in the Andes with malnutrition and stunting it is important that
consumption of quinoa not decrease due to global demands
The concern that Andeans are decreasing their consumption of quinoa seems
well-founded However it appears that the increased global demand and price are not
the sole reasons for changes in quinoa consumption patterns Dietary shifts have been
occurring for decades and non-traditional food crops such as rice have had a
prominent place in Andean cuisine for a long time In addition pasta is another food
source that has been widely adopted into Andean foodways The common factors in the
increased use of pasta and rice into Andean diets are their low cost and ease of
preparation Of course neither rice nor pasta provide the nutritional benefits of quinoa A
common complaint about quinoa that I heard during my fieldwork is the amount of time
77
that it takes to prepare The preparation of quinoa usually means processing the raw
grains removal of the saponins and hand grinding into flour for certain recipes
While cheaper high-calorie alternatives to quinoa have been adopted into
Andean cuisine for a long time quinoa is still consumed by Andeans in a variety of
ways For example quinoa farmers in this study reported that they often have quispino
a type of porridge made from quinoa for lunch One farmer reported that in addition to
the quispino lunch his family eats quinoa two to three times a week He noted that if the
farmers are looking for cash they probably do not eat as much quinoa Thus the issue
of how the price of quinoa has affected dietary patterns is not so simple and the effects
vary across the populations with additional considerations beyond the price
While my study did not focus on the change in diets of quinoa farmers a recent
analysis of consumer data reported in The Economist (2016) has concluded that while
quinoa consumption in Peru in general has declined since the price boom in 2004
quinoa consumption has slightly increased in the Puno region during the same period
from 2004 to 2012 (Stevens 2015) Thus the increase in the price of quinoa which
Stevens (2015) called a culturally appropriate food has not necessarily harmed the
diets of Puno households In another recent study Bellemare et al (2016) similarly
concluded that the increase in the price of quinoa was correlated with an increase in
household welfare Bellemare et al (2016) found that quinoa producers had a larger
increase in household welfare than non-producers but only during the height of the
quinoa price increase in 2013 In 2015 there was a decline in quinoa prices bringing the
price back down to 2012 levels and Bellemare et al (2016) note that it remains to be
determined as to the effects these price changes have had on quinoa producers
78
The social history of quinoa shows that it was known by yet not adopted by
Europeans despite the widespread global adoption of other Andean domesticates
including the potato Indigenous Andean identity continued to be linked to quinoa and
the cultural ties to the plant persevered surviving in direct competition with introduced
crops including wheat barley and oats In Peru quinoa was considered to be food of
poor Indians (Ayala Olazaacutebal 2015) and accordingly given a low status until science
confirmed what Andeans knew for millennia quinoa was a nutritious food source
Scientist slowly documented this information with publications increasing during the
20th century Once quinoa was discovered by NASA it vaulted to worldwide acclaim
Over the next couple of decades quinoa made its way to the mainstream marketplace
in the United States where it can now be purchased at most grocery stores Trendy
restaurants include it on the menu and it is becoming a household word The trendiness
of quinoa has even made it the butt of jokes and even Budweiser has mockingly used
quinoa in a beer commercial (even though it was pronounced queen-o)
Thus quinoa has gone from being an ignored low status food source in the
world economy to a high-status commodity with global cache While there has been a
change in the social status of quinoa the Andean people and their contribution to
science are often neglected The present-day people who maintained traditional
knowledge of quinoa farming and biodiversity despite external social pressures and past
denigration of quinoa as unworthy ldquoIndian foodrdquo have an important role in the ongoing
conservation of quinoa agrodiversity Sheperd (2010) found as part of her Andean study
of in situ agrodiversity conservation as it relates to the various players and politics
As a shift in the agricultural politics of ldquothe Andeanrdquo occurred not just agrobiodiversity was at stake Drawn into the fray were accepted and contested
79
notions of poverty food security tastes markets science knowledge expertise religion and identity (Sheperd 2010 630)
Shepard referred to the complexities of in situ conservation including rituals Andean
identity and the role of local farmers and their knowledge in development projects The
globalization of the quinoa market is a prime example of the agro-political fray noted by
Sheperd (2010) and the position of the farmers in this changing globalized consumer-
driven landscape and their role in continuing agrodiversity maintenance is important as
scientists further examine the nutritional benefits of this food as the world watches
While quinoa has survived the millenia and has now climbed on the world stage the
question remains as to the continued agrodiversity of the species that ensured its
survival in a harsh environmental and cultural climate
In summary Andeans have had extensive knowledge of quinoa and its
usefulness to human culture including culinary medicinal ritual fuel and animal forage
uses While quinoa was originally perceived by Europeans as ldquoIndian foodrdquo that was not
worthy of use and thus associated with the lower class it is now of high social status
and price demonstrating the social climbing of quinoa While quinoa has vaulted to
world acclaim the modern-day people who are intimately tied to this plant species are
often overlooked While advertising schemes have called quinoa ldquofood of the Incardquo its
history is not static and is both deeper than the Inca civilization and connected to and
preserved by the present-day Quechua Aymara and other continuing cultures of the
Andes Local farmers are well aware of the diversity of quinoa and have advanced
knowledge of this species yet the global consumer likely has little conception of either
the diversity of this plant or the people who domesticated it The next chapter will
explore issues related to the globalization of the quinoa market
80
CHAPTER 3 ANDEAN FARMERS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET WHAT HAS CHANGED AND
WHAT HAS REMAINED THE SAME
This chapter describes the present farming practices of Andean farmers the
market access and points of sale and price trends and considerations Andean farmers
go through many steps to get their quinoa to the market from sowing to harvest to sale
there are a number of traditional sustainable practices This study describes the modern
changes to these practices In a demonstration of the knowledge and relationship that
the Andean farmers have with nature this chapter includes information about the
agency of other species including insects flowers and birds and their role in quinoa
farming The careful harvesting methods of Andean farmers that continue in the
traditional manner may help explain the presence and persistence of agrodiversity of
quinoa The social connections and access to the market are also important factors that
have been affected by globalization of the market and this chapter investigates how
these practices affect quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
Diversification and the Environment
Andean people live in a high altitude harsh environment that has a variety of
ecological zones The farmers in the Andean altiplano live and harvest crops in this
extreme remote environment The altiplano is the high relatively flat area of the Andes
Due to the high altitude and harsh climate there are limitations on the crops that can be
grown by Andean farmers and quinoa is one of the traditional crops that farmers can
grow in the altiplano along with other Andean staples such as the potato
As discussed in the previous chapter quinoa is considered to be one of the most
important food crops in the Andes (Christensen et al 2007) An important aspect of
quinoa is its adaptability to various climates Quinoa can grow from sea level to 4000
81
meters While quinoa has some frost-tolerance (Simmonds 1965) in the Andes there
can be 200 days of night frost depending on the specific locale (Jacobsen 2011) In
some regions of the Andes less than 200 mm of annual rainfall occurs (Jacobsen
2011) Many high Andean soils are very poor quality and are very saline with little
organic matter and have low water and humidity retention capacity (Jacobsen 2011)
Thus the Andes is a unique region due to its varied eco-zones harsh climate deep and
varied culture and its key place as an important center of the origin of agriculture Just
as humans have developed biological adaptations to the hypoxic harsh Andean
environment quinoa has too
In Peru the agricultural areas are also highly fragmented with 84 of the
agricultural units being smaller than 10 hectares (Powell and Chavarro 2008) Most
Andean farming is small scale on farms of modest size Cultivation areas of small farms
can be less than 2 hectares (Zimmerer 2003) Quinoa is primarily produced on small
farms (Ton and Bijman 2006) and my research confirmed the prevalence of smallholder
farms in the altiplano
Due to the harsh environment and climatic risk Andean farms tend to be highly
diversified (Zimmerer 2003) with farmers growing different varieties of the same crop
(as well as a diversity of crops) The reason for such high diversity is due to the extreme
climate and high risk of potential crop failure By planting a diversity of varieties of the
same species risk can be better managed By planting varieties that thrive under
various climatic conditions a harvest is more likely since at least some of the seeds will
thrive in any given range of climatic conditions Thus crop and variety diversity is a
traditional risk-averting farming strategy and changes to these risk-aversion practices
82
due to pressures of globalization and external market demands could create problems
for Andean farmers This risk-aversion strategy may also help explain the presence of
quinoa variety diversity not only between different eco-zones but within the same eco-
zone
What are the Current Farming Practices
Quinoa farming practices in the altiplano including plowing planting sowing
shrub removal harvesting threshing and cleaning are often done manually (Jacobsen
2011) While this general proposition is still true my more recent observations included
the use of rented tractors for plowing by the farmers who could afford it Some farmers
first plow the fields by putting two cows together called yuuta Afterwards they use a
tractor although the farmers in my sample did not own a tractor but rather had to rent
one In 2015 it cost 600 Peruvian soles (about $172 US) per hectare to rent a tractor
and crew to plow and till the fields in Cabana in preparation for planting
In response to the global demand for quinoa there have been changes reported
in agricultural practices in an attempt to increase quinoa production (Jacobsen 2011)
These changes have created new problems as exemplified by tractor plowing
practices which have reportedly caused an increase in pests due to the soil disturbance
(Jacobsen 2011) Disc plowing alters the soil more deeply which causes loss of soil
moisture and can also lead to increased erosion (Jacobsen 2011) At least one study
has found that the more restricted the root space the more rapidly the plant flowers
(Simmonds 1965) This may have significance if tilling practices are changed with
looser soil availability possibly affecting the timing of the flowers This is important in a
cold climate where frost can kill a plant with delayed flowering Use of mechanized
tilling can therefore cause more risk to the harvest however I did not obtain or hear of
83
any information on specific problems with this practice in my study area The reason for
the use of the tractors was that there was not as much available seasonal labor to assist
with tilling and harvesting Most farms are operated by small families with some farms
having no adult men present
In addition at least in Bolivia agricultural lands have expanded into foraging
areas leading to a loss of forage for alpacas and llamas (Jacobsen 2011) Croplands
have expanded into marginal areas that require more effort to be productive such as
the need to use fertilizers The use of chemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers can
lead to environmental problems in the watershed The environmental effects can include
environmental degradation loss of biodiversity changes to soil profiles soil erosion
and introduction of new farming methods that are harmful to the environment and to the
productivity of the agricultural land (Jacobsen 2011) While I did not personally observe
or study these particular issues in the altiplano I did see some of these issues related to
irrigation and use of chemical fertilizers near Arequipa and Majes during the field trip
with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and these issues could arise in the
altiplano if they have not done so already
Farmers fallow fields to allow the soil to replenish nutrients and moisture and
also to reduce the incidence of pests (Jacobsen 2011) At least in the past the farmers
let the field rest for 2-3 years Farmers also rotate the fields in a succession which is a
current practice that I observed Farmers usually plant potatoes first which softens the
soil for the next crop rotation of quinoa The third crop can be barley or one of the other
crops of choice that grows in the altiplano
84
Historical reports indicate that quinoa at lower altitudes was interplanted with
maize although in the Andean altiplano quinoa is planted in separate fields without
interplanting (Wilson 1990) which is consistent with my observations In the valleys
quinoa also has been observed to be planted as a border plant with corn and legumes
(UN 2011a) In the Ecuadoran Andes intercropping was still practiced as recently as
2009 (Skarbo 2015) In 2015 I observed quinoa interplanted with corn in the Cusco
region which is apparently a continuing practice there Corn however does not grow
well in the altiplano and the simultaneous interplanting of quinoa and corn or other field
crops was not observed in the Puno region during this investigation
Andean farmers use animal fertilizer especially since many of them cannot
afford commercial fertilizer It takes three months to prepare the manure fertilizer before
planting which consists of piling the manure in a location on the farm and waiting This
usually takes place from July to September whereupon it is then placed in the soil
before planting the potato crop rotation According to the farmers there is still enough
fertilizer in the soil after the potato crop is harvested for the subsequent quinoa crop
The farms I inspected had some livestock present on the farm which allowed for a
source of fertilizer without the expenditure of funds Thus the inter-species variety on
the farm allows for independence and self-sufficiency for products such as fertilizer
which would otherwise have to be transported to the farm
Quinoa is sown in late-August through mid-December depending on the locale
and variety (UN 2011a) as well as the weather conditions The annual weather
condition is an important factor for the farmers with regard to the timing of planting
Before the farmers plant quinoa they wait for a certain flower to appear on the
85
landscape which happens in about August or September This is the ccota flower
which blooms one time per year and has male and female plants Thus Andean
farmers rely upon locally well-known environmental indicators to decide when to plant
their quinoa crop in a demonstration of inter-species recognition and reliance elevated
to cultural practice
In addition to the blooming ccota flower that announces the start of the quinoa
planting season another flower is used to predict the success of the growing crop
Andean farmers examine the muna (Mintostachys sp) flower to predict the growing
season This flower blossoms three times during the year They examine the first
blossoms for their vigor to predict the growing season The same inspection occurs for
the second and third blossoms Thus the ccota flowering triggers the start date for
sowing and the serial muna flowering provides predictions on the pending success of
the harvest In 2015 the farmers in Cabana planted quinoa during the middle of
September
With regard to planting seed is usually broadcast or in a continuous stream (UN
2011a) Depending on the region quinoa has a four to eight month growing period
Harvest is usually between March and May depending on the conditions In the
altiplano the growing season in usually about eight months During my investigation
the harvests occurred from April until June Harvesting of the entire plant is done by
hand with a small sickle and the farmers hand-select the plants based on the individual
maturation rate Thus the harvest can last months on the same farm and in the same
field based on this maturation rate which can be affected by the quinoa varieties
planted by the farmers Since the harvesting is done by hand the farmers can carefully
86
select which plants to harvest to maximize the yield by not harvesting the plants that
mature more slowly Harvesting machines were not used in my study area and the
traditional harvest methods were used without modern mechanization at the first stage
of the process Since mechanized harvesters would harvest the entire crop at the same
time the production would not be at the optimum yield since some plants would be
harvested prematurely To maximize yield during mechanized harvesting the same
variety would need to be planted in an attempt to coordinate the timing of the ripening
and harvest While many farmers plant more than one variety at a time they may be
planted in the same field Thus the fact that harvesting is not mechanized and
traditional hand-selection methods are still used may help conserve the agrodiversity of
quinoa
There may be current issues related to climate change although this was not the
focus of my research The topic of climate change came up during some interviews with
a few farmers who stated that they were concerned about climate change especially
since drought has developed into a problem The 2014-2015 growing season was
especially dry in the altiplano and the yields were substantially lower for most farmers
However quinoa can develop deep root systems and can thrive when it is dry so it is a
better crop for dry conditions than barley oats or wheat which are also grown in the
region Wide-scale irrigation is not practiced in the altiplano although there are concrete
ditches adjacent to some farms that can divert water from streams as well as serve as
drainage Besides the ditches there is not much other irrigation infrastructure in place
and farmers use pumps garden hoses and nozzles to hand water the plants they can
reach with this set-up if they are fortunate enough to be close to the ditches In other
87
regions at lower elevations such as in Arequipa and Majes drip irrigation is used with
quinoa crops and the plants develop more quickly than in the altiplano A problem with
the use of irrigation however is that it encourages shallow root growth which would
make the plants vulnerable if the irrigation source were disrupted Quinoa plants grown
without irrigation have substantially longer and deeper roots and thus are more
resistant to drought during the growing seasons The deep root system of 15 meters
allows for survival of the individual quinoa plant in drought conditions (Bhargava et al
2006) There are efforts to create varieties that are both drought-resistant and cold-
resistant since these are the two greatest issues with growing quinoa in the altiplano
Other problems exist especially at lower elevations including problems with
mildew and insects The kona kona insect (Eurysacca quinoae) which is a moth is one
of the biggest pest problems especially since its larvae eats the panoja or grains on
the panicle as well as leaves Available remedies against insect infestation include
insect traps biological predators and beetles locally known as escarabajo which are
used to kill the eggs and larvae of kona kona The farmers also use traditional cultural
practices such as crop rotation to protect against pests
With regard to agrodiversity variety selection practices can exacerbate risk due
to the kona kona pest problem since the insects prefer the sweeter varieties of quinoa
such as the blanca or white quinoa which have reduced saponin content and thus are
more palatable to the insects The insects are not as attracted to the red or black quinoa
because of the higher level of saponins Thus the maintenance of different varieties
including bitter varieties with a higher saponin content can reduce the risk of crop loss
due to insects The globalized demand for white quinoa can therefore be exacerbating
88
the insect problem and continued agrodiversity maintenance can reduce the losses due
to pests
Another significant pest problem is downy mildew (Peronospora farinosa) which
is a micro-organism that gets in the leaves and can kill the plant Thus while quinoa can
be grown in lower elevations there are additional problems associated with those
locales If systematic irrigation were to be expanded in the altiplano the pest issues
experienced in Arequipa and Majes might follow offsetting some of the benefits of
irrigation It is also highly unlikely that the use of irrigation would expedite the quinoa
harvest such that a second crop could be planted in the same year in the altiplano due
to the onset of cold
The traditional farming practices of Andean farmers have played a role in
agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa The selection of different varieties to plant as a
risk aversion practice in an extreme environment is a well-tested method By planting
more than one variety in a field the risk of complete crop failure is reduced and allows
for at least part if not all of the crop to survive the particular weather conditions of the
season Perhaps the avoidance of other modern practices such as use of mechanized
harvesting machines as well as extensive irrigation have played a part in preventing
additional types of crop risk and have allowed for the continuation of agrodiversity
practices
Harvesting
Farmers harvest the quinoa once the grains have ripened and started to dry
After pollination the perianth closes and does not fall off until full fruit maturity This
delayed seed shattering is likely the result of human selection (Simmonds 1965) and is
a classic indicator of plant domestication The harvest processing techniques observed
89
during this investigation were much like those reported by Simmonds in 1965 with the
exception of the use of a gasoline powered piece of equipment called a trilladora
The entire quinoa plant is harvested in bundles The farmer uses a hand-held
sickle to harvest each plant The farmers used to pull quinoa up by the roots but that
added more dirt to the process which had to be removed although it appears that
some plants come up by the roots anyway since some roots were observed throughout
the drying piles As noted earlier the entire field is not necessarily harvested at the
same time The farmer selects the plants that have ripened for collection The plant is
cut at its base laid on a blanket or tarp for collection and then taken to an area to dry
The entire plant is stacked in a direction that allows the wind to flow through the stack
hastening drying and demonstrating the farmersrsquo detailed environmental knowledge to
expedite the drying process The stack is sometimes covered with tarps or other
available pieces of plastic to prevent or at least reduce birds from eating the crop
(Figure 3-1) although this depiction is from the UNAP research station and is a practice
that is not always followed
Figure 3-1 Drying quinoa at UNAP research station Image credit Deborah Andrews
2014
90
Once the grain has dried usually after about ten days or so depending on
weather conditions the plants are laid in a blanket or tarp for threshing The next stage
of processing is to remove the panicle from the stalk If they have the funds farmers
rent a gasoline powered machine called a trilladora to separate the panicle from the
stalk (Figure 3-2) The entire quinoa plant is inserted into the trilladora which separates
the stalk from the panicle This mechanized separation makes the process proceed
much more quickly and efficiently Otherwise the farmers have to beat the quinoa to
separate the grains from the panicle and stalk Women farmers report however that
the trilladora damages the grain and reduces the quality of the quinoa Thus the
mechanization has its downside with respect to the quality of the finished product
Based on my interviews the farmers reported that in the past it took about 12
people to harvest and process the quinoa for a two-hectare farm This meant paying
and feeding these workers including some alcohol to get them to work Now the
farmers can rent a gasoline powered trilladora for 35 Peruvian soles or about US $10
for one hour (2015 price) if they have the money Thus mechanization is an alternative
to recruiting feeding and paying people to assist in the harvest which can also be
difficult due to male migration to the cities for wage labor
Figure 3-2 Student farmers learning to use the trilladora to thresh quinoa fruits from
the plant Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
91
The next step in the harvesting process involves sifting the grains to further
remove the unwanted parts of the plant and other debris Farmers use the traditional
processing method using their hands and feet to remove the grains from the panicle
This step of the process is still required even if a trilladora is used The remaining
shorter stems are placed in a pile on a tarp or blanket The farmers stomp on the pile
with their feet to loosen the grains from the stems The stems are picked up and the
panicle is rubbed between the hands to remove the grains from the stems (Figure 3-3)
Figure 3-3 Student farmer removing the grain from the panicle Image credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
After separation from the stems the grains are collected on the tarp The
remaining panicle is used for animal feed after they strip the grains The sturdier longer
stems are used for fuel for earthen ovens to cook chuntildeo and oca The dried stalk is
also burned to use for coca ash Animals cannot digest the thicker dry stalks although
they can digest the green stalks
The next step in the process is to sift the grains to remove the smaller pieces of
stems and debris Make-shift implements are often used as a sifter For example Figure
3-4 shows a small sifter made from a large can showing efficient adaptation and use of
92
available products The last stage of the process is to use the wind to winnow or further
remove debris from the grains (Figure 3-5) This is also done by hand The grain is
poured onto the tarp or blanket while standing up and the wind blows the lighter debris
away from the grain which fall to the blanket thus taking advantage of the constant
altiplano wind to facilitate harvesting
Figure 3-4 Further sifting of quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 3-5 Wind winnowing at INIA Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
93
Additional sifting is also done during this phase since it is a rigorous process of
removing the various plant parts and other debris from the grain Throughout this
process some of the quinoa ends up on the ground which the farmers said was for the
birds so that they would not cry
Quinoa Processing
Quinoa contains mildly toxic saponins which can destroy red blood cells but are
also found in other crops such as soybeans asparagus spinach and alfalfa Saponins
are contained in the pericarp which is about 4 of the mature fruit mass (Jarvis et al
2017) Prior to consumption the saponin is removed by washing and abrasion of the
pericarp Use of alkaline water reportedly facilitates the saponin removal process
(Simmonds 1965) Notably saponins can be used for pharmaceutical products (UN
2011a) Perhaps the presence of saponins in quinoa is one of the reasons that
Spaniards did not adopt quinoa into their diet they were uninformed about saponin
removal prior to eating
Often farmers do not complete the last step of the processing ndash full saponin
removal ndash until prior to sale if at all Some quinoa is sold on the market that has not had
the saponins removed and cooking instructions often inform the end-user to vigorously
rinse the quinoa prior to cooking to remove the saponins The reason for the delay in
saponin removal is because water is used in the process which can create
complications such as unwanted sprouting of the seeds or mildew growth Water
needs to be available which may not be convenient since many farms rely upon hand
pumps as a water source Importantly quinoa must be carefully dried after washing with
water if it is not used immediately For the farmers who are members of COOPAIN
saponin removal is done at the factory The saponin removal process varies and can
94
also occur after export at the facility that packages the product into smaller quantities
for sale in grocery stores After the quinoa is processed (either fully or partially) farmers
store it in large bags often re-used rice bags for later sale
In sum Andean quinoa farmers still continue to use traditional farming
techniques with limited modern innovation such as use of plows or the trilladora The
fact that these farmers still use traditional practices may allow for continued
agrodiversity maintenance since large-scale harvesting such as the use of mechanized
harvesters or combines are not used The hand-selected harvest allows for different
varieties with different maturation rates to be harvested from the same field Hand
harvesting can also allow for sorting of varieties The ability to grow different varieties
can also help prevent crop loss either due to drought early freeze or pest infestation
since the different varieties have differing resistance levels to each of these factors An
emphasis on sweet quinoa varieties which have low saponin content may put the crop
at risk for insect predation and ultimately reduce the actual yield
The lack of irrigation in the altiplano encourages plants to grow deep root
systems which can facilitate the survival of the plant to maturity The lack of irrigation
also helps prevent infestations such as mildew which are encouraged by moisture and
higher humidity
Given the limited access to capital the small-scale farmers manage their farms
with great financial efficiency relying on self-sufficient practices such as use of on-farm
animal manure for fertilizer and re-use of commercial bags for their quinoa production
Once the quinoa is harvested the farmers then use different strategies to get their
products on the market discussed in the next section
95
What are the Strategies for Local Farmers to Access the Market
Once farmers harvest and at least preliminarily process their product the next
step is to get it to market This section describes the various ways that farmers get their
product to market for either local regional national or global use Farmers sell their
products directly at farmers markets however brokers can also approach the farmers
at these markets and bargain to purchase larger volumes Other ways of selling quinoa
on the market are through a cooperative or commercial broker In addition this section
discusses other innovations in quinoa market expansion One form of potential market
expansion is the creation of ready-to-eat food products for the consumer market Market
access and innovation is also through agricultural fairs that provide a means for
networking and displaying quinoa products including prepared foods and recipes
Farmersrsquo Markets
Quinoa is for sale at the local farmerrsquos market held on Saturdays in the city of
Puno (Figure 3-6) Farmers bring their product into town and sell in the street Most
vendors who are predominantly women lay their goods out on blankets on the ground
For quinoa the grains are in large bags and the customerrsquos desired amount is scooped
out into a smaller plastic bag and weighed with a hand scale
Figure 3-6 Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
96
Several vendors also sold processed quinoa including toasted quinoa flour and
flakes They often also sold cantildeihua and kiwicha and sometimes soy in this processed
form The ldquocookedrdquo powdered cantildeihua is put in drinks or eaten directly in the powdered
form (Figure 3-7)
Figure 3-7 Powdered cantildeihua at Puno Farmersrsquo Market Image Credit Deborah
Andrews 2014
Quinoa vendors at local farmersrsquo market sell to both retail end-users as well as
commercial entities that purchase large quantities of quinoa for consolidation and
commercial sale to the external market When I asked the different quinoa vendors for
the price of quinoa per kilo the prices were unvaryingly the same suggesting that the
vendors were aware of the market price and did not deviate from it
Farmersrsquo Cooperatives
Another way that quinoa farmers access the external market is to organize or join
a local farmersrsquo cooperative which provides additional social network connections As
noted above COOPAIN is the local farmersrsquo cooperative located in Cabana that serves
the region and provides an organized way to access the national and global market
COOPAIN has USDA organic certification and is also certified as kosher by KUI Peru
97
Through these certifications COOPAIN provides a service to the farmers that enables
them to access the markets that demand either organic or kosher certification or both
The organic certification allows the farmers to access the global popularity of health
foods COOPAINrsquos purpose also includes issues such as fair trade and womenrsquos
empowerment Over half of their members are women and women are also over half of
the management Notwithstanding the focus on womenrsquos empowerment each time I
have visited COOPAIN men were in charge of the operations and were the
representatives that met with me in formal meetings It is clear that the key to power is
still held by the male management professionals who do the negotiating and meeting
with outside contacts
COOPAIN engages in farmer outreach and training programs In addition to
selling quinoa grain on the commercial market COOPAIN also sells seeds (as opposed
to the grains) The price in 2015 was 20 soles per kilo of seeds As part of their
education program COOPAIN selects seed experts called semillistas and uses the
seeds from them to sell through the cooperative In 2015 they selected 7 semillistas 4
men and 3 women and planned to have training for the farmers on how to select seeds
The role of semillistas as well as gender differences is further discussed in Chapter 4
COOPAIN was formed by the farmer members who wanted to create an
organization to market their quinoa for a better price Thus the creation of COOPAIN
formalized existing social connections and created a vehicle to expand those social
network connections to the external market When I first met with COOPAIN in 2014
they had about 300 members although that number was increasing as farmers brought
their harvest to the factory In 2015 they had 682 members which means they
98
purchased quinoa from 682 different people The manager of COOPAIN later clarified
that only 571 members own the cooperative a dramatic increase from the prior year It
would appear that the difference in numbers ndash 682 versus 571 -- accounts for the
people from whom COOPAIN purchased quinoa on the open market an apparently new
practice that led to controversy between the management and the members This
discrepancy in numbers and differences in ldquomembershiprdquo class will be discussed in
another section In any event COOPAIN is growing rapidly but this growth has not
necessarily led to increased profits for the farmers in the past year of dramatic growth
which will be discussed in the section on price
COOPAIN operates the quinoa processing factory where the farmers bring their
harvested quinoa for processing and refinement which is then distributed to the national
and global market COOPAIN sells their product directly on the national market as well
as the international market COOPAIN offers a direct connection to the globalized
market due to marketing efforts that connected the small farmers to the larger market
The way that COOPAIN works is that after harvest and field processing the
farmer members bring their harvest to COOPAIN where it is weighed and recorded and
the farmer is paid After COOPAIN purchases the quinoa it removes the saponins and
thus a benefit of this co-op is that they conduct this time-consuming task The factory
has machinery to wash and sort the quinoa on a large scale After washing traditional
drying methods that make use of the sunshine are used and the quinoa is spread out on
black plastic sheeting outside of the building but inside the walls of the compound for
drying A worker rakes the quinoa to turn it so that it dries evenly Thus while there is
gleaming stainless steel machinery used in the processing of quinoa one of the last
99
steps is an age-old technique of using the ever-present sun wind and arid climate of
the altiplano to dry the quinoa to prevent sprouting or mildew (Figure 3-8)
Figure 3-8 Quinoa drying in the sun at COOPAIN Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
After drying and sorting the quinoa is packaged for sale in the volume desired by
the customer For example I was able to purchase one-kilo packages of quinoa but
also had the option of purchasing much larger bags if I so desired although I was
limited by what I could fit in my luggage COOPAIN strives to sell its quinoa directly to
foreign buyers on the world market for export to their home countries although much of
its inventory is sold in Peru The buyers include direct sales contracts with purchasers in
foreign countries including the US Germany France and the Netherlands COOPAIN
seeks to sell its quinoa for a fair price and sells their product to any available
purchaser including individual sales to a visitor at their factory Notably the factory is in
a remote small town that is not accessible by a paved road so the on-site sales would
be to visitors at the factory or perhaps local townspeople
COOPAIN had a policy to not purchase all of the quinoa production from each
farmer Instead they tried to purchase less than 70 of the annual production of each
100
farmer This purpose of this restriction was to ensure that the farmers still personally
consume quinoa and obtain the nutritional benefits which was an issue that received
wide press coverage Thus this policy addresses concerns that have been aired
internationally that the expansion of the quinoa market was negatively affecting the
farmersrsquo diets However in 2015 due to a market glut there were further restrictions on
purchasing quinoa from farmers The amount of quinoa a farmer could sell in one day
was restricted by COOPAIN Thus the farmer would have to wait to bring more quinoa
on a later date to sell to COOPAIN In addition to this volume restriction (rather than
percentage restriction) the price for the quinoa paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped
dramatically in 2015 The price dropped in 2015 since there was a surplus of quinoa
grown in Peru which created a glut on the market More specific details on quinoa
pricing is discussed in the upcoming section on pricing
In addition to the market glut and price drop due to the popularity and high
demand for quinoa more commercial distributors emerged during boom times prior to
the glut causing more competition with COOPAIN COOPAIN directly competes with
other commercial distributors but differs in ownership since the farmers are the owners
of COOPAIN While there was increased competition from commercial distributors it
appears that a price drop was not anticipated The increased competition for
intermediate-level distributors did not increase the number of ultimate consumers or
end-users When supply exceeded demand there were many mid-level distributors
selling product on the market competing with COOPAIN for the opportunity to sell their
inventory of quinoa during a time when supply exceeded demand With so many
distributors on the market there does not appear to have been any effort to artificially
101
maintain the price and the price dropped in order for distributors to unload their
inventory and maintain cash flow
Another factor that converged with the market glut and increased competition
from commercial distributors was the increase in the membership of COOPAIN which
almost doubled since there apparently were few restrictions on how many farmers
could join the cooperative The success of COOPAIN along with the past price
increases resulted in an increase in membership As a result COOPAIN collected more
quinoa than it could quickly sell In addition due to the overall market glut conditions in
2015 the price paid by COOPAIN to farmers dropped almost in half from the prior year
and the amount of quinoa that COOPAIN purchased from its farmer-members was
restricted due to this market surplus As previously noted the specific details of
production levels and pricing are discussed in a separate section ahead These recent
changes could lead to serious issues in the future for the organization and the farmers
and would be an interesting point for further study in the future
While much of my fieldwork was focused on the COOPAIN organization and the
farmer members there are other distribution chains that allow farmersrsquo harvest to enter
the global market COOPAIN exemplifies an organization that mediates the connection
between the farmers and the larger market Other organizations including for-profit and
non-for-profit likewise act as intermediaries to sell large quantities of quinoa on the
market especially since Peruvian quinoa is grown by small-scale farmers The number
of intermediaries between the farmer and the ultimate consumer can vary depending
on the particular market chains For example an organization can collect quinoa from a
number of farmers and then sell the pooled quantity within the region to the next link in
102
the distribution chain Some of these intermediaries buy quinoa in bulk at local farmersrsquo
markets Consolidated quinoa can be purchased in bulk at regional markets where
orders can be placed for large quantities Larger organizations similarly sell on the
national and global market with some organizations making the shipping arrangements
to transport the product to other countries There are also import organizations that are
involved in obtaining quinoa and selling it within the country to retail stores Most of the
quinoa is sold in bulk with the packaging occurring near the end of the market chain
The vast majority of the bulk product is in the grain form although there are smaller
international sales of quinoa flour and flakes
Future Market Expansion
Recognizing that there are additional types of markets for quinoa sales
COOPAIN was investigating possible new products to make from quinoa As noted
above in 2015 there was a drop in the wholesale price for quinoa especially white
quinoa To be competitive the Cabana leadership was looking into deeper market
infiltration by expanding their product line to included finished pre-cooked products
Thus the farmersrsquo affiliation with COOPAIN is a social connection that has the potential
to expand market access through their ongoing investigations into innovation
On one of the days that I met with the leadership in Cabana they were having a
meeting to discuss this idea They had obtained samples of pre-made food products
from other regions Dr Aro had accompanied me on this trip and discussed further food
research in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano and COOPAIN Dr
Aro discussed conducting experiments at his food laboratory at the university since he
had the facilities to scientifically prepare and test food products
103
One of the pre-made products was called ldquoQuinua Lunchrdquo consisting of a plastic
cup with boiled quinoa on the top and a second plastic container on top containing
salsa They were combined together with a cardboard package label and included a
folding plastic spoon The second product was packaged in a jar that was a bit larger
than a baby food jar The third item was a tin of vegetables like a sardine tin which
they thought they could use for quinoa as a packaging idea
Someone got some spoons to sample the ldquoQuinoa Lunchrdquo The cup was passed
around for everyone at the meeting to taste it I am not sure how much they liked it I
thought it was fine but it definitely needed the salsa mixed in for flavor With some
experimenting I think that they could come up with an alternative to ldquoCup-O-Souprdquo Due
to the similar packaging I think it would be easily accepted into the US as a quick
lunch alternative I did not think the tin of quinoa would be very popular since the
packaging is not similar to anything in the US except of course sardines or prepared
tuna I told them that quinoa baby food could be very popular especially due to its high
nutritional value I noted that they may need to add flavors such as fruit to the quinoa
While these were just ideas that were being considered based on investigation into what
other companies were doing this work was at the conceptual stage and was not close
to implementation However it did show that this small cooperative was entertaining
ideas to expand their market access through vertical integration into ready-to-eat
consumer products If they could not sell all of their raw volume on the commercial
market for a good price they were considering innovation into different markets that
would utilize their harvests While I am not aware that any of these ideas have moved
forward at this time the re-tooling of the factory into a different mode of manufacture
104
would certainly require capital improvements and additional expertise However upon
return to the US I found that quinoa has been incorporated into popular baby food
products available in local grocery stores
Agricultural Fairs
Another venue for displaying products selling products and making market
contacts is through agricultural fairs Agricultural fairs are held throughout Peru and
provide a forum for displaying agricultural products in a competitive setting that is
informative educational and open to the public Every year a major agricultural fair is
held at the fairgrounds in Juliaca Farmers from across the altiplano can participate in
the variety of events at the fairs which are much like agricultural fairs in the United
States
The fair was not geared towards the international market and indeed I did not
notice any other obvious tourists Instead local school children were on field trips to the
fair along with families and other local and regional residents The fair takes place
throughout the week with different events scheduled for each day In 2015 I was able
to attend the fair during the day when quinoa events were planned There appeared to
be an abundance of quinoa and thus there are efforts to diversify and demonstrate
different ways to consume it
There were vendors at the fair who were displaying and selling quinoa products
Raw quinoa was available for sale as were seed samples Other vendors were
displaying and selling ready-to-consume quinoa products The food products on display
included various cakes and cookies made with quinoa flour Most of the cakes were
prepared in Bundt-type pans while others had fancy decorations on top The cookies
105
were sold in small plastic packages and did not have added flavors Other items
included pre-made quinoa drinks in bottles perhaps as a soda alternative
One of the vendors made quinoa ice cream on the premises He had his ice
cream machine spinning and when a customer wanted some ice cream he scooped it
out of the machine into the cups There were no added flavors and the flavor was
subtle but pleasant The texture was like normal ice cream After walking around the fair
a bit we returned to the ice cream stand for another sample The vendor said the ice
cream was all natural and that he just used toasted quinoa milk and honey I then
realized the flavor that I was trying to identify that provided the sweetness ndash it was the
honey I seemed to like the ice cream even more the second time around Quinoa ice
cream could be a hit in the United States
The agricultural fair also hosted a quinoa food product competition with the
finished products on display Some of the displays had the personal recipes of the
individual with the booth usually manned by both husband and wife Several booths
had small hand written signs naming the entreacutee and a few even listed the recipe One
display consisted of two bowls of quinoa soup or gruel with potatoes in them One was
red and the other was purple I asked if they used red quinoa and the man said no the
potatoes dye the quinoa that color He proudly showed us the samples of the red and
purple potatoes sliced in half showing that the inside color of the potato was the same
as the outside Dr Aro explained that the color transfers due to some sort of antioxidant
activity
One of the competitors was a quinoa smoothie stand The vendor was blending
quinoa with the other ingredients to make a smoothie She made a large serving in an
106
ice cream sundae glass and handed it to the male judge The vendor saw us talking to
the judges and handed Dr Aro and me two small cups of the smoothie Despite my
hesitation I gave it a try and it was not bad However I chuckled at the size of the glass
given to the judges and knew I could not drink it all The male judge to my surprise
downed the whole glass
Another entry in the competition was university students doing a cooking
demonstration They had a bowl of the small minnow-like fish with big eyes from Lake
Titicaca (Figure 3-9) They took the fish floured it rolled it in boiled quinoa and deep
fried it in a pan They had a platter of cooked fish and Dr Aro said ldquoyou want to tryrdquo I
said ldquono you try firstrdquo Dr Aro ate one and the other people watched our interaction Dr
Aro said ldquoDeborah try it is goodrdquo So I reached out and selected a french-fried fish and
popped it in my mouth whole It was delicious much to my surprise
Agricultural fairs in Peru provide a forum for the farming communities to gather
and display their products and innovation as well as make social connections Fairs are
a source of seed exchange and sale as well as a place for healthy competition for
quinoa recipes and uses While not geared for the international market the fairs can be
a step in the process of bringing Andean innovation to the world stage In addition to
maintenance of cultural identity and pride the acknowledgement and encouragement of
quinoa recipe innovation and competition further supports agrodiversity maintenance
since the different quinoa varieties have different culinary properties and values
107
Figure 3-9 Quinoa-battered fried whole fish eyeballs included Photo credit Deborah Andrews 2015
Pricing
Now that it is well known that quinoa is a highly nutritious product with a market
that has evolved from indigenous Andean food to health food stores to mainstream
grocery stores and to trendy restaurants there have been market demands to increase
production of these products External market forces to increase the supply of quinoa
occurred in Peru as well as in other countries
Early in the quinoa boom from 1999 to 2008 the price of quinoa tripled rising
three times higher than soybeans and five times higher than wheat (Jacobsen 2011)
Similarly from the period 2004 to 2013 the international price of quinoa tripled
(Bellemare et al 2016) Thus the globalization of quinoa has clearly increased the price
dramatically Increased price led to increased production and expansion onto the global
market Figure 3-10 shows the quinoa production volume of Peru and Bolivia from 2001
to 2014
108
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-10 Quinoa Production Volumes 2001-2014
While Bolivia used to produce the largest quantity of quinoa based on these data
Peru provided stiff competition to be the market leader throughout the 2000s The spike
in Peruvian volume from 2013 to 2014 shows a dramatic increase in quinoa production
volume as compared to a more moderate upward trend over the prior decade Perursquos
annual volume went from 22267 metric tons in 2001 to 52129 metric tons in 2013 thus
taking over a decade to double In 2014 however Perursquos quinoa production more than
doubled from the prior year to 114725 metric tons While there was a five-fold
production increase from 2001 to 2014 there was a sharp production increase in Peru
in 2014 which the market apparently could not immediately absorb leading to the
subsequent drop in price
Over the past three decades farmers benefitted from the increased popularity
and price of quinoa The prices paid to Peruvian farmers from 1991 to 2013 is set forth
in Figure 3-11
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
140000
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
Vo
lum
e in
Met
ric
ton
s
Year
QUINOA PRODUCTION
Peru Bolivia
109
Source FAOSTAT
Figure 3-11 Peru Quinoa Producer Prices 1991-2003
According to the FAO producer prices are the prices paid to farmers at their point of
sale Notably this chart has price information for all of Peru not just the altiplano A
similar price increase pattern is also seen in regional data from Puno (Figure 3-12)
Source Miniacutesterio de Agricultura Direccioacuten Regional Agraria Puno
Figure 3-12 Puno Producer Prices 1990-2012
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
19
91
19
92
19
93
19
94
19
95
19
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
20
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
04
20
05
20
06
20
07
20
08
20
09
20
10
20
11
20
12
20
13
20
14
US
Do
llars
pe
r to
n
Peru Quinoa Producer Prices
Value
0
05
1
15
2
25
3
35
4
45
Sole
s p
er
kilo
gram
Years
Puno Producer Prices
110
As previously noted in June 2015 the price paid to farmers by COOPAIN went
down (Figure 3-13) The popular press has stated two reasons for the price drop 1) a
dramatic increase in production from Peru and 2) increase in production in other
countries (Hudson 2015) The dramatic increase in quinoa production in Peru clearly
supports this reason for the price drop In addition the number of countries starting to
grow quinoa has likewise grown with Canada for example tripling its quinoa
production in 2014 (Hudson 2015)
Source Hudson 2015
Figure 3-13 Quinoa Price Drop
The USDA reported that the price dropped about 40 from September 2014 to
August 2015 (Kobayashi and Beillard 2016) Based on my local purchases during the
period of this study I was able to document to a limited degree the drop in prices In
2014 at the local Saturday Farmers Market in Puno the price of quinoa was consistently
13 soles per kilo for all farmer vendors for both white and yellow quinoa Some people
were buying quinoa not selling it and had large bags where they were collecting it from
111
the farmers to sell for the export market in larger quantities which perhaps was the
reason that the consumer price was consistent In June 2015 I bought red black and
mixed color quinoa from COOPAIN for the retail prices of 10 soles per kilo When I
returned in December 2015 the price had dropped to 7 soles per kilo In 2015
Bellemare et al (2016) likewise found a decline in quinoa prices bringing the price back
down to 2012 levels and noted that it remains to be determined as to the effects these
price changes have had on quinoa producers
I interviewed the manager of COOPAIN about the price drop especially since I
had been in Cabana the year before when the price was at an all-time high He said
that the price was higher in 2014 due to greater demand perhaps an obvious answer
However the demand changed in 2015 and COOPAIN believed that it was due to
increased competition among brokers although the price drop also affected other
segments of the market well beyond the direct competition with COOPAIN
Due to the unexpected downturn in price COOPAIN changed its purchase
practices In 2014 COOPAIN would pay the farmer immediately but in 2015 there were
delays in payment to the farmers since COOPAIN was having difficulty selling on the
global market Commercial distributors had increased competition for the farmer-owned
cooperative In 2016 I found over 230 Peruvian distributors advertising bulk commercial
sales of quinoa on the internet Thus when I visited farms in December 2015 six
months after the last harvest farmers still had large bags of quinoa in storage on their
farms waiting to be sold to COOPAIN especially since that was their best-organized
vehicle for selling their product for a fair price on the market Due to the remoteness and
transportation issues COOPAIN was the most efficient way to sell on the market and
112
as members the farmers were committed to the success of COOPAIN COOPAIN
however adjusted its practices due to the drop in demand and was not purchasing all
of the quinoa supply from the farmers and would only purchase a limited amount at any
given time apparently due to cash flow problems In the Fall of 2015 there was a two-
week delay in payment after delivering the quinoa
Another factor affecting the farmers was that COOPAIN was purchasing quinoa
on the open market from non-members thus causing competition between members
and non-members since COOPAIN then started restricting the amount of quinoa that
they would buy from each farmer COOPAIN explained that they had expanded from
whom they would purchase since they could purchase at a lower price from the others
than the members demanded Thus the farmersrsquo cooperative was working against its
own members Apparently there were no formal restrictions on the number of farmers
who could become members or otherwise sell to the co-op so as the cooperative
became more popular and more farmers started selling their product to COOPAIN
Then the unexpected occurred and there was a downturn in quinoa prices as well as
demand causing suspicion and dissent among the members The members were very
skeptical about the downturn in price and in fact asked me what the price of quinoa was
in the US The fact that the managers of COOPAIN were purchasing quinoa from non-
members was controversial and the regular member were not pleased with this new
practice Meetings at COOPAIN were scheduled to address this issue but this
development occurred during my last site visit in December 2015 and thus I cannot
report on the resolution of the issue This downturn in prices and glut on the local
market is an example of market risk Due to the prior increasing price of quinoa during
113
its rise to fame quinoa production was expanded (Figure 3-10) and fields that were
previously used for other crops and grazing were converted to quinoa fields especially
in other areas of Peru While the expansion of the quinoa fields had additional issues
primarily related to the environment the increased production apparently met the
demand to the point where the price dropped and crops remained unsold at least for a
period of time
The fact that there were delays in the purchase of quinoa by COOPAIN provided
insight into a lag in demand for quinoa on the commercial market If farmers had
stockpiles of quinoa waiting to be sold and the cooperative was limiting purchases and
delaying payments along with purchasing from non-members these factors were
indicators of market change While this price drop occurred at the end of my research
reports have emerged that there is a global glut on the quinoa market due to the
increased production caused by the expansion of quinoa growing territory (Kobayashi
and Beillard 2017) While quinoa was traditionally grown in the altiplano I also visited
other areas of Peru where the expansion of the quinoa market was occurring including
areas that had ready access to irrigation such as Arequipa and Majes which led to a
shorter growing season This expansion of the quinoa growing regions occurred over a
number of years and the early concern was that quinoa was displacing traditional
grazing areas and causing environmental degradation (Jacobsen 2011) but the glut on
the market was not a consideration during the boom times
While the demand dropped in 2015 the local price drop differed based on the
color of the quinoa with the white quinoa taking a bigger price hit COOPAIN
management noted that in Europe the demand for red and black quinoa was going up in
114
2015 Black quinoa was getting a higher price than white quinoa since it has medicinal
value which is becoming more widely-reported COOPAIN also sells tri-color quinoa
which is red white and black
The demand for the different colored varieties of quinoa was apparent in the
COOPAIN purchasing practices In 2015 COOPAIN paid 60 soles per arroba1 for white
quinoa or 521 soles per kilo For red and black quinoa they were paying 95 soles per
arroba which is a substantially higher price that benefitted the farmers who maintained
agrodiversity practices and planted red and black quinoa that year Thus two things
occurred which apparently surprised many farmers 1) the price of quinoa dropped
substantially and 2) the demand for colored quinoa grew while the demand for white
quinoa stagnated Thus farmers who did not engage in agrodiversity maintenance
practices and only planted white quinoa were affected to a greater degree than farmers
who conserved quinoa agrodiversity and grew colored quinoa during this time frame
While there was a drop in the demand and price for quinoa in 2015 it appears
that the prices for other than white quinoa have remained more steady or perhaps not
dropped as much While many farmers predominantly grew white quinoa during the
period of my study this led to an oversupply The increased demand for red and black
quinoa perhaps was unanticipated by the growers and marketers who may not have
predicted that the medicinal and health values of certain types of quinoa would be
published in scientific journals and make their way to the popular press and hence the
consumer Indeed in 2015 I purchased a quantity of black quinoa due to the reported
health benefits as well as its relative scarcity in the US Perhaps inadvertently scientific
1 An arroba is a unit of measurement that is equivalent to 115 kilos
115
studies have resulted in a return to agrodiversity maintenance practices although not all
reports would necessarily lead to this result For example in a recent article on the
quinoa genome Jarvis et al (2017) make the suggestion that future hybridization focus
on sweet low-saponin content phenotypes despite the fact that sweet quinoa which are
usually the white varieties including Bolivian real already dominates the market and
both the market drop for white quinoa coupled with the cutting-edge research on quinoa
nutritional and medicinal values would lead to a different conclusion Jarvis et al (2017)
however were focused on the desirability of low-saponin content quinoa for commercial
production due to the sweet flavor and less processing needed rather than on other
considerations such as biodiversity maintenance
Andean farmers have various strategies for market access These strategies
range from sale at local farmersrsquo markets to participation in regional fairs to
memberships in cooperatives that are linked to the global distribution network The
traditional farming practices allowed for continued maintenance of agrodiversity due to
the small-scale hand-selected harvesting practices that allow for differing maturation
times The lack of access to or funding for large commercial harvesters or combines
allows the traditional agrodiversity-supporting practices to continue especially as it
relates to fields of quinoa that are mixed varieties that ripen at differing times Risk is
reduced when a diversity of varieties are planted which can ameliorate the effects of
climate change or pests Variety selection can also have an effect on the presence of
pests in a crop For quinoa both the global market and insects have a predilection for
sweet white quinoa While the color may make no difference to the insects color was a
market factor that allowed quantities of quinoa from a variety of farms to be
116
consolidated yet look like a consistent product The importance of the pestsrsquo attraction
to the sweet quinoa cannot be underscored and the signs of pest predation on the
partially eaten seeds of the processed quinoa is visible and reduces yield Together with
an increase in global temperature more pests may move into the altiplano ecosystem
and could threaten the crops or alternatively organic certification if chemical pesticides
are used to eliminate the threat These issues demonstrate that there are many reasons
to continue to maintain agrodiversity practices for many reasons including crop
success pest resistance adaptation to climate change and changes in consumer
demands
It is noteworthy that the price data that is gathered by governments does not take
into consideration the agrodiversity of quinoa and the price information does not
distinguish differences between varieties The local information that I gathered in 2015
however did note a price distinction between the globally popular white quinoa and the
lesser-known red and black varieties with the colored quinoa paying farmers about 30
more than the white quinoa While the white quinoa has the largest market share as well
as production the red and black varieties retained higher price during the 2015 price
drop Due to the increasing information on the additional nutritional and health aspects
that differ between the quinoa varieties price as well as demand distinctions may occur
in the quinoa market and a more refined study of quinoa should focus on these variety-
based differences The fact that the price and nutritional differences are being found
demonstrates the advantages of maintaining agrodiversity at the variety level
There are a number of access points to the market available to quinoa farmers
In addition there have been efforts to expand the use of quinoa as exemplified by
117
competitive agricultural fairs and recipe use Since the different types of quinoa have
different culinary properties the encouragement of innovative recipes ndash from fast food
to ice cream to fish fritters ndash also supports continued agrodiversity maintenance While
the quinoa market has expanded and the price increased dramatically over the past ten
years the market experienced a substantial drop in 2015 which has affected the small-
scale producers The market has also exhibited flexibility as demonstrated by the
addition of multi-colored quinoa which is appearing more frequently on the global
market supporting agrodiversity maintenance which is discussed in depth in the next
chapter
118
CHAPTER 4 HOW ARE ANDEAN FARMERS PRESERVING QUINOA AGRODIVERSITY DURING
A TIME OF GLOBALIZATION OF THE MARKET
This chapter addresses the relationship between Andean farming culture and
agrodiversity and investigates the question of if and how Andean farmers are
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity during a time of globalization including discussion of
the actual quinoa varieties planted by the participant farmers during the two-year study
period the farmersrsquo reasons for variety selection the factors important to the farmers in
selecting seeds and the farmersrsquo conservation practices related to quinoa This chapter
also describes and discusses to a limited degree differences in age and gender related
to these subjects
Intra-species agrodiversity which is the suite of variety in an agricultural crop is
essential to the continued survival of the crop especially during a time of climate
change Different varieties of a species exhibit different characteristics and human
selection as well as environmental and genetic factors affect the continuation of the
desired trait Genetic homogeneity can restrict a croprsquos ability to adapt to environmental
stress and have a negative effect on farmers (Murphy et al 2016) ldquoThe fact that
farmersrsquo varieties are not genetically uniform is precisely what makes them resilient to a
variety of stresses that are made more unpredictable by climate changerdquo (Murphy et al
2016) Thus farmers can have a large role in agrodiversity maintenance through the
creation and maintenance of an array of varieties
Andean farmers have safeguarded the wealth of their agricultural heritage by
maintaining at least some quinoa agrodiversity in the face of past and present forms of
colonialism as well as globalization Now that quinoa is a globalized trendy food
119
product farmers are currently affected by evolving consumer choices which can be
fleeting in fashion and these consumer choices can affect agrodiversity through
domination of market-driven desired product characteristics
While farmers produce a number of different quinoa varieties in Peru the global
market has been dominated by a range of white quinoa varieties (Castillo et al 2007)
and is widely available in US supermarkets Certain white quinoa varieties are sweet
and some can also produce large grains and thus white quinoa can have two important
characteristics for the market high yield and pleasant taste which may explain the
market dominance The variety known as real is an example of a white quinoa product
that is both sweet and has a large grain The real variety originated in Bolivia which
took the early initiative to market globally thus establishing product expectations for
sweet white quinoa The pooling of harvests from multiple farms based on the same
colored varieties is a technique that can benefit both the small-scale farmers as well as
larger organizations and distributors Commercialized large-scale distribution practices
however can inhibit agrodiversity due to market selection for a singular variety or color
while at the same time allowing for market entry and competition as well as providing
the characteristics desired by the global consumer Thus there are trade-offs in
collective pooling of a crop which can have the benefit of market access but which can
also have adverse effects to agrodiversity if there are no other actions to include an
array of different crop characteristics in consumer products Color is a clear product
identifier and method to pool harvests but since quinoa grains exhibit multiple colors
efforts to market different colored products can facilitate agrodiversity maintenance
120
While many people are now familiar with quinoa the diversity of this product is
not as well known White quinoa dominates the market as noted above and some
people in the US expressed surprise when shown pictures of red quinoa although red
quinoa is also now available on the US market as are black and mixed-colors of
quinoa to a lesser degree Certainly the local quinoa farmers are knowledgeable about
the distinctions between these quinoa varieties which is why they have different names
to transmit this knowledge Local people do not just use plants they interact with the
plants in ldquointricate cultural and environmental contextsrdquo (Minnis 20003) Cultural
salience is important for distinguishing plants and establishing domains of plants and
this research sought to identify the named-based domain of quinoa varieties in the
Peruvian Andes By identifying the varieties using names allows for knowledge-
embedded discourse on the diversity of the crop by using names that both identify the
variety and at the same time connect information about the variety such as color grain
size yield and culinary properties to name a few This is not to say that the name itself
necessarily relays this information but rather that the speakers can come to know the
specific characteristics associated with the variety While there is a tendency to use
accession numbers from quinoa ex situ collections in the scientific literature without a
link to the common names for these varieties it is difficult to apply the knowledge
relayed in the scientific literature to the actual farmers
Humans have had a large role in the history of quinoarsquos diversity As a
domesticated species quinoa morphology has by definition been influenced by human
selection Thousands of years of human selection coupled with polyploid plant genetics
located in an environment where the wild form of the plant continues to grow among
121
and on the margins of the agricultural fields provides a situation where agrodiversity
can thrive While there have been efforts by scientists to collect a diverse variety of
seeds for storage in seed banks the varieties that the scientists found are the result of
thousands of years of traditional knowledge and practices of farmers in adapting
improving and conserving seeds (Apffel-Marglin 1998)
Farmers began the alteration of quinoa starting with the original wild quinoa
species locally known as ajara The continued variation of quinoa is still influenced by
ajara as well as by farmers the environment and genetic forces such as natural
selection mutation and genetic drift In the Andes wild quinoa grows alongside
domesticated quinoa (Wilson 1990) which I observed in the field These wild quinoa
plants show a wide range of variation usually corresponding to local habitats While
many wild plants have black seeds there is also a wide variation in pigmentation Black-
seeded quinoa species were once considered to be the wild forms but recent analysis
has shown little genetic difference between white and black-seeded samples (Rana et
al 2010) Thus plants with black seeds can also be domesticated varieties and such
varieties include the negra collana and altiplano varieties of quinoa The point is that the
wild ajara continues to introgress into the domesticated gene pool and therefore
contributes to the evolution of quinoa in its domesticated as well as wild form Thus
nature via the wild plant along with the environment as well as culture via farmersrsquo
practices continue to exert selective pressures on the crop plant
With the wild and domesticated species growing side-by-side and interbreeding
a wide diversity can be expected through this permeable gene flow Thus quinoa in the
Andes can be considered a complex rather than separate lineages of domesticated and
122
wild species since both species have evolved and continue to evolve over the same
time and space Interestingly due to the geographic separation both the wild and
domesticated forms of Peruvian quinoa are distinct from the Chilean and Argentinian
species (Wilson 1990) which has been demonstrated genetically through analysis of
the quinoa genome by Jarvis et al (2017) that supports separate clades for Chilean
varieties demonstrating the diversity of the plant across great geographic range Even
within the same geographic region quinoa has great heterogeneity with human
selection being an acknowledged factor in quinoa diversity (Bhargava et al 2007) The
continuing evolution of quinoa alongside its wild parent and the highly diverse nature of
the plant coupled with global monoculture trends raise issues with regard to the
agrodiversity of the crop such as whether a focus on sweet white high-yielding
varieties will lead to a decline in agrodiversity or higher risk of crop failure during climate
change For example Jarvis et al (2017) suggest that commercial varieties focus on
sweet characteristics with low saponin levels which characterizes the real variety that is
already in commercial production with great market share If the commercial focus
continues to be on the sweet white quinoa thereby reducing the production of quinoa
that exhibit different characteristics then there with be a shift to monoculture and loss of
agrodiversity if other steps are not taken to maintain the genetic diversity of the species
To assess any effects to agrodiversity an evaluation was made of the intra-species
quinoa domain and the present use of different quinoa types by farmers in the altiplano
In the Andes there is a diversity of geography and ecology as well as cultures
(Paulson 2003) The presence of a variety of climates and ecozones in the Andes
favors mutation and genetic diversity (Rivera 1998) This fact alone however does not
123
account for the high rate of diversity The presence of Andean culture that supports the
observation and nurturance of plants is a key factor in the development of a wide variety
of domesticated plants (Rivera 1998) Sources of seeds and exchange are important
cultural factors in biodiversity (Fuentes et al 2012) The Puno region of Peru is home to
both Quechua and Aymara speaking cultures with quinoa being an important cultural
and agricultural plant A focus on human cultures that have maintained biodiversity
especially during times when the continued existence of their culture faced multiple
threats is a key to understanding the preservation of biodiversity As Minnis (2000)
states ldquobiodiversity is related to cultural diversity preservation of the former requires
concern for the latterrdquo (Minnis 20005) The cultural connection between quinoa and the
Andean people is undeniable with both helping to secure the survival of the other
humans encouraged the success of the plant through continued cultivation and quinoa
helped the Andeans survive by providing an excellent nutritional source
What is the Extent of Quinoa Variety Diversity and How is it Classified
Due to the interconnection between quinoa biodiversity and the Andean culture
local quinoa variety diversity knowledge was gathered from quinoa farmers in Puno
The farmers have first-hand working knowledge of quinoa agrodiversity and make
annual choices regarding which quinoa seeds to select for the planting season Due to
the great diversity of a single species of plant such as quinoa classificatory schemes
are needed to identify the different types and transmit the knowledge of the differences
As a result folk classificatory systems often develop to manage this information since
the differences are most salient to the farmers who work with the plants The reason
they are often called ldquofolkrdquo classificatory schemes is because these systems do not
derive from academia or published literature but rather arise through traditional
124
culturally-based knowledge systems While classically-defined scientific knowledge has
a role in the naming and classification process especially as regards new varieties folk
classification schemes often have a longevity of history with names being picked up
and used not just by the local community but also by the outside world The research
discussed in this chapter involves an investigation into the diversity of quinoa through a
gathering of quinoa names from both the scientific literature as well as directly from the
farmers
While Linnaean taxonomic classificatory schemes have focused on the physical
and structural characteristics of plants (prior to sophisticated genetic analysis) there are
other ways to evaluate plants based on culturally salient characteristics A criticism of
scientific classificatory schemes is that
Historically the Westrsquos development of a worldwide scientific systematics explicitly involved disregard of ecological relationships and of the colors smells sounds tastes and textures that constitute the most intimate channels of [farmersrsquo] recognition and access to the surrounding living world (Atran 1999181)
In other words scientific classificatory schemes did not include saliency or the human
element related to the species Instead Linnean-type classification schemes focused on
morphological aspects of the plant In addition to Atranrsquos (1999) acknowledgement of
external and measurable characteristics Gade (1999) notes that ldquoAnother perspective
on diversity is to understand crops in more than economic terms for to unlettered
people mythological values of biological organisms can be as important as the
economicrdquo (Gade 1999189) Gadersquos focus on ldquomythological valuesrdquo points out the
spiritual and cultural roles that crops can have and there is value in understanding the
local farmersrsquo perspectives The human selection of specific quinoa plants surely has
125
affected genetic diversity through encouragement of plants with culturally salient
features noted by Atran (1999) such as flavor smell and texture
The concept of cultural domains has evolved from ethnoscience and its analysis
and understanding of cultural systems of classification (Bernard 2011) Cultural domains
are ways that people conceptualize and aggregate similar things that are perceived as
belonging in a group Folk taxonomies can be determined from the cultural domains
determined by using and analyzing the results of these tests The existence of folk-
biological taxonomies and classifications appears to be universal (Atran 1999) and can
provide a way to conceptualize groups of organisms that seemingly belong together
based on cultural experience and perceptions Brush (2004) has concluded that folk
taxonomies can be botanically accurate and therefore local knowledge can contribute
to the understanding of biodiversity and plant classification
When I started investigating biodiversity and the globalization of the quinoa
market in 2012 I assumed that there would be an existing list of quinoa varieties After
all it seemed well-established in the literature that quinoa was a very diverse species
What the literature did not exactly explain was how diverse quinoa was There were
hints or perhaps blatant misunderstandings that there were hundreds or perhaps
thousands of quinoa types Despite this lore that I have heard repeated numerous
times I was unable to locate a definitive list of quinoa varieties in the published
research Not finding such a published list I thought that perhaps I would locate this
information among the local Peruvian scholars I discovered early on in my fieldwork
that there was no comprehensive list of quinoa varieties Thus despite the fact that I
had heard about the large number of varieties brought by farmers to quinoa festivals
126
and also having heard about the three thousand quinoa samples or accessions at a
Peruvian seed bank (Mujica 2013) no comprehensive published list was located
While there are extensive lists of plant species and the recent RBG Kew Report
(2016) states that 21 of current plant species are threatened with extinction this figure
does not take into consideration the viability of the different varieties within a species
that are threatened with extinction To determine variety extinction rates within a
species we must know how many plant varieties exist in the first place and a
comprehensive list of quinoa types or varieties was necessary to understand the extent
of the quinoa domain While a species may not appear to be threatened with extinction
plant diversity can be reduced and can thus threaten the future survival of the species
including the introduction of pests as well as changes to the climate Thus biodiversity
exists at many levels including varieties which is the focus of this paper
Farmersrsquo Knowledge
Due to the fact that the Puno region is the heart of the quinoa agricultural sector
I sought out the knowledge of the local farmers since as Brush (2004) states ldquoThe
logical starting place to study the ethnobotany of crop diversity is the variety of names
that abound in a regionrdquo (Brush 200499) I obtained the folk classification from the
people who were the most familiar with quinoa and who had direct knowledge of and
experience with quinoa since it is a culturally salient plant As noted by Minnis (2000)
ldquoNot only are cultures repositories of past experiences and knowledge but they are also
the frameworks for future human adaptationrdquo (5) and therefore gathering ethnobotanical
knowledge from the local farmers could provide insight into both the biological as well
as cultural adaptations and changes
127
To obtain this ethnobotanical information I started the farmer-derived list of
quinoa names in 2014 when I met with a group of primarily Aymara quinoa farmers
(N=31) in Puno and asked them to freelist (Quinlan 2005) the names of the quinoa
varieties they had used in the past two years Similarly I surveyed agriculture students
from the Universidad Nacional del Altiplano (N=24) In addition in 2015 I gathered
quinoa variety names from additional farmers associated with COOPAIN (N=35) for a
total of 90 participants This information consisted of obtaining the names of quinoa that
the farmers grew as well as the names of the quinoa that the farmers had grown or
used in the past but did not continue to grow or utilize I also gathered information from
the participants including reasons for variety selection seed selection factors and
demographic information such as residence marital status sex and age I also
conducted farm visits and conducted more extensive interviews with 20 of the
participants
During this research I found that a number of terms were used to identify
different categories of plants within a species For plants the term ldquovarietyrdquo is often
used including in patent laws related to plants (Andrews 2012) to describe the same
species of plant with sub-populations that consistently exhibited certain characteristics
that distinguished them1 Similarly in folk classification systems names are given to a
variety of plant that has unique and reliable characteristics that are identifiable by name
The key point is that while plants may be from the same species certain varieties
1 For example in the United States under the Plant Variety Protection Act 7 USCA sect 2402 to gain patent protection for a variety the patent application must demonstrate that the new plant variety is novel distinct uniform and stable In other words to establish a patentable variety the characteristics of the plant must be reliably unique and replicable
128
express their genetic diversity in a consistent manner such that humans can select
seeds based on the reliability of desired characteristics inherited from the parent plant
This allows farmers to identify and categorize plants beyond the species level such that
they can select the variety of plant that they wish to grow based on the stable
characteristics exhibited by the selected variety However the identification and
organization different of plants at the variety level has nomenclature issues Different
scientists and writers use different terms to describe specific plants at the intra-species
level
Recognizing the usefulness of sub-specific names to a certain social class ndash
farmers -- some Andean researchers have used the term ldquopeasant varietiesrdquo to classify
quinoa names obtained from farmers (Tapia and De La Torre 1997 Tapia 1990) Thus
the concept of identifying the quinoa varieties with ldquopeasantsrdquo links them not only to
humans but a social classification of humans ndash peasants As Carter and Anderson
noted when studying the races of maize agricultural plants can be a ldquovery sensitive
mirror of the people who have been growing itrdquo (Carter and Anderson 1945298) Thus
the divide between culture and biology is permeable with cognitive concepts associated
with humans seeping into attitudes towards plants In other words the names used to
identify domains of plants have been linked to the social status of the source of the
names such as ldquopeasantsrdquo ndash associating them culturally in the context of biological
classification and blurring the line between the two Thus there are people called
peasants and plants too demonstrating the cognitive concept of grouping plants and
people into the category of peasants Similarly race is a category also associated with
129
classifications of people as well as classifications of plants such as quinoa at least in
some quarters demonstrating the blurred lines of culture and nature
In my data gathering with the farmers I used the term ldquovarietyrdquo since it was a
commonly used term The use of the term ldquovarietyrdquo did not appear to pose a problem
with the farmers and they understood the use of the term by listing the names of quinoa
without question It was after the data were collected and I began to write up the
research that I became aware of the issues related to the scientific use of these terms
especially since in the literature the terminology is variable and inconsistent It was
after the data were collected that the messy concept of racial domains and sub-specific
classification systems arose
Throughout this research I compiled a rolling comprehensive list of quinoa
names I conducted a literature review to gather the quinoa names used in publications
Unfortunately for some publications especially genetic or nutritional studies the
accession numbers assigned to the samples were often used without any other
identifying name that would otherwise provide information about the variety of the
sample Some authors however were sensitive to the various quinoa names and
included these names in their publications The list shown in Appendix 1 includes 207
names of varieties some going back over 70 years
Simply listing the names as provided and spelled by the participants was not as
easy a task as it might seem and the list continually required decisions to be made
about if and how to enter a new name on the list Almost immediately I found that there
was a wide degree in variation of spelling of names Based on the phonetic
pronunciation in Spanish as well as the similarity of spelling I collated the names and
130
put the various spellings of the same quinoa type into one entry while including the
various alternative spellings or language counterparts within the grouping
I also found that similar to early botanical studies of Chenopodium spp one
farmer included kiwicha (Amaranthus caudatus L) a different endemic species which
he spelled quevicha This example demonstrates the hazards of gathering plant names
which also occurs in the scientific community where the same species may be given
different names or where a plant is simply misidentified or the same name used for a
different variety of a species as acknowledged by the recent RBG Kew Report on the
State of the Worldrsquos Plants (RBG Kew 2016)
In December 2015 after I prepared a comprehensive list and to consolidate
overlapping names due to the use of Spanish Quechua and Aymara words I reviewed
this list with Dr Aacutengel Mujica and Dr Marko Aro of the Universidad Nacional del
Altiplano who spent much of their career studying quinoa and working with local
farmers Dr Aro speaks Aymara and is knowledgeable in the Quechua language and
Dr Mujica has knowledge of the Quechua and Aymara names used for quinoa Thus
for example if a name was in Spanish such as amarillo the equivalent name in
Aymara qrsquoello was placed with the Spanish name and listed as one name since the
purpose was not to simply gather a list of names but to identify names for specific
varieties This review of the comprehensive list was conducted after I gathered all of the
farmer-identified names and after I gathered most but not all of the names identified in
the scientific literature that I reviewed
Similar to the quevichakiwicha example noted above after showing the list to Dr
Mujica he informed me that the name isualla which was on my list of quinoa names is
131
an Aymara name for cantildeihua not quinoa and thus the isualla name noted in the
scientific literature by Simmonds (1965) citing Cardenas (1944) was incorrect so I
removed it from the list Similar problems have occurred in distinguishing the chenopods
and their species or varieties (Ford 1981) A reason for the great difficulty in classifying
chenopods is due to their polyploidy and such taxonomic problems are common in
ldquopolyploid complexes involving annual weedy groups viz marked phenotypic plasticity
parallel evolution and putative hybridizationrdquo (Rahiminejad and Gornall 2004) Thus
while polyploidy can lead to great diversity the classification history of quinoa
demonstrates the foibles of attempting to categorize dynamic plants Hartigan (2013)
talks about the plasticity of genomes ndash and quinoa is a good example of this Thus the
scientific literature is not always accurate at the species and lower levels and while I
have gathered a list of names this list too should be subject to continuing scrutiny and
revision to achieve the goals of both accuracy and usefulness
In my quest to gather information about quinoa varieties I visited the INIA office
in Puno which is also a government research station INIA had many labelled samples
of quinoa in their office (Figure 4-1) INIArsquos book on quinoa varieties lists only 13
varieties (Table 4-1) which they classified as commercial products (Apaza et al 2013)
The photographs I took at the INIA office however revealed many more varieties than
noted in the book and I scrutinized my photographs for additional names and was able
to confirm a few names that I had obtained from only one other source Thus the task of
gathering together the names of quinoa varieties required scrutiny and diligence in
finding names in places outside of publications
132
Figure 4-1 Quinoa samples at the INIA office Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2012
Table 4-1 INIA Commercial Varieties of Quinoa in Peru
Rank Variety
1 Amarilla Marangani
2 Blanca de Juli
3 Kancolla
4 Blanca de Junin
5 Hualhuas
6 Huancayo
7 INIA 431 ndash Altiplano
8 INIA 427 ndash Amarilla Sacaca
9 INIA 420 ndash Negra Collana
10 INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla
11 Illpa INIA
12 Salcedo INIA
13 Quillahuaman INIA Source Apaza et al 2013
As I combed through the published literature on quinoa to develop a list of names
to compare to and consolidate with the list from the quinoa farmers one of the most
comprehensive sources that identified specific types of quinoa by name was my
collaborator Dr Mujica who published a book Mujica et al (2013) in conjunction with
133
the International Year of Quinoa Mujica and his colleagues discussed 123 different
quinoa varieties although there was not a list per se of these types but instead they
were mentioned in different places in this Spanish-language book I asked Mujica for a
list but he was unable to provide me with a comprehensive list so I scrutinized his book
to extract the names
Another fruitful source was Tapia et al (2014) Notably Tapia et al (2014)
referred to a woman who cultivated 120 varieties of quinoa but unfortunately they did
not list the names of her varieties or provide a comprehensive list at all Instead like
Mujica et al (2013) they mentioned different quinoa names throughout the book In
compiling my comprehensive list I also added the names that farmers provided to other
researchers who noted these names in their publications (eg Aguumlero Garcia 2014
Hunziker 1943) Notably the list of names that I compiled was not limited to either the
altiplano or Peru but rather was limited to South America including names from
Ecuador Bolivia Argentina and Chile including commercial varieties
After reviewing published academic research governmental documents
consulting with local Peruvian professors and interviewing farmers I compiled a
comprehensive list that totaled 207 different variety name Of these 207 names the
farmers supplied 24 names that were not identified in the published literature and 37
that were Of the 24 names not previously published Dr Mujica was familiar with all but
three amaltado lluviosa and phera The fact that farmers provided unpublished
names as well as the fact that many names were in either the Quechua or Aymara
language supports Minnisrsquo (2000) argument that people and cultures have extensive
environmental knowledge of salient species The local farmers added to scientific
134
knowledge offering an example of the importance of local knowledge in a culturally-
laden environment
The comprehensive list of quinoa names is surely only a small part of the
evaluation of the biodiversity of the species and the list will likely change over time I
encourage researchers to add to this list Having created a comprehensive list of quinoa
names is a start to establishing nomenclature that can be useful such that there can be
comparative bases for evaluating the individual characteristics of each type especially
since the diversity is not just visual morphological characteristics but also includes
differences in nutritional levels cooking characteristics and flavor Knowledge of the
quinoa variety domain can be helpful in future genetic analysis as exemplified by the
two genomic studies of maize one on an ancestral variety and one on a modern
variety each resulting in interesting differences (Hartigan 2013) From this starting
point other aspects of diversity can be studied including culturally salient features such
as differences in flavor texture medicinal value ritual use as well as nutritional
absorption If there is consistency in the use of the quinoa variety names rather than
accession numbers often used by geneticists then the information can be useful to
farmers marketers and consumers especially if linked to a reference sample to
provide consistency
As previously noted an issue that arose in this name-based research was the
use of the appropriate nomenclature for sub-specific designations While my inclination
was to use the term ldquovarietyrdquo in this report especially since it is the term I used in the
field this term could have legal implications due to its use as a defining term with regard
135
to the issuance of plant patents (Andrews 2012) Indeed Brush (2004) in describing the
biodiversity of potatoes says there are 30000 ldquotypesrdquo rather than varieties (46)
Another potential term to use would be ldquolandracerdquo although that term also is
contested as to its meaning and implications Noting that the term ldquolandracerdquo was first
used in 1890 Brush (2004) states that ldquoLandraces are not uniform varieties but rather
populations that conform to a folk lsquoideotypersquo (Donald 1968) by morphological criteria
such as height grain color and time to floweringrdquo (Brush 200453) While Brush (2004)
says that landraces are not uniform he then refers to specific morphological
characteristics which is seemingly contradictory Brush (2004) cites Harlanrsquos (1975)
definition of landrace which Harlan describes as follows
Land races have a certain genetic integrity They are recognizable morphologically farmers have names for them and different land races are understood to differ in adaptation to soil type time of seeding date of maturity height nutritive value use and other properties Most important they are genetically diverse Such balanced populations ndash variable in equilibrium with both environment and pathogens and genetically dynamic ndash are our heritage from past generations of cultivators They are the results of millennia of artificial and natural selections and are the basic resources upon which future plant breeding must depend (Harlan 1975618)
Brush (2004) critiques Harlanrsquos (1975) description of landrace due to its focus on
historical ancestry which Brush says fails to acknowledge that the dynamic processes
are on-going More recently Skarbo also defined landrace as ldquoa crop variety which has
not been bred in the formal sectorrdquo (Skarbo 2014714 n2) thus continuing the
association of the term with farmers rather than scientists Thus it appears that the term
ldquolandracerdquo is used in reference to farmersrsquo names for varieties of a species but not
when referring to commercial or scientific applications While the term landrace
acknowledges farmersrsquo agency in developing varieties it apparently distinguishes these
136
varieties from those developed by non-farmers What is less clear about the use of the
term landrace is whether it refers to a suite of plants that form a sub-set of a species or
if it refers to individual populations of a species that are the same or both Either way
the terminology demonstrates that the attempts to classify varieties of plants into
accepted categories is not a simple task
Andean scientists who study quinoa have likewise recognized this problem and
have developed a race-based classification system of the razas de quinua or races of
quinoa to manage this large number of species based on quinoa populations
Racialized cultural domains have been developed for humans plants and other species
(Hartigan 2013) The term ldquoracerdquo has specifically been used for groupings of quinoa
types (eg Tapia 2013 Mujica et al 2013) The use of the term race however is not
synonymous with variety Rather race often refers to a population or grouping of the
same species which express morphological similarities and perhaps ancestral lineage
While there may be a number of differences in the genetic expression of the different
varieties within a race they are classified as a group creating a racialized working
domain The use of race as an ethnobotanical classification allows for discussion of a
grouping of varieties as a domain rather than the options of discussing either species
as a whole or individual varieties In other words there can be groupings of related
varieties that form a group called a race and therefore a race can have several
varietiesrsquo names classified as being within that race
While there are varieties of quinoa which allows for classification below the
species level mid-level categories of quinoa have been used to create a classification
system that subdivides the species yet aggregates varieties Perhaps due to the large
137
number of quinoa varieties scientists have attempted to categorize the wide range of
quinoa varieties based on ecological factors Scientists have classified two distinct
groups of quinoa based on ecotype lowland versus highland (Maughan et al 2006)
Thus while quinoa is a species with many varieties there are identifiable genetic
distinctions between the lowland and highland varieties which is a salient classification
category due to the ability to thrive in significantly different ecosystems
While other scientists have identified iterations of ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa (eg
Canahua 2012 Gandarillas 1968 Hunziker 1952 Cardenas 1944) more recently
Tapia et al (2014) identified 24 ldquorazas de quinuardquo in Peru set forth in Appendix 2 and
have organized them into two groups based on geography ldquoAltiplano of Peru and
Races of Interandean Valleysrdquo ndash again based on geography like (Maughan et al 2006)
The use of the term race in this instance appears to strike a middle ground between
species and variety Thus list by Tapia et al (2014) does not reflect the complete
varietal diversity of quinoa and instead serves as an intermediate level of taxonomic
organization between variety and species and is limited to Peru Notably many of the
names Tapia et al (2014) use in describing the races are the same names that are
used both by scholars and farmers for specific varieties or types such as kancolla
pasankalla and roja among others
Within the ldquoRaces of Interandean valleysrdquo Tapia et al (2014) identify four sub-
groups Races of Cuzco Races of Junin Races of Ancash and Races of Cajamarca
Notably while these 4 sub-groups of race are based on the geography of Peru since
they include specific place names they are not necessarily distinguished based on
differing ecology since they all exist in inter-Andean valleys but are named for the
138
individual regions of human occupation in Peru thus exemplifying the human and
cultural organization and affiliation linked to these races of quinoa Under the seemingly
anthropogenic scheme by Tapia et al (2014) it is not just the environment that creates
the categories of races there is a cultural element underlying this organization linking
plants to humans Identifying these races of quinoa in relation to the regional or city
names conveys both the geographic origin as well as the local population of farmers
who developed these races through their local selection practices for the desired
morphological characteristics
In the altiplano Tapia et al (2014) identify eleven races of quinoa with
subdivisions by color or lack thereof (Table 4-2)
Table 4-2 Altiplano Varieties by Color Color Name
White cheweca kancolla choclito blanca de Juli Transparent chullpi Colored amarilla (or qrsquoello) misa quinua witulla
quchiwila (or guinda or puacuterpura) and pasankalla
Source Tapia et al (2014)
Of the ldquoracesrdquo of the altiplano described by Tapia et al (2014) the farmers in my
research grew all eleven with the exception of witulla Thus at least for the years
covered by the research sample witulla was not being maintained in the agrodiversity
pool of altiplano varieties or ldquoracesrdquo described by Tapia et al (2014) among the 90
farmers who participated in this study Now that witulla has been identified as perhaps
an at-risk variety it would be interesting to determine why it has fallen from favor which
could be the kind of future questions that could spring from this research An interesting
question may be related to the gray color of the witulla grain and whether its decline
was related to the global market forces that favored at least initially the white varieties
139
(although other colored varieties continued to be grown) Alternative explanations can
be explored such as the availability of witulla seed and its connection or lack thereof
to social networks including formal organizations
With regard to the varieties of quinoa grown outside of the altiplano study area I
have limited information on their agrodiversity status as measured by actual farmer use
One female farmer (Expert A) from my altiplano-based study grew blanca de Juniacuten
which Tapia et al (2014) classified as being grown in the inter-Andean valley of Juniacuten
and not that of the altiplano This farmer however was unique among the farmers I
studied since she was conducting her own quinoa diversity experiments as further
described later in this chapter and was not growing blanca de Juniacuten for commercial
sale
In contrast to the 24 races of quinoa in Peru organized by Tapia et al (2014)
Mujica and his colleagues (2013) have identified nine ldquoracesrdquo of quinoa identified
primarily by geography and climate (Table 4-3) without providing a unique name for
each ldquoracerdquo but instead listing names as examples of each race
Table 4-3 Races of Quinoa Race Examples
1 High plains kancolla blanca de Juli chullpi 2 Salt flats pandela utusaya toledo 3 Inter-Andean valleys amarilla de Marangani blanca de Juniacuten 4 Dry and arid zones antahuara ucha ccoyto 5 High and cold zones huariponcho pasankalla witulla 6 Coastal kingua mapuche lito faro islunga 7 Jungle and tropical zones tupiza A marangani 8 Zones of high precipitation and humidity tupiza narintildeo sogamoso tunkahuan 9 The wild parents of quinoa
Source Mujica et al 2013
These nine races however are different by comparison than those of Tapia et al
(2014) While Tapia et al (2014) listed two overall categories ndash altiplano and inter-
140
Andean valleys ndash Mujica et al (2014) listed nine geographic ecological factors with
altiplano and inter-Andean valleys being two of the nine races Thus while Tapia et al
(2014) listed 24 races the list is limited to two ecozones in Peru ndash altiplano and inter-
Andean valleys ndash and does not include races from other areas In contrast Mujica et al
(2013) listed nine races but their list is more geographically expansive yet does not
include a comprehensive list of specific varietal names except as examples So while
these two different teams of experts attempted to establish a race-based classification
scheme of quinoa varieties they went in somewhat different yet conceptually
overlapping directions Both should be commended in the attempt to organize
classification schemes at the variety levels and certainly it is a start at trying to reach a
consensus within the scientific community on a more detailed variety classification
system
In the classification of Mujicarsquos nine races a noteworthy inclusion in this list is the
wild parent as a separate category Thus while Hartigan (2013) argues that races of
species are based on domestication this classificatory scheme supports his argument
yet also recognizes the wild form of quinoa called ajara or parientes silvestres (wild
relatives) the wild relatives as a separate domain side-by-side with the eight other
domesticate domains Just as Mujica et al (2013) included the wild variety ajara in the
race-based classification the farmer survey also specifically identified ajara
acknowledging its significance and distinction with Expert A identifying and growing two
types of ajara Since ajara grows alongside domesticated quinoa wild varieties can also
have domesticated characteristics
141
Since there are so many varieties of quinoa it is difficult for most people to know
and understand all of the varieties and the characteristics that differentiate them except
for the experts As with the Linnaean classification system which sought to establish
conventions and categories for ease of memorization (Stevens 2002) race is used to
group quinoa varieties While the purpose of Linnaeusrsquo classification scheme was to
provide botanists with a tool to identify understand and organize the plant kingdom its
usefulness declines when the focus of study or use is upon the diversity within a
particular species To fill this gap the notion of race has developed ad hoc to further
organize identify and understand the diversity of a species especially when there is a
wide array of diversity within the species such as occurs with maize and quinoa
While academic researchers have created sub-specific classifications of quinoa
it appears that farmers as well as consumers rely upon the color of one of the end
products ndash the pericarp or hull of the quinoa grain The focus here is on the color of the
grain rather than the panicle stem or leaves that can also have varying colors that
can be different than the grain As previously noted white grains dominate the market
with red black and mixtures of colors also available in the US consumer market to a
much lesser degree and thus grain color is a part of consumer trends Notably the
farmers in this study identified some quinoa types solely by using colors for names
including white (blanca) red (roja) black (negra) purple (morado puacuterpura) yellow
(amarilla qrsquoello) and gray (plomo gris) as did researchers Notably Tapia et al
(2014) use the terms roja blanca and puacuterpura in identifying their broad classifications
of varieties carrying on the tradition of identifying varieties by using color terms In
addition they sub-classify the ldquoaltiplano racesrdquo into three categories white transparent
142
and colored The different varieties can have different colors and thus the sole use of
color is an intermediate category of organization below the species level yet not
identifying a specific variety
In contrast another use of color was to add the word for the relevant color to a
specific name to either identify the variety or more specifically identify a different color
form of a type of quinoa For example the names blanca de Juli or blanca de Juniacuten
identify a white quinoa associated with a geographic name Juli is a city in southeastern
Peru that is primarily of Aymara ethnicity and blanca de Juli is a widely-grown variety
Juniacuten is both a region and a town in central Peru Another use of color in a different
fashion is exemplified by the names rosada taraco (pink taraco) and negra collana
(black collana) which adds the color to the name Notably for these two examples
rosada taraco and negra collana I did not find any use of the words taraco or collana
either with other colors or without a color at all However for other examples the use of
the color in the name differentiates it from other colors with the same non-color name
such as pasankalla pasankalla rosa and pasankalla ploma or kancolla and kancolla
rosada Thus the use of color as a classification scheme can either lump different types
into one color-based category or distinguish a specific type based on color Both
strategies are ways to identify an intermediate level of quinoa between species and
variety that passes on color-based information about the variety
Most quinoa marketed in the US as a grain is in packaging that shows the grain
color and for white quinoa the color is usually not prominently printed on the package
For other colors of quinoa the color is likely printed on the packaging to clearly
distinguish it from the mass-marketed white quinoa Thus color is a part of the
143
intentional marketing of quinoa I have not seen however any marketing that explained
any distinctions such as nutrition flavor or culinary use due to the color differences
Thus while the color obviously adds a visual alternative any additional consumer-
driven distinctions appear to be individually based preferences perhaps due to
knowledge experimentation or observation In addition to color I found one package
that specifically identified the quinoa variety which was a white quinoa labelled
ldquopasankalla varietyrdquo The same brand however did not consistently identify the variety
for all of its quinoa Perhaps in the future and based on additional and more widely
distributed knowledge about the distinct qualities of different varieties this information
may be more widely used for marketing purposes especially given the high level of
diversity of quinoa The identification of additional health benefits or culinary aspects of
the different varieties of quinoa can relay information to the consumer upon which to
base their product choices which can have the effect of stimulating consumers to
demand a wider range of colors of quinoa hence contributing to agrodiversity
preservation
The creation of a comprehensive list of quinoa varieties provides a baseline of
knowledge on the agrodiversity of the crop although it does not establish all the
possible names or synonyms and much research is still needed especially for other
quinoa-growing regions to gather additional agrodiversity information corroborate and
collate this knowledge Through this investigation the local farmers were able to provide
ethnobotanical names that did not exist in the published literature The names also
reflected the saliency of color as identification markers of different types of quinoa This
research also provided information on the varieties actually grown by the altiplano
144
farmers as a measure of actual agrodiversity usage since they listed the types of
quinoa they grew as opposed to simply listing quinoa names
Due to the high agrodiversity of quinoa additional classification systems are
needed in order to organize the various varieties of the crop The race-based system of
classification developed by Peruvian researchers provides a start to the establishment
of an intermediate level of taxonomic classification such that relevant information can be
conceptually organized The use of geographic names can assist in variety selection
based on ecological factors Color-based organization schemes can provide additional
information that may be related to taste saponin content nutritional and culinary
properties While there is apparently no formal consensus on how to organize a quinoa
variety taxonomic scheme efforts are clearly underway to organize quinoa variety
knowledge in a way that makes sense and facilitates knowledge Additional research
may reveal how cultural factors can influence the creation of variety domains
Experiment in Comparative Variety Yield
While white quinoa was the predominant global product upon market entry and
which continued throughout the course of this research the two factors that are
associated with most white quinoa in the global market are 1) grain size and 2)
sweetness Flavor is an important factor in efforts to get new consumers to accept the
product especially in a situation where the food does not have a pre-existing cultural
connection Thus regardless of the nutritional benefits of a food the consumer still
wants it to taste good The other factor necessary to make a product successful
especially in an export situation is yield High yields can provide larger profits Thus to
maximize profit the product needs to have a sufficient yield to accommodate
transportation marketing and other costs
145
To evaluate the yield of popular commercial quinoa varieties Dr Mujica carried
out an experiment at the UNAP research station in Camacani to compare the yields of
several varieties of quinoa during the 2014-2015 growing season Ten varieties of
quinoa were planted and later harvested and the yield was measured for comparative
purposes No pesticides or fertilizers were used and instead local animal manure was
used for fertilizer as was the common practice across the altiplano They also burned
the fields after harvest which returns nutrients to the soil Thus the crop was organic
The method used to measure the comparative yield was to plant the same
amount of each quinoa variety and upon maturation to select 250 of the largest
panicles from each variety at the time of harvest The quinoa was processed so that the
grain was removed from the stems and was sifted and winnowed to remove all
extraneous particles and debris After this was completed we weighed the yields (Table
4-4)
Table 4-4 Results of Variety Yield Experiment Variety Yield in Kilos
Choclito 5200 Chullpi 5100 Blanca de Juli 5075 Kancolla 5000 Salcedo INIA 5000 Pandela Mixta 4900 Pasankalla 3850 Huariponcho 3650 Koyto Negra 3500 Airampo 2900
Dr Mujica said that the sweet quinoa had the lowest yields due to predation by
the kona kona (Eurisacca quinoae Povolmy) insects as well as birds Thus while a
plant can theoretically produce higher yields the ultimate yield is affected by the extent
of predation and the efforts to thwart the pests
146
While I was in Cabana a Belgian graduate student was conducting an
experiment on the use of metallic objects similar to disposable aluminum pie pans
placed on plants in the quinoa fields to deter birds from eating the quinoa crop The
researcher expressed frustration with the lack of cooperation by the local farmers even
though she might discover a way to reduce crop losses to birds This response
however may fail to take into account the belief systems related to Pachamama the
earth mother and sharing resources with animals although that is an assumption on
my part based on my limited knowledge of Andean cosmology While some farmers
loosely cover their quinoa crops to deter predation by birds others do not While I was
visiting some farms I observed chickens roaming freely eating whatever quinoa that
had fallen to the ground during harvesting including quinoa on the harvest blankets I
observed what I perceived to be a relative lack of concern that the chickens were eating
some of the harvested quinoa This was consistent with information from my interviews
where several respondents accepted that birds would eat some of the quinoa and that
attempts to prevent birds from eating quinoa would ldquomake them cryrdquo Predation is a
factor in ultimate yield and selecting for sweet quinoa which may be desired on the
global market can also lead to a crop susceptible to predation
Based on my research with the farmers details of which are discussed ahead
yield was an important criterion for both seed selection and variety selection Farmers
made their decisions on yield based on the rough measure of yield from observations in
the field as well as information from others including governmental institutions about
the history of yield with the variety The yield can vary however based on the varietiesrsquo
characteristics and the climatic characteristics of the growing season In addition pest
147
infestation can also affect the ultimate yield Thus together with the accuracy of past
information on yield the expected versus the actual yield may not align
In comparing the UNAP experiment data to the most frequently planted varieties
based on the farmer survey the highest yielding variety in the UNAP experiment
choclito was not frequently selected by the farmers While the choclito variety had the
highest comparative yield in this experiment only two farmers out of 90 planted this
variety in the past year Similarly the variety with the second highest yield chullpi
which is a bitter-tasting variety was only planted by 3 farmers out of 90 in the past year
Instead the farmers most frequently planted the salcedo INIA variety which was tied for
the fourth highest comparative yield with kancolla the second most planted variety both
of which are sweet-tasting varieties Salcedo INIA can yield up to 3500 kgha (Mujica et
al 2014) and thus is known as a high yielding variety While salcedo INIA tied with
kancolla in this comparative yield experiment the published potential yield for kancolla
is 2500 kgha which is substantially less than the published potential yield of salcedo
INIA raising questions about the validity of the potential yield and how this influences
farmersrsquo selection based on published potential yields While yield was the most
frequent response by the farmers in terms of variety selection as further discussed
ahead it turns out that at least based on this experiment most of the farmers were not
planting the highest yielding varieties identified in this experiment Thus the varieties
most frequently selected by the farmers in the hopes of a high yield were not
necessarily aligned with the scientific data from this experiment although this
experiment only selected the largest plants from each variety and was not a per-
hectare yield which would include smaller less successful plants While there may be
148
some assumptions built into seed selection based on presumed yields or perhaps even
marketing information from INIA about yields there is also the possibility that the
climatic conditions and pest infestation also have an important role in the ultimate yield
obtained during a given year In addition it is possible that the most frequently planted
varieties are either more readily available or perhaps are varieties encouraged to be
grown by the government especially considering the obvious fact that one of the most
frequently planted varieties salcedo INIA was a variety created by the government
agency INIA Based on the incongruence between this experiment and farmersrsquo
practices more research needs to be conducted to determine what characteristics and
features besides yield are important in farmersrsquo decisions
How do Andean Farmers Select the Quinoa Variety to Plant
To evaluate current agrodiversity maintenance practices I surveyed and
interviewed farmers about their reasons why they selected the 63 total varieties that
they planted in recent years While 207 different varieties of quinoa were identified in
this study I evaluate the ones farmers planted especially since these farmers were
linked to the external quinoa market and also had connections to COOPAIN INIA and
UNAP The question of variety selection from among the wide array of choices is
important in agrodiversity maintenance since some varieties are extensively planted and
others are not and this study sought to understand this phenomenon during a time of
change due to globalization and outside consumer influences
As previously noted ninety farmers supplied 63 variety names that they had
planted during the study period The average number of varieties grown by farmers was
28 Thus most farmers grew more than one variety with a range between one to
twenty-two While the farmers grew a total of 63 varieties the frequency of farm
149
selection of the specific varieties was evaluated to determine the prevalence of
specifically named varieties Of the 63 varieties several dominated (Table 4-5) Notably
this table is only based on varieties grown and is not based on yield or acreage In
addition farmers usually planted more than one variety which is why the total exceeds
90
Table 4-5 Frequency of Planting of Quinoa Varieties
Variety Frequency (multiple responses (N=90)
1 Salcedo INIA 43 2 Pasancalla 29 3 Kancolla 27 4 Blanca 24 5 Altiplano 23 6 Blanca de Juli 20 7 Negra 17 8 Roja 16 9 Amarillo 13 10 Rosada Taraco 10 11 Ajara 6 12 Morado 6
Based on these data almost half of the farmers grew one variety salcedo INIA
The dominance of salcedo INIA may be even greater since 24 farmers said they grew
blanca quinoa meaning white quinoa and salcedo INIA produces a white grain as
does kancolla among others Interestingly none of the farmers who participated in the
study in 2014 listed salcedo INIA as a variety they grew although they did grow
unspecified white quinoa These farmers were not a part of COOPAIN and lived in
different towns in a predominantly Aymara area perhaps suggesting distinctions based
on either ethnicity or organized institutional influences and could be an interesting
question for future research With salcedo INIA grown by almost half the farmers the
connection to INIA the governmental organization involved in the development of this
150
variety stands out as perhaps a major influence in selection which will be discussed
further below in the section devoted to sources and reasons for both seed selection
and variety selection Notably salcedo INIA was created by crossing the Bolivian variety
called real with the sajama variety Despite the popularity of salcedo INIA among the
farmers in this study in their classification of races of quinoa Tapia et al (2014) do not
list salcedo INIA as a Peruvian variety perhaps due to its Bolivian heritage or its history
of development by INIA rather than being a traditional variety developed by farmers
This variety had the benefit of combining two varieties with desired characteristics of
sweetness white color and large grain size While the individual characteristics of
salcedo INIA are desirable other varieties have similar characteristics and thus may
not completely explain its dominance
Outside of the top twelve varieties (Table 4-5) the remaining 51 varieties grown
by the farmers had an extremely limited distribution Forty-one of the varieties were only
grown by one farmer each and of these 41 varieties 22 were listed by one single
female farmer (Expert A) Eight more varieties were grown by two farmers each
(airampo cancolla roja cancolla rosado choclito real sajama pasankalla ploma and
plomo) and one variety was grown by three farmers (chullpi) Based on these numbers
and the dominance of a handful of varieties the continued agrodiversity is dependent
on a small number of farmers
To assess whether there are differences in quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
based on the farmersrsquo ages I conducted a comparative analysis of the varieties grown
by the university student farmers attending UNAP (N=24) as compared to the non-
student farmers affiliated with COOPAIN (N=35) which I call the co-op farmers The
151
average age of the university farmers was 24 years with a range of 19 to 46 years old
the average age of the co-op farmers was 51 years with a range of 30 to 80 years old
The ethnicity of the university farmers included both Aymara and Quechua but the co-
op farmers were primarily Quechua There were an equal number of male (N=12) and
female (N=12) student farmers with a similar sex distribution among the co-op farmers
with 17 males and 18 females Notably the university farmers had family farms and
thus this data is not from university-related experiments or farms but rather is based on
the farming practices of farms whose families include a university student who
participated in this study These two groups are treated as two different data sets due to
their divergent social connection to the university as well as different average ages
although there is some slight overlap in the age of a few farmers between the groups
The university farmers collectively only grew 11 varieties of quinoa with 5 of
these varieties only being grown by one university farmer (Figure 4-2) Both sets of
farmers predominantly grew salcedo INIA followed by pasankalla For the university
farmers blanca de Juli was the third most frequently grown variety which originated in
the town of Juli known as the Aymara capital of Peru and may reflect the presence of
Aymara students in that dataset as opposed to the Quechua co-op farmers although
the variety is grown by both ethnic groups The co-op farmers collectively grew a more
extensive number of quinoa varieties than the university farmers (Figure 4-3) While the
student farmers grew a lower amount of diversity they contributed one variety not
grown by the other farmers choclito Thus while there were similar trends between the
university and co-op farmers there were a few distinctions among the university
farmers including Aymara ethnic affiliation with blanca de Juli as well as a smaller
152
number of varieties grown which may indicate future trends as well as the importance
of social connections These two groups were affiliated with different organizations one
with a university and the other with a cooperative Thus while there are age
differences which may explain some degree of difference social connections including
flows of information as well as seeds may also affect variety selection and agrodiversity
maintenance
Figure 4-2 Quinoa Variety Frequency University Student Farmers N=24
Figure 4-3 Quinoa Variety Frequency Co-op Farmers N=35
27
2018
16
54
2
Quinoa Variety FrequencyUniversity Student Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Blanca de Juli
Kancolla
Chulpi
Choclito
14
8
9
11115
87653
Quinoa Variety FrequencyCo-op Farmers
Salcedo INIA
Pasancalla
Kancolla
Blanca
Coito
Blanca de Juli
Negra
153
With regard to on-farm agrodiversity during a growing season I compared the
average number of varieties grown by the farmers (Table 4-6) While the average
number of varieties grown among the 59 farmers was 28 there were age as well as
gender distinctions For the age groups collectively the university farmers grew 229
varieties each while the co-op farmers grew 365 varieties each Thus the older
farmers are conserving agrodiversity more so than the university farmers under this
measure The affiliation with the university is perhaps one reason for the lessened
degree of agrodiversity since the students would have information about the distinctions
between the varieties including yield and susceptibility to pest predation In addition to
the distinctions between social network connections the adult farmer group is skewed
by the presence of one female farmer who grew 32 varieties on her farm If Expert Arsquos
data are removed from this data set the average number of varieties grown by the co-
op farmers is 265 which is very close to the average number of varieties grown by the
students demonstrating the importance of experts in agrodiversity conservation further
discussed below Looking only at the average number of varieties grown however
does not give a full picture of agrodiversity maintenance especially if the farmers are
growing the same three or four varieties rather than a wide range of varieties
Table 4-6 Average Number of Quinoa Varieties Grown
Group University Farmers (N=24) Co-op Farmers (N=35)
Female 258 (N=12) 422 (N=18) Male 200 (N=12) 288 (N=17) Total group 229 (N=24) 357 (N=35) Average without Expert A 265
To determine additional gender distinctions I compared the variety distinctions
among male and female farmers within and between age groups (Table 4-7) The 35
co-op farmers grew 51 varieties whereas the 24 university farmers only grew 11 (Table
154
4-8) Even removing Expert A from the adult group still leaves the older co-op group
growing over twice as many varieties as the university group While there were 11 more
co-op farmers in this study than university farmers which can perhaps explain why one
group grew more varieties than the other there appear to be age distinctions regarding
the range of varieties grown which can have consequences for on-going agrodiversity
maintenance
Table 4-7 Collective Number of Quinoa Varieties
Group University Farmers Co-op Farmers
Female 9 (N=12) 38 (N=18) Male 7 (N=12) 13 (N=17) Total group 11 (N=24) 51 (N=35) Total without Expert A 29
With regard to variety ranking for the 12 male and 12 female university farmers
there was a clear gender distinction related to the blanca de Juli variety eight females
versus 2 males grew this variety For the female farmers blanca de Juli was the most
frequently grown variety exceeding salcedo INIA by one A possible explanation could
be that there were more female Aymara student farmers than male student farmers but
I do not have this data It could also be a gender-based distinction due to ethnic
affiliation that has stronger ties to a farmer variety than the government created variety
This distinction could also indicate social network distinctions between male and female
farmers that could be explored in the future
Another interesting distinction between the 12 male and 12 female university
farmers is that the female farmers grew slightly more varieties than the male farmers 9
versus 7 Of the nine varieties grown by female student farmers four varieties were only
grown by a single person among the entire student group For the males there was only
one variety only grown by one student While the university student sample size is small
155
(N=24) and thus the distinctions are small it could be an indication of gender
differences in agrodiversity maintenance
For the co-op farmers the 17 males grew an average of 288 varieties during a
season while the 18 females grew an average of 422 varieties which shows a
tendency towards females conserving agrodiversity slightly more than males on
average The total number of varieties collectively grown by these adult females
however is much greater than males 38 total varieties versus 13 total varieties for
males Of the 38 total varieties grown by females 30 were grown by only one female
farmer with one of these varieties negra collana also being grown by a sole male One
particular farmer in this study whom I call Expert A grew 32 varieties on her farm
during a single season further discussed below
To understand why some varieties are preferred the next inquiry was why the
farmers selected the specific varieties that they grew Since quinoa was originally raised
for personal consumption prior to its expansion onto the global market the variety
selection depended on the intended use by the farm family (UN 2011) However the
farmers in this study produced quinoa for the commercial market as well as for
personal consumption Thus the selection is now influenced by external market forces
as well as personal preferences Rosero et al (2010) found that farmers often select
seeds for planting based on early ripening yield and plant color I tested these reasons
for seed selection to see if they still remained true
Farmers (N=59) were asked the reasons they selected the varieties that they
grew on their farm the previous year This sample included 29 male farmers and 30
female farmers and was composed of the data sets from the student farmers as well
156
and the farmers affiliated with COOPAIN The ages ranged from 19 to 80 years old The
farmers provided multiple factors used in evaluating which varieties to grow (Table 4-
10)
Table 4-8 Reasons for Variety Selection
Reason Frequency (N=59) Percentage based on multiple responses
Environmental adaptation 25 43 Yield 23 39 Culinary qualities 14 24 Availability of seed 9 15 Other 9 15
While the farmers usually provided multiple reasons the most frequently given
reasons for variety selection were based on the adaptation of the variety to local
environmental conditions (43 25 responses) The specific responses provided were
1) adapted to the altiplano (12 responses)
2) frost resistance (10 responses) and
3) resists climate change (3 responses)
While some responses were general and stated that the variety was adapted to the
altiplano other responses were more specific and stated that the variety exhibited frost
resistance Frost resistance is especially noteworthy since in 2014 there was frost late
in the growing season that affected yields with some farmers losing their crop for the
season Since almost half of the farmers named environmental adaptation as the
reason for selection the underlying concern was to have a successful crop that could
survive the harsh Andean climate Similar to other species such as maize that do not
thrive well in the altiplano certain quinoa varieties thrive better than others under the
varying conditions of the harsh environment
157
The farmersrsquo reason for selection based on environmental adaptation is
consistent with the reasons for quinoa variety selection found by Mujica et al (2001)
Mujica et al (2001) explained that certain types are adapted to specific conditions
including salinity resistance cold resistance and drought resistance For example
Mujica et al (2001) state that utusaya is adapted to salinity witullas and achachinos are
adapted to resist cold and kancollas to resists drought Kancollas also resist cold
temperatures (Mujica et al 2013) Farmers select ratuquis for rapid maturation and
thus can be harvested earlier before winter frosts occur (Mujica et al 2013) a reason
consistent with the (2010) findings of Rosero et al Thus the consideration of the harsh
altiplano environment is of great importance in selecting a variety that will survive
drought cold and salt
The next most frequent response for variety selection criteria was related to yield
accounting for 23 total responses (39) Some participants specifically stated yield (18
responses) while others stated large panicle size (1 response) or large grain size (4
responses) The panicle size would influence yield with larger panicles producing more
grain and thus more overall yield Similarly large grain size would influence yield due to
each large grain contributing to overall yield assuming that the size of the grain does
not inhibit the quantity of grains Grain size can vary extensively with some grains being
twice as large as others For example chullpi produces small grains about 12 mm in
size but pasankalla produces grains about 207 mm in size (Tapia et al 2014) These
findings are consistent with Mujica et al (2001) who note the importance of yield and
provide a specific variety example of quellus producing high yield Thus yield is an
important selection factor since the average yields vary by quinoa variety The desire to
158
have a high yield however must be balanced against the risk of survival and thus the
farmers must assess multiple factors in deciding which variety to grow
While many agricultural crop varieties including quinoa are selected based on
their high yield research has shown that ldquotraits that result in higher yields are often not
the same as those that enable resilience to changing climates or to pests and diseases
leaving higher-yielding crops particularly vulnerable to those threatsrdquo (RBG Kew
201621) Similarly the FAO (1989) reported that indigenous varieties usually do not
have high yields as compared to developed varieties but that in general they are more
adapted to climate and pest resistance which has applicability to ajara
The third category of variety selection reason related to culinary qualities for a
total of 14 responses or about 24 The culinary factors were
1) sweetness (7 responses 4 female 3 male)
2) flavor (6 responses five female 1 male) and
3) recipe use for soup (1 female response)
The different varieties had different qualities for use in recipes which is reflected in
variety choice Notably some varieties have names that indicate the taste such as
blanca amarga since the term amarga means bitter in Spanish The use of the term
amarga to indicate that the white grain is bitter is especially important since white
quinoa is usually sweet so this name clearly advises the user of the exception to this
trend Of these 14 responses listing culinary qualities as reasons for seed selection ten
responses were from women and four responses were from men a pattern that shows
more female interest but at least a level of culinary awareness in male farmers
159
The fourth category of the farmersrsquo variety selection reasoning related to the
availability of the seed Many farmers used their own seed from prior seasons some
purchased from the local co-op others from the commercial seed market and some
farmers purchased from other farmers or experts including semillistas While actual
seed selection is discussed in the next section the inclusion of seed availability is a
realistic response demonstrating that variety selection is influenced by access to the
seed of the desired variety It is clear that many varieties have limited seed availability
which further inhibits their conservation
A number of singular responses given for variety selection mentioned pest
resistance price and quality Pest resistance is an issue especially with the sweeter
varieties of quinoa attracting more insects and birds Interestingly only two respondents
listed market considerations as a reason for variety selection Thus few farmers
specifically said that market demand for white quinoa was the reason for selection
While yield is an important factor in providing more product for the market there was no
suggestion by the farmers that the market sought certain varieties
In sum farmers have a number of reasons for variety selection (Table 4-8) The
first two reasons given for variety selection ndash climate adaptation and yield ndash directly
relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather conditions is the first step in
obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating the extent of the success of
the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the success of the crop The third
category ndash culinary quality ndash relates to the desirability of the product to the end user
With quinoa used in a variety of traditional dishes these culinary properties are
important The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected by variety
160
selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties These culinary properties however are related to
Peruvian cuisine use with the exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more
variety-specific properties become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if
culinary differences make a difference in consumer-driven market demand and farmersrsquo
response to the demand or to use this information for market advantage
This study demonstrates that Andean farmers are preserving agrodiversity at
least to some degree confirming Apffel-Marglinrsquos (1998) observation almost 20 years
ago that despite the efforts of the Green Revolution and its emphasis on monocultures
of hybrids local Andean farmers preserved their biodiversity practices and continued to
grow numerous varieties What is unknown however is the degree to which
agrodiversity maintenance has changed since we do not have past historical data on
how many varieties the farmers grew in the past and how it differs from today While I
asked the farmers about past variety use I received little information on other varieties
no longer in use and the reason is unclear There are continuing issues related to
availability and conservation of many varieties as shown by the number of varieties
grown by only one farmer in this study demonstrating the slender reed of survival of the
more obscure varieties
Do Andean Farmers Maintain Agrodiversity through their Seed Selection Practices
Availability of seed was one of the factors that affected a farmerrsquos variety
selection this section describes the investigation carried out into farmersrsquo seed sources
and seed selection practices Community-managed in situ conservation of seeds has
been identified as an important conservation strategy (Tapia 2000) Fuentes et al
161
(2011) conducted genetic analysis of quinoa seeds and also interviewed Chilean
farmers about their seed sources including family inheritance barter and exchange with
neighbors indigenous fairs and government programs A study by Fuentes et al (2011)
found a limited number of quinoa varieties with the longest free-list of quinoa varieties
consisting of only seven varieties demonstrating limited biodiversity use and knowledge
(Fuentes et al 2011) as compared to over 200 quinoa varieties identified in this study
For quinoa diversity to be maintained and conserved the seeds of numerous varieties
need to be available to the farmers for production Thus the next section describes
where and how quinoa farmers obtain their seeds
Where do Andean Farmers Get their Quinoa Seeds
Farmers identified eight different sources of quinoa seeds they planted during the
prior year (Table 4-9) Out of 64 total responses the most frequently cited source of
seeds was from the farmersrsquo own farms from their past production (29 responses) Seed
selection is of great importance in agricultural and survival strategies This requires
knowledge and expertise of the farmer to successfully choose the right grains to use for
seeds for future crops rather than grain production for consumption as further
described in the next section
Table 4-9 Sources of Quinoa Seeds Source Percentage
Farm-saved seeds 45 Market 23 INIA 8 Co-op 8 Semillista 5 Project 5 Companions 5 Agricultural Fairs 1 TOTAL 100
162
While farm-saved seed was the most frequent source of seeds for the farmers in
this study there were seven other sources The second most frequent source was that
they purchased seeds from the market (15 responses) Additional sources included INIA
(5 responses) a cooperative (5 responses) semillistas (3 responses) a quinoa project
(3 responses) companions (3 responses) and fairs (1 response) One farmer said that
the farmers know which area is having a good growing season so sometimes they
collect from other farmersrsquo fields These responses reflect different ways that farmers
collect seeds from other people rather than from farm saved seeds Thus other
considerations come into play when obtaining seeds off the farm
As previously mentioned in Peru the governmental agricultural research agency
is the Instituto Nacional de Innovacioacuten Agraria (INIA) is involved in quinoa experiments
has ongoing field research in Puno and has developed its own quinoa seeds derived
from its research including varieties that sometimes have the INIA acronym as part of
the variety name INIA has several varieties of quinoa seeds for commercial production
including salcedo INIA altiplano and blanca de Juli In the interview with the INIA
representative he stated that the farmers like these varieties due to their high yield Not
surprisingly the government appeared to focus on yield although INIA also maintains
collections of many varieties Notably in Peru plant patents do not restrict farmers from
using the next generation of seeds through their farm-saved seed collection practices
providing them with the benefit of seed independence2
2 In the US under the Plant Variety Protection Act of 1970 7 USCA sect2321 et seq there is an exemption from patent infringement for farmer-saved seeds and for research purposes which is not contained in the utility Patent Act 35 USC sect 101 et seq Due to this distinction most US plant patents are now obtained under the more monopolistic utility Patent Act rather than the Plant Variety Protection Act
163
Farmers are allowed to save their seeds that were developed by INIA so the
varieties listed by farmers could be either direct purchases or farm-saved seeds that
originated from INIA One respondent said that the seeds directly purchased from INIA
were not organic so purchasing from INIA is not desired if the farmers want the organic
certification Quinoa is marketed to the world as being organically grown and COOPAIN
has organic certification and thus requires its members to comply with the requirements
of organic certification The management at COOPAIN similarly said that they did not
purchase seeds from INIA since they were not organic and also were not the varieties
needed to adapt to the altiplano climate This statement is seemingly inconsistent with
farmersrsquo practices at least with regard to salcedo INIA but perhaps is consistent with
the other varieties offered by INIA One farmer noted that the farm-saved descendant
INIA seeds were more adapted to the altiplano climate than the originally purchased
seeds reflecting additional and on-going human selection of seeds from plants that
thrived in the altiplano climate The farm-saved seeds are apparently considered
organic even if they originated from INIA seed sources demonstrating the nuances of
organic certification During the period of my study I was not aware of any issues with
the organic nature of the respondents crops especially since most of them could not
afford commercial pesticides or fertilizers and thus the importance of maintaining
organic practices was not an issue except for this sole question of organic seed source
Another interesting source of seeds is from semillistas who are local seed
experts Semillistas are acknowledged by the community to have specialized knowledge
in seed selection and have good reputations in that regard Not everyone has the same
level of traditional ecological knowledge (Setalaphruk and Price 2007) Different groups
164
and individuals use natural resources and the landscape for different purposes
(Chalmers and Fabricius 2007) Accordingly there are often people who are considered
expert in traditional ecological knowledge Expertise is a relative term however and
there can be varying levels of expertise A person may be an expert when compared to
outsiders but may not be an expert within the local community (Ross 2002) Semillistas
are experts in quinoa seed selection due to their keen observation and knowledge of
qualities and traits that will express in the desired characteristics of the selected seeds
During my last field research I was informed that each year COOPAIN selects
semillistas from whom to obtain seeds to sell to members of the cooperative In 2016
they were planning a workshop to instruct farmers in the methods to select seeds using
semillistas chosen for the project Semillistas can be male or female COOPAIN
selected 4 men and 3 women semillistas for the 2015-2016 growing season I
interviewed a male and female semillista and found notable agrodiversity distinctions
between them described further in the section on gender This role of semillistas is
quite intriguing and is worthy of additional future study especially as it related to
agrodiversity maintenance and influences over seed selection
Farmers can also obtain seeds from festivals or fairs During the festivals
farmers travel across the broad landscape to exchange seeds Local fairs are held
across the Andes in many communities and often have specific days dedicated to
quinoa products as well as other Andean products The Peruvian fairs are similar to
county fairs in the United States and display a number of local agricultural products
including animals as well as providing entertainment such as local dancers and
musicians There are competitions in various categories including seeds as well as
165
food products made using quinoa Some of the food products are available for on-site
consumption and some are packaged to take home Raw products such as grain flour
and flakes are available for purchase Seeds are also available for purchase Thus fairs
have a role in the exchange of knowledge ideas seeds products and heritage
production Fairs were identified by one semillista as the primary source of her large
inventory of diverse quinoa varieties as well as a means of obtaining knowledge about
agrodiversity
In sum because farm-saved seed was the primary source of seeds for future
crops agrodiversity maintenance is directly related to the crop grown the prior year but
seeds are also obtained off the farm For farmers who do not grow many varieties farm-
saved seeds can serve as an agrodiversity bottleneck since they repeatedly plant the
same varieties thereby restricting gene flow Other sources of seeds are available
however which can provide additional agrodiversity choice Purchases from INIA
however also have a bottleneck since that INIA promotes a limited number of
commercial varieties To the extent that INIA is seen as an advisor on seed selection
the influence on farmersrsquo seed choice can be great especially if the farmers do not have
seed saved from the prior year or had a crop failure The general market for seeds
likewise can be an agrodiversity bottleneck or limit the farmersrsquo selections especially
due to the remoteness of the farms and the lack of transportation The lack of ability to
shop around and find desired seeds limits the seeds available to farmers thus the
readily available seeds will dominate at the expense of the genetic diversity of the other
varieties creating a limitation or bottleneck genetically despite the theoretical range of
existing genetic diversity among the more than 200 varieties Semillistas appear play an
166
important role in agrodiversity maintenance however more research would have to be
conducted into the array of varieties made available for commercial distribution by
semillistas Certainly as more fully described below semillistas can be conservators of
agrodiversity but the volume of a diverse array of seeds may also be a limiting factor
The seed selection practices of the farmers can have a negative effect on agrodiversity
maintenance since limitations on the availability of seeds as well as the continued re-
use of farm-saved seeds can be problematic to maintaining a wide range of genetic
diversity
How do Andean Farmers Select Seeds and How do these Processes affect Agrodiversity
Andean farmers used a number of criteria to select specific seeds the summary
of these reasons is set forth in Table 4-10 These criteria show that there are a number
of considerations and trade-offs when deciding which seeds to select for the next crop
Results show the salience of potential future yield an important consideration
noted by Rosero et al (2010) Panicle size was the most frequently stated reason for
farm-saved seed selection (15 responses) A large panicle yields many individual grains
on a plant so it is a rough measure of yield The term rendimiento or yield was tied for
the second most frequently stated reason for selection (10 responses) and supports
yield as a primary criterion for seed selection The plants with the largest panicles were
selected to use as seeds in efforts to duplicate the large panicle size in the next
generation Also linked to yield actual grain size was named as a factor in seed
selection (10 responses) since larger grains collectively produce a higher yield as
compared to the same number of smaller grains The panicle size and grain size are the
actual visible measures in use to select seeds While the panicle forms and size as well
167
as the grain sizes vary by variety within the variety the individual plants that exhibit the
desired proxies for yield ndash large panicles and grains ndash are selected for use as seeds
Table 4-10 Reasons for Seed Selection Reason Frequency
Panicle size 15 Yield 10 Large grains 10 Healthy plant 10 Purity 9 Size 6 Height 5 Frost resistance 5 Pest resistance 4 Good germination 4 Quality 3 Price 2 Clean 2 Organic 1 Variety selection 1 Not threshed 1 Short growth period 1 TOTAL 89
Another proxy for potential yield was height of a plant (5 responses) Taller plants
can have more panicles and thus can theoretically achieve a higher yield The term
ldquosizerdquo was also a frequent response (6 responses) but the respondents did not indicate
which portion of the plant that was being measured since three specific measures were
noted panicle size grain size and plant height Thus indicators of high yield are an
important factor in selecting seeds from a crop and these linked factors exceeded 50
of the responses for selection
Some participants said that seed selection was based on choosing vigorous or
strong plants (8 responses) Plant strength or vigor can also be a factor of
environmental adaptation without necessarily being linked to height of the plant or yield
By selecting seeds from healthy strong plants they were selecting for productive
168
plants This is a measure that can be taken in the field in comparison to the other plants
in the vicinity
Frost resistance and pest resistance were specific reasons given for seed
selection based on plant characteristics These characteristics affect the survival of the
plant and the ultimate yield A farmer in the field would know which plants survived a
frost or pest infestation The process for seed selection in the field is that the farmer
evaluates individual plants and makes a determination based on these criteria for future
seed selection
Plant maturation rate is another reason for seed selection especially given the
cold harsh altiplano environment Early ripening ensures crop survival and was a
specific factor noted by Rosero et al (2010) and confirmed here Notably quinoa
harvesting is done manually and is based on the maturity of each plant Different plants
in the same field have slightly different maturation rates or sprouting times so a field is
not harvested all at once Instead individual plants are harvested leaving a scattering
of plants that continue to mature after the initial harvest In this fashion the farmer can
easily select the early-maturing plants for future seeds This hand-harvesting technique
also allows for full maturation and maximum yield of all plants since the late ripeners
can continue to mature in the field depending on weather conditions One farmer listed
early maturation as a seed-selection criterion so using this traditional method the first
plants that mature can be used for seeds since they demonstrated early maturation
While seeds could be purchased or exchanged from other people or institutions
additional factors were associated with seed selection from those sources ldquoPurityrdquo was
a response given by the farmers as a criterion in seed selection and is related to the
169
evaluation of the seeds based on mixing with seeds of another species or variety as
well as particles of debris in the seeds which are sold by weight
There were a few other reasons for seed selection mentioned by a small number
of farmers Price was mentioned twice (by a male and a female farmer) as a reason for
selection reflecting the ability of the farmer to purchase seed in the market where the
pricing may vary Only one (female) farmer listed ldquovarietyrdquo as a reason for selection
meaning that she selected seeds based on the variety rather than characteristics of the
seeds since perhaps the characteristics are imbedded in the knowledge of the variety
Similarly only one (also female) farmer listed ldquoorganicrdquo as a criterion for seed selection
indicating a concern for maintaining organic certification for sale on the external organic
market While not specifically mentioning organic as the reason for seed purchase the
decision as to whether to purchase from INIA may also be based on the issue with
maintaining organic certification In addition if the farmer maintains organic practices
then farm-saved seeds comply with organic practices Maintaining organic certification
is important to the farmers especially since a large shipment of Peruvian quinoa that
was sold as organic was rejected by the US when it did not pass the inspection and the
concern had ripple effects throughout the quinoa community
One female farmer mentioned a preference for seeds that were not threshed as
a reason for selection This result supports other complaints from women about the use
of the trilladora to thresh plants since it damages the seeds While men were the
operators of the trilladora and it hastens the time it takes to thresh and reduces the
number of people needed to finish the harvest quickly women are the predominant
170
preparers of quinoa cuisine and would notice the damaged grains during final
consumptive use as well as noticing damaged seeds for planting
In sum there are a number of factors involved in how farmers select quinoa
seed The first question is whether the farmer is saving their own seeds from the field
or obtaining seeds from other sources For farm-saved seeds there are a number of
factors to determine which plants to select as the source of seeds for the next planting
season in efforts to duplicate the characteristics exhibited by the parent plant which
demonstrates the on-going evolutionary processes of human selection influenced by
cultural characteristics Notably the question of seed selection is different than variety
selection Seed selection as based on the desired criteria best exhibited from plants of
the same variety Thus the farmer analyzes the plants from among the plants of the
same variety to determine the best candidate for the next generation
Important factors include yield survival and adaptability to the altiplano climate
good germination short growth period availability of the seeds organic status to
comply with organic certification and variety along with the qualities associated with
the variety including culinary factors For variety selection the farmer selects which
variety to plant from the available seeds The reasons for variety selection can be
similar to seed selection in that overlapping criteria such as high yield or better
environmental adaptation can be evaluated both within and between varieties
Agrodiversity maintenance of quinoa varieties is an important risk-aversion
strategy especially in a harsh climate such as the altiplano Farmers are keenly aware
of the environment and take it into consideration in selecting the varieties to plant as
well as the seeds to select for the next crop While yield is an important consideration
171
and can provide for greater profits environmental factors are also a part of the equation
since a poor choice can lead to little yield even if a variety has a high yield potential
While farmers attempt to balance the desire for high yields with the need to have a crop
that can survive until harvest the availability of seed choices is also a factor that limits
choice The spread of information about the qualities of a variety is also important to
farmersrsquo decisions If for example a variety is purported to have a high yield and based
on this information the farmer selects that variety there can be a difference between
presumed and actual yields In addition while a crop may have a high yield potential
predation can take a heavy toll on the crops which is clearly a factor in the sweet white
varieties of quinoa To a lesser degree culinary factors are also taken into
consideration However culinary factors are not likely to be in response to the global
market with the exception of the demand for sweet white quinoa since it does not
appear that outside of the Andes the culinary variances are well-known especially since
the variety name rarely appears on labels
As research progresses on quinoa variety properties and as the variety
distinctions become more well-documented new information may influence
agrodiversity in the future For example as more recipes emerge that rely upon the
culinary values of the varieties and the recipes make note of the best varieties to use
there could be benefit to agrodiversity maintenance and increase the demand for non-
white quinoa This is similar to the nutritional uptake and medicinal values mentioned in
the previous chapter in that if the differences between the varieties and their associated
benefits are publicized this can lead to diverse market demand Perhaps one of the
most important elements is the contribution that women can have to the agrodiversity
172
maintenance through the sharing of their knowledge of culinary properties and variety
distinctions
Womenrsquos Role in Seed Selection
Traditionally men and women played different roles in quinoa production but the
distinction between these roles if any is not always clear Gender plays a large role in
Andean farming since women are highly involved in agricultural labor (Tapia and De la
Torre 1998) Based on her work in the Bolivian Andes Paulson (2003) investigated
gender during a time of technological change in agriculture and found many gender
distinctions in the agricultural setting One gendered distinction was that men are often
more involved in commercial crop agriculture than women as compared to subsistence
agriculture (Paulson 2003246) Men tended to be more involved in the production of
crops for sale to the external market including crops such as wheat potatoes and corn
(Paulson 2003246) Sometimes quinoa was a primary crop managed by men
demonstrating variety across the region as well as global changes (Paulson 2003246)
With regard to seed exchange Zimmererrsquos (2013) investigation of farmers in the
eastern Cuzco region of Peru found that women farmers were principal agents in the
exchange and flows of seeds While women were often more involved in local seed
exchanges menrsquos roles with regard to seed exchange were more dominant at the extra-
community level (Zimmerer 2003) Both men and women have roles in seed selection
Men often select seeds for yield pest resistance and size (UN 2010) Women select
seeds based on flavor color and culinary properties (UN 2010) Thus womenrsquos
emphasis is perhaps based on the end use and culture especially given that food and
cuisine are laden with symbolic meaning (Weismantel 1988) In addition color selection
can be linked to culinary preferences due to subtle biochemical differences in starch
173
molecules which can affect the end product such as texture and softness (Tuxill et al
2010) Due to these known differences in gender-based roles focusing on the gender
aspect of agrodiversity maintenance during a time of globalization can provide insight
into the nuances and complexities of this intersection
New varieties are often developed from varieties conserved across time by
female farmers (UN 2010) Women have important roles in maintenance of biodiversity
sustainable practices and enhancement of traditional knowledge (UN 2010) With this
understanding of the traditional role of women in Andean culture women may have had
a major role in the origin of agriculture in the region
According to a local professor who is an expert on quinoa farming practices and
who is also Aymara and whose parents grow quinoa women are more interested than
men in gathering wild seeds and they carefully keep the seeds He explained that
women are ldquoliferdquo He gave the example that women do not prepare or look at dead
bodies since women represent life In addition there are stores where they sell or
exchange quinoa seeds but men cannot go in those stores This expert said that
women know which grains are for sowing and which are for eating I did not personally
observe any of these specific practices but when I visited the expertrsquos parentrsquos farm his
mother was at first reluctant to engage in a conversation with a gringa but listened in
and went into the house and brought back different varieties in her apron that her
husband did not mention during the conversation (Figure 4-4) While these traditional
practices may have occurred in the past based on my observations it appears that
such gender-based traditions may be changing with men now having a broader role in
seed selection as experts or semillistas and thus seeds are not the sole domain of
174
women as has been reported in the past For example COOPAIN recently selected
several men to participate as semillistas in workshops related to seed selection
demonstrating that the seeds are not the sole domain of women
Figure 4-4 Mamarsquos quinoa Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2014
A Female Semillista Example
Seed experts known as semillistas are known in the region and in the
community for their knowledge expertise and sale of quinoa seeds Experts are often
well-known in the community for their knowledge The president and manager of
COOPAIN told me about a woman Expert A previously noted above who was well
known for conserving a variety of quinoa She had a variety of colors of quinoa with
specific names for them The farmers know about her knowledge and that she had a
number of varieties and was conducting her own experiments to develop quinoa
varieties They said she had always been interested in biodiversity since she was a
child
Expert A who was 71 years old was a member of COOPAIN and was involved
in the leadership of the cooperative Her age exemplifies the concern expressed by
management of COOPAIN as well as local professors about the aging of the
population of farmers and concerns that young people were not attracted to farming
175
She has a farm outside Cabana where she grows quinoa and other crops She has
grown about 80 varieties She considers herself to be a conservator of biodiversity and
was able to identify 66 quinoa names on my list which exceeded the knowledge of Dr
Aro who identified 40 quinoa names from the list but not the knowledge of Dr Mujica
who identified 150 quinoa names from the list She was able to discuss and provide
information on these 66 varieties demonstrating that she not only recognized the name
but knew the characteristics associated with these varieties
Expert A has expertise in collecting a variety of quinoa seeds and growing them
on her farm In 2015 she conducted an experiment growing a large number of quinoa
varieties which was the largest number among all of the farmers who participated in
this study She mapped out the different varieties in her experimental quinoa field
(Figure 4-5) She did not grow these varieties for commercial production and thus I
have no yield information but instead experimented with different varieties based on her
life-long interest in quinoa diversity
Figure 4-5 Expert Arsquos map of quinoa field Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
176
Expert A grew her experimental varieties in a field alongside other crops and
carefully mapped out the location of the specialty seeds that she planted in the 2015-
2016 season As noted before Expert A provided the names of 22 varieties that were
not listed by any other farmer in her study demonstrating her contribution to
conservation Due to her personal interest in quinoa agrodiversity throughout her life
she traveled to various fairs and purchased seeds With the seeds that she gathered
from fairs across the region as well as in Bolivia she would plant the seeds in her fields
and then she would collect new seeds from her generation of plants Expert A does not
sell these seeds but rather collects them for her own personal interest She displays
these seeds at fairs and coincidentally the year before I met her I photographed her
seed display at the fair in Juliaca since it was so notable It was not until I was reviewing
my photographs two years later that I recognized her seed display
At her farm inside one of her buildings Expert A had a display of her seeds on a
table (Figure 4-6) There were 32 different varieties on display although there were
some duplicative varieties and a couple of bags of seeds missing their label
Figure 4-6 Expert Arsquos Seed Display Image Credit Deborah Andrews 2015
177
The list of Expert Arsquos varieties is below
bull Ajara inerto
bull Ajara negro
bull Blanca de Juli
bull Camacani
bull Cheweca
bull Chile
bull Choclo kancolla
bull Chucapaca
bull Chullpi Amarillo
bull Chullpi blanca
bull Chullpi roja
bull Cuchi willa
bull INIA Ilpa
bull INIA Salcedo
bull INIA Salcedo rosa
bull Kamire
bull Kancolla roja
bull Kancolla rosada
bull Koscosa
bull Marangani
bull Mesa quinoa
bull Mestiza
bull Negra collana I
bull Panela
bull Pasancalla plomo
bull Quinus misturas
bull Rosada junin
bull Rosada taraco
bull Sajama
bull Tahuaco
bull Vizallanino
Expert A also conducted a hybridization experiment in which she cross-bred
INIA salcedo and kancolla to create her own variety which she calls vizallanino She
uses it for her personal consumption along with chullpi chullpi roja and mistiza She
always grows coito plomo because it is a seed line from her grandfather
Andean strategy in seed selection has been described as follows
178
the peasant is a consummated wooer and tester of plants and does it without obligating the new seed to get accustomed by force It is accepted for a seed which does not accustom itself to move away -- the peasant says simply this seed did not get used to me and he or she continues testing others to see if they follow him or her (Association Bartholomew Aripaylla 1992) (Rivera 199866) Thus traditional Andean practices include the search for successful seeds
requiring meticulous observation of plant responses This traditional practice is
implemented by planting a diversity of varieties and crops in a field as well as planting
crops at different times thus insuring survival of some part of the crop and engaging in
risk aversion This biodiversity is a form of crop insurance grounded in traditional
ecological knowledge
I asked Expert A to go through my comprehensive list of varieties to see if she
was familiar with them She pointed out a few that were redundant In all she was
familiar with 66 names on my list as it existed at that time She would describe the
plants and grains as she acknowledged the names from the list demonstrating her
depth of knowledge For example she said the variety called colorado which had been
identified by other farmers has three colors on the same plant white yellow and red
and is also called misa quinoa
Expert A buys sells and exchanges seed at fairs all over Peru and Bolivia and
has done so since 1975 She also selects her own seeds from her crops She also does
not use the machine to thresh the quinoa because it damages the grains
When asked about her seed selection practices Expert A said she selects seeds
for yields When she selects for seeds she selects for large grains She also selects
varieties for their frost resistance Another noteworthy practice is that Expert A also
seeks seeds from different environments For example she was the only farmer in this
179
study who grew blanca de Junin which was classified by Tapia et al (2014) as from
the inter-Andean valleys not the altiplano Expert Arsquos practice of trying varieties from
other ecozones demonstrates the depth of her experimentation and also makes an
interesting statement on the importance of climate and microclimates in the Andes
Expert A was also knowledgeable in the culinary uses of quinoa which is one of
the named reasons for variety selections She described the types of quinoa that were
used in certain recipes (Table 4-11)
Table 4-11 Quinoa Uses Food Name Food Description Variety Name color
Masamora a breakfast dish Blanca
Quispino Steamed dough Blanca Pasankalla Ploma Peske Quinoa served with milk Blanca Pasankalla ploma but it is
toasted first Jugo Juice Blanca Sopa Soup Blanca Chullpi (which is milk-like) Harina Flour Blanca Chicha A ritual drink Roja Blanca Medicina Medicine Negra ndash it is made into a paste to help
with pain
Near Expert Arsquos variety field were some small trees with rocks piled up around
them The rocks were to protect the trees from being eaten by animals The tree is
called kolli and is a native tree Near the trees were the remains of last yearrsquos quinoa
harvest The dried stalks were stacked in a pile and around the site were quinoa
seedlings that had sprouted from the remains of the winnowing I noticed that one of the
healthiest and largest quinoa plants I saw on the farm was in this location a few inches
from some plastic sheeting Perhaps the plastic helped retain soil moisture allowing the
plant to thrive especially since the rains had not yet arrived that season
180
What are Menrsquos Roles in Seed Selection
While women have traditionally been the conservators of quinoa seeds a distinct
gender division was not observed during this study In fact as mentioned supra in
2015 COOPAIN selected both men and women as the annual semillistas from whom to
obtain seeds to sell to members demonstrating that men were also used as seed
experts
An example of a male semillista is Expert B who has a reputation for selling
good seeds In contrast to Expert A Expert B sells his seeds to institutions as well as
farmers that know him or hear about him through word-of-mouth The buyers make
arrangements with him for the amount His most popular and productive variety is
rosada taraco since it is resistant to low temperatures and frost The grains are slightly
pink and are well adapted to the altiplano environment The grain is also quite large
and is perhaps the largest grain size that I saw in 2015 The plant also grows very tall
to nearly 2 m but he said that you need to manage the farm ldquokindlyrdquo to get tall quinoa
Expert B first obtained the rosada taraco seeds about 5 years ago from Sierra
Exportada a public institution dedicated to promoting Peruvian products when he
decided to get certified as organic He said an agronomist brought this variety to this
organization and he tried it He has been using the seeds since then The organic
certification lasts one year and must be renewed each year His farm is also inspected
to maintain his organic certification Before he got organic certification he grew quinoa
for more than 20 years the traditional way He still works with Sierra Exportada and they
purchase his products He had not sold his quinoa as of December 2015 since he was
still negotiating the price since he had not yet been offered as high a price as he
received the year before thus he was holding out for a better price Before his
181
involvement with this institution he sold his product at town markets but at a low price
While in the past Expert B was a member of COOPAIN this year he did not participate
in the cooperative since the price had fallen Instead he was stockpiling his quinoa until
he could get a better price
Expert B was considered an expert in seeds and has both a selection of seeds
on display as well as a reputation for growing exceptionally tall rosada taraco quinoa
(Figure 4-7) Rosada taraco produces white grains (Figure 4-8) The extent of his
agrodiversity conservation however is not nearly as expansive as that of Expert A
Expert B only had eight different quinoa varieties (Figure 4-9) whereas Expert A had 32
Expert B emphasized high yielding rosado taraco while the emphasis of Expert A was
broad agrodiversity
This distinction in agrodiversity maintenance between these examples of male
and female semillistas is striking While at the time of her research Paulsen (2003)
appeared to capture the beginning of the transition of quinoa from a female to a male
crop the transition appears to have taken place by the time of my study with men
highly involved in all levels of quinoa production including seed selection a traditional
female role While men are now highly involved at all levels of quinoa production further
study is needed to determine the effects of their current involvement in quinoa
production on agrodiversity maintenance For example do men focus on high yielding
varieties for commercial production while women continue to retain the role of
agrodiversity maintenance which is also linked to the different final uses of the quinoa
products These are the type of questions that can be studied in the future to further
articulate the gender roles at play in quinoa production and agrodiversity maintenance
182
These two examples are a starting point to inquire into whether they are outliers or
indicators of larger distinctions between the agrodiversity maintenance practices of men
and women
Another noteworthy distinction is that the male expert in this study was focused
on sale of his quinoa while the female expert was focused on agrodiversity for personal
interest rather than for commercial sale or academic knowledge Instead she took
personal pleasure from running her experiments and growing a number of quinoa
varieties for display The existence of these quiet conservators of agrodiversity is
enormously important to the survival and continuance of quinoa variety diversity during
a time of globalization It would behoove academia to identify such experts provide any
necessary support and be involved in the ultimate conservation of agrodiversity through
seed bank conservation as well as commercial production of heirloom seeds
Figure 4-7 Rosada Taraco quinoa after harvest Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
183
Figure 4-8 Rosada taraco quinoa grains Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
Figure 4-9 Expert Brsquos seed selection display Image credit Deborah Andrews 2014
While it has been widely acknowledged that quinoa is a highly diverse species
the full extent of this diversity has not been previously described in the literature This
research has established a working list of quinoa agrodiversity resulting in 207 quinoa
variety names in South America The establishment of this list includes work from
published scientists as well as the inclusion of farmersrsquo knowledge from the Peruvian
184
altiplano The result of the farmersrsquo knowledge included the introduction of additional
quinoa variety names that had not been previously published demonstrating the
importance of the inclusion of local knowledge in formal scientific studies This study
also revealed that in addition to academic and government institutions farmers are also
experimenting with new quinoa varieties
The establishment of a baseline of over 200 quinoa variety names highlights the
need for widely-accepted categories for varieties Due to the diversity and complexity of
quinoa race-based classifications systems have developed to organize common
characteristics primarily based on geography and adaptation to specific ecological
zones In addition to the ecological and geographic zones there are additional
categories of quinoa within this classification and color-based identification is
commonly used
Within the potential 200 types of quinoa to choose from farmers have a number
of reasons for variety selection The first two categories of variety selection ndash climate
adaptation and yield ndash directly relate to the success of the crop Surviving the weather
conditions is the first step in obtaining a successful crop with the yield demonstrating
the extent of the success of the growing season Pest resistance also relates to the
success of the crop In times of climate change these environmental considerations are
important and the maintaining agrodiversity including varieties that are adapted to
varying climatic conditions is an important reason for this practice
While yield was an important and obvious reason for variety selection the actual
yield of a particular variety may vary from expectations especially as it is influenced by
increased predation as demonstrated in the UNAP experiment While yield is important
185
the environment can affect any given yield especially as it relates to the
encouragement and spread of predators Thus environmentally adapted and pest-
resistant varieties can influence yield
The third reason that farmers select certain varieties is culinary quality which
relates to the desirability of the product to the end user While sweetness of the quinoa
was perhaps an important choice for the global market since quinoa is also used in a
variety of traditional dishes other culinary properties are important and can also
become important at a global level as the use of quinoa in recipes expands Culinary
qualities are an important component of this food product and the recipe competition
demonstrated at the regional fairs as well as national pride and patrimony associated
with quinoa demonstrate the diversity of quinoa at the cultural consumption level
Traditional uses of quinoa such as in breakfast foods soups and baked goods
continue on alongside modern recipe expansion and variety selection plays a part in
the end use of the product The use of quinoa for grinding or milling flour is also affected
by variety selection since the ease of grinding and quality of the flour are affected by the
characteristics of the varieties While these culinary properties are known in Peruvian
cuisine use the distinctions are not so well-known on the global market with the
exception of the sweetness factor In the future as more variety-specific properties
become more widely publicized it will be interesting to see if culinary differences make
a difference in consumer-driven market demand
While few farmers mentioned market demand for white quinoa as a specific
reason for selection past market demands for sweet white quinoa may have been so
prevalent as to not require much mention The dominance of the sweet white types
186
such as salcedo INIA and pasankalla demonstrates limited agrodiversity maintenance
in commercial production (although there are a number of sweet white varieties) yet
this practice did not prepare the farmers for the price drop that occurred in 2015 While
the price drop in 2015 was apparently related to a doubling of production in Peru the
demand for the colored quinoa price did not drop as severely and was more buffered
against the increased competition due to its distinct market niche The fact that the
demand for red and black quinoa increased during a time of price decline for white
quinoa showcases the market benefits of agrodiversity maintenance and the farmers
who used traditional risk aversion practices of growing different kinds of quinoa
including colored quinoa in their strategy were more rewarded than the farmers who
solely grew white quinoa
An additional consideration in the evaluation of quinoa agrodiversity maintenance
is the availability of seed and the influences from others in seed choices While many
farmers select their own seeds from their crops there are additional influences in seed
selection including cooperatives government agencies researchers and semillistas
Given the fact the most frequently used quinoa variety was developed and promoted by
INIA is seems apparent that the government has a strong influence in seed selection
While the salcedo INIA may have been touted as being a high-yielding variety with a
published potential of 3500 kgha (Mujica et al 2014) the recent UNAP experiment
demonstrated that it is not always the highest-yielding choice although the yield was
relatively high
Finally it is worth mentioning that certain farmers both male and female who
serve in the semillista role can be important players in agrodiversity maintenance
187
While based on this limited comparison the obvious differences were the male focus on
yield and the female focus on diversity and experimentation both of these goals are
important to the success of farmers Future research should evaluate the gender
differences as well as the practices of semillistas especially as it relates to
agrodiversity maintenance and influence over farmersrsquo choices
There are a number of factors that influence agrodiversity maintenance of
quinoa While quinoa is not grown as a complete monoculture it is clear that a limited
number of varieties dominate both the market and current planting practices Comparing
the 63 varieties planted by the farmers in this study against the potential 200 plus
quinoa varieties there is great risk for continued loss of agrodiversity While 63 varieties
may sound substantial 52 of these varieties had limited distribution among the farmers
41 of the varieties were grown by only one farmer and a single farmer grew 22 of these
41 varieties Thus about one third of the total varieties grown during this study period
were grown by one farmer Expert A who was conducting her own experiments and not
growing all of these varieties for commercial production We do not know the extent of
current agrodiversity loss since there apparently is not a pre-existing complete inventory
of the range of quinoa varieties and varieties to compare against With the
establishment of this list ongoing investigation into agrodiversity maintenance has a
starting point that can be further developed and studied
188
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
This research sought to answer the question of how small-scale Andean quinoa
farmers are maintaining agrodiversity during a time of globalization of the quinoa
market The answer to the question is multi-fold with Andean farmers maintaining a
degree of quinoa agrodiversity through a number of practices First many farmers grow
more than one variety of quinoa on their farms during the same season The practice of
planting more than one variety is a risk-aversion strategy used to prevent total loss of a
crop due to climatic conditions or infestation
Second Andean farmers engage in a multi-factor evaluation to determine what
variety to select for planting including factors such as environmental adaptation to cold
drought salt and early-ripening pest resistance yield and culinary properties The
importance of environmental adaptation underscores the importance of the traditional
risk aversion practice of planting more than one variety per season since the climate in
the altiplano can be variable The culinary factors which were more likely noted by
women acknowledge the genetic diversity that serves different cuisine purposes The
efforts to expand quinoa cuisine can lead to increased agrodiversity maintenance due to
the culinary distinctions including sweetness flavor texture grain size and flour
production
The third way Andean farmers are maintaining agrodiversity is through multi-
factor seed selection analysis and trade-offs There are a variety of reasons for seed
selection including availability use of farm-saved seeds the expertise and reputation of
semillistas and influences of organizations such as cooperatives government
agencies and development projects Thus the farmersrsquo connections to other sources of
189
seeds in their social networks as well as markets affect their seed selection practices
In addition to the sources of seeds the farmers also take into consideration the potential
yield organic certification environmental adaptation pest resistance and price Some
of these considerations however can also have the effect of not conserving
agrodiversity such as the promotion of single or limited varieties by organizations
Fourth certain farmers often called semillistas are growing a greater diversity of
quinoa for their own reasons and are disproportionately conserving quinoa as
compared to other farmers In this study the local cooperative engaged semillistas to
teach farmers how to collect quality seeds from their fields The sharing of knowledge
by these semillistas who conserve large numbers of varieties can potentially influence
other farmers to try different varieties recommended by the semillistas
Fifth traditional harvesting by hand also allows for biodiversity maintenance
since each plant is selected for harvest based on individual ripening times which allows
for a diverse variety to be grown in the same field If the harvesting practices were more
mechanized this could have a negative effect on quinoa agrodiversity since the entire
crop would be harvested at the same time not allowing for slower-ripening varieties to
be successful The trade-off would be a quicker less labor-intensive harvest
Sixth cultural pride and patrimony also promotes quinoa agrodiversity For
example the competitions at the local and regional fairs that showcase culinary
diversity tradition and innovation can have the effect of conserving quinoa
agrodiversity since different varieties have differing culinary properties Quinoa is also
promoted at restaurants frequented by tourists and marketing campaigns make it clear
that quinoa is a traditional Andean product associated with the well-known Inca
190
civilization The marketing efforts to expand into ready-to-eat quinoa products by
COOPAIN is another example of efforts that can have the effect of promoting quinoa
agrodiversity Since different recipes use different varieties such as for soups and
baked goods the promotion of a variety of uses can support agrodiversity conservation
Seventh traditional culture related to quinoa is ongoing and serves to conserve
quinoa agrodiversity Culinary traditions including dishes such as peske masamoro
and krsquoispina continue to be a part of the local cuisine Chicha made with quinoa is
another well-known Peruvian drink that is firmly rooted in tradition The bi-colored miste
variety of quinoa continues to be used in Pachamama rituals thus conserving that
variety Medicines made with quinoa are another example of continuing traditions that
serve to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Each of these traditions has the effect of
maintaining quinoa agrodiversity to a certain degree due to the deeply imbedded
cultural traditions and the interspecies relationship between Andeans and quinoa
Eighth innovations into market expansion have conserved quinoa agrodiversity
The global market has expanded from white quinoa into the range of colored quinoa
including black red and multicolored offerings Providing the consumer with a colorful
selection promotes the conservation of the colored varieties While quinoa prices
dropped in 2015 the fact that the colored quinoa price did not drop as much rewarded
conservation practices for the farmers who grew colored quinoa that year Attempts to
market ready-to-eat quinoa products can also conserve agrodiversity if those products
use different varieties based on their culinary properties
Quinoa is a product that can provide food security for the worldrsquos growing
population however if the process of globalization is putting local farmers and the
191
biodiversity of the crop at risk then these consequences need to be addressed Given
the fact that the Andes are a harsh growing environment and coupled with climate
change and attendant crop risk agrodiversity effects are an important issue in
understanding local effects of globalization that could lead to long term negative
consequences
Quinoa has a deep history connected to the people of the Andes This history
includes the domestication of the species thousands of years ago to the near-loss of
the plant as a significant food product The history of quinoa is very much linked to the
history of Andean people The production of quinoa was suppressed by the Spaniards
due to its ritual use and coupled with competition from other newly introduced crops as
well as animals quinoa production declined except in regions where its cultural
significance survived European contact While Europeans failed to recognize the value
of quinoa for hundreds of years South American indigenous communities managed to
maintain quinoa as a domesticated plant for personal and local consumption
Quinoa was discovered by the global market when scientific research
demonstrated its high nutritional value Global demand followed these scientific reports
and the organization of Bolivian producers helped gain global market entry While
quinoa is a highly diverse plant the early global demand was for white quinoa which
provided a consistent product for the market and the ability to pool the harvest from
many farmers This study revealed the present extent of known quinoa variety diversity
and compared it to the present production practices of Peruvian farmers This study
found that there are at least 207 different varieties of quinoa Of the over 200 different
kinds of quinoa 63 were recently grown by the farmers in this study amounting to about
192
30 of this list Of course many of the varieties on this list grow in different
environments as well as different cultures and countries so it would not be expected
that Andean farmers from the altiplano would be growing all of these varieties While the
30 figure may sound promising for agrodiversity conservation a closer look at the
numbers shows that there is potential loss of agrodiversity since 53 of the 63 varieties
were of limited distribution being grown by only one or two farmers in this study Of the
63 varieties 22 varieties were grown by a single woman in this study and were not
grown by anyone else These 22 varieties were not grown for commercial sale by
Expert A but instead were experiments being conducted due to the personal interest of
Expert A who had a life-long interest in quinoa diversity Thus while there are over two
hundred quinoa varieties commercial production is dominated by a handful presenting
a potential threat to continuing agrodiversity especially given the focus on white quinoa
However compared to a similar study in Ecuador by Skarbo (2015) that documented
only four named varieties along with a category of unspecified ldquolandracerdquo the range of
quinoa diversity in my study is much greater and demonstrates a greater comparative
effort at quinoa agrodiversity conservation The fact that the region around Lake Titicaca
is believed to be the origin of the species as well as domestication of the plant may
account for greater diversity results
There are different ways that agrodiversity of quinoa can continue to be
maintained in situ Market demand for different varieties of quinoa can serve to both
maintain and reward agrodiversity maintenance The marketing of the distinctly different
varieties of quinoa can establish new demands and niches in the market While red
black and mixed-color quinoa are now available on the global market additional
193
scientific and culinary investigation and promotion can boost the market by providing the
consumer with additional information upon which to base diverse choices Peruvian
efforts to promote both traditional and novel cuisine uses at regional fairs and in culinary
schools can have the effect of conserving agrodiversity through the support of recipes
that use different types of quinoa due to their culinary characteristics
Scientific investigation into different properties of quinoa varieties can also
conserve quinoa agrodiversity The sharing of knowledge of distinct benefits of different
types of quinoa for different end uses can provide consumers with information that can
boost the demand for different varieties of quinoa In addition continuing investigation
into the actual yields of quinoa as well as the ability of certain varieties to survive
different weather conditions can also conserve quinoa The promotion of on-farm variety
diversity can also allow for reduced risk to the farmer due to the vagaries of the weather
and growing conditions Monoculture and promotion of a single variety should be
discouraged and any efforts by organizations including NGOs cooperatives or
governmental institutions to promote certain varieties should be based on a
consideration of all factors that farmers have identified as salient to their selection
Another interesting result of this study as it relates to agrodiversity maintenance
is the discontinuous effect that the recent price drop had on the different varieties of
quinoa While the global demand for quinoa caused a rapid rise in price the market
entry was sweet white quinoa As a result farmers predominantly grew white quinoa for
the global market While it appeared that consumers demanded white quinoa colored
quinoa appeared on the global market and introduced a level of variety to the global
quinoa consumer While the colored quinoa had a much smaller global presence the
194
unexpected drop in quinoa demand and price due presumably to the glut on the market
hit the white quinoa prices harder than the colored quinoa It appears that since the
colored quinoa perhaps attracted new consumers due to recent claims of unique
nutritional and medicinal value there was not an apparent glut in this segment of the
market at least to the degree of the white quinoa Thus the market rewarded
agrodiversity maintenance during a time of price decline
While traditional growing practices included planting an array of quinoa varieties
to ensure crop survival in the harsh ecosystem of the Andes global demand for white
quinoa threatened this form of crop insurance Given the fact that quinoa of other colors
is also widely grown additional varieties started to enter the world market starting with
red colored varieties This new product expanded the global selection and provided a
market for additional varieties that exhibit different coloration than the original white
quinoa Multicolored and black quinoa soon followed the path of the red quinoa giving
global consumers additional choices Thus the path of maintaining agrodiversity is open
and has been rewarded at least to a small extent by the market
The conservation of quinoa agrodiversity is not necessarily secure given the
results of this study that demonstrate that while there are over 200 quinoa types yet
only a fraction of the varieties were widely grown The prevalence of a handful of
varieties grown by the farmers including a variety created and promoted by the
Peruvian government salcedo INIA may indicate that there have been other influences
already reducing quinoa agrodivesity such as the influence of development projects
found by Skarbo (2015) in Ecuador Since my study was between five to ten years after
Skarbo (2015) gathered her data in Ecuador (which was well prior to the publication
195
date of her article) it is certainly a possibility that development projects had already
altered seed selection in the Peruvian altiplano and indeed several participants in my
study obtained seeds from development projects including the rosado taraco variety
grown by Expert B Unfortunately since we do not have agrodiversity data from before
this study there is no basis for comparison with regard to external influences on
farmersrsquo variety selection due to development projects or other institutional programs
The fact that none of the farmers mentioned market demand as a reason for seed
selection may reflect the fact that the market pressures to grow sweet white quinoa had
already occurred in the past and thus was so ingrained in their thinking that it was a
silent unacknowledged consideration In the future the data collected in this study can
provide an agrodiversity baseline from which to compare the status of quinoa
conservation going forward
Since quinoa is a source of cash for Andean farmers yield is an important factor
in quinoa variety selection The focus on high yielding varieties can be problematic
especially during a time of climate change The adaptation of the global market seen
through the expansion of the marketing of quinoa of different colors is an important
factor in agrodiversity conservation since it opens demand for other varieties besides
the white-colored varieties Additional scientific investigation into the nutritional
differences including distinctions in nutritional uptake may also have a positive effect
on agrodiversity conservation The expansion of quinoa variety-level quinoa knowledge
can affect the consumer market and encourage agrodiversity though market
diversification While there are on-going studies into differing nutritional values this is
196
an area for future development that can lead to additional agrodiversity conservation
practices that can be rewarded by the market
In addition to differing nutritional values research into other health benefits and
medicinal properties of quinoa can also have a positive effect on quinoa agrodiversity
conservation Both wild and domesticated black colored quinoa have been used in
traditional Andean medicine Investigation into medical benefits can also have the effect
of conserving quinoa agrodiversity due to differing properties among the wild and
domesticated varieties
The creation of a database of quinoa variety names is a starting point in
understanding the extent of quinoa agrodiversity as well as providing a tool to monitor
the conservation and use of the different varieties This list should be further evaluated
and expanded to provide other scientists with information that can guide future studies
The use of more standardized quinoa variety nomenclature and domains can assist in
understanding the groupings of quinoa with similar properties Since there are so many
different varieties varieties and names it is important to have a variety level of
organization that assists in relaying the knowledge associated with these groupings
Efforts have been made by some Peruvian scientists to organize quinoa at the intra-
species level and there should be continuing efforts to standardize quinoa varieties
and include reference collections with detailed data on the characteristics of the
varieties including morphological as well as cultural information
The present state of conservation of quinoa agrodiversity relies upon
independent farmers who serve as experts and conservators without outside help
funding or organizational assistance Instead the personal interest of the semillistas
197
and other experts inspires individuals to conserve quinoa agrodiversity Future research
should investigate the differing gender practices related to quinoa conservation
especially since past finding have found that women more than men are the
conservators of quinoa agrodiversity yet this may be changing While men can be
quinoa experts their focus may be more on commercial production and yield findings
that have been determined in other studies The scientific community should facilitate
the in situ conservation among these special farmers who arguably are single-handedly
are doing more for conservation than many government programs
Another looming issue with quinoa agrodiversity is the aging of the quinoa farmer
population Efforts are being made to encourage young people be continue the farming
tradition despite the lure of the city and wage labor As the expert farmers age it is
unclear that the younger generation will follow suit and produce its own crop of quinoa
conservators There is hope however at the university level and agronomy programs
that teach students to farm quinoa while also informing them of the scientific studies
that can help improve quinoa production
Finally local farmersrsquo cooperatives play an important role in quinoa production
and global market access Unfortunately there appears to be a glass ceiling with men
controlling the ultimate management and market access of quinoa sales While women
are heavily involved in the membership and leadership of the organization there
appears to be a management bottle-neck that women are not passing through Contact
with the outside world is still mostly by male leaders despite the superior knowledge of
many female farmers and their ability to negotiate sales as they have traditionally done
in markets across time
198
There are many factors in evaluating human practices related to whether and
how we maintain the diversity of a species By reviewing the long history of Andean
people and a culturally important crop ndash quinoa ndash we can begin to understand the
complexity of interspecies relationships and how culture and globalization can alter
these relations Given the fact that there has been great diversity loss across the globe
it is my hope that this study will play some small role in understanding how a species
that can be very beneficial to humans can be placed at risk despite its growing
popularity It is also important to acknowledge the people who have conserved quinoa
agrodiversity across time in the face of adversity as well as the individual farmers who
personally make great efforts to quietly conserve quinoa agrodiversity without accolade
199
APPENDIX A QUINOA VARIETY NAMES
NAME SOURCE
Achacachi Ashacachi Tapia 2014
Achachino Mujica et al 201361
Airampo Ayrampo Mujica et al 201390 103 Tapia 2014
Ajara Ajahara Ajhara Ajhara negra Ayara Aara (Silvestre) Ajara negro Mama kiuna Ayara kiuna
Farmer survey 2014 Mujica et al 201392 96 97 Tapia 2014 Mujica et al 201392 Expert A
Ajara inerto Expert A
Ajhara roja Mujica et al 201392
Altiplano INIA 431 Altiplano INIA 2013 Tapia 201460
Amallado Farmer survey 2014
Amaltado Farmer survey 2014
Amargas Mujica et al 2013
Amarilla Ckello Qrsquoello (Aymara)
Farmer survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Mujica et al 201390 96 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Amarilla de Marangani Mujica et al 201361 67 98 INIA 2013 Tapia 201445 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Amarilla Sacaca INIA 427 INIA 2013
Ancash Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Antawara Mujica et al 201320 90
Antawara real Mujica et al 201397
Atacama Mujica et al 201362
Atlas Jarvis et al 2017
Ayacuchana-INIA Mujica et al 201361
Baer II Mujica et al 201362
Blancao Yura qrsquokiuna Yurarsquoq Yura Paracay
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201477 Hunziker 1943
Blanca Amarga Farmer Survey 2014
Blanca Cabana Farmer Survey 2015
Blanca Comun Mahuay Tapia 2014
Blanca Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Blanca de Juli Mujica et al 201361 63 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014 Expert A
Blanca de Junin Mujica et al 201369 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Cajamarca Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Camacani Tapia 201468 Expert A
Camacani II Mujica et al 20136169
Camiri Mujica et al 201369
Canchones Mujica et al 201362
Carhuash de Ancash Tapia 2014
Carina red Jarvis et al 2017
200
Cchusllunca yuu Hunziker 1943
Chaucha Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014144
Chaucha Carrera Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha Caugahua Mujica et al 201381
Chaucha de Oropesa Tapia 2014
Chaucha Juan Montalvo Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha La Chimba Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Latacunga Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Llano Grande Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Olmedo Mujica et al 2013
Chaucha Oton Mujica et al 201382
Chaucha Pujili Mujica et al 201382
Cherry vanilla Jarvis et al 2017
Cheweca Cheweka Mujica et al 201361 65 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Chile Expert A
Choclito Mujica et al 2013105 Tapia 201445 77
Chocclo Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Choclo kancolla Expert A
Chola Hunziker 1943
Chucapaca Mujica et al 201361 69 Expert A
Chullpi Chrsquoullpi Mujica et al 201361 91 Tapia 201445 77 Expert A
Chullpi Amarillo Expert A
Chullpi rojo Mujica et al 2013105 Expert A
Chupica witulla Tapia 2014
Chuyna ayara Tapia 201477
Cica cuzco Expert A INIA photo collection
Ckello kancolla Tapia 2014
Cochabamba Tapia 2014
AltiplanoKrsquooito Qoitos Qrsquooitu Quytu Qoytu Ckoito Coytu
Mujica et al 201389 90 91 96 Tapia 201445 67 68 Farmer Survey 2014
ColoranteColorado Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943
Copacabana Tapia 2014
Criolla Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Cuchi willa Cuchi Wila Rosa rojo Farmer Survey 2014 Expert A
Cuchi wilka Tapia 2014
Cunaccota Tapia 2014
Dahue Hunziker 1943
Dulce Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 2014
ECU-420 Mujica et al 201361
Faro Mujica et al 201321 62
Grande Guachala Mujica et al 201381
Granolada Farmer Survey 2014
Gris Hunziker 1943
Guinda Purpura Morado Moradito Morado kiuna
Tapia 201478 Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
201
Hatun quinoa Tapia 2014
Huarcariz Mujica et al 201361
Huacataz Mujica et al 201361
Hualhuas Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013
Huallhas Mujica et al 201369
Huancapata Farmer Survey 2015
Huancayo Mujica et al 201361 INIA 2013 Repo-Carrasco 2003
Huaranga Mujica et al 201361
Huariponcho Mujica et al 201361
Hueque Fuentes et al 2012
IICA-020-Oruro Mujica et al 201382
IICA-014-Patacamaya Mujica et al 201382
Illpa INIA Mujica et al 201363 INIA 2013 Tapia 201470 Expert A
Ingapirca Fuentes et al 2012
INIA 415 ndash Pasankalla Mujica et al 201368
INIAP ndash Cochasqui Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Imbaya Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Ingapica Mujica et al 201361
INIAP ndash Taruka Chaqui (Quechua) Pata de venado (Spanish)
Mujica et al 201361
INIAP - Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201361
Islunga Mujica et al 201321
Jana Hunziker 1943
Janqrsquoo jiura Jangiu Jiwra Jannco jiura Arroz jiura
Mujica et al 201389 91 103 Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 2014
Jaru jiura Jaru Jaro jiura Mujica et al 201396 102 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Jaru ckello Tapia 2014
Javi Fuentes et al 2012
Jhupa lukhi Hunziker 1943
Jjacha chupica qitulla Tapia 2014
Jjaya yuracc Tapia 2014
Jujuy Mujica et al 201369
Jujuy cristalina Mujica et al 201362
Jujuy amilacea Mujica et al 201362
Junin Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Juraj Farmer Survey 2014
Kamiri Kamire Mujica et al 201361 Expert A
KancollaCancolla Qanqollas Mujica et al 201361 64 69 91 97 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Kancolla roja Expert A
Kancolla rosada Tapia 2014 Expert A
Kcana ckello Tapia 2014
Kingua mapuche Mujica et al 2013
Kiuna witulla Tapia 2014
202
Koitu Tapia 201469 picture Note different than Krsquooito
Koscosa Expert A
Kurmi Jarvis et al 2017
Ku2 Jarvis et al 2017
Leche Jiura Mujica et al 201390
Licon macaji Calpi Mujica et al 201382
Lipena Mujica et al 201361
Lito Mujica et al 201321 62
Lluviosa Farmer Survey 2014
Maniquena Mujica et al 201361
Mantaro Mujica et al 201361 69
Marangani Mujica et al 201369 Expert A
Masal 389 Mujica et al 201361
Mau Fuentes et al 2012
Mesa Mesa quinoa Hunziker 1943 Expert A
Millmi Hunziker 1943
MisteMisti Misa quinua Misa jiura Farmer Survey 2014 Mujica et al 201390 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Nameya ayara Tapia 201477
Namora Mujica et al 201361
Narino Mujica et al 201362
Narino Amarillo Mujica et al 201369
Negroa Farmer Survey 2014
Negra CollanaQollana Negra Collana INIA 420
Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 INIA 2013 Expert A
Ollague Jarvis et al 2017
Oqu antawara Antahuara Mujica et al 2013103
Palmilla Fuentes et al 2012
Pandela Pantela Panela Mujica et al 201361 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Pandela rosada INIA photo collection
Parakai Hunziker 1943
Pasankalla Pasanqalla Mujica et al 201366 Tapia 201445 Farmer Survey 2014
Pasankalla INIA 415 INIA 2013
Pasankalla Dorado Tapia 201459 photo of farmer label
Pasankalla Ploma Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460 Expert A
Pasankalla Rosa Rosado Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201460
Pasankalla Roja Tapia 201460
Phera Farmer Survey 2014
Peruanita Farmer Survey 2015
Plomao Farmer Survey 2014
Potosi Tapia 2014
Puc Fuentes et al 2012
Puca Puki Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Puka Pachan Tapia 201445 63 78
203
Punin Punin Mujica et al 201382
Qillu ayara Tapia 201477
Quillahuaman INIA Quillahuaman Mujica et al 201363 69 INIA 2013
Rangash de Acolla Tapia 2014
Ratunqui Mujica et al 201361
Real Kiuna real Mujica et al 201361 96 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Real (Chullpi) Mujica et al 201369
Regalona Jarvis et al 2017
Robura Mujica et al 201361
Rojao Farmer Survey 2014 Hunziker 1943 Tapia 2014
Roja de Coporaque Mujica et al 201361
Roja de Cueto Koito roja Farmer Survey 2014
Roja de Encanada Tapia 2014
Rosada de Ancash Tapia 2014
Rosada de Cusco Mujica et al 201369
Rosada de Junin Mujica et al 201369 Expert A Tapia 2014
Rosada Taraco Farmer Survey 2014 Tapia 201468 Expert A
Rosada de Yanamango Mujica et al 201361
Sajama Mujica et al 201368 69 NASA 1993 Tapia 201468
Salcedo INIA Mujica et al 201362 69 INIA 2013 Tapia 2014
Salcedo native Saldedo Tapia 201468 Farmer Survey 2014
Samaranti Mujica et al 201361
Sara quinoa Agato Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Llano Grande Mujica et al 201381
Sara quinoa Olmedo Mujica et al 201382
Sayana Mujica et al 201361
Senora Mujica et al 201361 90
Sicuani Tapia 2014 (citing Gandarillas)
Sogamoso Mujica et al 201321
Tabacomi Tapia 201468
Tahuaco Mujica et al 201365 69 Tapia 201477 Expert A
Toledo Mujica et al 201361
Tunkahuan Mujica et al 201321
Tupiza Mujica et al 201321
Uchala Mujica et al 201396 97
Uchas Mujica et al 201320 90
Utusaya Mujica et al 201361
Vitulla ckello Tapia 2014
Vizalanino Expert Arsquos variety
Wuari-ponchito (Wari) Mujica et al 201390
Wila ayara Tapia 201477
Wila y Janqrsquoo Mujica et al 201398
Witulla Mujica et al 201361 66 99 Tapia 201478
Yachacache Farmer Survey 2014
Yana quinua Hunziker 1943
204
Yaruquies Mujica et al 201382
Yujiura Tapia 201465
205
APPENDIX B
RAZAS DE QUINUAS RACES OF QUINOA
Races of the Altiplano
1 Cheweca 2 Kancolla 3 Choclito 4 Blanca de Juli 5 Chullpi 6 Amarilla o Qrsquoello 7 Misa quinua 8 Witulla 9 Quchiwila Guinda Purpura 10 Qrsquooitu 11 Pasankalla
Races of Inter-Andean Valleys
Races of Cusco 12 Blanca Yura Paracay 13 Amarilla de Marangani 14 Roja Puka 15 Chaucha (Chaucha de Oropesa)
Races of Junin
16 Blanca de Junin 17 Rosada de Junin 18 Roja (Rangash de Acolla)
Races of Ancash
19 Carhauash de Ancash 20 Rosada de Ancash 21 Blanca (Hatun quinua) 22 Roja (Puka Pachan)
Races of Cajamarca
23 Blanca comun Mahuay 24 Roja de la Encanada
Source Tapia et al (2014)
206
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2015 Recetario de Oro del Los Productos Andinos Quinua y Cantildeihua Recetas nutritivas tradicionales y novedosas Arequipa Peruacute Tipografia EL ALVA SRL
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Bhargava Atul Sudhir Shukli Deepak Ohri 2006 Chenopodium quinoa - An Indian Perspective Industrial Crops and Products
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208
Canahua Alipio 2012 Los Tipos de Quinuas en el Altiplano de Puno Proyecto Sipam FAO Puno
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2007 Genetic structure of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) from the Bolivian Altiplano as revealed by RAPD Markers Genetic Resource Crop Evolution 54897-905
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Cherfas Jeremy
2016 Your Quinoa Habit Really Did Help Perursquos Poor But Therersquos More Trouble Ahead The Salt httpwwwnprorgsectionsthesalt20160331472453674your-quinoa-habit-really-did-help-perus-poor-but-theres-trouble-ahead Accessed May 31 2016
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Local Ecological Knowledge Human Ecology 31(3)463-489
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209
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Fuentes FF D Bazile A Bhargava EA Martinez 2012 Implications of farmersrsquo seed exchanges for on-farm conservation of quinoa as
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Fuentes-Bazan Susy Guilhem Mansion Thomas Borsch 2011 Towards a species level tree of globally diverse genus Chenopodium
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210
Glore Angela Gordon 2006 Domesticated Chenopodium in North America Comparing the Past to the
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Gordillo-Bastidas E DA Diaz-Rissolo E Roura T Massaneacutes R Gomis
2016 Quinoa (Chenonpodium quinoa Willd) from nutritional value to potential health benefits an integrative review J Nutr Food Sci 6 497
Gould Stephen Jay 2000 Linnaeasrsquo Luck Natural History 109(7)18 Gremillion Kristen J
1993 The Evolution of Seed Morphology in Domesticated Chenopodium An Archaeological Case Study J Ethnobiology 13(2)149-169
Harlan JR 1975 Crops and Man Madison Crop Science Society America Hartigan John 2013 Mexican Genomics and the Roots of Racial Thinking Cultural Anthropology
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Heiser Charles 1990 New Perspectives on the Origin and Evolution of New World Domesticated
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Jacoby Hanan G 1992 Productivity of men and women in the sexual division of labor in peasant
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Jameson William 1861 Journey from Quito to Cayambe Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of
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Kawa Nicholas Christopher McCarty Charles R Clement 2013 Manioc Varietal Diversity Social Networks and Distribution Constraints in
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576
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Leclerc C and G Coppens drsquoEeckenbrugge
2012 Social organization of crop genetic diversity The G x E x S interaction model Diversity 4(1)1-32
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Mujica Aacutengel 2013 Agrobiodiversidad de la Quinua (Chenopodium Quinoa Willd) Grupos Existentes
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Mujica Aacute Jacobsen SE Izquierdo J y Marathee J P (Editores) 2001 Quinua (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Ancestral cultivo andino alimento del
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Murphy Denis J 2007 People Plants and Genes The Story of Crops and Humanity Oxford Oxford
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Worldwide Cultivation Washington DC National Academy Press Navruz-Varley Semra and Nevin Sanlier 2016 Nutritional and health benefits of quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd) Journal of
Cereal Science 69371-376 Nederveen Pieterse Ian 2004 Globalization and Culture Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers Inc
Orlove Benjamin S and Stephen Brush 1996 Anthropology and the Biodiversity of Conservation Annual Review of
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Paulson Susan 2003 Gendered practices and landscapes in the Andes The shape of asymmetrical
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Toward a Vibrant Peruvian Middle Class Effects of the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement on Labor Rights Biodiversity and Indigenous Populations 20 Fla J Intl L 93
Quinlan Marsha 2005 Considerations of Collecting Freelists in the Field Examples from Ethnobotany
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Rafats Jerry 1986 Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) High fiber high protein grain 1970-1986 Quick
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Chenopodium L (Amaranthaceae) using RAPD and DAMD methods Current Science 98(6)840-846
Repo-Carrasco R 1991 Contenido de amino aacutecidos en algunos granos andinos Avances en Alimentos y
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Repo de Carrasco Ritva ed 2014 Congreso Cientifico InterNacional de Quinua y Granos Andinos Peru
Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina
Repo-Carrasco-Valencia R Alexander Acevedo de La Cruz JCIAlvarez H Keillo 2009 Chemical and Functional Characterization of Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule)
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Repo-Carrasco R C Espinoza SE Jacobsen 2003 Nutritional Value and Use of the Andean Crops Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa)
and Kantildeiwa (Chenopodium pallidicaule) Food Reviews International 19(1-2)179-189
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Romero Simon and Sara Shahriari
2011 Quinoarsquos Global Success Creates Quandry at Home New York Times March 19 2011
Rosero OL DA Rosero D Lukesova 2010 Determination of the Capacities of Farmers to Adopt Quinoa Grain
(Chenopodium quinoa Willd) as Potential Feedstuff Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 43(4)308-315
Ross Norbert 2002 Cognitive Aspects of Intergenerational Change Mental Models Cultural Change
and Environmental Behavior among the Lacandon Maya of Southern Mexico Human Organization 61(2)125-138
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Safford William Edwin 1968 [1915] Forgotten Cereal of Ancient America In FW Hodge ed Proceedings of
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in a rural village in northeast Thailand Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 333
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Sheperd CJ 2010 Mobilizing Local Knowledge and Asserting Culture The Cultural Politics of In Situ
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Tapia Mario Alipio Canahua Severo Ignacio
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Organization
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2011a Quinoa An ancient crop to contribute to world security Regional Office for Latin
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Case Studies from the Andean and South Asia Region
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Pennsylvania Press
Whitehead William Timothy 2007 Exploring the Wild and Domestic Paleoethnobotany at Chiripa a Formative Site
in Bolivia Dissertation University of California Berkeley
Wilson Hugh D 1990 Quinua and Relatives (Chenopodium sect Chenopodium subsect Cullulata)
Economic Botany 44(3)92-110
1981 Domesticated Chenopodium of the Ozark Bluff Dwellers Economic Botany 35(2)233-239
Wilson Hugh D and Charles B Heiser Jr 1979 The Origin and Evolutionary Relationships of `Huauzontle (Chenopodium
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Yao Yang Xiushi Yang Zhenxing Shi Guixing Ren 2014 Anti-Inflammatory Activity of Saponins from Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa Willd)
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Approaches to Agrobiodiversity Conservation in the Andean Countries Society and Natural Resources 16583-601
219
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Deborah Andrews graduated cum laude from the University of Maryland with a
Bachelor of Arts in psychology She graduated from the University of Florida School of
Law with honors joining the law firm of King amp Spalding in Washington DC after
taking the Florida Bar Deborah is also a member of the District of Columbia Bar as well
as the bar of various federal courts including the District of Columbia the District of
Maryland the Fourth Circuit the District of Columbia Circuit and the US Supreme
Court Bar Deborah later moved to Florida and established her own law practice In
2000 she was awarded the Florida Bar Presidentrsquos Pro Bono Service Award for the 7th
Judicial Circuit Deborah has also served on various local community boards and has
been active in local and state issues
In 2010 Deborah returned to the University of Florida to pursue graduate work in
environmental anthropology and obtained a Master of Arts in 2012 In 2015 she was
awarded the Ruth McQuown Scholarship by the University of Florida College of Liberal
Arts and Sciences In 2016 she received a graduate certificate in Latin American
Studies and a graduate certificate in Historic Preservation