Upload
duongdiep
View
217
Download
1
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
The Syntax of Coordinate Structure Complexes
Nicholas Winter
Rutgers University
WCCFL 35, April 29, 2017https://tinyurl.com/wccfl35
1 / 47
Goals
Today,
▶ Different structures, different interpretations.
▶ Coordinators have features.
▶ Intermediate Conjuncts.
Assumptions,
▶ No special syntactic category.
▶ No special syntactic processes.
▶ No silent/optional coordinators.
▶ Coordination is not strictly clausal.
▶ Ungrammatical derivations are filtered out at variousinterfaces.
2 / 47
Chomsky (2013)
Merge and Labeling Algorithm
Z
Zand W
Z W
Coordinators have no features, so we don’t have to label a node.
3 / 47
Interpretations
(1) Arpita, Rahul, and Diti went to the movies.
(2) Arpita and Rahul and Diti went to the movies.
Different interpretations?
(3) Dylan, Simon, and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.
(4) Dylan and Simon and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.
4 / 47
Interpretations
(1) Arpita, Rahul, and Diti went to the movies.
(2) Arpita and Rahul and Diti went to the movies.
Different interpretations?
(3) Dylan, Simon, and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.
(4) Dylan and Simon and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.
4 / 47
Interpretations II
(5) Dylan and Simon and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.1
a. Three artists compose a supergroup.
b. Three artists work on their solo projects.
c. One artist works independently while two collaborate.
(6) Dylan, Simon and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.
a. Three artists compose a supergroup.
b. Three artists work on their solo projects.
c. One artist works independently while two collaborate.
1Example from Winter (2006).5 / 47
Interpretations II
(5) Dylan and Simon and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.1
a. Three artists compose a supergroup.
b. Three artists work on their solo projects.
c. One artist works independently while two collaborate.
(6) Dylan, Simon and Garfunkel wrote hits in the sixties.
a. Three artists compose a supergroup.
b. Three artists work on their solo projects.
c. One artist works independently while two collaborate.
1Example from Winter (2006).5 / 47
Conjunction Reduction?
From Borsley (2005),
(7) a. John and Bill went to the bank.
b. John went to the bank and Bill went to the bank.
(8) a. John and Bill went to the bank together.
b. # John went to the bank together and Bill went to thebank together.
Probably not.
6 / 47
Introduction by “both” (Borsley 2005)
Covert coordinators?
(9) both Hobbs and Rhodes...
(10) both Hobbs and Rhodes and Barnes...
a. both [Hobbs and Rhodes] and Barnes...
b. both Hobbs and [Rhodes and Barnes]...
(11) # both Hobbs, Rhodes, and Barnes...
7 / 47
Wide Scope Conjunction (Winter 2006)
(12) Here, you’re not allowed to sing aloud and dance andstamp your feet.
a. You cannot do two things (sing aloud, dance) but youcan do one (stamp your feet).
b. You cannot do three things (sing aloud, dance, stampyour feet).
(13) Here, you’re not allowed to sing aloud, dance, and stampyour feet.
a. You cannot do two things (sing aloud, dance) but youcan do one (stamp your feet).
b. You cannot do three things (sing aloud, dance, stampyour feet).
8 / 47
Wide Scope Conjunction (Winter 2006)
(12) Here, you’re not allowed to sing aloud and dance andstamp your feet.
a. You cannot do two things (sing aloud, dance) but youcan do one (stamp your feet).
b. You cannot do three things (sing aloud, dance, stampyour feet).
(13) Here, you’re not allowed to sing aloud, dance, and stampyour feet.
a. You cannot do two things (sing aloud, dance) but youcan do one (stamp your feet).
b. You cannot do three things (sing aloud, dance, stampyour feet).
8 / 47
and the List Goes On
▶ Introduction with “each” Borsley 2005
▶ Gapping Borsley 2005
▶ “respectively” Borsley 2005
▶ Wide Scope Disjunction Winter 2006
▶ Adverbs of alternation and VP conjunction Winter 2006
▶ DP-internal conjunction Winter 2006
▶ “Left-subordinating” ‘and’ Winter 2006
Accounts exist, but rely on non-standard processes and covertmaterial. How far can we get without either?
Pretty far!
9 / 47
and the List Goes On
▶ Introduction with “each” Borsley 2005
▶ Gapping Borsley 2005
▶ “respectively” Borsley 2005
▶ Wide Scope Disjunction Winter 2006
▶ Adverbs of alternation and VP conjunction Winter 2006
▶ DP-internal conjunction Winter 2006
▶ “Left-subordinating” ‘and’ Winter 2006
Accounts exist, but rely on non-standard processes and covertmaterial. How far can we get without either? Pretty far!
9 / 47
Coordinate Simplex
A Coordinate Simplex has one coordinator and two conjuncts.
(14) DP
DP
Sue
and DP
John
10 / 47
Repeated Coordinate Complexes
A Repeated Coordinate Complex (RCC) has n − 1 coordinators forn conjuncts when n > 2.
(15) DP
DP
Billand
DP
Sue
and DP
John
11 / 47
Multiple Coordinate Complexes
A Multiple Coordinate Complex (MCC) has one coordinator for nconjuncts, when n > 2.
(16) DP
DP
BillDP
Sue
and DP
John
12 / 47
My Proposal
Two syntactic structures for two interpretations, derived from acommon origin.
(17) Simplex
Repeated Complex Multiple Complex
▶ Repeated Complexes are composed of nested Simplexes.
▶ Multiple Complexes are composed of repeated applications ofPenultimate Merge.
13 / 47
The PNC and Penultimate Merge (Safir 2010)
Peak Novelty Condition The PNC is an revision of the ExtensionCondition.
▶ After every instance of Merge, Mi , the undominated node Uof the resulting structure immediately dominates a node thatU did not immediately dominate before Mi .
Penultimate Merge
▶ Merge applied just below the undominated node.
‘novel’ additions to the undominated node satisfy the PNC.
14 / 47
The PNC and Penultimate Merge
(18)U
X Y
After X and Y are merged, the undominated node U dominatesnodes (X, Y) that U did not immediately dominate before Merge.The PNC is satisfied.
15 / 47
The PNC and Penultimate Merge
(19)U
W Z
X Y
After X is merged with Y, U, the undominated node, dominates anode (Z) that U did not immediately dominate before Merge. ThePNC is satisfied.
16 / 47
The PNC and Penultimate Merge
(20)U
W Z
X Y
S T
After S is merged with T (to form Y), U, the undominated node,does not dominate a node that U did not immediately dominatebefore Merge.The PNC is not satisfied.
17 / 47
Tucking In
The PNC licenses operations like Tucking In.
▶ In Bulgarian, all WH elements obligatorily move.
▶ The C-Command relation between WH items is preservedprocesses like Agree by “tucking in” the lower WH item.
18 / 47
Multiple Coordinate Complexes
▶ I propose Penultimate Merge inserts Intermediate Conjunctswithout positing unpronounced coordinators.
▶ Penultimate Merge ensures the conjunct is not a target for theLabeling Algorithm or processes like Agree.
(21)
External
Intermediate
Coordinator Internal
▶ I adopt terminology from Zhang (2010), describing thecoordinates in a Coordinate Simplex as External and InternalConjuncts.
19 / 47
A (Simple) MCC Derivation
Start with a Coordinate Simplex.
(22) DP
DP
Dylan
and DP
Garfunkel
20 / 47
A (Simple) MCC Derivation
Penultimate Merge applies. A novel node satisfies the PNC.
(23) DP
DP
DylanDP
Simon
and DP
Garfunkel
No covert material is postulated.
21 / 47
Why Penultimate Merge?
Other Merge operations don’t make correct predictions.
(24)
DP
the president DP
DP
Bill
DP
the president
and
DP
John
DP
the president
▶ Unattested word order.
▶ Appositives.
22 / 47
Getting Our Bearings
So far,
▶ Two structures for two interpretations.
▶ Derived via standard syntactic processes.
▶ No special syntactic structures for coordination.
How do Intermediate Conjuncts interact with processes like the LAor Agree?
▶ They don’t! (This is good!)
23 / 47
External and Internal Conjuncts (Zhang (2010))
▶ Zhang (2010) describes a privileged relation between acoordinate structure’s External Conjunct and its coordinator.
▶ I interpret this relation as a Spec-Head agreement relation, bywhich a coordinator may be valued for categorical features.
▶ Via Penultimate Merge, the Spec-Head relation can bepreserved while introducing Intermediate Conjuncts within aMultiple Coordinate Complex.
24 / 47
Intrinsic vs. Inheriting Coordinators (Zhang (2010))
“gen” may only coordinate nouns in Mandarin Chinese.
(25) DaiDai
JiaoshouProfessor
xihuanlike
hedrink
pijiubeer
(gen/*you)and/and
lu-cha.2
green-tea.
“Prof. Dai likes to drink beer and green -tea.”
“gen” is an Intrinsic Coordinator, in that it enters a derivationalready specified for features. It stands in contrast to a coordinatorlike “and” in English, an Inheriting Coordinator.
2Zhang (2010)25 / 47
Feature Inheritance
▶ Intrinsic Coordinators are already specified for features, andmust conjoin specific conjuncts.
▶ Inheriting Coordinators enter a derivation unspecified forfeatures, and inherit features from their External Conjunct.
▶ These heads project their features like any other head.▶ No ConjP!
26 / 47
Derivation With “and”
TP
XP
DP
John+nominal
and+??
DP
Mary+nominal
VP
saw a movie
27 / 47
Derivation With “and”
TP
XP
DP
John+nominal
and+nominal
DP
Mary+nominal
VP
saw a movie
28 / 47
Derivation With “and”
TP
DP
DP
John+nominal
and+nominal
DP
Mary+nominal
VP
saw a movie
29 / 47
Derivation With “gen”
XP
DP
beer+nominal
and+nominal
green-tea+nominal
30 / 47
Derivation With “gen”
XP
DP
beer+nominal
and+nominal
green-tea+nominal
31 / 47
Derivation With “gen”
DP
DP
beer+nominal
and+nominal
green-tea+nominal
32 / 47
Derivation
Step “and” “gen”
1 Simplex is built Simplex is built2 Inherit from Spec Check Conjuncts3 Intermediate Conjuncts Intermediate Conjuncts4 Project Features Project Features
33 / 47
Matched vs. Mismatched Coordination
▶ Matched Coordinators may only coordinate conjuncts of thesame type (‘gen’ and nominals).
▶ Mismatched Coordinators can coordinate conjuncts ofdiffering type (‘and’ and differing categories).
A quick typology of coordination at the level of Simplexes,
▶ Mandarin Chinese “gen” – Intrinsic, only Matched.
▶ English “and” – Inheriting, Matched or Mismatched.
34 / 47
Labeling
Heads project their categorical features. Penultimate Mergeassures Intermediate Conjuncts will not be a target for the LA.
(26) You can depend on . . . 3
a. John, her assistant, and that they will arrive on time.
b. John, that they will arrive on time, and her assistant.
c. her assistant, John, and that they will arrive time.
d. her assistant, that they will arrive on time, and John.
e. * that they will arrive on time, John, and her assistant.
f. * that they will arrive on time, her assistant, and John.
3Examples inspired by Gazdar et al (1985), via al-Khalaf (2015)35 / 47
A Choice Between Two Specifiers
PP
P
on
DP(*CP)+nominal
complementizer
DP
John+nominal
CP
that they will arrive on time+complementizer
and+nominal
+complementizer
DP
his assistant+nominal
Why bother with the coordinator? Coordinators have features!
36 / 47
A Choice Between Two Specifiers
PP
P
on
DP(*CP)+nominal
complementizer
DP
John+nominal
CP
that they will arrive on time+complementizer
and+nominal
+complementizer
DP
his assistant+nominal
Why bother with the coordinator?
Coordinators have features!
36 / 47
A Choice Between Two Specifiers
PP
P
on
DP(*CP)+nominal
complementizer
DP
John+nominal
CP
that they will arrive on time+complementizer
and+nominal
+complementizer
DP
his assistant+nominal
Why bother with the coordinator? Coordinators have features! 36 / 47
Another Prediction
Additional evidence for this comes from the grammaticality of thefollowing coordinate structure,
(27) DP
DPVP
gen DP
(28) DaiDai
JiaoshouProfessor
xihuanlike
pijiu,beer
qugo.to
xuexiao,school
genand
lucha.green.tea.
“Prof. Dai likes beer, going to school, and green tea.”
If “gen” checked the Intermediate Conjunct, we’d expect this to beungrammatical!
37 / 47
Another Proposal
Intermediate Conjuncts are present in the syntax, but are nevertargets for the LA or Agree.
▶ “Intermediate Conjunct Agreement” is unattested.
My analysis captures the relative structural unimportance ofIntermediate Conjuncts without positing covert/unpronouncedmaterial.
▶ The result is a conceptually simpler account of CoordinateComplexes.
38 / 47
Conclusion
Adopting a Penultimate approach gets,▶ Different structures for different interpretations.
▶ RCCs gets pair readings, MCCs do not.
▶ Doesn’t rely on unpronounced/covert material.▶ Penultimate Merge introduces Intermediate Conjuncts without
additional coordinators.
▶ Accounts for some Labeling/Agreement observations.▶ Coordinator labels projection by way of External Conjunct.▶ Intermediate Conjuncts will never be targets for Agree.
My proposal,
▶ Provides a simple, conceptually motivated account ofCoordinate Complexes.
▶ Relies on existing syntactic processes.
39 / 47
Thanks!
Thank you!
Special thanks go to,
▶ Ken Safir
▶ Mark Baker
▶ Jose Camacho
▶ The graduate community at Rutgers.
▶ Anonymous WFFCL reviewers.
40 / 47
References
▶ al Khalaf, E. (2015). Coordination and Linear Order. Ph. D. thesis,University of Delaware.
▶ Borsley, R. D. (2005). Against Conjp. Lingua 115(4), 461482.
▶ Linares, C. (2012). The Dependency Axiom and the Relation betweenAgreement and Movement. Ph. D. thesis, Rutgers University.
▶ Safir, K. (2010). Viable syntax: Rethinking minimalist architecture.Biolinguistics 4(1).
▶ Safir, K. (2015, December). The a/a-distinction as an epiphenomenon.Handout.
▶ Winter, Y. (2001). Flexibility Principles in Boolean Semantics:coordination, plurality and scope in natural language. Cambridge,Massachusetts: MIT Press.
▶ Winter, Y. (2006). Multiple coordination: Meaning composition vs. thesyntax-semantics interface. Unpublished manuscript.
▶ Zhang, N. N. (2010). Coordination in Syntax. Cambridge UniversityPress.
41 / 47
Appendix: Semantics
Traditional semantic accounts of coordination describe coordinatesas coordinating two things.
▶ Where τ is any type, ⟨τ⟨τ, τ⟩⟩.Winter (2001) makes a distinction between Union and SetFormation.
(29) (Dylan and Simon and Garfunkel) wrote hits in the sixties.
a. ({d ′} ∪ {s ′}) ∪ {g ′} = {d ′, s ′} ∪ {g ′} = {d ′, s ′, g ′}b. {d ′} ∪ ({s ′} ∪ {g ′}) = {d ′} ∪ {s ′, g ′} = {d ′, s ′, g ′}
(30) Dylan and (Simon and Garfunkel) wrote hits in the sixties.
a. d ′sf (s ′sfg ′) = d ′sf {s ′, g ′} = {d ′, {s ′, g ′}}
A semantic analysis would begin with this observation, and mightattribute a ‘flexible’ quality to coordinators like ‘and’ in naturallanguage.
42 / 47
Appendix: Closest Conjunct Agreement
Closest Conjunct Agreement is a difficult term to pin down.
▶ Closest in terms of linear order?
▶ Closest in terms of (vertical) hierarchical order?
al-Khalaf (2015) gives an interesting account of closest conjunctagreement (and Coordinate Structure Complexes) but relies onconstruction specific processes and additional covert material.
43 / 47
Appendix: Closest Conjunct Agreement
al-Khalaf (2015)
▶ “...arguing for a primary role of linear order in the syntax.”
▶ “...requires a special mode of structure building.”
Linear order plays an important role, but not an all-encompassingone. Examples in which the last conjunct controls agreement arenot so straightforward, and not worth the cost.
▶ Special labeling process for coordinate structures, ‘Set Label’.
▶ Unpronounced coordinators accompany all nouns.
▶ Structure is built left to right, new definition of hierarchy.
▶ Optional pronunciation of (some) coordinators.
I’m partial to analyses of Closest Conjunct Agreement (Linares2012, among others), that treat Closest Conjunct Agreement as aPF repair mechanism.
44 / 47
Appendix: Closest Conjunct Agreement
Bidirectional agreement in Hindi.
(31) Rina-neRina-ERG
gaa-yiising-PFV.F
eka
ghazalghazal.F
aurand
eka
nazamnazam.F
thiibe.PST.F.SG
“Rina has sung a ghazal and a nazam”
(32) * Rina-neRina-ERG
gaa-yiising-PFV.F
eka
ghazalghazal.F
aurand
eka
gaanagaana.M
thabe.PST.M.SG
“Rina has sung a ghazal and a gaana.”
45 / 47
Appendix: al-Khalaf (2015) MCC
{NP1, NP2, NP3}
NP1
&C NP1
a mystery novel
{NP2, NP3, ∪}
NP2∪
&O
(and)
NP2
a thriller
NP3∪
&O
and
NP3
a history book
46 / 47
Appendix: al-Khalaf (2015) RCC
{NP1, {NP2, NP3}}
NP1
&C NP
ice cream
{NP2, NP3}∪
&O
and
{NP2, NP3}
NP2∪
&C NP2
milk
NP3
&O
and
NP3
cookies
47 / 47