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THE SUBLIME IN ANTIQUITY Current understandings of the sublime are focused by a single word (sublimity) and by a single author (Longinus). The sublime is not a word: it is a concept and an experience, or rather a whole range of ideas, meanings, and experiences that are embedded in conceptual and experiential patterns. Once we train our sights on these patterns a radically dierent prospect on the sublime in antiquity comes to light, one that touches everything from its range of expressions to its dates of emergence, evolution, role in the cultures of antiquity as a whole, and later reception. This book is the rst to outline a compre- hensive account of the sublime in Greek and Roman poetry, philoso- phy, and the sciences, in addition to rhetoric and literary criticism. It oers new readings of Longinus with an eye to situating him in a much larger context of reection on the sublime in antiquity. james i. porter is Chancellors Professor of Rhetoric at the University of California, Berkeley. An authority on ancient criticism and aesthetics and an important gure in classical reception studies, he is the author of The Origins of Aesthetic Thought in Ancient Greece: Matter, Sensation, and Experience (Cambridge, 2010), Nietzsche and the Philology of the Future, and The Invention of Dionysus: An Essay on The Birth of Tragedy (both 2000), as well as the editor of several collections. He is also co-editor of the Classical Presencesseries. The present book is the second installment in a trilogy, the aim of which is to bring back into focus ancient aesthetic thinking and to uncover its forgotten traditions. www.cambridge.org © in this web service Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-03747-2 - The Sublime in Antiquity James I. Porter Frontmatter More information

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THE SUBLIME IN ANTIQUITY

Current understandings of the sublime are focused by a single word(“sublimity”) and by a single author (“Longinus”). The sublime is nota word: it is a concept and an experience, or rather a whole range ofideas, meanings, and experiences that are embedded in conceptualand experiential patterns. Once we train our sights on these patternsa radically different prospect on the sublime in antiquity comes tolight, one that touches everything from its range of expressions to itsdates of emergence, evolution, role in the cultures of antiquity as awhole, and later reception. This book is the first to outline a compre-hensive account of the sublime in Greek and Roman poetry, philoso-phy, and the sciences, in addition to rhetoric and literary criticism.It offers new readings of Longinus with an eye to situating him in amuch larger context of reflection on the sublime in antiquity.

james i. porter is Chancellor’s Professor of Rhetoric at theUniversity of California, Berkeley. An authority on ancient criticismand aesthetics and an important figure in classical reception studies,he is the author of The Origins of Aesthetic Thought in Ancient Greece:Matter, Sensation, and Experience (Cambridge, 2010), Nietzsche andthe Philology of the Future, and The Invention of Dionysus: An Essay onThe Birth of Tragedy (both 2000), as well as the editor of severalcollections. He is also co-editor of the “Classical Presences” series.The present book is the second installment in a trilogy, the aim ofwhich is to bring back into focus ancient aesthetic thinking and touncover its forgotten traditions.

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THE SUBLIME IN ANTIQUITY

JAMES I. PORTER

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University Printing House, Cambridge cb2 8bs, United Kingdom

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit ofeducation, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

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© James I. Porter 2016

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exceptionand to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,no reproduction of any part may take place without the written

permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2016

Printed in the United Kingdom by Clays, St Ives plc

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication dataPorter, James I., 1954– author.

The sublime in antiquity / James I. Porter.pages cm

Includes bibliographical references and index.isbn 978-1-107-03747-2 (Hardback)

1. Sublime, The. 2. Greece–Antiquities. 3. Rome–Antiquities. I. Title.bh301.s7p67 2015

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To someone truly sublime

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ἔρανός ἐστι πλήθους τὰ μεγέθηLonginus, On the Sublime 40.1

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Contents

List of illustrations page xAcknowledgements xiiAbbreviations xivNote on translations xviPreface xvii

1 Introduction: the sublime before and after Longinus 1Making sense of sublimity 5Current biases 7The sublime without Longinus 18The bubble of hupsos? Towards a new history of the sublime in antiquity 25Words, words, words 34Misinheritances: Boileau, Romantics, and the lost traditions of the sublime 36Logical and thematic markers of the sublime 51Varieties of sublimity 54

2 The art and rhetoric of the Longinian sublime 57Art and nature 60The rhetorical construction of the sublime 83“‘Sublimity is the echo of a noble mind’” 93The ruses of sublime art as nature 102The rhetorical question and the question of rhetoric 105Fiat lux 107Presuming the sublime 116Sublimity as a theory of reading 117The art of the emotions 124Hupsēlon poiein: making things sublime 130Sunthesis 134The art of sublime criticism 136The rhythm of the sublime 137The aesthetics of the kairos: the instant, the moment, and the detail 141Sequencing: the interstitial sublime 147Hupek 148

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Visualization 155Cosmic intervals 160

Intervals and the logic of the gap 171The logic of excess 173Longinus’ cosmic map 175

3 The sublime before Longinus in rhetoric and criticism:Caecilius to Demetrius 178Hupsos: names, synonyms, and equivalents 180Polemics, predecessors, and possible targets 183Caecilius of Caleacte 184“The grand style”: megalopsuchia 195Longinus as his own predecessor 201Other predecessors 203

Dionysius of Halicarnassus 213Poetic expression and the system of styles 214The system of compositional types 230Dionysius as a precursor to Longinus 235

The euphonist tradition 239Demetrius, On Style 246Poetic expression and the system of styles 248Styles as adverbs 253The force of grandeur (and vice versa) 260On the uses of excess (hyperbole) 270Demetrius’ achievements 277

4 The sublime before Longinus in rhetoric and literature:Theophrastus to Homer 283Theophrastus 283Aristotle 289The Rhetoric 289The Poetics 297

Fourth-century orators and rhetoricians 303Demosthenes 304Aeschines 306Alcidamas 308P. Oxy. 410 309Gorgias 314

Aristophanes, Cratinus, and earlier theories of tragedy 319Tragedy 334The Sublime form of tragedy 335Tragic physics: sublime aithēr 344

Praising to the skies: Pindaric heights 350The great ocean: Homer 360

viii Contents

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5 The material sublime 382The material and immaterial sublimes 390The sublime matter of language in Longinus 397Nature as a sublime object 411The Presocratics 415Empedocles 416Anaxagoras 421

Early ridicule of the material sublime 431The Lucretian sublime 445Maiestas rerum 446Lucretius and Longinus 450

Antecedents 454Demetrius of Laconia(?): P. Herc. 831 and the earlier Epicurean tradition 457A surprising afterlife: Vergil and Kant 463On the Cosmos 473Bodies of light and celestial void: Manilius’ Astronomica 483Manilius’ Lucretian sublime 488Rerum discordia 496Bodies and void in the heavens 501God is great 505

The Aetna poet 508Cleomedes, On the Heavens 517Nature made sublime: a Longinian coda 526

6 The immaterial sublime 537Sublimity and divinity 541Homer 542Presocratics 547Aeschylus 554Aristotle 554

Beauty made sublime: Plato 557Hupsos in Plato 559Hupsos and beauty 563The cave of the Republic 569The cosmology of the Phaedo 573“Beyond the heavens” in the Phaedrus 576The Symposium 594

“Beauty beyond beauty”: Plotinus 601The rhetoric of the immaterial sublime 610

Conclusion 618

Bibliography 623Index locorum 658General index 680

Contents ix

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Illustrations

FIGURES

1.1 Codex Parisinus graecus 2036, fol. 178v.Image: Bibliothèque Nationale de France. page 2

1.2 Codex Parisinus graecus 2036, fol. 1v.Image: Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 3

1.3 Humphrey Sydenham, Sermons upon SolemneOccasions: Preached in Severall Auditories (London 1637)134–5. Image courtesy of Mandeville Special Collections,UC San Diego Library. 44

2.1 Detail from title page of William Hogarth, The Analysisof Beauty: Written with a View of Fixing the FluctuatingIdeas of Taste (London 1753). Image courtesy of SpecialCollections and Archives, UC Irvine Library. 139

3.1 Alexander Mosaic. Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Naples,Italy. Photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource,NY. Reproduced with permission. 267

5.1 Detail from Salvator Rosa, Empedocles Leaping intoEtna (c. 1665–70). Eastnor Castle Collection.Photograph by Photographic Survey, The CourtauldInstitute of Art, London. 464

5.2 Illustration of Etna erupting, from Athanasius Kircher,Mundus subterraneus, 2 vols., 3rd edn. (Amsterdam 1678).Unnumbered plate between i:200 and 201. Digitalimage courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program. 465

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5.3 Diagram of Homer’s universe. Venetus A, MarcianusGraecus Z.454, fol. 100v ad Iliad 8. Image courtesy ofthe Biblioteca Marciana, Venice and the Center forHellenic Studies, Harvard University. 529

TABLES

3.1 The Organization of On Style. 2523.2 The Relationship of the Four Demetrian Styles Viewed

as Adverbs. 258

List of illustrations xi

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Acknowledgements

Some time ago I began an inquiry into aesthetic thought and experiencein the Greco-Roman world, which has since taken the shape of a trilogy.The first volume, The Origins of Aesthetic Thought in Ancient Greece:Matter, Sensation, and Experience (2010), broached the foundational roleof the senses and of matter in aesthetic experience broadly conceived.The third installment, still in progress, will cover developments in literaryaesthetics after Aristotle and down to the age of Augustus. The presentvolume investigates the sublime in criticism and literature, in rhetoricand philosophy, and in science before and after Longinus. Given the scopeand complexity of the material, only a selective approach was possible.As a result, certain aspects of the sublime, especially as it appears in othermedia (for example, sculpture, painting, and music), had to be left largelyto one side.

Where the first volume was intended as a multi-faceted suggestion,The Sublime in Antiquity is conceived as a focused argument, albeitone with broad implications of its own. For a variety of reasons to bediscussed below, the sublime has been something of an unwelcome pres-ence in Classics until most recently, although it was never this outsidethe field. As a result, the sublime was deemed to be either unapproachableor simply off-limits, particularly once one strayed from Longinus’ text.This is a shame. The sublime is a vast and difficult topic, but also animmensely exhilarating one to work on. My hope is that the present bookwill not only call attention to the problems that the sublime poses to ourfield, but that it will also embolden readers to feel licensed to examine thecategory and its manifestations, whether in the areas just listed or in othersthat I have neglected to name. If nothing else, I will be happy if readerscome away from this book with a greater appreciation of the depth andingenuity of ancient authors and the inexhaustible riches they left behind.

For comments on different parts of the manuscript and on questionsrelated to it I wish to thank Ian Balfour, David Blank, Paul Bové, Shane

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Butler, Patrick Cheney, Pierre Chiron, Casper de Jonge, Eric Downing,Kathy Eden, Mark Griffith, Philip Hardie, Brooke Holmes, RichardHunter, Joshua Katz, Donald Mastronarde, Andrea Nightingale, RenéNünlist, Maria Pantelia, Ralph Rosen, Ian Rutherford, Kirk Sanders, AnneSheppard, Deborah Shuger, Suzanne Stern-Gillet, Mario Telò, KatherinaVolk, Tim Whitmarsh, Gareth Williams, and two anonymous readers forCambridge University Press. I am especially grateful to Michael Sharpfor his terrific support of my project on ancient aesthetics at each new turn.The editorial and production teams at Cambridge University Press, led byLiz Hanlon and Charlotte Thomas, somehow turned my digital files into abook. Martin Thacker, my copy-editor, saved me from a number ofinfelicities. Doreen Kunze kindly checked my quotations of Germanmaterial. Chris Edmonston and Kevin Batton heroically encoded theindexes and detected further corrigenda in the process. Any errorsthat remain are of course my own. The book has benefited greatlyfrom audiences at Berkeley, Cambridge, Columbia, Harvard, Heidelberg,Leiden, McGill, Santa Barbara, Toronto, and the University of Pennsylva-nia, as well as from two graduate seminars held at UC Irvine and UCLAin 2011 and 2014 respectively. A few segments of the book were publishedin an earlier form, and these are listed in the bibliography.

Acknowledgements xiii

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Abbreviations

Abbreviations for ancient authors and works follow S. Hornblower,A. Spawforth, and E. Eidinow (eds.) (2012) The Oxford Classical Dictionary,4th edn. Oxford; P. G. W. Glare (ed.) (1996) The Oxford Latin Dictionary.Oxford; and the Diccionario Griego-Español (2010, online), Listas i–iv:Abreviaturas (http://dge.cchs.csic.es/lst/2lst-int.htm). Journal abbreviationsfollow L’Année philologique. More frequently cited works are abbreviatedas follows:

Ak. I. Kant (1902 –) Gesammelte Schriften, 29 vols. Berlin.(= “Akademie” ed.)

CAG H. Diels (ed.) (1882–1909) Commentaria in AristotelemGraeca, 23 vols. Berlin.

CJ I. Kant (1952) The Critique of Judgement. Trans. J. C.Meredith. Oxford. (Repr. 1982); or Paul Guyer (ed.) (2000)The Critique of the Power of Judgment. Trans. P. Guyer andE. Matthews. Cambridge. (= Ak. v:167–485)

CPR I. Kant (1998) The Critique of Pure Reason. P. Guyer andA. W. Wood (eds.) Trans. P. Guyer and A. W. Wood.Cambridge.

DK H. Diels and W. Kranz (eds.) (1951–52) Die Fragmente derVorsokratiker, griechisch und deutsch, 3 vols. 6th edn. Berlin.

FGE D. Page (ed.) (1981) Further Greek Epigrams. Cambridge.FGrH F. Jacoby, et al. (ed.) (1923 –) Die Fragmente der griechischen

Historiker. Berlin and Leiden.FHS&G W. W. Fortenbaugh, P. M. Huby, R. W. Sharples, and

D. Gutas, et al. (eds.) (1992) Theophrastus of Eresus: Sourcesfor his Life, Writings, Thought, and Influence, 2 vols. Leiden.

GG G. Uhlig, A. Hilgard, H. Schneider, and A. Lentz (eds.)(1867–1910) Grammatici Graeci recogniti et apparatu criticoinstructi, 4 vols. in 6. Leipzig. (Repr. Hildesheim, 1979.)

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K-A R. Kassel and C. Austin (eds.) (1983–2001) Poetae ComiciGraeci, 8 vols. in 10. Berlin and New York.

K-R-S G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield (1983) ThePresocratic Philosophers: A Critical History with a Selectionof Texts, 2nd edn. Cambridge.

LfgrE B. Snell, H. J. Mette, et al. (eds.) (1955–2010) Lexikon desfrühgriechischen Epos, 4 vols. Göttingen.

LSJ H. G. Liddell and R. Scott (eds.), rev. H. S. Jones andR. Mackenzie, with rev. suppl. by P. G. W. Glare and A. A.Thompson (1996) A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edn. Oxford.

OCT Oxford Classical Texts.OLD P. G. W. Glare (ed.) (1996) The Oxford Latin Dictionary.

Oxford.PL J.-P. Migne (ed.) (1844–55) Patrologia Latina, 221 vols. Paris.Spengel L. von Spengel (ed.) (1853) Rhetores graeci, 3 vols. Leipzig.

(Repr. 1966.)TLG Thesaurus Linguae Graecae®. Digital Library. Ed. Maria

C. Pantelia. University of California, Irvine. www.tlg.uci.eduTrGF B. Snell, R. Kannicht, and S. Radt (eds.) (1971–2004)

Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 5 vols. Göttingen.U-R H. Usener and L. Radermacher (eds.) (1899–1904) Dionysii

Halicarnasei quae exstant opuscula, 2 vols. Stuttgart.(Repr. 1985; 1997.)

Abbreviations xv

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Note on translations

Where translators are given by name only, translations are drawn eitherfrom the editions listed above or from the following sources: J. M. Cooperand D. S. Hutchinson (eds.) (1997) Plato, Complete Works. Indianapolis;J. Barnes (ed.) (1984) The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised OxfordTranslation. Princeton; A. H. Sommerstein (ed.) (1980–2001) The Comediesof Aristophanes. 11 vols. Warminster; and the Loeb Classical Library. Furthersources are noted below. Unless otherwise noted all remaining translationsare mine.

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Preface

The sublime is a perennial source of fascination. Studies abound, and sodo appeals to the concept it stands for – that ever-alluring and elusiveentity which proves so difficult to describe or define with any precision,and which the early modern period baptized as the je ne sais quoi, or“I haven’t got a clue,” reflecting either a sense of its ineffability or else thesheer frustration of trying to pin down its ancient and modern meanings.Yet as widely as the concept of the sublime is used today, its roots, whichreach in good part back to ancient Greece and Rome, have surprisinglynever been the subject of a comprehensive study.The reasons for this deficiency are complex, but the most basic of these

has to do with the seeming paucity of our evidence rather than theelusiveness of sublimity itself. The only surviving work on the topicfrom Greek and Roman antiquity, known as Peri hupsous (On Height, orOn the Sublime), is a curious one-off with no clear date or author (guessesput it somewhere between the first and third centuries ce; its author isgenerally called Longinus as a convenience), and with no clear precedents,apart from one, a treatise by the Sicilian critic and rhetorician Caeciliusof Caleacte, who was active in Rome during the last third of the firstcentury bce and whose work may or may not have also been entitled Onthe Sublime (his essay is lost and known only through Longinus). Thereigning assumption today is that the formal concept of the sublimecannot have pre-existed Longinus or Caecilius, who together seem to havecanonized, if not coined, the critical term for the sublime: hupsos. Giventhe word’s relative absence prior to Caecilius (it is meagerly attested in therelevant senses), the concept must have been missing as well.I believe that this chronology and its underlying logic are wrong – as

does Longinus, who locates the sublime in Homer, Sappho, tragedy,Plato, Demosthenes, and in a long list of other classical authors in variousgenres. This is not to say that these authors hold anything like a theory ofthe sublime in Longinus’ eyes, but only that they are intentionally seeking

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to be sublime writers in addition to being naturally sublime minds orspirits. In other words, they are (he would say) sublime both by art and bynature, as any sublime writer should be. And they are this according tocriteria that both he and they would have shared.

Longinus can be confident of this assumption for any number ofreasons, but primarily because he is aware, in ways that few scholars allowtoday, that he was by no means an innovator in his conceptions about thesublime, for the simple reason that he was inserting himself in a set ofancient and venerable traditions. Longinus presupposes the currency of thesublime as a recognizable concept and as a standard part of the curriculum.What is more, his essay is not just an exposition of the sublime; it engageswith a long line of predecessors mainly in the theory and criticism ofrhetoric, literature, and art, endorsing some of these and polemically takingissue with others. These writers are mostly anonymous, apart from Caeci-lius, who himself appears to have been engaged in the same kind of bitterpolemics. Such was the life of a rhetorician in the ancient world – prettymuch like academics today. Finally, Longinus is well aware that sublimityis not limited to literary phenomena: it includes reflection on the heavens,the vast plethora of sensations in the world, non-literary art forms, and thehighest potentials imaginable (if not attainable) by humankind. And inall these areas Longinus knows that he is but a tardy symptom and scarcelyan innovator. We have simply lost the thread of these earlier conversationsand the intimate connection they share with many of the concerns ofLonginus’ essay. Contrary to contemporary views, then, the sublime doesnot suddenly appear out of the blue in the first century bce as a usableconcept. The sublime pervades much of antiquity; it has simply beenhiding in the light. Longinus is a key to understanding this inheritance –though hardly the solution to the problem.

Longinus provisionally defines the sublime as “a kind of excellence andpre-eminence of discourse.” But he quickly goes on to violate his ownterms in every possible way by stretching the definition to cover far morethan discourse would seem to allow for. Longinus locates the sublime in anastonishing range of areas, from thought to one’s own nature to politicalrhetoric, literature, silence, the emotions, statues and paintings, the gods,natural phenomena, and even natural inquiry. The very promiscuousnessof the sublime in Longinus – its sheer applicability – tells us much moreabout its nature than any single definition ever could. The sublime isindeed a transgressive phenomenon that knows no limits. The seeminglyendless array of sublime objects in Longinus provides us with a valuableclue to his sources, and to the porosity of conceptual boundaries in

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antiquity both within and outside of aesthetic inquiry. To read Longinus isto listen in on the tail end of a number of older and still ongoingconversations about the world, and not only about the word.Longinus invites us to look back to the beginnings of Greek literature

and then forward again past his own treatise. By extrapolating from hiswork it is possible to arrive at a long list of authors and genres of inquirythat are not normally associated with the sublime, as well as a list of criteriathat can be used to pinpoint the presence of the sublime even when theexperience that it stands for is not being explicitly named. To be sure, thesublime, when it occurs, appears in flashes and at moments rather thanbeing a consistent feature of works and authors, which makes it all theharder to detect. But this peculiar feature of the sublime merely extendsthe reach of the experience it captures, which can be found in thoughtabout nature (earthbound and celestial), in speculation about divinity, incosmogony and cosmology, in ethics, and in the realm of paradoxographyor natural wonders, and in poetic and rhetorical criticism, from the firstglimmerings of these inquiries down into later antiquity. All of these areasnaturally attracted the very sort of theorizing that we find in Longinus’treatise.Despite their apparently disparate origins, the various components

of this body of thought share a number of features, many of which indicatea common genealogy and a shared set of assumptions – the languageof elevation, shows of extraordinary and exalted emotion, appeals to theheavens, to physical grandeur, and to the gods. The writers in thesetraditions not only use the language of the sublime that is familiar toLonginus, they also apply it to the very same kinds of objects as arecapable, in his mind, of inspiring sublimity in us (the universe, Homer,impassioned moments of rhetoric, excessiveness of various kinds, thebreaching of limits, and so on). Far from being a principle of rhetoricaland literary criticism that emerged late in the day, the sublime proves tohave been widely available as a category of aesthetic and non-aestheticjudgment, experience, and value, one that helped to shape Greek andRoman thought from its earliest beginnings to its final appearances, andfrom there passed on to modernity.Such a prospect is more or less forbidden on the assumptions that

govern the understanding of the sublime today. The current conceptionof sublimity, both in Classics and in modern fields of study, might befairly called Longino-centric. It is all too focused by Longinus and, for thesame reason, by a pair of terms: hupsos in Greek, sublimitas in Latin. Termsalone are, however, a singularly poor index to ideas. And while hupsos and

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sublimitas can be valuable indices to the presence of sublimity, they are notall there is to the sublime. The problem is that the sublime is not a word. Itis a concept and an experience, or rather a whole range of ideas, meaningsand experiences that are embedded in conceptual and experiential patterns.Once we train our sights on these patterns, a radically different prospect onthe sublime in antiquity comes to light, one that touches everything fromits range of expressions to its dates of emergence, its evolution, its role inthe cultures of antiquity as a whole, and its later reception.

The aim of this book is to make a first stab at such a study – not arigorously comprehensive account, but a sketch of a possible alternativeaccount of the sublime in Greek and Roman poetry, philosophy, thesciences, and, of course, rhetoric and literary criticism. The justificationfor an account like this does not lie in its corrective value but in what westand to gain from it. The sublime is not a rare and isolated element ofliterary criticism in antiquity, and it is not even in the first instance anaesthetic category, let alone a singular or simple concept of thought.On the contrary, it is a phenomenon that accompanies different ways ofexperiencing and construing the world at the very limits of thought andrepresentation. Viewed in this broadest light and from our own perspec-tive, the sublime turns out to be an essential way of comprehendingGreek and Roman thought and experience at their most exuberant andsearching moments.

The plan of this book

Because this book has a somewhat unusual organization, a brief word onits structure and underlying argument is in order. Chapter 1, a historicalintroduction, sets out to explain how a partial and incomplete understand-ing of the sublime has come to be the status quo today. The sublimenot only had a prehistory prior to Longinus, but it also continued to evolveafter his treatise fell off the map throughout the whole of later antiquityand then into the Renaissance. This history was utterly eclipsed by Boileauin the seventeenth century, who made Longinus synonymous with thesublime while also further narrowing its scope. Once the facts are reassem-bled into a fuller picture, an alternative view of the sublime can emerge,one that does not put either Longinus or Boileau at its center.

Chapter 2 is an in-depth study of Longinus conducted throughclose readings of his work. Because Longinus approaches his materials asmuch like an artist as a rhetorician, appreciating his readings in all theirnative subtlety and intricacy can teach us far more about what he believes

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the sublime is than any definitions proper (his or ours). Longinus notori-ously avoids offering a single useful definition of the sublime in his treatise.In the place of definitions, he offers us analogues of the experience ofsublimity: he encourages his readers to feel what it is to approach thesublime when they read a bit of Sappho or Euripides, and then he offers anexplanation, grounded in the ancient traditions of rhetorical criticism, ofwhat it is they have just undergone. Longinus has a number of reasons forthis reticence towards defining the sublime, which we might call a theor-etical resistance to defining the object of his study, though his stance isactually more complex than definitions allow for, and much of his teachingis conveyed between the lines rather than overtly: it is here, in his readingsand in the way he passes from one reading to the next, that he lays out theactual logic of the sublime, a logic that does not obey simple or prefabri-cated labels. All of this has merely made Longinus that much harder toread and to grasp, but also more alluring and seminal as writer and thinker.Chapters 3 and 4 begin a backwards search for what one might call

forensic evidence of the sublime, starting with the rhetorical tradition(Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Demetrius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Demos-thenes, Aeschines, Alcidamas, Gorgias), and then gradually broadening thescope to include other, poetic sources from the fifth century to Homer(Chapter 4). The only obstacle to viewing many of these writers and textsas antecedents to Longinus is the premise that he has none. Once thispremise is removed, a clearer picture emerges. A further benefit of thisapproach is that, in working back from Longinus and by extracting asufficiently generic set of conditions for sublimity from his work, it ispossible to extrapolate these to contexts beyond Longinus (both before andafter him), and in this way to build up a fairly representative picture of theancient traditions of the sublime.Chapters 5 and 6 offer an alternative mapping of the sublime in

antiquity along two axes that can converge and diverge – what I call thematerial and immaterial sublimes. The sublime is a large and expansivecategory that branches out in two directions simultaneously, the onegrounded in nature, physics, and the senses, the other spiritualizing andtranscendental. The first of these tendencies is encountered in the pursuitof the materiality of objects, the second in the flight from matter andmateriality. Both strands are detectable in Longinus, and they frequentlyconverge outside of him as well. While these two sublimities are best seenas rough approximations with a primarily heuristic value, each of themnevertheless comprises a distinct tendency, and each is accompanied by itsown set of aesthetic and other preferences.

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Chapter 5 takes up the first of these two vectors of the sublime, startingwith Longinus, whose views of language and nature betray a strongfascination with materiality and the material sublime. The origins of thisfascination tell us much about the traditions out of which it emerged –namely, those of the natural and cosmological sublimes as they are foundin the Presocratics to Lucretius, Manilius, and other, later Roman andimperial texts. These are genuine traditions in which authors refer back toone another. Viewing them in the light of Longinus illuminates them all.

Chapter 6 retraces the other, immaterial face of the sublime, a phenom-enon that is widely attested, including among many of those who promotethe interests of the material sublime. For the purposes of presentation,I have chosen to illustrate this tendency in two representative clustersof thought that happen to be closely related: first, in the challenges thatare involved in picturing god in Homer, the Presocratics, Aristotle,and Longinus, and then in the Platonic and Neoplatonic tradition of thetranscendence of the material world – which, as it happens, lies at the rootof most readings of Longinus today. But while Longinus inherits thisnon-materialist tradition, it is not the only one he knows, nor is it theonly way in which the multiform sublime was conceived in antiquity. Butnow to the book proper.

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