THE STRUCTURE AND AIMS OF THEVISIO BARONTI*

SOMETIME in the late 670s a monk named Barontus from themonastery of St Peter (later St Cyran) at Longoretus (Lonrey)near Bourges had a visionary tour of heaven and hell. One morningwhile returning to his cell immediately after Matins, Barontus feltdizzy and lost consciousness for twenty-four hours, during whichhe was attacked by demons, rescued by the Angel Raphael,brought in front of St Peter, and was given permission to continuehis earthly life. Shortly after regaining consciousness, Barontustold his fellow monks what he had experienced during his visit tothe other-world, and his story was recorded in what is now knownas the Visio Baronti}

The Visio Baronti has attracted much scholarly attention in thepast for two different reasons. On the one hand, scholars whostudied the visionary literature of the medieval West turned tothe Visio Baronti as one of the earliest examples of a visionaryexperience, in an attempt to delineate the typology of medievalvisionary literature and its development.2 On the other hand,scholars whose main interest was to study the evolution of theidea of the other-world and its various representations in medievalEurope, referred to the Visio Baronti as an early example of a visitto heaven and hell, from which a direct line to Dante's Divine

* I should like to thank Prof. Angelo di Berardino for providing me with crucialreferences, and Dr. Rosamond McKitterick who kindly read an earlier draft ofthis paper, and made numerous invaluable comments. Thanks should also go tothe Revd. Prof. M. F. Wiles, who went far beyond the call of duty in improvingthis paper.

1 For the text of the Visio Baronti see Visio Baronti monachi Longoretensis, inW. Levison (ed.), MGH SRM V (Hanover, 1910), 368—94 [cited hereinafter asVB]. Throughout this paper I cite the English translation of J. N. Hillgarth,Christianity and Paganism, 350—750 (Philadelphia, 1986), 195—204. For an Italiantranslation with introduction and commentary see M. P. Ciccarese, Visioni dell'ald-ila in occidente (Florence, 1987), 231-75.

2 The starting point on this subject is: W. Levison, 'Die Politik in denJeneseitsvisionen des frilhen Mittelalters', in idem, Aus rheinischer und frankischeFrtihzeit (Dtlsseldorf, 1948), 229-46 [originally published in Festgabe Friedrichvon Bezold (Bonn, 1921), 81-100]. See also: M. Aubrun, 'Caracteres et porteereligieuse et sociale des "visiones" en Occident du Vie au Xle siecle', Cahiers deCivilisation Medievale 23 (1980), 109—30; P. Dinzelbacher, Vision undVisionsliteratur im Mittelalter, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 23(Stuttgart, 1981), passim; M. P. Ciccarese, 'La "Visio Baronti" nella traditioneletteraria delle visioni dell'aldila', Romanobarbarica 6 (1981/2), 25-52; C. Carozzi,Le voyage de I'ame dans I'au-dela d'apres la litterature latine (Ve—XIHe siecle),Collection de l'Ecole Francaise de Rome, 189 (Rome, 1994), especially 139-86.

© Oxford University Press 1996[Journal of Theological Studies, NS, Vol. 47, Pi. 2, October 1996]

478 Y. HENComedy can be traced.3 These scholarly enterprises have certainlyenriched our knowledge and understanding of both medievalvisionary literature, and the development of the idea of the other-world. Yet, these scholars were forcing their interpretations ontothe Visio Baronti and have been able to do so only at the cost ofignoring the most individual features of the text. Notwithstandingits importance in the development of medieval visionary literatureand the idea of the other-world, the Visio Baronti was composedwith a different purpose in mind, and must be examined first andforemost against the immediate political, social, and religiousbackgrounds which led to its composition. This paper, therefore,is primarily an attempt to offer an alternative reading of the VisioBaronti, focusing mainly on those individual features whichBarontus and the anonymous author who recorded his accountchose to insert into it.

Barontus' Story

The text of the Visio Baronti can be divided into three sections.The first, which introduces the vision story, provides some back-ground information on Barontus himself and on the circumstancesin which the vision occurred.4 Barontus, a monk of noble originwho had only recently joined the community at Longoretus, col-lapsed one morning on his way back to his cell. He immediatelycalled his son Aglioaldus, who was also a monk at the samecommunity, and the deacon Eudo, but there was nothing theycould do to help him. The brethren of Longoretus assembledsoon afterwards in the monastery's church, and dividing them-selves into groups to take turns in reciting Psalms, they kept avigil around Barontus' body. The next morning, while the monkswere still chanting, Barontus suddenly woke up, exclaimingrepeatedly 'Gloria tibi, Deus! Gloria tibi, Deus! Gloria tibi, Deus!'5

The amazed monks who stood around his body asked Barontusto tell them in detail what had happened to him. Barontus' accountas reported to his brothers in Longoretus occupies most of thetext of the Visio Baronti.6 According to this account, immediately

3 See for example J. Le Goff, 'Aspects savants et populaires des voyages dansl'Au-dela au Moyen Age', in idem, L'imaginaire medieval (Paris, 1985), 103-19;M. P. Ciccarese, 'Le piu antiche rappresentazioni de purgatorio, dalla "PassioPerpetuae" alia fine del IX secolo', Romanobarbarica 7 (1982/3), 33-76; F. Cardot,L'espace et le pouvoire. Etudes sur I'Austrasie merovingienne (Pans, 1987), 258-60;A. Morgan, Dante and the Medieval other world, Cambridge Studies in MedievalLiterature, 8 (Cambridge, 1990), passim.

4 VB 1-2.5 VB 2.6 VB 3-19-

THE VISIO BARONTI 479after collapsing, he was attacked by two hideous demons, whotried to carry him off to hell. Luckily, the Angel Raphael came tohis rescue, and after a bitter argument with the hideous creatures,he decided to take Barontus before the tribunal of the eternaljudge.7 Without hesitation, Raphael plucked out Barontus' soulfrom his body and took it with him.8 On their way to heaven,Raphael and Barontus flew over the monastery of Millebeccus(Meobecq). At first they saw it from a distance, but then Raphaeldecided to visit the sick abbot of Millebeccus, Leodaldus, beforecontinuing on their way to heaven.9

At this point, four more demons joined the delegation, and thesix of them continually harassed Barontus on the way.10 Shortlyafterwards Raphael and Barontus arrived at the gate of Paradise,where they met some of the brethren of Longoretus waiting forDoomsday.11 At the second gate of Paradise there were thousandsof children and virgins; at the third, saints wearing crowns andpriests; just before the fourth gate they met Betoenus, a fellowmonk from Longoretus, who scolded Barontus for letting the lightat the church of Longoretus go out at night.12

Raphael then called St Peter to the fourth gate. When he arrived,the six demons accused Barontus of various sins. St Peter repliedthat Barontus had given alms, confessed his sins, done penanceand, moreover, become a monk. The demons were not convinced,and St Peter had to drive them away by striking their heads withthe three keys he held in his hand.13 After the demons had left,St Peter called Barontus to ransom himself by giving the twelvesolidi he kept hidden, without permission, to the poor.14 Two boysescorted Barontus back to the first gate of Paradise, where a joyfulmeeting with the deceased monks of Longoretus took place.15

Framnoaldus was then chosen to escort Barontus back to themonastery, and on their way they passed by the gates of hell, ofwhich Barontus had a short glimpse.16 Back at the monastery,they entered the church, Barontus' soul crawled back into his

7 VB3.8 KB 4.9 VB s-6.10 VB 7.11 VBS.12 Fflo-n.13 VB 12. Some of the manuscripts have these keys drawn. On the significance

of St Peter's keys see Carozzi, he voyage, 138—9, and see there for furtherbibliography.

14 VB 13.15 VB 13-16.16 VB 17.

480 Y. HENbody, and he woke up exclaiming 'Glory to you, O God!'17 Thelast section of the Visio Baronti, follows next, and consists of threeconcluding chapters in which the composer bluntly expresses themoral of the story.18

Authorship and style

The Visio Baronti was written, as its author declares, 'on the8th Kalends of April in the sixth year of Theuderic, King of theFranks', that is 25 March 678 or 679.19 The anonymous authorexplains that immediately after Barontus had regained con-sciousness, he recounted the vision he had had to the brethren ofLongoretus.20 Later on he states that he wrote down the account'not by hearsay but according to what I myself have experiencedup to now'.21 Thus, the author is careful to place himself as closeas possible to the story and, by implication, to eliminate anyintermediate stages which might damage the credibility and accu-racy of his account.

The references to Barontus in the third person singular suggestthat it was not he who wrote it. Yet the identity of the authorremains unknown. It is obvious that the anonymous author hadsome connection with the monasteries of both Longoretus andMillebeccus which were closely related to each other.22 He spe-cifically states that he had been brought up and educated by AbbotFrancardus of Longoretus,23 and at various points of his accountthe detailed descriptions which he gives suggest that he was famil-iar with both monasteries.24 The various monks Barontus met inheaven were all known to the author by name, and he was present,

17 VB 18-19.18 VB 20-22.19 VB 22: 'Acta sunt haec omnia VIII Kal. April, in sexto anno regnante Theoderico

regent Francorum'. T h e king ment ioned is Theude r i c I I I , King of Neustr ia andBurgundy (673-690/1). On the date see Levison 's edition, 370, n. 10. O n KingTheude r i c ' s reign see I . N . Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms, 450-751 (London ,1993), 255-72 .

20 VB 1.21 VB 20: 'non ab alio dicta vel audita, sed per memet ipsum ad praesens probata

didict'.22 Both monasteries were founded by Sigiramnus in about 632. On the founda-

tion see Vita Sigiramni abbatis Longoretensis 11, in B. Krusch (ed.), MGH SRMIV (Hanover, 1902), 603—25; F. Prinz, Friihes Mb'nchtum im Frankenreich. Kulturund Gesellschaft in Gallien, den Rheinlanden und Bayern an Beispiel der monastischenEntwicklung (4. bis 8. Jahrhundert) (Munich, 1965), 136 and 140-41.

23 VB 10. According to this account Abbot Francardus was still alive whenBarontus' vision took place, since Barontus saw the place reserved for him inParadise.

24 See for example VB 5—6, 19.

THE VISIO BARONTI 481we must remember, when Barontus told his story at Longoretus.25

It is, then, arguable that our author was indeed a fellow monk atBarontus' monastery, although he himself does not disclose thisfact. Whatever may be the case, the author's strong connectionwith the sister foundations—Millebeccus and Longoretus—isobvious.

The Visio Baronti is written in a language which is, as WilhelmLevison puts it, 'coarse and barbaric'.26 The author confuses casesand genders, and makes several mistakes in noun declinations andverb conjugations. He often uses the indicative after ut and con-junctive instead of infinitive, and he is generally reluctant to usethe passive form.27 All these are characteristics of a language whichscholars often name 'rustic Latin', that is, Latin with a strongtendency towards colloquial speech, far removed from classicalLatin in terms of morphology, syntax, and diction.28 Like manyauthors of his time, the composer of the Visio Baronti was wellaware of his deficient language. 'If anyone', he writes at the verybeginning of his conclusion, 'takes up this little work that I havemade and begins to read it, he may indeed accuse me of rusticityof expression, but not lying'.29 Such an apology is not uncommonamong Merovingian writers, and while it may be interpreted as amere literary topos widespread at that time,30 it may also beregarded as a true and sincere apology. Matters of style were,after all, very important to late antique and early medieval writers.Hilary of Poitiers, for example, was unwilling to compromise onhis style and, as his biographer tells us

25 VB i and 20.26 Levison's edn., 370: 'sermone rudi barbaroque'.27 Fo r a l inguist ic analysis of the Visio Baronti see Levison ' s edn . , 370—1.28 See M. Van Uytfanghe, 'Latin merovingien, latin carolingien et rustica

romana lingua: continuite ou discontinuity?', Revue de I'Universite de Bruxelles('977). 65-88; idem, 'Histoire du latin, protohistoire des langues romanes et histoirede la communication', Francia 11 (1983), 579—613; R. Wright, Late Latin andEarly Romance in Spain and Carolingian France (Liverpool, 1982); idem ed., Latinand Roman Languages in the Early Middle Ages (London, 1991); M. Banniard,Viva Voce. Communication ecrit et communication orale du Vie au Xle siecle enOccident latin (Paris, 1992). See also Y. Hen, Culture and Religion in MerovingianGaul, AD 481-751 (Leiden, New York, and K6ln, 1995), 21-42, and see there forfurther bibliography. It is interesting to note that none of the studies on late Latinand early Romance has made any use of the Visio Baronti.

29 VB 20 : 'Si quis aliquis hunc opusculum a me factum legendum in manibusaccipierit, potest me de rusticitatem verbi reprehendere, non potest de mendacii culpamredarguere'.

30 See M. Van Uytfanghe, 'L'hagiographie et son public a l'epoque merovingi-enne', Studio Patristica 16 (1985), 54-62. On the topos itself see also E. R. Curtius,European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, tr. W. R. Trask (London, 1953),79-105, 145-50.

482 Y. HENif there were no cultivated people [among his audience], he nourishedthe hearts of the rustics with simple language. But whenever he saw thateducated people had come, he was stirred to such an unusual degree ofgrace in both speech and appearance, that he appeared larger than life.31

A similar attitude was adopted by Avitus of Vienne, to judge fromthe fragmentary sermons of his that survive.32

Most Merovingian writers were different from the Gallo-Roman authors. In order to be understood, they wrote in whatmay be regarded as a 'lower language', sermo humilis, but whichwas familiar to their audience.33 The idea of writing in a languagewhich can be easily understood was first expressed by Augustineas far as preaching was concerned,34 and was later adopted andpropagated by Caesarius of Aries who wrote:... even if a priest possesses fine-flowing worldly eloquence ... it is notat all proper if he wants to speak in church in such a way that hisadmonition cannot reach all the Lord's flock, as it should, but only a fewlearned men. Therefore, all my priests of the Lord should preach to thepeople in simple, ordinary language which all the people can grasp.3S

In a different sermon he even apologized for his language in frontof his learned audience, excusing himself by telling them that'since inexperienced, simple souls cannot rise to the heights ofscholars, the learned should deign to bend down to their ignor-ance. What is said to simple souls can, indeed, be understood bythe educated, but what is preached to the learned cannot begrasped at all by the simple'.36 The author of the Visio Barontiwas not exceptional.

31 Vita Sancti Hilarii Arelatensis ab auctore ejusdem discipulo scripta 11, PL 50,1219-46 , at 1231C: 'Si peritorem turba defuisset, simplici sermone rusticorum cordanutriebat; at ubi instructos supervenisse vidisset, sermone ac vulto pariter in quadamgratia insolita excitabatur, seipso celsior apparebat'.

32 See Avi tus of Vienne , Opera quae supersunt, in R. Peiper (ed.) , MGH AAVI:2 (Berlin, 1883), 103-57.

33 See Van Uytfanghe, 'L'hagiographie', 54—62; Hen, Culture and Religion,25-29.

34 Augus t ine , De doctrina Christiana iv.x. 24, in J. M a r t i n (ed.) , CCSL 32(Turnhout, 1962), 132-33.

35 Caesarius of Aries, Sermo 1:20, in G. Morin (ed.), CCSL 103-4 (Turnhout,'953)i ' 6 : '... si sit in aliquo sacerdote pulchra et exuberans eloquentia saecularis ...satis incongruum est, si ita voluerit in ecclesia loqui, ut admonitio eius non ad totum,sicut expedit, domimcum gregem, sed vix ad paucos possit scolasticos pervenire. Undemagis simplici et pedestri sermone, quern totus populus capere possit, debent dominicimet sacerdotes populis praedicare'. [Throughout this paper I cite the translation ofM. M. Mueller, Caesarius of Aries: Sermons, 3 vols., The Fathers of the Church,31, 47, and 66 (Washington D.C., 1956-73).]

36 C a e s a r i u s of Ar ies , Sermo 8 6 : 1 , 3 5 3 : 'Et quia inperiti et simplices ad scolastico-rum altitudinem non possunt ascendere, eruditi se dignentur ad illorum ignorantiaminclinare: quia, quod simplicibus dictum fuerit, et scholastici intellegere possunt; quodautem eruditis fuerit praedicatum, simplices omnino capere non valebunt'.

THE VISIO BARONTI 483Late and colloquial as it may be, the language of the author

must not be attributed to a faulty education or incompetence. Inspite of his simple and uncultivated language, the author of theVisio Baronti managed to produce an arresting and captivatingaccount, which points to a genuine narrative talent and a shrewdsense of humour.37 The extensive use of Gregory the Great'sDialogues and Homilies on the Gospels,i% together with some faintallusions to contemporary literature, such as the Vita Fursei,39 theHistories of Gregory of Tours,40 and the Rule of Saint Benedict*1

all point to the fact that the Visio Baronti is more than a simplereport of the vision itself, and that a vast amount of work andscholarly effort has been invested in its composition.42 The authorrelied heavily, furthermore, on already developed Christian tradi-tions. Barontus' other-world, for example, is bi-partite and locatedin heaven. Paradise has four gates, each encloses a different groupof elect, and bright light characterizes heaven, while smog andsteam characterise hell.43 All these did not emerge ex nihilo, andwere deeply rooted in traditional observations and ideas of theother-world, with which our author was well acquainted, andcertainly absorbed into his own account.

Transmission and audience

The Visio Baronti survives in twenty manuscripts, of which sixare from the ninth or early tenth century.44 Its circulationremained closely associated with visionary literature, for it is oftentransmitted with other exemplars of that literary type, such as the

37 See for example the passage in which Barontus describes his soul beingplucked out by Raphael: 'Hoc audito, sanctus Rafahel extendens digito tetigit guttu-rem meum, et ego miser statim sensi animam meam evulsam a corpore meo. Sed et ipseanimam, in quantum mihi visum fuit, quam parva sit, referam. Sic mihi videbatur,similitudinem de parvitatem haberet ut pullus aviculae, quando de ovo egreditur. Sicet ipsa parva caput, oculis et cetera membra, visum, auditum, gustum, odoratum, ettactum ad integrum secum portavit . . . ' . (VB 4).

38 See Ciccarese, Visioni dell'aldila, 234—35; idem, 'La "Visio Baront i ' " , 36 -52 ;idem, 'Le piu antiche1 , 38—46; Carozzi, he voyage, 150—53, 159—60.

39 See VB 2, 3, 10, 12; Carozzi, Le voyage, 154-58.40 See VB 10, 2 1 ; Ca rozz i , Le voyage, 153—54.41 VB 13.4 2 Ca rozz i , Le voyage, 150—58, especia l ly 155.43 See Ciccarese, ' L a "Vis io B a r o n t i ' " , passim; Carozzi , Le voyage, passim;

M o r g a n , Dante and the Medieval, passim.44 For the list of the manuscripts see Levison's edition, 372-73 with MGH

SRMVU (Hanover, 1951), 846.

484 Y. HENVisio Rotcharii,45 the Vita Fursei,*6 and the Visio Wettini.41 Fromthe manuscript evidence, it further seems that the Visio Barontihad a wide circulation during the Carolingian period, when manyvisionary texts were composed and circulated throughout theFrankish kingdoms.48

Because of its peculiar transmission, the Visio Baronti has oftenbeen regarded as a piece of hagiography. This, however, is at oddswith the content of the Visio itself. Indeed the way the authorintroduces the story of Barontus brings immediately to mind theway Tertullian (?) introduces the vision of Perpetua in the PassioPerpetuae et Felicitatis,49 or even more obviously, the way thevision of Furseus is introduced in the Vita Fursei.50 Yet, the VisioBaronti does not go further than the story of the vision itself, andit does not tell a story of martyrdom or great sanctity. We hearnothing of Barontus' life before or after he returned from his tourof the other-world, and not one miracle performed by him is evenhinted at. There is no doubt that the Visio Baronti did not attemptto portray Barontus as a saint, and it is highly probable that theidentification of this short and unusual treatise as hagiography hasmore to do with its transmission than with its generic conventionsor content. Thus, although the Visio Baronti is transmitted withother hagiographic treatises, it is not a typical hagiographic piece,and therefore should not be treated as one.

According to Ciccarese, the Visio Baronti is a forerunner of anew literary genre which, from the beginning of the seventh

45 Visio Rotcharii, in W. W a t t e n b a c h (ed.) , Anzeiger fur Kunde der deutschenVorzeit 22 (1875), 7 3 - 7 4 .

46 Vita Fursei, in W. Levison (ed.), MGH SRM IV (Hanover, 1902), 423-49.See also Carozzi, he voyage, 677—92.

47 Visio Wettini, in E. Diimmler (ed.), MGH Poetae II (Berlin, 1884), 267-75(prose version by Heito), 301-33 (verse version by Walahfrid Strabo). Walahfrid'sverse version is also available with introduction and commentary in D. A. Trail,Walahfrid Srabo's Visio Wettini, Lateinische Sprache und Literature desMittelalters, 2 (Bern and Frankfurt 1974); H. Knittel, Walahfrid Srabo's VisioWettini (Sigmanngen, 1986).

48 See F. Brunholzl, Histoire de la litterature latine du Moyen Age, tr. H. Rochais(Turnhout, 1990), i. 140-41; Carozzi, he voyage, passim; A. M. Peden, 'Macrobiusand Medieval dream literature', Medium Aevum 54 (1985), 59-73; P. E. Dutton,The Politics of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln Nebraska and London,1994), especially 74-80.

49 See Passio sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis, in H . Musur i l l o (ed.) , The Actsof the Christian Martyrs (Oxford, 1972), 106-30; reprinted with introduction,Italian translation and commentary in Ciccarese, Visioni dell'aldila, 67-83. On thetext itself see B. D. Show, 'The passion of Perpetua', Past and Present 139(i993), 3-45-

so See Vita Fursei 1 ff.

THE VISIO BARONTI 485century became more evident in the West.51 Its theme—visionsof the other-world—derives from biblical and patristic traditionsand especially from the visions reported in the Dialogues ofGregory the Great, 'the father of the visions of the other-world'.52

Such an assertion sounds feasible if one inspects the developmentof visionary literature as a whole. Yet, it seems that one cannotrefer to visionary literature as a genre before the Carolingianperiod, because only a scattering of visionary accounts survive,and none of them, apart from the Visio Baronti and the VisioFursei, is separate. In other words, visions before the Carolingianperiod were basically a literary device used by authors of variousgenres, such as history, hagiography, or exegesis. Thus, althoughthe Visio Baronti may be regarded as one of the visionary accountswhich inaugurated the new literary genre of visionary literature,at the time of its composition it had little to do with that sort ofliterature.

Looking closer at some of the Visio's characteristics, one canget a clearer idea of its generic affiliation. The Visio Baronti beginswith two chapters of introductory remarks, which are very homi-letic in style. The very first sentence of the work—'I wish to recallto you, dearly beloved brethren, what occurred recently...'—isclosely related to the way Caesarius of Aries, for example, wouldhave opened one of his sermons.53 The use of formulae like 'fratreskarissimi' or 'dilectissimi fratres', which appear in both the VisioBaronti and the sermons of Caesarius, creates the impression thatthe Visio Baronti was originally written as a sermon. This notiongets further support from the last three chapters of the Visio,5*and especially from the very last one which reads:

May our faith, beloved brethren, warm us again to heavenly desires. Letus again bring before our eyes the sins we have committed. Let usconsider how severe a judge is coming, who will judge not only our evildeeds but even our thoughts. Let us turn our minds to lamentation, ourlife to penance, lest, because of our love of the world, we experienceeternal punishment. Rather let our good deeds raise us to the eternalregion so that, when we leave the body, we may deserve to have holy

51 See Ciccarese, 'La "Visio Baronti"', 25-52. See also Carozzi, Le voyage,185-86.

52 Ciccarese demonstrated such a dependence also in the Vita Fursei and theVitae Patrum Emeritensium, as well as in the Visio Baronti. See Ciccarese, 'Le piuantiche', especially 38—44; Morgan, Dante and the Medieval, 169—70.

53 On Caesarius of Aries and his preaching see W. E. Klingshirn, Caesarius ofAries. The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge,1994), 146—51. See also H. G. J. Beck, The Pastoral Care of Souls in South-EastFrance during the Sixth Century (Rome, 1950), 259—61.

M VB 20-22.

486 Y. HEN

angels as guides to the heavenly kingdom. May he deign to grant this,who, with the eternal God the father, lives and reigns for ages of ages.Amen.55

The preoccupation of this specific passage and the two that pre-cede it with issues of penance and the forgiveness of sins, and thefear of the last judgement which it incites, are clearly homileticin tone, and point to the admonitory purposes of the Visio Baronti.Whether influenced directly by the writings of Caesarius of Ariesor by the tradition of preaching which characterized Gaul at thattime,56 the author of the Visio Baronti gives his story an utterlyhomiletic guise. This is quite evident in the style and the languagehe uses throughout his account, which is very exhortative, full ofbiblical citations, and with an apparent resemblance to the wayCaesarius of Aries, for example, used to open or conclude hissermons. Yet, as Levison has noted, a section in which the authorrefers his readers to a drawing of St Peter's keys—'habentes simili-tudinem hanc'—suggests that he did not intend it to be deliveredas a sermon in church, but to be read by individuals.57

This brings us to the question of audience. For whose benefitwas this composition written? From the text itself it seems thatthe Visio Baronti was not intended for a vast circulation whenfirst written, and its local application is suggested by variouspassages. At the beginning of Barontus' account, for example, theauthor incorporates a long excursus on the monastery ofMillebeccus.58 This excursus, it seems, was intended to providethe monks of Millebeccus and Longoretus with importantinformation, so as to help them to locate each other geographically,and to place the events reported in time, that is, in the last year

55 VB 22: 'Recalescat ergo, dilectissimi fratres, fides nosta ad caelestem desideria,revocemus ante occulus nostros peccata quae fecimus; consideremus, quant districtusindex venturus est, qui non solum de malis operibus, sed etiam de cogitationibus nostrisiudicare disponit. Mentem fortnemus ad lamenta, vita nostra amarescat in paeniten-tiam, ne per terrenum amorem vindicta sentiat in aeterna damnationem, sed per bonafacta nos provocet ad aetemam regionem, ut, quando a corpore migraverimus, angelossanctos duces ad caelestem regnum habere mereamur. Quod ipse prestare dignetur, quicum aeterno Deo Patre vivit et regnat in saecula saeculorum. Amen'. This passagemakes extensive use of Gregory the Great, Homiliae in Evangelia, ii:8, xii:3, xiv:6,xxxii:8, PL lxxvi, 1075-1312.

56 On preaching in the Frankish kingdoms see T. L. Amos, 'The origin andnature of the Carolingian sermon', Ph.D. dissertation (Michigan State University,1983); idem, 'Preaching and sermon in the Carolingian West', in T. L. Amos,E. A. Green, and B. M. Kienzle (eds.), De Ore Domini. Preacher and Word in theMiddle Ages (Kalamazoo, 1989), 41—60.

57 Levison's introduction, 368.58 VB 5-6.

THE VISIO BARONTI 487of Abbot Leodaldus.59 The appeal of the Visio Baronti to themonks of Longoretus is also suggested by the names of the deadmonks Barontus meets at the first gate of Paradise.60 These werefamiliar to the monks of Longoretus, if only from the names onthe graves in the monastery's church. Could they also be familiarto the monks of Millebeccus? One simply cannot tell, but theshort distance between the two monasteries, and the fact that theywere sister houses, both founded by Sigiramnus in the 630s, makeit more than probable that close relations developed between thetwo monasteries. It is clear, however, that outside the small com-munities of Millebeccus and Longoretus, the events and thepeople reported by the Visio Baronti had minor relevance. Thusit seems more plausible to assume that the Visio Baronti waswritten with the monks of Longoretus and Millebeccus in mind.Yet the themes which the Visio Baronti pursues, and the messageswhich it delivers, made the Visio's appeal much wider, and thusaccount for its copying and re-copying in later periods.

Didactic purposes, penance, and charity

If taken at face value, the Visio Baronti is indeed a story of onemonk's journey to heaven and hell, and the things he experiencedthere. But visions, as we are told, are not to be dismissed as merestories. There is always a message which they carry with them,and this is still to be unravelled as far as the Visio Baronti isconcerned. The general typology of medieval visionary literaturedivides the visions into three groups: prophetic, didactic, andpolitical.61 The Visio Baronti, it seems, falls within the didacticcategory.

Didactic visions were not uncommon in the early Middle Ages.They were identified as such already by Gregory the Great, whowrote that whenever a visionary tour of the other-world occurs,'a careful consideration will reveal that it was not an error, but awarning. In his unbounded mercy, the good God allows somesouls to return to their bodies shortly after death, so that the sightof hell might at least teach them to fear the eternal punishments

s ' VB 6.60 VB 8 and 11. These monks are Corbolenus, Fraudolenus, Austrulfus,

Leodaldus, Ebbo, and Betolenus.61 See F. Neiske, 'Vision und Totengedenken', Fruhmittelalterliche Studien 20

(1986), 137-85, especially 143-44. See also Levison, 'Die Politik', 229-46; Carozzi,he voyage, 639—47. On the definition of the visionary experience as ecstatic(cKCTTooif) see Dinzelbacher, Vision und Visionliteratur, 50.

488 Y. HENin which words alone could not make them believe'.62 The sameis true with the Visio Baronti. Underneath the superficial layer ofnarrative lies a deeper didactic layer, which the Visio Baronti aimsat propagating. From Barontus' conversations with Raphael andSt Peter a triad of interrelated issues emerges, on which the VisioBaronti has some sort of a message to deliver—penance, charity,and monastic life and conduct.

One first comes across the issue of penance in the Visio Barontiin a short digression on Abbot Leodaldus, which comes immedi-ately after Raphael has paid him a visit. This Leodaldus recountsa great miracle, on which our author comments:

It may terrify the hearts of the unbelievers, who are not moved bycompunction to do penance for their evil deeds and to beg St Raphael(whose name means 'divine medicine') to come and cure them, lest thedevil lead them captive to eternal punishment, from which they will notbe able to escape to the bodily pleasures in which they placed all theirtrust.63

Later on, after the demons have accused Barontus of major sins,St Peter dismisses their accusation by arguing that he has con-fessed his sins and done penance.64 Finally the whole compositionends, as we have seen, with three concluding chapters, homileticin tone, which revolve around the issues of penance and theforgiveness of sins.65 Such a theme for a didactic treatise, com-posed in the late seventh century, would coincide extremely wellwith the introduction of the so-called private penance (paenitentiaprivata) on the Continent.

Developed in the monasteries of the British Isles, private pen-ance, or the 'tariffed penance' as it is sometimes called, wasbrought onto the Continent by Anglo-Saxon and Irish missionar-ies. Its main characteristics were the lack of any public rite, the

62 G r e g o r y the Grea t , Dialog} IV:37:2 , in A. de Vogfle and P . An t in (eds . andtrs) , Sources Chre t i ennes , 251 , 260, and 265 (Paris , 1978-80) : 'Hoc cum fit ...sibene perpenditur, non error sed admonitio est. Superna enim pietas ex magna miseri-cordiae suae largitate disponit, ut nonnulli etiam post exitum repente ad corpus redant,et tormenta inferi, quas audita non crediderant, saltern visa pertimescant'. I cite theEnglish translation of O. J. Zimmerman, The Fathers of the Church, 39 (WashingtonD.C., 1959)- On Gregory the Great and visions see Carozzi, Le voyage, 43—61;G. R. Evans, The Thought of Gregory the Great (Cambridge 1986), 11.

63 VB 6: '... quod terrere potest corda incredula, qui non conpunguntur, ut aguntpenitentiam de illorum crimina et rogent sanctum Rafahel, qui interpretatur Deimedicina, ut venial et curet illorum crimina, ne diabulus eos captos ducat ad aeternasupplica, unde non possint effugere ad eorum temporalem letitiam, in qua habettotam fiduciam'.

64 VB 12: 'sua peccata sacerdotibus est confessus et penitentiam ex ipsa peccataaegit'.

65 VB 20-22.

THE VISIO BARONTI 489fact that it could be administered by a priest, and the possibilityof repeating the action whenever necessary. These features turnedprivate penance into a rather flexible and easily obtainable formof penance, and thus accounts for its success throughout theWest.66

This penitential system brought a new conception of sin intothe Frankish kingdoms of the early Middle Ages. It emphasisedthe immediate need to do penance, and it re-introduced the con-cept of penance as medicine for the soul.67 Although these themesand analogies were widespread in the writings of several ChurchFathers, such as Origen, Tertullian, and Jerome, it is in the libripaenitentiales that these views are developed, and it is throughthese small handbooks, designed to help the priests in adminis-tering penance, that such views were propagated throughout theearly medieval West.68 These notions are echoed in the VisioBaronti as well, first when St Peter declares that 'alms free meneven from death',69 then in the excursus on Ebbo,70 and finally inthe exhortatory epilogue of the composition.71 It further explains

66 See A. Fran tzen , The Literature of Penance in Anglo-Saxon England (NewBrunswick, 1983), 19-60 ; R. Kott je , 'BuCpraxis u n d BuBri tus ' , in Segni e ritinellachiesa altomedievale occidentale, Se t t imane di S tud io del Cen t ro I tal iano di Studisull 'a l to medioevo, 33 (Spoleto, 1987), 369—96.

67 See J. T. McNeill, 'Medicine for sins as prescribed in the penitentials',Church History 1 (1932), 14—26. See also A. von Harnack, Medicinisches aus deraltesten Kirchengeschichte, Text und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altch-ristlichen Literatur, 8 (Leipzig, 1892), 137—47.

68 O n t h e libri paenitentiales see C . Vogel , Le pecheur et la penitence au MoyenAge (Paris, 1969); idem, Les libri paenitentiales, Typologie des Sources du MoyenAge Occidental, 27 (Turnhout, 1978), with an update by A. Frantzen (Turnhout,1985); A. Frantzen, The Literature, 1-25. For the edition of most penitentials seeF. W. H. Wasserschleben (ed.), Die Bufiordnungen der abendla'ndischen Kirche nebsteiner rechtgeschichtliche Einleitung (Halle, 1851); H. J. Schmitz, Die Bufibiicher unddie Bufidisciplin der Kirche (Mainz, 1883); idem, Die Bufibiicher und das kanonischeBufiverfahren (Dtlsseldorf, 1898). These editions are being gradually replaced bymeticulous modern ones, prepared under the supervision of Professor RaymondKottje. For the first of these replacement volumes see CCSL 156 (Turnhout,1994). For textual analysis of several of the penitentials one should refer toR. Kottje, Die Bufibiicher Halitgar von Cambrai und des Hrabanus Maurus. IhreOberlieferung und ihre Quellen, Beitrage zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde desMittelalters, 8 (Berlin and New York, 1980); G. Hagele, Das PaenitentialeVallicelianum I. Ein oberitalischer Zweig der jruhmittelalterlichen kontinentalenBufibiicher, Quellen und Forschungen zum Recht im Mittealter, 3 (Sigmaringen,1984); L. KSrntgen, Studien zu den Quellen der jruhmittelalterlichen Bufibiicher,Quellen und Forschungen zum Recht im Mittealter, 7 (Sigmaringen, 1993);R. Meens, Het tripartite boeteboek (Amsterdam, 1994).

69 VB 12.70 VB 15.71 VB 20-22.

490 Y. HENthe choice of Raphael instead of Michael,72 since, as the authorstates, Raphael's name means 'God's medicine' (Dei medicina).73

Because of this etymology he was associated with medicine, andparticularly the medicine for sin.74 Against this background, andin the light of the frequent calls to do penance and to confessone's sins which appear in the Visio Baronti, it seems that thiscomposition was intended to promote the idea of penance amongthe monks of Longoretus and Millebeccus.

A different issue in which the influence of the new penitentialsystem can be detected is the classification of sins. From the fifthcentury onwards, patristic authors had promulgated the belief thathell was the place where infidels and major sinners would go toafter death, a notion which is clearly visible in the Visio Baronti.75

This perception induced patristic authors, such as Augustine andAmbrose, to devote some thought to the classification of sins. Itwas Cassian who first composed a list of the major sins,76 whichwas later reformulated by Gregory the Great,77 and subsequentlyadopted with minor changes and variations by the authors of thepenitentials.78 No wonder then, that when brought in front ofSt Peter, Barontus was accused by the demons for committing'major sins'.79 Furthermore, against this background, it is obviouswhy the inhabitants of hell were grouped according to the sinsthey had committed.80 Notwithstanding the fact that such a notionhad already infiltrated into the Visio Baronti, no overall classific-atory system can yet be observed in it.81

72 See for example: Enoc 22:1—5; Visio sancti Pauli, in Th. Silverstein (ed.),Studies and Documents, 4 (London, 1935), 130—47; re-edited by C. Carozzi,Apocalypse et Au-dela (Aix-en-Provence, 1994).

73 VB 6, citing Gregory the Great, Homiliae in Evangelia xxxiv:g.74 See J. Michl, 'Engel VIII—Raphael', in Reallexikon fur Antike und

Christentum, V (Stuttgart, 1962), 252—4; Carozzi, Le voyage, 159—60." See for example VB 17.76 Cassian, De institutis coenobiorum 5—12, in M . Petschenig (ed.), CSEL 17

(Vienna, Prague, and Leipzig, 1888); idem, Collationes V:2, in M . Petschenig (ed.),CSEL 13 (Vienna, Prague, and Leipzig, 1886). On Cassian's percept ion of sin seeO. Chadwick, John Cassian. A Study in Primitive Monasticism, 2nd edn. ,(Cambridge, 1968), 94-99.

77 Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job 19-20, in M. Adriaen (ed.), CCSL 143A(Turnhout, 1979).

78 J . T . McNei l l and H . M . G a m e r , Medieval Handbooks of Penance. A transla-tion of the principal l ibri poeni tent ia les and selection from related documents ( N e wYork, 1938), 19-20 ; J . D e l u m e a u , Le pechi et le peur: la culpibilation en Occident(Paris, 1983), 218-19; Morgan, Dante and the Medieval, 115-17.

79 VB 12: 'principalia vitia'.80 VB 17.81 The inhabitants of hell in the Visio Baronti are grouped as follows: superbi,

luxoriosi, periuri, homicidi, invidi, detractores, and fallaces. See VB 17.

THE VISIO BARONTI 491If the promotion of private penance was the major impetus

behind the composition of the Visio Baronti, then the promotionof the concept of charity was a significant stimulus as well. Charitywas an extremely important Christian issue, and bishops inMerovingian Gaul were striving to deliver and teach this idea totheir audiences.82 Caesarius of Aries, for example, criticizedharshly those who spent money on drinking rather than giving itto the poor,83 and Gregory of Tours did much the same.84 A bigboost to the doctrine of charity came with the introduction ofprivate penance, and especially with the vast circulation of thelibri paenitentiales, which propagated the penitential qualities ofalmsgiving.85 Yet the strong connection between charity and pen-ance was formed even before private penance made its first stepson the Continent. Cassian in his Conference of Abbot Pinuftus lists'twelve fruits of penitence' through which one can gain ransomfor one's sins, and places almsgiving second, after baptism.86 Thislist was adapted and cited in the preface to the Penitential ofCummeanus,87 and its basic concept, it seems, found its way intothe Visio Baronti as well.

A disproportionate weight was placed by the author of the VisioBaronti on the forgiveness of sins by giving alms. It appears firstin St Peter's dismissal of the demons, when he justifies Barontus'right to continue his earthly life by arguing that he had givenalms, and by citing Tobias iv, 11 that 'alms free men even fromdeath'.88 The issue of charity recurs when St Peter fixes Barontus'penance for keeping twelve solidi without permission. Barontuswas ordered to give each month one solidus to a poor man, begin-

82 See M . Van U y t f a n g h e , Stylisation biblique et condition humaine dans I'hagio-graphie merovingienne (Brusse l s , 1987), 8 3 - 8 9 , 146—50.

83 Caesarius of Aries, Sermones 46:4, 47:7. See also Caesarius' Sermones 17,21-24, 30-32, which refer to charity and almsgiving.

84 G r e g o r y of T o u r s , Decent libri historiarum IV:35 , in B. K r u s c h and W . Levison(eds.), MGH SRM l:i (Hanover, 1937-51), 167-68. On this issue see Hen, Cultureand Religion, 238.

85 The earliest example known to me are the canons attributed to St Patrick.See Synodus I sancti Patricii 12—13, in L. Bieler (ed. and tr.), The Irish Penitentials,Scriptores Latini Hiberniae, 5 (Dublin, 1963), 54—59. See also Penitentialis Viniani36, ibid., 74-95; Paenitentiale Columbani 20, ibid., 96-107; Paenitentiale Parisiensesimplex 19 and 34, in R. Kottje (ed.), CCSL 156 (Turnhout, 1994).

86 Cass i an , Collationes 20 :8 : 'similite etiam per elemosynarum fructum vulneribusnostris medella praestatur, "quia sicut aqua extinguit ignem, sic elemosyna extinguitpeccatum" (Ecc les . 3 :33) ' .

87 Paenitentiale Cummeani, in L. Bieler (ed. and tr.), The Irish Penitentials,108—35. It 'S also cited in a sermon, wrongly attributed to Caesarius of Aries. SeeSermo 12, PL lxvii, 1075. On the wrong attribution see Morin's edn., xix.

88 VB 12: 'elemosynam fecit—elemosyna enim de morte liberal'.

492 Y. HENning on i April.89 Charity appears again in the short excursus onEbbo, who gave up all his earthly possessions, following the Lord'ssaying, 'Go and sell all you have and give to the poor' (Matt.19:21). 'His arms', says the author, 'were always ready to givealms. He traded temporal payments for eternal rewards. It wasbecause of this and other good deeds that his fingers and armsshone with light. No one, therefore, beloved brethren, shouldhesitate to give alms, since by this means the gracious Lord bringshis faithful to eternal life'.90

It is arguable, therefore, that the Visio Baronti was written asan admonitory dossier for the benefit of the monks of Longoretusand Millebeccus to promote, first and foremost, the idea of privatepenance and its particular notion of the forgiveness of sins. Inaddition, the author also sought to promote the idea of charity asa penitential act. Thus, it is not a mere coincidence that the VisioBaronti stresses both issues—penance and charity—as related toeach other. Once again, our author is shown to be reliant on wellestablished Christian tradition in his attempt to promote thoseChristian issues which he felt it necessary to emphasize.

The last didactic issue which the Visio Baronti addresses is thequestion of monastic conduct. The fact that Barontus was attackedand accused by the demons had nothing to do with his monasticconduct. But the accusation brought against him by St Petershortly after the demons had left, did question his monastic con-duct. Barontus kept twelve solidi to himself, without permission,91

and thus disobeyed the thirty-third chapter of the rule ofSt Benedict.92

This incident, in fact, is a grave warning to all the monks, butespecially to those recently recruited to monastic life, who foundit hard at times to give up all the luxury to which they wereaccustomed. Barontus, who had only recently joined the monasticorder, as the author states, kept, against the uncompromising

89 VB 13.90 VB 15: 'Cuius manus semper fuerunt largae ad elemosynam dandam; erogandam

transitoriam mercabat aetemam. Ista et alia bona faciendo refulserunt eius digita etbrachia. Nullus ergo debet, dilectissimi fratres, dubitare elemosynam donare, dum sicpius Dominus fideles suos facit in aeterna vita claros habitare'.

91 VB 13.92 Regula sancti Benedicti 33:3 , in A. de Vogue and J. Neufvi l le (eds. and t rs) ,

Sources Chretiennes, 181-82 (Paris, 1972). On the fact that Longoretus followedthe Benedictine rule see Vita Sigiramni 13: 'Nam eodem in loco adiens, ibique,favente Domino, ipsique Flaucado scilicet innvente et propinquorum eius, deinceps subsancta regula a beato edita Benedicto degens, congruum inibi monachorum construxitedificium ...'.

THE VISJO BARONTI 493demand of the rule of St Benedict, twelve solidi for himself.93

There is little doubt that Barontus was not the only one who actedin such a way, and the fact that the Visio Baronti raises the issuepoints to its admonitory aim. It also strengthens my suggestionconcerning the audience for whom this treatise was composed inthe first place, namely a monastic community.

Other points in the monastic routine of Longoretus are alsocriticized, such as the facts that candles are not burning in thechurch throughout the night,94 and the tombs in the church arenot cleaned.95 These are, of course, minor issues, and they aresecondary to the principal message of the vision, which appearsto be the doctrines of penance and charity.

The political stage

It has been suggested that medieval visionary literature becamealmost exclusively political in its aim, at least from the time ofthe Carolingians.96 'Within a century', writes Dutton, 'theCarolingians had recovered a part and reinvented other featuresof a tradition of political oneirocriticism that had lain largelydormant since late-antiquity'.97 According to him, Carolingianscholars shaped that tradition according to their own needs, andproduced visionary texts which followed the shifting flash-pointof political anxiety, and which raised an urgent alarm.98 However,the Visio Baronti also falls within the category of political visions,and it is, as Carozzi points out, one of the first political visions ofthe Middle Ages, preceded only by the short visions of KingGunthramn and Gregory of Tours.99 Yet, when analysing the

93 On the fact that Barontus was of noble origin see VB i . I do not agree withCarozzi, who argues that Barontus had a special status among the monks, andtherefore lived in a house, close to his son, and not with the rest of the brethren(Carozzi, he voyage, 169). Carozzi cites VB 1 and 3 to support his point, butnowhere in these chapters does the author disclose any information of that kind.All that is said in VB 1 is that Barontus was on his way back to his bed ('ad lectumsuum redivit'), and that after collapsing he ordered his son to call Eudo. Notsleeping with the other monks in the same dormitories would have been anotherbreach of the rule of St Benedict, and therefore, one may assume, it would havebeen criticized by the author as well.

94 VB 11.95 VB 14.96 See for example Levison, 'Die Politik', 231—34; Neiske, 'Vision und

Totengedenken', 150; Morgan, From Dante to Medieval, 52; Dutton, The politicsof dreaming, passim.

97 Dutton, The politics of dreaming, 253.98 Ibid., especially 252-59.99 Gregory of Tours , Decent libri historiarum VI I I :5 . On these visions see

Carozzi, he voyage, 64—66.

494 Y. HENpolitical aspects of the Visio Baronti, one has to be extremelycautious not to read too much into it.

In an attempt to unravel the political background of the VisioBaronti, Carozzi noticed that Sigiramnus, the founder ofLongoretus, is not mentioned as one of those who inhabit Paradise.This, suggests Carozzi, might be because of Aquitanian localpatriotism. Sigiramnus, we are told, was born in Bourges, raisedin Tours, and was a protege of the Burgundian Flauchadus. Onthe other hand, Barontus was the son or a relative of an Aquitaniannobleman in the service of the Neustrian court. Thus, arguesCarozzi, the Aquitanian Barontus and the author had no sympathyfor a native of Bourges. He also supports this assertion by men-tioning the fact that Dido of Poitiers, a bishop of an Austrasiancity and a native of Burgundy, and Vulfoeldus of Bourges, whowas identified with the Neustrian-Burgundian party, were bothcondemned to hell in the Visio Baronti}00

Carozzi's assumptions sound feasible, but they are based onshaky ground. First, we do not know that Barontus was anAquitanian. The fact that a certain Barontus was active in thepolitics of Aquitaine in the 630s101 does not prove that ourBarontus was related to him, though it is certainly a possibility asRouche has suggested. Second, we have only superficial evidenceof local patriotic feelings in seventh century Aquitaine. Rouchementions some sort of Aquitanian opposition,102 and we hear fromlater sources that Aquitaine was indeed a stronghold of oppositionto the Frankish court.103 Yet, it is doubtful whether these feelingswere as widespread in the seventh century as they were to becomein the eighth or the ninth.104 Finally, one should not underestimatethe fact that Longoretus was founded by a native of Bourges, ona Burgundian possession, and in a region under Neustrianinfluence.

Carozzi also suggested that Sigiramnus is not mentioned as partof the community in Paradise because the author wished to substi-tute Francardus, whom he regarded as the real founder of the

100 Carozzi, Le voyage, 143-44.101 See Carozzi, Le voyage, 142-43, who relies on some suggestions made by

M. Rouche, L'Aquitaine des Wisigoths aux Arabes, 418-781. Naissance d'une region(Paris, 1979), 414.

102 Rouche, VAquitaine, 106.103 See for example Fredegarii Continuatores 25, 41-42, 45—48 and 52—53, in

J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (ed.), The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar and itsContinuation (London, i960), 98, 110-11, 114-17 and 120-21; Annales MettensesPriores s.a. 742, in B. von Simson (ed.), MGH SRG 10 (Hanover, 1905), 33.

104 Compare Carozzi with Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms, 100-101.

THE VISIO BARONTI 495monastery, for him.105 This assertion is very odd. Why would theauthor introduce Francardus as the founder, when his audienceknew for certain who the real founder was? Furthermore, whydoes Carozzi think Sigiramnus should be mentioned specificallyas a dweller in Paradise? As we have seen, all those who arementioned by name in the Visio Baronti were monks of eitherLongoretus or Millebeccus, and were familiar to the author andhis audience. No one from the remote past of these monasteriesis invoked by name in the Visio Baronti, not even Sigiramnus. Ifone accepts Carozzi's argument, then similar questions can beasked and answered in the same way. Why is St Benedict, whoserule the monastery followed, not mentioned? Where is Gregorythe Great, whom the author cites extensively? Is it because ofanti-Roman or anti-papal feelings that he is omitted from amongthe inhabitants of Paradise?

Carozzi's attempt to identify political and Aquitanian local ele-ments in the Visio Baronti may be reading more into the text thanit warrants. The political aims of the Visio Baronti, I would argue,are more down to earth than envisaged by Carozzi. The VisioBaronti is indeed a political declaration, but it is a declaration inwhich the author stresses Millebeccus' and Longoretus' affiliationwith the Merovingian court. The strong relations betweenSigiramnus' foundations and the Merovingian court started at thevery beginning of their history, when in 632 King Dagobert Iendowed Sigiramnus with Longoretus for the building of a monas-tery, and Millebeccus for the construction of a basilica.106 Thesedonations of land turned Millebeccus and Longoretus into royalfoundations in a sense; hence the Merovingian connection.Moreover, the foundation of both monasteries in the region ofBrenne was part of a huge campaign, sponsored by theMerovingian kings, in which many cloisters were foundedthroughout Gaul as a result of the Columbanian impulse.107

The affiliation of Millebeccus and Longoretus with theMerovingians receives further support from one short butextremely important remark in Barontus' account. While on theway back, passing by the entrance to hell, through the 'dense fogand the amount of steam going up' Barontus recognised two

105 Carozzi, Le voyage, 170. One should note that the author does not refer toFrancardus as founder even once.

106 See Vita Sigiramni 11-12; Prinz, Frillies Monchtum, 136. See also K. Pertz(ed.), Diplomata regum Francorum e stripe Merovingica 28, MGH Diplomata imperii1 ( H a n o v e r , 1872) , 145—46.

107 Prinz, Friihes Monchtum, 140—41; Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms,181-202.

496 Y. HENfamiliar faces, Bishop Vulfoeldus of Bourges and Bishop Dido ofPoitiers.108 We do not know much about these bishops and theiractivities, but the little we know is enough to suggest that theircondemnation for suffering in hell is a strong and clear declarationof loyalty to the Merovingians.

Bishop Dido of Poitiers, uncle of the famous Leodegarius, isfamiliar to Merovingian historians because of the part he playedin the political coup of Grimoald. After the death of Sigibert III,probably in 656, the Austrasian major domus, Grimoald, overthrewthe legitimate heir of the Merovingian throne, the infant DagobertII, and enthroned his own son, Childebert, in his place. Theyoung Dagobert II was tonsured, and then sent to Bishop Didoof Poitiers, who took him into exile in Ireland.109 The chronologyand the exact details of this incident are complicated and almostimpossible to ascertain, yet Dido's involvement in it is far beyondany doubt.

Vulfoeldus of Bourges is rather less well documented in oursources. He was first chosen as an episcopal co-adjutant by BishopSulpicius of Bourges, and after Sulpicius' death he succeeded himto the bishopric.110 Vulfoeldus attended the council of Chalon(647-53),m a nd his signature appears on the charters issued onbehalf of St Denis (22 June 654)112 and St Columba of Sens(26 August 660).113 From a letter sent by King Sigibert III toBishop Desiderius of Cahors, we learn that Vulfoeldus tried toconvene a Council of Bishops without either consulting or procur-ing the permission of King Sigibert III of Austrasia.114 Such anact might be interpreted as a subversive step against theMerovingian king, and as such it justifies Vulfoeldus' condemna-

108 VB 17.1OT R. Gerberding, The Rise of the Carolingians and the Liber Histonae

Francorum (Oxford, 1987), 47—66; I. N. Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms,322-24; J- M. Picard, 'Church and politics in the seventh century: the Irish exileof King Dagobert II ' , in idem ed., Ireland and Northern France, A.D. 600—850(Dublin, 1991), 27—52; and compare M. Becher, 'Der sogenannte StaatsstreichGrimoalds', in J. Jarnut and others (eds.), Karl Martel in seiner Zeit, Beihefte derFrancia, 37 (Sigmaringen, 1994), 119-47.

110 Vita Sulpicii episcopiBiturgi 7, in B. Krusch (ed.), MGH SRMIV (Hanover,1902), 364-80.

111 Concilium Cabilonense, in C. de Clercq (ed.), CCSL 148A (Turnhout,1963), 303-10.

112 Ph. Lauer and Ch. Samaran, Les diplomes originaux des Merovingiens (Paris,1908), 6-7.

113 J. M. Pardessus, Diplomata, Chartae, Epistulae, Leges, aliaque instrumentaad res Gallo-Francicas spectantia II (Paris, 1949), 109—n 1.

114 Desiderius of Cahors, Epistula II: i7, in D. Norberg (ed.) (Uppsala, 1961).The King is Sigibert III and not Sigibert II as thought by Carozzi, Le voyage, 143.

THE VISIO BARONTI 497

tion to hell. Against this background it seems that Carozzi over-emphasised the local patriotic elements in the Visio Baronti, andthat real acts of atrocity against the Merovingians, with whomboth Longoretus and Millebeccus were affiliated, were the politicaljustification for sending both Dido of Poitiers and Vulfoeldus ofBourges to hell.

Conclusion

When one reflects on the various characteristics of the VisioBaronti adduced above, then one is obliged to suppose that theVisio Baronti was composed as a didactic treatise for the benefitof the monks of Longoretus and Millebeccus. The local appeal ofthe composition is suggested by the people and places whom theauthor invokes, and the didactic aim is suggested by its homiletictone. Furthermore, such a supposition is confirmed by the exam-ination of the themes the Visio Baronti pursues—the introductionof private penance, the doctrine of charity, and the issue of mon-astic conduct. Indeed, many of the recurrent topics handled inthe Visio Baronti are characteristic of preoccupations in monasticcircles of the period, and they coincide extremely well with thereform campaign of Queen Balthild, who, as her biographerrelates,

showered great estates and whole forests upon religious communities forthe construction of their cells and monasteries. ...She would also sendletters warning bishops and abbots that the monks dwelling in thoseplaces ought to live according to their holy rule and order. And that theymight agree more freely, she ordered their privileges confirmed andgranted immunities that it might please them all to beseech Christ thehighest King to show mercy to the King and to give peace.115

YITZHAK HEN

115 Vita Balthildis 7 and 9, in B. Krusch (ed.), MGH SRM II (Hanover, 1888),475—508, at 489 and 493—94: '... quanta et quam magna commoda per religiosorumcoenobia largiendo Integra praedia et silvas magnas ad cellualas seu monasteria con-struenda concessit. ... et epistolas per hoc eis [i.e. pontificibus et abbatibus] direxit, utsub sancto regulari ordine fratres ipsa loca consistentes vivere debeant. Et ut hoclibenter adquiescerent, privilegium eis firmare iussit, vel etiam emunitates concessit, utmelius eis delectaret pro rege et pace summi regis Christi clementiam exorare'. [I haveslightly altered the translation of J.-A. McNamara, J. E. Halborg, and E. G.Whatley, Sainted Women of the Middle Ages (Durham and London, 1992), 271and 273] On Queen Balthild's Klosterpolitik see E. Ewig, 'Das Privileg des BischofsBerthefrid von Amiens ftlr Corbie von 664 und die Klosterpolitik der KoniginBalthild', Francia 1 (1973), 62—114; J- Nelson, 'Queens as Jezebels: the careers ofBrunhild and Balthild in Merovingian history', in D. Baker (ed.), Medieval Women,Studies in Church History—Subsidia, 1 (Oxford, 1978), 31-78; I. N. Wood, TheMerovingian Kingdoms, 197-202; Y. Hen, Culture and Religion, 54—60.