THE STORM-GODS OF THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST: SUMMARY, SYNTHESIS, RECENT STUDIES PART II

copy Koninklijke Brill NV Leiden 2008 JANER 81Also available online ndash wwwbrillnl

THE STORM-GODS OF THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST

SUMMARY SYNTHESIS RECENT STUDIES

PART II

DANIEL SCHWEMER

Abstract

In many regions of the ancient Near East not least in Upper Mesopotamia Syria

and Anatolia where agriculture relied mainly on rainfall storm-gods ranked among

the most prominent gods in the local panthea or were even regarded as divine

kings ruling over the gods and bestowing kingship on the human ruler While

the Babylonian and Assyrian storm-god never held the highest position among

the gods he too belongs to the group of lsquogreat godsrsquo through most periods of

Mesopotamian history Given the many cultural contacts and the longevity of tra-

ditions in the ancient Near East only a study that takes into account all relevant

periods regions and text-groups can further our understanding of the different

ancient Near Eastern storm-gods The study Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und

Nordsyriens by the present author (2001) tried to tackle the problems involved bas-

ing itself primarily on the textual record and excluding the genuinely Anatolian

storm-gods from the study Given the lack of handbooks concordances and the-

sauri in our field the book is necessarily heavily burdened with materials collected

for the first time Despite comprehensive indices the long lists and footnotes as

well as the lack of an overall synthesis make the study not easily accessible espe-

cially outside the German-speaking community In 2003 Alberto Green published

a comprehensive monograph entitled The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East whose

aims are more ambitious than those of Wettergottgestalten All regions of the ancient

Near Eastmdashincluding a chapter on Yahwe as a storm-godmdashare taken into account

and both textual and iconographic sources are given equal space Unfortunately

this book which was apparently finished and submitted to the publisher before

Wettergottgestalten came to its authorrsquos attention suffers from some serious flaws with

regard to methodology philology and the interpretation of texts and images In

presenting the following succinct overview I take the opportunity to make up for

the missing synthesis in Wettergottgestalten and to provide some additions and cor-

rections where necessary It is hoped that this synthesis can also serve as a response

to the history of ancient Near Eastern storm-gods as outlined by A Green

Part I (see JANER 72)

1 lsquoStorm-Godrsquo Scope and Limits of a Modern and Ancient Concept

2 Natural Phenomenon and Divine Manifestation

3 Sumerian Iskur

31 Name and Early History

32 Development of the Cult in the Third Millennium

33 Deities Associated with Iskur

34 Modus Operandi in Religious Literature

4 Semitic Hadda


42 Assyro-Babylonian Adad (Addu)

421 Third and Early Second Millennium

422 The First Half of the Second Millennium

423 The Second Half of the Second Millennium and the First

Millennium

424 Adad in the God-Lists the Circle of Deities Associated with

Adad

425 The Goddess Sagravela426 Adad as God of Divination

427 Modus Operandi in Literary Texts

43 The Syrian and Upper-Mesopotamian Hadda (Haddu Hadad)

431 Hadda The Third Millennium

432 Haddu The First Half of the Second Millennium

433 Haddu Tessub and Baalu The Second Half of the Second

Millennium

434 Aramaean Hadad Assyrian Adad and Luwian Tarcentunza The

First Millennium

44 The Storm-God of Aleppo

Part II ( JANER 81)

5 Tessub the Hurrian King of the Gods


52 Spread of the Cult

53 Tessub as Head of the Imperial Pantheon of Mittani

54 Modus Operandi and Circle of Deities Associated with Tessub

6 Baalu The Storm-God as Lord of the Gods

61 The Epithet baalu ldquoLordrdquo as a Divine Name

62 Baalu of Ugarit

621 Position in the City Pantheon

622 The Mythological Texts

63 Baalu (Addu) at Emar

64 Baaal and Baaalsamecircm in the First Millennium

7 The Anatolian Storm-Gods Taru and Tarcentun(t)

71 Names and Strands of Tradition

72 Position in the Pantheon

73 Modus Operandi in Mythology and Ritual

8 The Victory of the Storm-God over the Sea

9 Further Gods with Storm-God Characteristics

91 The North-Babylonian and Assyrian Storm-God Wegraver92 The Babylonian God of the Western Lands Mardu-Amurru

93 The Anatolian Vegetation- and Storm-God Telipinu

10 A Few Remarks on Iconography

Appendix Selected Additions and Corrections to Schwemer Wettergottgestalten

2 daniel schwemer

the storm-gods of the ancient near east 3

1 See Wettergottgestalten 456ff on the city of Kumme cf now also W MayerldquoDie Stadt Kumme als uumlberregionales religioumlses Zentrumrdquo in Ex Mesopotamia et SyriaLux Fs M Dietrich AOAT 281 Muumlnster 2002 329-358

2 For the Tessub temple in 15th and 14th cent Arrapcente see Wettergottgestalten463-464



The name of the Hurrian storm-god Tessub which should strictlybe written Tessob according to the orthography of the Mittani let-ter (the variant form Tessoba occurs in the onomasticon) is with-out etymology but may well be genuinely Hurrian Tessub is attestedfirst in Hurrian personal names of the Ur III and Old Babylonianperiods The first attestation for the storm-god himself occurs inthe Hurrian inscription of Tis-Atal of Urkes (Ur III period) wherethe name of the god is already written logographically (dISKUR)Nothing is known about the history of the god before Hurriandynasties established themselves in the Upper Mesopotamian areaTessub certainly belongs to the old Hurrian pantheon and shareshis roots with the Urartian storm-god Teiseba who is only attestedin the 1st mill Tessub was presumably at the head of the Hurrianpantheon from time immemorial as divine king The assumptionthat his position of divine king accrued to him only via syncretismwith Upper Mesopotamian Haddu remains without convincingproof The fact that Teiseba only has the second rung in theUrartian pantheon after rsaquoaldi results from secondary developments(Wettergottgestalten 444-446)

52 Diffusion of the Cult

The main cult centre of Tessub was Kumme which presumablylies in the valley of the Eastern rsaquoabur The name Kumme mayperhaps be interpreted as originally Hurrian (in Akkadian thenKummu(m) in Hittite Kummiya) which would speak for an orig-inally Hurrian character of the sanctuary The sanctuary can beattested in the sources from the Old Babylonian to the Neo-Assyrianperiod and enjoyed a transregional significance similar to that ofthe temple of the storm-god of Aleppo1 The storm-god sanctuaryof East Tigridian Arrapcente (Arrapcentum) is attested from the OldBabylonian period too and probably also had a Hurrian charac-ter even before the 15th cent2 With the increased establishment of

4 daniel schwemer

Hurrian dynasties and finally the rise of the Empire of Mittani inthe Upper Mesopotamian-North Syrian area the cult of Tessubalso spread and connected with traditions associated of old withthe Semitic storm-god Addu Due to the lack of sources howeverit is not yet even possible to trace the developments via local casestudies in any detail The most important temples of Tessub withinthe realm of the Mittani empire were those of the cities KacentatWassukkanni Ucentus(u)magraven(i) and Irride3

A few traces of the short-lived Hurro-Mittanian rule over Assyriaare still visible in the traditions associated with Adad in the Neo-Assyrian period4 but more importantly Hurrian cultural influenceextended as far as southern Anatolia and reachedmdashmainly viaKizzuwatnamdashthe Hittite royal family so that significant elementsmotifs and texts of Syro-Hurrian origin are identifiable in the Hittitecult from the Middle Hittite period on The Hittite storm-god wasidentified with Tessub in the process relevant religious texts (mythshymns prayers) were adopted and partially translated into Hittitethe name of Tessub being replaced by that of the Hittite storm-god in these cases The Syro-Hurrian pantheon with Tessub andrsaquoegravebat at its top formed an important element of the cult5 Almostall texts providing information on the ideas associated with Tessubhave been transmitted to us by Hittite scribes be it in Hittite orHurrian All these texts were already the result of a comprehen-sive fusion of originally Syrian and Hurrian traditions each of whichwas in early contact with the Assyro-Babylonian world too


According to the few sources at our disposal (mainly the Mittanidossier in the Amarna correspondence) Tessub was at the top ofthe official pantheon of the Mittani Empire Nearest in rank to himwas the goddess (Istar-)Sawuska What relationship these two divini-ties had to each other is not quite clear In the Hurrian myths andrituals known to us from rsaquoattusa the North-Syrian rsaquoegravebat is always

3 These are the local forms of Tessub mentioned in the god list of the Sattiwazatreaty see Wettergottgestalten 461f a few more storm-god sanctuaries in what musthave been cities belonging to Mittani are attested in Middle Assyrian sources(Sura Isana see Wettergottgestalten 577f)

4 See Wettergottgestalten 482 on Segraveri(s) and rsaquourri in Assyrian sources5 Cf Wettergottgestalten 498-501 and see now I Wegner Hurritische Opferlisten aus

hethitischen Festbeschreibungen II ChS I3-2 Roma 2002


the wife Sawuska on the other hand the sister of the storm-godThis Syro-Hurrian tradition can however hardly be an originallyHurrian concept Conspicuously forms of Sawuska were often wor-shipped at the side of Tessub in the area east of the Tigris whichlay under Hurrian influence and even in Old Babylonian UpperMesopotamia forms of Istar appear to have been worshipped at theside of the storm-god albeit without Istar-Sawuska being explicitlylabelled the consort of Tessub How the relationship between Tessuband Sawuska was conceptualised in the imperial pantheon of Mittaniis not discernable from the available sources The goddess rsaquoegravebatwas surely not unknown as Mittanian princesses have her in theirnames Thus one cannot exclude that the Syro-Hurrian traditionalso prevailed in the imperial pantheon of Mittani (see Wettergottgestalten460-462)


The best known group of myths that feature Tessub as their pro-tagonist is the so-called lsquoKumarbi-cyclersquo Only fragmentarily pre-served myths from this cycle are known exclusively on manuscriptsfrom rsaquoattusa most of them Hittite translations which also trans-late the individual divine names into Hittite Beside this there arealso a few fragments of Hurrian versions The whole mythic com-plex treats essentially one theme the conflict between the youngerdivine king Tessub and his deposed father Kumarbi who tries byvarious tricks to regain the kingship over the gods The divine king-dom is set in heaven and presided over first by the primeval godAlalu He is then driven out by his son the sky-god Anu whohimself is deposed by Kumarbi a god of the same generation asAnu In the struggle Kumarbi bites Anursquos genitals off and thus car-ries the seed of powerful gods including Tessub within him Theseare then lsquobornrsquo from him and defeat him and so Tessub becomesthe new king of the gods Tessubrsquos earthly home is also the townof Kumme6 in the myth and his cosmic sphere of activities areheaven and the land Particularly the underworld and the sea areforeign and hostile regions to him In alliance primarily with thedeities and monsters of the sea and the underworldmdashincluding a stonegiant with the programmatic name Ullikummi ldquoDestroy KummerdquomdashKumarbi who was himself ascribed chthonic characteristics as a god

6 For Tessub as lord of Kumme see Wettergottgestalten 456-458

6 daniel schwemer

of cereals and as the disposessed old king of the gods attempts towin back the divine kingship in heaven The narrative cycle receivessuspense from the fact that Kumarbirsquos plans are in the short termalmost successful until Tessub finally manages to narrowly defeathis various opponents The cycle perhaps ended with a strugglebetween Tessub and the sea-god who may have been allied toKumarbi from which Tessub definitively emerges as the victoriousking of the gods (for the motif of the storm-godrsquos victory over thesea cf also 8)7

The group of deities associated with Tessub according to theKumarbi-cycle corresponds broadly to that known from other reli-gious texts of Hurrian provenance He was a son of Anu andKumarbi a Hurrian invocation labels Kumarbi as Tessubrsquos ldquomotherrdquoin harmony with the lsquoSong of Kingship in Heavenrsquo from theKumarbi-cycle In KUB 33 89+ 6 Tessub is apparently called ason of the moon-god but this attestation is still isolated and itssignificance remains unclear for the time being Brother and sisterof Tessub were Sawuska and Tasmisu (Hittite Suwaliyatt) the lat-ter is is also called Tessubrsquos viziermdasha position which is occupiedby the god Tegravenu in the ritual texts perhaps following an Aleppinetraditon8 The chariot of Tessub was pulled by two divine bulls asfrequently attested in Hittite and North-Syrian art In the Song ofUllikummi these bulls are called Segraverisu and Tilla But most frequentlyit is rsaquourri (older rsaquourra) also a divine bull who stands beside Segraveri(s)not Tilla who is attested as an important independent god in theregion of Nuzi in the 15th cent While Segraveri(s) partly appears as an

7 See Wettergottgestalten 446-454 In the meantime more fragments have beenidentified as (possibly) belonging to the Kumarbi-cycle see D Groddek ldquobdquo[DieseAngelegenheit] houmlre die Istar von Ninive nichtldquordquo WdO 31 (2000-2001) 23-30 andA Archi ldquoEa and the Beast A Song Related to the Kumarpi Cyclerdquo in SilvaAnatolica Studies M Popko ed P Taracha Warsaw 2002 1-10 For Hurrian frag-ments see M Giorgieri ldquoDie hurritische Fassung des Ullikummi-Liedes und ihrehethitische Parallelerdquo in Akten des IV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Hethitologie Wuumlrzburg4-8 Oktober 1999 StBoT 45 Wiesbaden 2001 134-155 (Ullikummi cf Wettergottgestalten457 fn 3778) M Dijkstra ldquoThe Myth of apsi ldquothe (Sea)dragonrdquo in the HurrianTraditionrdquo UF 37 (2005) 315-328 (rsaquoedammu) and generally ChS 16 For the firstsong of the cycle see now C Corti ldquoThe So-called ldquoTheogonyrdquo or ldquoKingship inHeavenrdquo The Name of the Songrdquo SMEA 49 (2007) 109-121

8 For Tessubrsquos filiation see Wettergottgestalten 454f 451 fn 3736 for Tasmisuand Tegravenu see ibid 448 fn 3719 and 500f Note that a ldquodivine priest nameddTenurdquo (thus CHD S I 185a) does not exist KUB 34 102 obv II 14 has luacutesukkalnot luacutesanga as all other parallel texts (also syllabically su-uk-kal-li) For Sawuskaand rsaquoegravebat see Wettergottgestalten 460-461


independently acting god but mainly as the mediator betweenhumans and his lord Tessub rsaquourri is only mentioned at the sideof Segraveri(s) and hadmdashas far as we knowmdashno distinct profile9 Twofurther side-kicks of Tessub were the mountain-gods rsaquoazzi (Cassius)and Nanni (Anti-Cassius) they play no role in the Kumarbi-cyclebut are often named in the offering lists directly after Segraveri(s) andrsaquourri10 Otherwise the South-Anatolian bull- and mountain-godSarrumma who occupied an important position in the Hittite pan-theon of the 13th cent was known as the son of Tessub and rsaquoegravebatUnclear remains the relationship of the divine bulls Tilla Segraveri(s)rsaquourri and Sarrumma to the divine bull-calf Bugraveru who is subordi-nate to Adad primarily in the Aramaean milieu of the Neo-Assyrianand Late Babylonian periods whether this bull-god Bugraveru was some-how related to the god Apladad the Adad-son of 1st mill Aramaeanreligion (cf 423) is unknown too11

The narratives of the multi-tablet series ldquoReleaserdquo which havebeen preserved in a bilingual Hurrian-Hittite version are fraughtwith numerous difficulties of interpretation due to their overall veryfragmentary state of preservation12 Here too Tessub appears aslord of the gods The beginning of the proemium refers directly toTessub as lord of Kumme In one episode Tessub demands therelease of prisoners from Megi the ruler of Ebla and threatensotherwise the destruction of the city The city-elders respond to thisapproach in the form of ironic questions saying that it is quiteimprobable that the powerful Tessub would have solidarity withthe prisoners13 In another episode Tessub is a guest in the under-world where the goddess of the underworld receives him with acelebration Whether this episode ends in an imprisonment of Tessubin the underworld and how such an imprisonment of Tessub in the underworld is connected to the argument with the demandfor the release of the prisoners in Ebla must remain open ques-tions for the moment It is even less sure whether some temporary

9 For the divine bulls associated with Tessub see Wettergottgestalten 477-48710 For rsaquoazzi and Nanni see Wettergottgestalten 228f 233 480 514f with

fn 4185 and 516 with fn 4194 with further literature11 For Bugraveru see Wettergottgestalten 487-489 and K Radner Die neuassyrischen Texte

aus Tall Segravecent Oacuteamad Berlin 2002 1612 See most recently G Wilhelm ldquoDas hurritisch-hethitische lsquoLied der Freilassungrsquo rdquo

in TUAT Ergaumlnzungslieferung ed O Kaiser Guumltersloh 2001 82-9113 For this interpretation see Wilhelm loc cit and idem ldquoDie Koumlnige von

Ebla nach der hurritisch-hethitischen Serie lsquoFreilassungrsquordquo AoF 24 (1997) 277-293

8 daniel schwemer

imprisonment of Tessub in the underworld should be put in thecontext of the conflict between Kumarbi and Tessub known fromthe Kumarbi-cycle or for that matter in the context of Baalursquosdying and rising in the Ugaritic Baalu-cycle At any rate it emergesclearly from the bilingual too that the underworld did not belongto the proper domain of Tessub He dines there according to theAllani-episode beside the primordial gods who he himself had oncebanished to the underworld14

6 Baa lu The Storm-God as Lord of the Gods

61 The Epithet baa lu ldquolordrdquo as Divine Name

The use of the epithet begravelu baalu ldquolordrdquo as the proper name of aparticular god is attested for different gods in various epochs of theancient Near East Either these are abbreviations of the frequentlyoccurring type of epithet connected with all sorts of gods ldquolord of(place-name)rdquo or it is the labelling of particular gods as lord (ofthe gods) par excellence (like Begravel for Marduk) Even the endinglessform Baaal is already attested in the Early Dynastic period (god-listfrom Tell Abugrave Iacutealagravebigravecent) In the pre-Sargonic calendars of Ebla andTell Beydar there is a month-name named after a god only referredto as Baalu or Begravelu (dbe-liacute) In Tell Beydar this god also occurs inthe name of a gate15 Which god is hidden behind these epithetsis not easy to decide In view of the fact that the lsquoNew Calendarrsquofrom Ebla had a month of Hadda beside the month of Baalu andthat otherwise no recognisable connections between Hadda and theappellation Baalu (Baaal ) from this period exist a simple equation ofthis ldquoLordrdquo with the Late Bronze Age storm-god Baalu is out ofthe question The element baalu in Ebla onomastics and similarlyin later Amorite onomastics should be understood as an epithetand address form that can stand for different deities not as anactual name of a single god It appears therefore unlikely that Baaluas found in the Early Dynastic texts from Ebla Tell Beydar andTell Abugrave Iacutealagravebigravecent represents the immediate precursor of the storm-god Baalu of late 2nd and 1st mill Syria The overall evidencerather points to Baalu developing in the course of the late 16th and

14 See Wettergottgestalten 455-456 with fn 3761-6315 See W Sallaberger ldquoCalendar and Pantheonrdquo in W Sallaberger e a

Administrative Documents from Tell Beydar Subartu 2 Turnhout 85-87

16 For the texts found at Tell Taanakh see now W HorowitzmdashT OshimaCuneiform in Canaan Cuneiform Sources from the Land of Israel in Ancient Times Jerusalem2006 127-151

17 For this overall interpretation of the evidence see Wettergottgestalten 502-511for a different view see G Pettinato ldquoPre-Ugaritic Documentation of Baaalrdquo inThe Bible World Studies CH Gordon ed G Rendsburg ea New York 1980 203-209 and W Herrmann Art ldquoBaalrdquo Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bibleed K van der Toorn ea Leiden ea 21999 132-139 For the problem of theidentification of the god(s) behind the epithet Baalu (d etc) cf also Feliu Dagan 7-41 For the semantics of the divine name Baaal in North-West Semitic languagescf now H-P Muumlller ldquoDer Gottesname Bal und seine Phraseologien im Hebraumlischenund im Phoumlnizisch-Punischenrdquo JSS 50 (2005) 281-296


15th centuries on the Syro-Palestinian coastal strip from an epithetof the storm-god Haddu to his primary name independently fromthe gods called Baalu or Baaal about a thousand years earlierConversely Haddu serves as an epithet of Baalu in Ugaritic mythol-ogy Particularly telling in this regard are not only the cuneiformsources from Syro-Palestine itself (mainly the Amarna-Correspondenceand texts from Tell Taaanakh)16 but also the rendering of the nameof the Syrian storm-god in contemporary Egyptian sources Thetheological background for this development may well have beenthe prominent position of the god Haddu in the panthea of Syro-Palestine which had him as the lord (of gods) per se17 The use ofthe name Baalu then spread in the 14th and 13th centuries as faras Emar on the Middle Euphrates without ever fully replacing Adad(Addu) as the storm-godrsquos name (infra 63) Further East the usageof the name Baalu was never adopted

62 Baa lu of Ugarit

Thanks to the texts found in the city of Ugarit we are by far bestinformed about the storm-god Baalu (Haddu) worshipped in the cityof Ugarit But the abundance of information available for Baalu ofUgarit and Baalu of Mt Iacuteapuna (rsaquoazzi Zaphon Cassius modern]ebel al-Aqraa) should not distract from the fact that the texts fromUgarit represent the tradition of only one of the most importantcity-centres of Late Bronze Age Syro-Palestine We know almostnothing of the myths and cults of the later Phoenician cities ofByblos Sidon and Tyre or of the land of Amurru On the otherhand one has to take into account that especially the cult of BaaluIacuteapuna had trans-regional significance

18 See Wettergottgestalten 532f For the last point see DM Clemensrsquo importantarticle ldquoKTU 145 and 16 I 8-18 1161 1101rdquo UF 33 (2001 publ 2002) 65-116 and cf also MS Smith ldquoThe Death of lsquoDying and Rising Godsrsquo in theBiblical World An Update with Special Reference to Baal in the Baal CyclerdquoSJOT 12 (1998) 289-309 and the critique of this article by TND Mettinger TheRiddle of Resurrection ldquoDying and Rising Godsrdquo in the Ancient Near East Stockholm 200164-66

19 See Wettergottgestalten 525-532 note that the name dISKUR-ia8 compared to

Addaya (526 with fn 4264) must be read Baaluya (brother and predecessor ofAziru of Amurru)

20 See Wettergottgestalten 512f the important letter of the Egyptian king has nowbeen published by S Lackenbacher in Eacutetudes ougaritiques I Travaux 1985-1995 edM YonmdashD Arnaud RSOu 14 Paris 2001 239-248 for a recent German trans-lation see Schwemer TUATNF 3 ed B JanowskimdashG Wilhelm Guumltersloh 2006256-258 (with further literature)

10 daniel schwemer

621 Position in the Pantheon of the CityBaalu embodies the type of young king of the gods who attains theworthiness of kingship among the gods by struggle but who remainsat the same time in principle subordinated to his father hIlu theinactive father of the gods who is dependent on the deeds of hisson (cf eg the relationship between Ninurta and Enlil in Nippur)Both gods stood with their different functions together at the topof the local pantheon and were addressed by the kings as the maingods of the city (cf CAT 114 obv II 22ff) The special role ofthe young king of the gods Baalu is that of representing the inter-ests of the earthly king before the divine father (cf CAT 115 obvII 11ff) The close relationship between the human king and hisdivine counterpart is also illustrated by the fact that the mytho-logical episodes dealing with the burial of Baalu resemble rites per-formed at the burial of Ugaritic kings18 Baalursquos position at the topof the cityrsquos pantheon is clearly reflected by the numerous personalnames formed with his name19 The two temples on the acropolisof Ugarit surely are the sanctuaries of hIlu and Baalu It was prob-ably aAmmu-ragravepi of Ugarit who renovated the temple of Baalu andsent a message to Egypt requiring craftsmen for his work on thebuilding and a votive statue of the Egyptian king20

Baalu consequently usually occupies the first rank among theyounger gods in the offering lists of Ugaritic rituals while the oldergods hIluhibi hIlu and Dagagraven precede him The cult distinguishesbetween Baalu of the city of Ugarit and Baalu of Mt Iacuteapuna It isunsure whether both possessed a sanctuary Probably the main tem-ple of Baalu on the acropolis could also be called the temple ofBaalu Iacuteapuna as the mythical home of Baalu (of Ugarit) was definitely

21 For the evidence from the ritual texts offering lists and related school textssee Wettergottgestalten 514-525 For the texts themselves see now the comprehen-sive treatments by D Pardee Les textes rituels RSOu 12 Paris 2000 (came toolate to be taken into account for Wettergottgestalten) and idem Ritual and Cult atUgarit Writings from the Ancient World 10 Atlanta 2002 For the storm-god ofMt Zaphon in the Hellenistic and Roman times (Zeus Kasios) see now K EhlingmdashD PohlmdashMH Sayar Kulturbegegnungen in einem Bruumlckenland Gottheiten und Kulte alsIndikatoren von Akkulturationsprozessen im Ebenen Kilikien Asia Minor Studien 53 Bonn2004 174ff

22 For the text and its interpretation see Wettergottgestalten 521f The reading ofthe name ΔrΔy (CAT 1148 rev 28) has now become clear The syllabic paralleltext RS 922004 has dsar-ra-si-ia (see D Arnaud ldquoTextes administratifsrdquo in EacutetudesOugaritiques I Travaux 1985-1995 ed M YonmdashD Arnaud RSOu 14 Paris 2001323-326 fn 23 [RS 922004 922009] cf also D Pardee JNES 61 [2002]119-120 and idem Ritual and Cult 12-19) The logographic () writing of the samename dimtur in RS 26142 obv 8 is unclear to me (despite D Arnaudrsquos remarksloc cit 325)

23 For the attestations see CHD S 245 Note that there is no ldquostorm-god of sar-rassiyardquo as implied by D Arnaud loc cit 325 Whether Sarrassiya himself hadattributes of a storm-god we do not know he certainly his a personification ofone of the basic motifs of the Syro-Hurrian storm-godrsquos mythology


meant to be Mt Iacuteapuna If both Baalu manifestations were namedbeside each other Baalu Iacuteapuna had rank over Baalu of the cityUgarit21 Baalu of rsaquoalab too was worshipped at Ugarit He is thehighest-ranking storm-god to receive sacrifices during the centiyaru-ritualat Ugarit named before Baalu of Mt Iacuteapuna Both storm-godsreceive a bull and a sheep on this occasion an honour they sharewith only one other god in the list the god Sarrassiya (ΔrΔy dsar-ra-si-ia)22 named directly after the two storm-gods This god is sofar not attested otherwise but there can be little doubt that he isa personification of Hurrian sarrasse- ldquokingshiprdquo a term that is fre-quently usedmdashin the Hurrian essive casemdashas lsquooffering termrsquo inHurro-Hittite rituals sarrassiya ldquofor kingshiprdquo23 It is apparently thislsquooffering termrsquo in its typical form that was personified and turnedinto a deity of its own The sacrifices to this deity directly after thetwo storm-gods seem to suggest that the centiyaru-festival at Ugaritwas especially performed with regard to (the Aleppine) Baalursquos king-ship over the gods

622 The Mythological TextsA group of fragmentary mythological texts in the Ugaritic languagethe so-called lsquoBaalu-cyclersquo is concerned with the struggles of Baalufor kingship among the gods His rivals in this struggle all comefrom the younger generation of gods while the father of the gods

24 See DM Clemens UF 33 (2001 publ 2002) 65-116 (cf 621) For thedescription of Baalu in the difficult text CAT 1101 cf also infra 10

25 For the storm-godrsquos role in the Ugaritic (and Canaanite) mythological textssee Wettergottgestalten 532-542 for the myth of Baalursquos dying and rising and themotif of dying and rising gods generally see now TND Mettingers comprehen-sive study The Riddle of Resurrection ldquoDying and Rising Godsrdquo in the Ancient Near EastStockholm 2001 which unfortunately appeared only after Wettergottgestalten hadgone to press

12 daniel schwemer

hIlu essentially watches the struggles among the younger genera-tion without his own position being put in question by this Thefact alone however that Baalu has to fight against other rivals forthe kingship which office is finally approved by hIlu suggests a cer-tain tension between the father of the gods and the storm-godwhich reminds one slightly of the configuration of the conflictbetween Kumarbi and Tessub In the Ugaritic myth too the sea-god (Yammu) is a main enemy of the storm-god hIlu installs Yammuas king for unknown reasons and subordinates Baalu to him Baaludefeats Yammu in battle and thus secures the kingship for himself(cf infra 8) Here begins the second large part of the Baalu-cyclewhich is devoted to the building of a palace and the associateddefinitive confirmation of Baalursquos kingship by hIlu The third largenarrative of the Baalu-cycle describes the defeat of the storm-godat the hands of the god of death Mocirctu Baalu is buried and mustdescend into the underworld powerless He dies and takes the stormsand rains with him The scene of Baalursquos burial is only brieflyreferred to in the Baalu-cycle itself but other excerpts from mytho-logical texts seem to indicate that fuller descriptions of the treat-ment of the deceased Baalu existed24 Only after Baalursquos sister aAnatuhas destroyed Mocirctu does Baalu re-emerge from the underworldwith his abundance The cyclical plot of the story suggests a sea-sonal interpretation During the winter rain-period Baalu is amongpeople and in heaven the summer dry-season is brought about byhis sojourn in the world of the dead Parts of the text indicate thatthe myth concerns disastrous droughts occurring at long intervalsbut of course even such disasters basically move within the basicseasonal framework In contrast to the myth about Baalu andYammu the story about Baalu and Mocirctu cannot be connected withearlier material associated with Haddu Tessub or Iskur-Adad (butcf supra 34 and 54) Rather this part of the Baalu-cycle shows arelationship with myths about other dying and returning vegetationgods (esp Dumuzi-Tammuz and Adonis)25 But similar stories about

26 For the Elkunirsa-myth cf HA Hoffner Jr Hittite Myths Writings from theAncient World 2 Atlanta 21998 90-92 G Beckman ldquoElkunirsa and Aserturdquo inContext of Scripture I ed WW Hallo Leiden 1997 149 and now also V HaasDie hethitische Literatur Texte Stilistik Motive BerlinmdashNew York 2006 213-216

27 See Wettergottgestalten 538 with fn 4326 and cf now also Mettinger TheRiddle of Resurrection 76-80

28 For a comprehensive study of the stone anchors see H Frost ldquoAnchorsSacred and Profan Ugarit-Ras Shamra 1986 the stone anchors revised and com-paredrdquo in Arts et industries de la pierre ed M Yon RSOu 6 Paris 1991 355-408

29 Perhaps the famous seal from Tell Dabaa can be interpreted this way toothus among others I CorneliusmdashH NiehrGoumltter und Kulte in Ugarit Mainz 200447 72


the storm-godrsquos defeat and imprisonment in the underworld formedpart of other contemporary Canaanite myths too as the lsquoElkunirsa-mythrsquo shows The last passage of this myth that is only preservedin Hittite translation relates how an injured Baalu is treated ldquore-createdrdquo (appa samnai-) by the birth goddesses and exorcised by anumber of exorcists It seems that the storm-god had been forcedto the underworld too but on the whole the text is much too frag-mentary to allow far-reaching interpretations26 It should be notedhowever that the motif of disappearing gods in genuinely Anatolianmythology (Telipinu myth etc) is in various aspects significantlydifferent from the Ugaritic Baalu-myth it seems unlikely also withregard to the general lack of Hittite influences in Syro-Mesopotamianmythology that these Anatolian myths and rituals served as a modelof the story about Baalursquos death and return27

Not explicitly attested in the texts is the worship of Baalu as pro-tective deity of sea-faring The great significance of sea-trade forthe city of Ugarit the role of Baalu as victor over Yammu and themonsters of the sea the discovery of stone anchors as votive giftsin the area of the Baalu temple (as in other sanctuaries on the Syro-Palestinian coast too)28 as well as the probable function of the Baalutemple which rises high above the city as an orientation point (andlight-house) for sailors make it plausible however that Baalu wasascribed this function too29

As a young god Baalu did not have a consort in a real senseThe mythological texts however appear to describe sexual encoun-ters both with aAΔtartu and with Baalursquos sister aAnatu In the Hellenistic-Roman period Astarte and Atargatis presumably a syncretism ofaAΔtartu and aAnatu were worshipped as consorts of the Syrianstorm-gods Neither aAnatu nor aAΔtartu however are named asmothers of Baalursquos three daughters Pidray Arszligay and ˇallay Pidray

30 For the goddesses associated with Baalu see Wettergottgestalten 542-54631 Cf Tessub as son of Kumarbi who is equated with Dagagraven see supra 43232 See Wettergottgestalten 548-552 for the depiction of the storm-god on the Emar

seals and the various traditions apparent in the different styles that can be observedsee D Beyer Emar IV Les sceaux OBO SA 20 FribourgmdashGoumlttingen 2001 299-306

33 For ninurta cf JG Westenholz ldquoEmarmdashthe City and its Godrdquo in Languagesand Cultures in Contact Proceedings of the 42th RAI (OLA 96) ed K van LerberghemdashG Voet Leuven 1999 145-67

34 In principle one cannot exclude that rsaquoegravebat was regarded as Baalursquos regularconsort and Astartu as his mistress (cf the relationship between Nabucirc Tasmegravetuand Nanaya in 1st mill Borsippa) but we have not enough evidence for any con-clusions of this kind

14 daniel schwemer

herself is equated with rsaquoegravebat the North-Syrian consort of Tessubmdashthis too being an indication that the Ugaritic Baalu did not havea wife in any real sense30 hIlu is named as the father of Baaluthroughout Only in two frozen epithets Baalu is also called ldquoSonof Dagagravenrdquo following an older Syro-Hurrian tradition31 On thelevel of myth Dagagraven does not play a role and appears to havebeen completely absorbed by Ugaritic hIlu

63 Baa lu (Addu) at Emar and Other Cities on the Middle Euphrates

In the 14th and 13th centuries the use of the name Baalu spreadas far as Emar on the Middle Euphrates (and places in its vicin-ity) where the names Addu Baalu and Tessub were used besideeach other depending on the linguistic contextmdasha situation that isalso reflected in the contemporary glyptic32 Unfortunately almostnothing is known about the mythology of the storm-god at LateBronze Age Emar and we get only little insight into how thedifferent traditions connected with Addu Tessub and Baalu co-existed or were blended in this area Traditionally Baalu (Addu)ldquothe lord of Imarrdquo seems to have been the most important god ofthe city ranking only after the more senior Dagagraven while the city-god ninurta33 receives the position after the storm-god in the offeringlists Probably rsaquoegravebat was worshipped as consort of the storm-godand while Astartu had a high rank in the local pantheon as wellclaims that she was worshipped as Baalursquos consort are based on lit-tle evidence Possibly her relationship can be compared to thatbetween Addu (Tessub) and Istar (Sawuska) in the Old Babylonianperiod and in the 16th and 15th cent34 The installation ritual forBaalursquos high priestess is preserved in three versions and other texts

35 See Wettergottgestalten 553-573 D Flemingrsquos important study Time at EmarThe Cultic Calendar and the Rituals form the Divinerrsquos Archive MC 11 Winona Lake2000 appeared too late to be fully appreciated in Wettergottgestalten The texts fromTell Munbaqa are now availabe in a comprehensive edition W Mayer TallMunbaqamdashEkalte II Die Texte WVDOG 102 Saarbruumlcken 2001

36 See eg MS Smith The Early History of God Yahwe and the Other Deities ofAncient Israel Grand RapidsmdashCambridge 22002 with further literature

37 Cf Wettergottgestalten 503 fn 4110 with literature38 See Wettergottgestalten 284 714b cf now also P-A Beaulieu The Pantheon of

Uruk during the Neo-Babylonian Period CM 23 LeidenmdashBoston 2003 346f)


inform us about the cult calendar of the city and its storm-godtemple but reveal little about Baalu himself35


The use of the original epithet Baalu as personal name of the Semiticstorm-god Haddu as primarily attested in texts from Ugarit forthe Late Bronze Age continued without interruption in the IronAge cultures of Syro-Palestine and South Anatolia The storm-godis always called Baaal in Phoenician texts the lsquoCanaanitersquo storm-god is also called Baaal in the Old Testament36 By contrast theinherited Semitic name of the storm-god lived on in the form Hadad(Hadda) in the Aramaean dominated interior of Syria and in UpperMesopotamia (see 434) Of course the name Baaal did not alwaysstand for a storm-god for as in earlier periods particularly in con-nection with a place-name it could serve as an independent epi-thet of a local leading deity of any kind In those regions whichwere in contact with Babylonia Begravel(-Marduk) was then appropri-ated and fused with the Syrian Baaal (cf the god Bel [lt Bol] inPalmyra)37

The storm-god was always and everywhere considered as one ofthe sky-gods per se The most important manifestation of the HittiteTarcentun(t) was regularly called ldquostorm-god of heavenrdquo (from the OldHittite period similarly to be assumed for Hattic Taru) Alreadyfrom the Old Babylonian period the same epithet ldquoof heavenrdquo canbe attested on the Middle Euphrates and in the Upper Mesopotamian-Assyrian area for Haddu or Adad (similarly for other sky-gods SicircnSamas Istar later Anu)38 The epithet always refers to the mainmanifestation of the individual deity (residing in heaven) by con-trast to the diverse local manifestations which were associated with particular earthly places It is no accident that the lists of oath-gods in treaties which were supposed to bind people from differentregions like to name exactly those comprehensive ldquoheavenly

39 On Baaalsamecircm see now the comprehensive review of H Niehr (BaaalsamemStudien zu Herkunft Geschichte und Rezeptionsgeschichte eines phoumlnizischen Gottes OLA 123Leuven 2003) with a slightly different view of the early history of the god

16 daniel schwemer

manifestationsrdquo at the very beginning of the lists before the respec-tive local manifestations

In the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions of the first half of the1st mill the storm-god Tarcentunza is very often supplied with theepithet ldquoof heavenrdquo (tipasasis Tarcentunzas) without a divine manifes-tation different from the simple Tarcentunza being meant by it (cffor example the alternating use of tipasasis Tarcentunzas and simpleTarcentunzas in the inscriptions of Katuwa from Karkamis) Apparentlyin the Phoenician-speaking area the phrase balsmm ldquoBaaal of Heavenrdquowhich also serves to translate tipasasis Tarcentunzas in the Phoenician-Luwian bilingual of Karatepe developed into an independent mani-festation of the storm-god that occupied a prominent positionespecially in the Syro-Palestinian religions of the Hellenistic andRoman periods How far the emancipation of Baaalsamecircm into anindependent deity is due to Anatolian-Luwian traditions is stillunclear At any rate the assumption of a simple identity of Tarcentunzawith the epithet tipasasis on the one hand and the independentBaaalsamecircm on the other is problematic despite the Karatepe bilin-gual It seems more plausible to view Luwian tipasasis Tarcentunzas asone of the points of departure for the later independent develop-ment of the deity Baaalsamecircm within Phoenician religion The cultof the god is however not restricted to Phoenician-speaking terri-tory The name is adapted in Aramaic as Baaalsamigraven as wellConsidering the chronological distribution of the attestations forHadad and Baaalsamigraven in the area of Aramaean cultural influencewe get the impression that the name Baaalsamigraven takes over fromthe name Hadad regionally in the course of the Persian period atleast on the level of official religion which is not too surprising inview of the common roots and similar profile of the two gods Inthe first half of the 1st mill there are no attestations for the com-bination of the two gods however the state of the sources is onthe whole very fragmentary The god Baaalsamigraven appears to havebeen unknown in this period beyond those areas of Syria and UpperMesopotamia immediately juxtaposed to the Phoenician-speakingterritory The Aramaic papyrus pAmherst 63 (about 3rd cent BCUpper Egypt) names in col xv and xvi Hadad (or Hadda) in syn-onymous parallelism with Baaalsamigraven and thus gives us a secureterminus post quem for the identification of the two gods39

40 The relevant chapter in Green Storm-God (pp 89-152) relies uncriticallymdashand apparently without much first-hand knowledge of the sources themselvesmdashonthe problematic study of HJ Deighton (The lsquoWeather-Godrsquo in Hittite Anatolia AnExamination of the Archaeological and Textual Sources BAR International Series 143Oxford 1982) it is thus largely flawed and outdated note that important criticalreviews of Deightonrsquos study are missing from the bibliography (V Haas OLZ 80[1985] 461-463 O Gurney JRAS 19832 281-282) while G Beckman ldquoTheAnatolian Myth of Illuyankardquo JANES 14 (1982) 11-25 was used but the criticalremark on p 23 fn 80 apparently went unnoticed The recent overview-workson Hittite religion (esp V Haas Geschichte der hethitischen Religion HdO I15 Leiden1994 M Popko Religions of Asia Minor Warsaw 1995 both missing from Greenrsquosbibliography and more recently M Hutter ldquoAspects of Luwian Religionrdquo inThe Luwians ed HC Melchert HdO 168 LeidenmdashBoston 2003 211-280 esp220-224) do offer important information but naturally are kept general and some-times their claims are hard for the user to verify Instructive shorter studies areparticularly PhHJ Houwink ten Cate ldquoThe Hittite Storm God His Role andHis Rule According to Hittite Cuneiform Sourcesrdquo in Natural Phenomena TheirMeaning Depiction and Description in the Ancient Near East ed DJW Meijer Amsterdamea 1992 83-148 and J Klinger Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der hattischenKultschicht StBoT 37 Wiesbaden 1996 147-152 (both missing from Greenrsquos bib-liography too) as well as a number of studies on local manifestations of the Hittitestorm-god J Glocker Das Ritual fuumlr den Wettergott von Kuliwisna Textzeugnisse eineslokalen Kultfestes im Anatolien der Hethiterzeit Eothen 6 Firenze 1997 M PopkoZippalanda Ein Kultzentrum im hethitischen Kleinasien THeth 21 Heidelberg 1994 R Lebrun ldquoLawazantiya foyer religieux kizzuwatnienrdquo in Florilegium anatolicumMeacutelanges E Laroche ed E Masson Paris 1979 197-206 idem Samuha foyer religieux




The world of religious ideas that we encounter in texts of the Hittiteperiod is characterised by multiple layers of tradition though it isnot always possible to isolate the different individual traditions andto create a coherent complete picture of each of the specific strandsof tradition in its lsquooriginalrsquo form This is particularly true of therelationship between Old Anatolian-Hattic religious traditions andsuch ideas that already belonged to the speakers of the Anatolianbranch of Indo-European prior to their migration into AnatoliaThe influence of Hattic traditions on what became Hittite cultureis especially marked in the field of religious ideas and not least theworld of the gods so that a separate investigation of the Hatticstorm-god on the one hand and the Hittite-Luwian(-Palaic) storm-god on the other would be impossible There is no adequate com-prehensive study of the Anatolian storm-gods one of the moreurgent desiderata of Hittitology Thus the following observationscan only be provisional40

de lrsquoempire hittite PIOL 11 Louvain-la-Neuve 1976 V Haas Der Kult von Nerik EinBeitrag zur hethitischen Religionsgeschichte StP 4 Roma 1970 (only the last item of thislist is referred to by Green)

41 Cf Wettergottgestalten 126 fn 87142 See F Starke Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens StBoT

31 Wiesbaden1990 136-145 JD Hawkins in S Herbordt Die Prinzen- undBeamtensiegel der hethitischen Groszligreichszeit auf Tonbullen aus dem Niantepe-Archiv in HattusaMainz 2005 295

43 The interpretation of the writing of the name of a god iconographicallyidentified as a storm-god in the Aleppo temple with a mace symbol is still unclearand without parallel G Bunnens proposes tentatively that the god in questionmight be a personified weapon of the storm-god depicted in the fashion of thestorm-god (see ldquoThe Storm-God in Northern Syria and Southern Anatolia fromHadad of Aleppo to Jupiter Dolichenusrdquo in Offizielle Religion lokale Kulte und indi-viduelle Religiositaumlt ed M HuttermdashS Hutter-Braunsar AOAT 318 Muumlnster 200463-64)

44 Contra Green Storm-God 128 who without any explanation still refers toldquoDattardquo as one of the names of the ldquoLuwian Storm-godsrdquo

18 daniel schwemer

The Hattic storm-god was called Taru his name is written syl-labically and with the usual Sumerograms (dISKUR d10) It is unclearwhether the Hattic name of the god who is also represented the-riomorphically as a bull is to be connected with the bull-word asattested in Semitic and Indo-European languages41 The name ofthe Hittite-Luwian storm-god is attested in various forms all ofwhich ultimately go back to the Indo-European base tr

oh2- which

is continued in Hittite as tarcent- ldquobe powerfulrdquo ldquoovercomerdquo42 Themost important form of the name in Cuneiform Luwian is Tarcentunt-(lt tarcentuwant-) a participial form which has a Vedic cognate withthe meaning ldquostorming alongrdquo In Hieroglyphic Luwian the nom-inative form Tarcentunz (Tarcentunt-s) is secondarily thematised in -awhereby the stem as used in the nominative and accusative areproduced (Tarcentunza-) Beside the participial form the shorter formTarcentu- occurs which especially in Hittite is then extended to the(secondarily thematised) n-stem Tarcentunn(a)- though Hittite texts alsouse frequently the Luwian form Tarcentunta- with a-thematisationSyllabic writings are extremely rare and as a rule logograms (withphonetic complements) are used dISKUR d10 Hieroglyphic DEUStonitrus(with special logograms for Tessub DEUSl318 DEUSfortis)43 Thegod Tatta is not a storm god but a mountain-god and Tatta isnot a reading for d

ISKUR or d1044 The name of the Palaic storm-god cannot be read for certain M Popko proposes Ziparwa whois prominent in the Palaic pantheon as the reading of the logo-graphically written d

ISKUR (resp d10) in the relevant contexts but

45 See M Popko Religions of Asia Minor Warsaw 1995 73 for a different opin-ion see O Carruba Beitraumlge zum Palaischen PIHANS 31 Leiden 1972 9

46 Thus N Oettinger ldquoHethitisch -ima- oder Wie ein Suffix affektiv werdenkannrdquo in Akten des IV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Hethitologie ed G Wilhelm StBoT45 Wiesbaden 2001 474

47 See the list in Wettergottgestalten 243 to which now two references in kt 99k138A can be added (cf G Kryszat ldquoHerrscher Herrschaft und Kulttradition inAnatolien nach den Quellen aus den altassyrischen HandelskolonienmdashTeil 2Goumltter Priester und Feste Altanatoliensrdquo AoF 33 [2006] 107)

48 See Kryszat AoF 33 (2006) 106f 113f 12149 Cf Wettergottgestalten 243 Kryszat AoF 33 (2006) 106 mentions the text but

deems the restoration to be too uncertain for any conclusions in my view there


this remains without certain proof45 It is conspicuous that the nameof the Hittite-Luwian storm-god is an appellative without parallel inthe other Indo-European panthea and at the same time soundssimilar to Hattic Taru Thus it is conceivable that the name was anew formation under the influence of Hattic Taru46 Hittite-LuwianTarcentun(t) would then be nothing more than the Old-Anatolian-Hattic storm- and bull-god as adapted by the Luwians and Hittites

One of the important gods worshipped in the city of Kanes(Hittite Nesa) during the Old Assyrian period was the god Nipas(Ni-paacute-as) a deity so far not attested after the Kuumlltepe II period(neither in Old Assyrian Ib texts nor in Hittite texts) G Kryszatrecently pointed out that while a number of priests of the localAnatolian storm-god (always written d

ISKUR) are mentioned in doc-uments of the later phase of Old Assyrian trade at Kanes (Ib)47

no certain attestations for the local Anatolian storm-god writtendISKUR are known so far from texts of the Kuumlltepe II period Heconcludes that the Anatolian storm-god of Kanes was no other thanthe god Nipas whose name he tentatively connects with the Hittite-Luwian word for ldquosky heavenrdquo nepis- resp tappas- (tipas-) The localstorm-god of Kanes-Nesa one of the most important early Hittitesettlements in Anatolia would have been the deified sky just asthe storm-god is frequently called ldquostorm-god of heavenrdquo from theOld Hittite period onwards He would have been superseded byTarcentun(t) after the level II period48 Though this hypothesis maylook attractive at first sight there are a number of important objec-tions to be raised First of all there are attestations for the localstorm-god written d

ISKUR in Kuumlltepe II texts There can be littledoubt that the fragmentary passage TC 3 191 obv 11f is to berestored PN [gudu4] sa d

ISKUR and the name of the priest is mostlikely Anatolian certainly not Assyrian49 two more attestations for

can be little doubt that gudu4 (or possibly another priestly title) has to be restoredKryszat reads the name in question Wa-ar-ga-tiacute-e[l] and this may be better thanthe Wa-ar-kagrave-l[i] (comparable to Hittite warkant- ldquofatrdquo) proposed in WettergottgestaltenNevertheless the name is certainly not Assyrian but most likely Anatolian (cfalready E Laroche Les noms des Hittites Eacutetudes linguistiques 4 Paris 1966 204)

50 For the attestations see supra fn 4651 See Wettergottgestalten 242f cf also KR Veenhof ldquoOld Assyrian iszligurtum

Akkadian eszligegraverum and Hittite GISrsaquoURrdquo in Studio historiae ardens Studies PhHJ Houwinkten Cate ed ThPJ van den HoutmdashJ de Roos PIHANS 74 Leiden 324

52 For the etymology and stem formation of nepis- see E Rieken Untersuchungenzur nominalen Stammbildung des Hethitischen StBoT 44 Wiesbaden 1999 187-188

53 See Klinger StBoT 37 145-147

20 daniel schwemer

priests of the storm-god are known from level II texts but in bothcases it seems likely that they were serving at the Adad temple inAssur50 More importantly the temple of the storm-god (eacute d

ISKUR)is mentioned in VS 26 146 as the place where the lsquoHead of theStorehousesrsquo an official of the Anatolian palace hierarchy receiveda garment it appears very unlikely that this sanctuary should besought in Assur or that amdashso far otherwise not attestedmdashAssyrianAdad shrine within the kagraverum is meant51 Furthermore Hittite nepis-is a neuter noun it would be surprising to find a neuter noun with-out any additional morphemes as name of one of the principalgods of Kanes If Nipas was a Hittite word and the name of oneof the most important Hittite gods at the same time it would alsobe unexpected that the name does not survive at all after the OldAssyrian period Finally the hypothesis has to assume that in thedivine Name Nipas the suffix -os-es- developed as in Luwian (tap-pas-) while the root itself preserved initial n- as in Hittite (nepis-)52


Through all periods of Hittite history the storm-god whose mainmanifestation is also called ldquostorm-god of heavenrdquo stands at thetop of the imperial pantheon as well as numerous local pantheatogether with the sun-goddess his wife The highest divine couplestorm-god (Taru Tarcentun[t]) and sun-goddess (Estan Istanu) pre-sumably also embodied the cosmic pair heaven and earth as thesun-goddess can be called ldquomother of the earthrdquo (perhaps alsoldquomother earthrdquo)53 Presumably it is only from the Old Hittite periodthat this is connected with the idea of a night manifestation of thesun-goddess as opposed to the male sun-god of heaven The actualconsort of the storm-god was particularly considered from the Old

54 For the name of the sun-goddess of Arinna cf Klinger StBoT 37 144 JDHawkinsThe Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (Suumldburg)StBoT Beiheft 3 Wiesbaden 1995 32

55 As attested in the well-known texts KUB 29 1-3 and IBoT 1 30 see mostrecently Klinger StBoT 37 136f with further literature

56 Cf Schwemer ldquoDas hethitische Reichspantheon Uumlberlegungen zu Strukturund Geneserdquo in GoumltterbildermdashGottesbildermdashWeltbilder Polytheismus und Monotheismus inder Welt der Antike vol I Aumlgypten Mesopotamien Kleinasien Syrien Palaumlstina ed RGKratzmdashH Spieckermann FAT 217 Tuumlbingen 2006 241-265 esp 243-253 withfurther literature


Hittite period to be the sun-goddess as worshipped in Arinna (Istanuof Arinna Arinittiya Ariniddu)54 who is certainly typologically closeto the sun-goddess of the earth in terms of the dichotomy sun-godof heavenmdashsun-goddess of the earth without actually being a god-dess of the underworld In contrast to Sagravela beside Adad or rsaquoegravebatbeside Tessub the consort of the storm-god was not an unimpor-tant deity whose typical functions were exhausted with that of aconsort rather she was equal in rank to her partner and was themost important goddess of the pantheon with her own circle ofdeities and court

Storm-god and sun-goddess together hand over the country tothe Hittite king to administer he calls them mother and fatherwithin the framework of this concept55 The Hittite king himselfwas considered to be sun-god of the country at the same time andwore the garb of the sun-god of heaven with whom he shared var-ious functions The sun-god of heaven himself was considered theson of the storm-god (later he received a different filiation due toHurrian and Babylonian influence) but occupied in particular con-texts a similarly high or even higher rank to the storm-god par-ticularly in lists of oath-gods56

The cult of the storm-god was wide-spread some 150 cult placesare attested in the written sources The local manifestations of thestorm-god were mostly considered to be sons of the storm-god ofheaven the two most important local manifestations the storm-godof Nerik and the storm-god of Ziplanda were identified with eachother in the Empire Period The same embedding in the pantheonas son-gods was also then applied to some of the many aspectu-ally differentiated manifestations of the storm-god typical examplesof such aspectually differentiated manifestations of the storm-godinclude the storm-god ldquoof thunderrdquo ldquoof the meadowrdquo ldquoof the (thekingrsquos) personrdquo ldquoof the marketrdquo ldquoof the armyrdquo ldquoof the oathrdquo etc

57 Eg Picentaimmi and Picentammi see CHD P 253

22 daniel schwemer

Some of the storm-godrsquos epithets were established as gods in theirown right57

The best known actual son of the storm-god was Telipinu whohimself had characteristics of a storm-god but was seen as an inde-pendent deity and was never written with the logograms for thestorm-god (see 93) The figure of Telipinu nevertheless served pre-sumably as the model for the categorisation of the other storm-gods as son-gods The daughter of the storm-god was consideredto be the Hattic goddess Inar who plays an important role in theIlluyanka myth The likewise Hattic goddess Zintucenti was regardedas the grand-daughter of the sun-goddess and the storm-god Thefather and grand-father of the storm-god are attested in the mythof the lost storm-god Within a single context however we findno more than three generations at the same time

From the Middle Hittite period Syro-Hurrian influences hadincreasing influence upon the religion practised by the Hittite royalfamily Tarcentun(t) was identified with the Hurrian storm-god andking of the gods Tessub Hurrian Tessub myths particularly theKumarbi-cycle were transferred to Tarhun(t) as part of the processof translation into Hittite Particularly Tessub of rsaquoalab occupiedan important position in the cult of rsaquoattusa (see supra 44 54)The divine circle of Tessub with rsaquoazzi and Nanni and Segraveri andrsaquourri was integrated permanently into the Hittite imperial pan-theon The sun-goddess of Arinna was identified with rsaquoegravebat con-sort of Tessub in some contexts though in lists of oath-deities andother texts not belonging to the Hurro-Hittite stratum rsaquoegravebat nevertakes the place of the sun-goddess of Arinna but is listed sepa-rately often with the other Syro-Hurrian gods of Tessubrsquos circleor with the storm-god of rsaquoalab


The storm-god had power over storms tempests and rain as thehighest god of the pantheon he was also in a special way lord andprotector of the land He was seen as a god of heaven and wasfrequently called ldquostorm-god of heavenrdquo from the Old Hittite periodon The god was also often represented theriomorphically as a bulldown to the late period even if an anthropomorphic conceptionwas naturally assumed for religious literature in anthropomorphic

58 See M Hutter ldquoAspects of Luwian Religionrdquo in The Luwians ed HCMelchert HdO 168 LeidenmdashBoston 2003 222 with the relevant attestations

59 For this text see HA Hoffner Jr Hittite Myths WAW 2 Atlanta 21998 34-36 text 12 cf also E Neu Ein althethitisches Gewitterritual StBoT 12 Wiesbaden1970 and G Wilhelm ldquoZur Ritual- und Redaktionsgeschichte des althethitischenGewitterrituals CTH 6311rdquo in Atti del II congresso internazionale di Hittitologia edO Carruba ea StudMed 9 Pavia 1995 381-388 with references to other ritu-als of the same type (p 388)

60 See N Oettinger ldquoHethitisch -ima- oder Wie ein Suffix affektiv werdenkannrdquo in Akten des IV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Hethitologie ed G Wilhelm StBoT45 Wiesbaden 2001 473f with the relevant references

61 For the ANDArsaquoSUM-festival see V Haas Geschichte der hethitischen Religion HdOI15 Leiden 1994 772-826 cf also Schwemer ldquoVon Tacenturpa nach rsaquoattusaUumlberlegungen zu den ersten Tagen des ANDArsaquoSUM-Festesrdquo in Offizielle Religionlokale Kulte und individuelle Religiositaumlt ed M HuttermdashS Hutter-Braunsar AOAT318 Muumlnster 2004 395-412

62 For the myths of disappearing gods see HA Hoffner Jr Hittite Myths WAW 2Atlanta 21998 14-34 37f cf also M Mazoyer Teacutelipinu le dieu au mareacutecage Paris 2003


representation the bull still remained his symbolic animal Thus itwas presumably not only under the influence of the divine circleof Hurrian Tessub that a pair of bulls pulled the chariot of thestorm-god there was also a competing (Luwian) tradition in whichhorses pulled the chariot of the storm-god58

The violence of the thunderstorm meant danger for humans ani-mals and crops In particular thunder during a storm was seen asan expression of the godrsquos wrath (as in Mesopotamia) which couldthen be appeased in special tempest rituals including the ritual dur-ing which the myth of ldquoThe Moon-God that Fell from Heavenrdquoin fear during a thunderstorm was recited59 Mursilirsquos lsquoaphasiarsquo wasinterpreted as a consequence of the fear brought upon Mursili IIby the storm-god through thunder the illness of Ucentcentaziti of Arzawawas caused by the sighting of the storm-godrsquos kalmisana- his thun-derbolt or possibly an even more violent manifestation of the godrsquosmight (a meteor)60

As god of rain the storm-god was at the same time responsiblefor the maintenance and welfare of the country Thus within thegreat andarsaquoSUM-festival in the spring a rain-ritual was celebratedfor the storm-god in Ankuwa61 The Anatolian myths of the van-ished god type which were primarily but not exclusively con-nected with Telipinu and storm-gods describe the consequences ofthe absence of the angry storm-god as drought famine and theend of all fertility The return and appeasement of the vanishedgod brings back abundance and the storm-god (or Telipinu) re-assumes his function as patron of the king62

63 For an edition and discussion of the myth see G Beckman ldquoThe AnatolianMyth of Illuyankardquo JANES 14 (1982) 11-25 cf also idem ldquoThe Storm-God andthe Serpentrdquo in Context of Scripture I ed WW Hallo Leiden 1997 150-151 andHA Hoffner ldquoA Brief Commentary on the Hittite Illuyanka Myth (CTH 321)rdquoStudies RD Biggs Chicago 2007 119-40

64 See Wettergottgestalten 226-227 228-237 on A 1968 and related texts withfurther bibliography

24 daniel schwemer

The Illuyanka-myth which was embedded in the purulli spring-festival interpreted the flourishing of vegetation through the earlyyearrsquos rainfalls as the liberation of the storm-god from a temporaryimprisonment (or physical powerlessness in a second version of themyth) The storm-god is defeated by the snake-dragon Illuyanka inbattle and imprisoned (or robbed of his heart and eyes) His daugh-ter Inar succeeds in liberating her father but only with the helpof a human a man called rsaquoupasiya the liberated storm-god thenkills Illuyanka (first version) Also in the second version it is onlywith the help of humans that the storm-god gets back his heartand eyes He sires a son with the daughter of a poor man thatson is then married off to a daughter of Illuyanka Being the sonof a poor woman the son enters the house of his wife and asksfor the heart and eyes of his father as a compensation to be givento his fatherrsquos house Thus the storm-god regains his old powerand kills Illuyanka with its family including his son The involve-ment of humans in both versions of the myth probably refers tothe kingrsquos role as the storm-godrsquos administrator and helper on earthUnfortunately the passages of the text referring to the king him-self are fragmentary and still not well understood Anyhow by per-forming the ritual associated with the myth the land flourishedunder the patronage of the storm-god63


From a short passage in a letter of the correspondence betweenMari and Aleppo from the Old Babylonian period it is apparentthat a myth was associated with Haddu of rsaquoalab according towhich this god achieved the kingship among the gods by means ofa victory over the sea-goddess Tecircmtum64 This myth of divine king-ship was obviously an essential element of the Aleppine royal ide-ology the weapons of Haddu played an important role in theinstallation of a new king (cf supra 432 44)

65 See Wettergottgestalten 229ff 534-541 esp 534f cf also Green Storm-God178-190

66 See Wettergottgestalten 232-234 451f with fn 3736 the storm-godrsquos victoryover the sea is mentioned explicitly in KUB 33 108 obv II 17 and KUB 44 7obv I 11f KBo 42 2 obv I 15f (CTH 785) perhaps also in KUB 33 89+(cf now also I Rutherford ldquoThe Song of the Sea (SA AABBA SIgraveRR) Thoughts onKUB 4563rdquo in Akten des IV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Hethitologie Wuumlrzburg 4-8Oktober 1999 StBoT 45 Wiesbaden 2001 598-609)

67 Note within this context that B Andreacute-SalvinmdashM Salvini ldquoUn nouveauvocabulaire trilingue sumeacuterien-akkadien-hourrite de Ras Shamrardquo SCCNH 9 (1998)9f and M Dijkstra ldquoThe Myth of apsi ldquothe (Sea)dragonrdquo in the Hurrian TraditionrdquoUF 37 (2005) 315-328 show convincingly that Hurrian apsi which is equated withAkkadian szligegraveru ldquosnake serpentrdquo and Ugaritic tunnanu ldquoserpent sea monsterrdquo is usedas a designation of rsaquoedammu in Hurrian context Tunnanu is one of the seamonsters defeated by Ugaritic Baalu (see Wettergottgestalten 232 fn 1605-06 withliterature)

68 See Wettergottgestalten 446-454 for more Egyptian parallels see now Th Schneider ldquoTexte uumlber den syrischen Wettergott aus Aumlgyptenrdquo UF 35 (2003)605-627


The mythologeme of the victory of the king of the gods andstorm-god over the sea was then associated with various storm-godsin Syria Upper Mesopotamia and beyond

Baalu of Ugarit defeats the sea-god and temporary king of thegods Yammu in his struggle for the kingship among the gods InUgarit too the myths about the kingship among the gods had greatsignificance for the royal ideology of the ruling class (cf supra 622)65

Various Hittite mythological and ritual fragments which belongto the Syro-Hurrian strand of tradition (mainly KUB 33 89+ KUB33 108 CTH 785) show that a similar myth was told of HurrianTessub which was then transferred at least superficially to HittiteTarcentun(t)66 The motif of the enmity between the sea and the storm-god was also not alien to the myths of the Kumarbi-cycle Themonster rsaquoedammu lives in the sea67 and the stone giant Ullikummistands in the sea too If KBo 26 105 actually was the last song ofthe cycle and can be restored in line with the Seth myth attestedin the Egyptian lsquoAstarte Papyrusrsquo the conflict between Kumarbiand the storm-god culminated in a fight between the latter and thesea-god in which the storm-god finally secured the honour of king-ship for himself (cf supra 54) The Astarte papyrus as well as cer-tain other relevant texts shows that the material of the myths wasadapted in Egypt too and associated with Seth who stood for theNear Eastern storm-god68

In the second version of the ancient Anatolian Illuyanka-myth(see 73) the battle between the storm-god and the snake-dragon

69 See Wettergottgestalten 234-23670 See Wettergottgestalten 236f for Yahwersquos being described in the terms of a

storm-god cf now also H-P Muumlller ldquoZur Grammatik und zum religions-geschichtlichen Hintergrund von Ps 685rdquo ZAW 117 (2005) 206-216

71 Thus Wettergottgestalten 116-119 228 for a different view see P Fronzarolirsquoscontributions on the Ebla incantations most recently ldquoThe Hail Incantation (ARET5 4)rdquo in Fs B Kienast ed G Selz AOAT 274 Muumlnster 2003 89-107

72 See Wettergottgestalten 229-232 174 183-188 for the Labbu myth and relatedtexts cf also P-A Beaulieu ldquoThe Babylonian Man in the Moonrdquo JCS 51 (1999)91-99 for the motif of the young king of the gods as victor over the forces ofchaos in Babylonian theology and royal ideology see also SM Maul ldquoDer Sieguumlber die Maumlchte des Boumlsen Goumltterkampf Triumphrituale und Torarchitektur in Assyrienrdquo in Gegenwelten zu den Kulturen Griechenlands und Roms in der Antike edT Houmllscher Leipzig 2000 19-46 and especially with respect to Ninurta AAnnus The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient MesopotamiaSAAS 14 Helsinki 2002 109ff 171ff

26 daniel schwemer

Illuyanka took place by or in the sea This may be a case of a motifborrowed from North-Syrian traditions but this is not necessarilytrue one should bear in mind that the sea-god also appears in themyth of lsquoTelipinu and the Daughter of the Searsquo as a hostile powerto the gods of heaven and this myth is entirely free of North-Syrian influences69

Also the sovereignty of Old Testament Yahwe was associatedwith a victory over the forces of chaos residing in the sea and atthe latest in the stories of the conflict between Zeus and Typhonmotifs from the second version of the Anatolian Illuyanka-mythoccur together with North-Syrian traditions70

The mythologeme of the victory of the storm-god over the seais certainly old whether it is actually attested in incantations frompre-Sargonic Ebla remains questionable71 The motif is attested earlyin connection with different gods of Babylonia It was already asso-ciated with the god Tispak in the Akkad period in the Diyala areaand tied there to the chaos-fighting motif of Ninurta-mythology (cf the later Labbu myth) In the great Ninurta myths howeverthe sea does not play a role as the opponent of the gods But alsoNinurta receives epithets that praise him as victor over monstersliving in the sea like the kusarikku For Nergal who shares charac-teristics with Ninurta as a war-god we have a myth about his strug-gle against a sea-monster from the Neo-Assyrian period72

The motif of the struggle against the powers of chaos in themythology of Ninurta then formed an essential part of Marduk theology While only later attested explicitly it already was takingshape in the Old Babylonian period as a way of justifying the

73 See L Dirven ldquoThe Exaltation of Nabucirc A Revision of the Relief Depictinga Battle against Tiamat from the Temple of Bel in Palmyrardquo WdO 28 (1997) 96-116 Annus The God Ninurta 194

74 For WMegraver WMegravertum and Iluwegraver see Wettergottgestalten 200-210 32-33Note that in Wettergottgestalten 36 fn 180 (contra S Zawadski Garments of the GodsOBO 218 FribourgmdashGoumlttingen 2006 182f) I did not argue for an original iden-tity between Wegraver and Immeriya nor do I think that Immeriya was a goddessidentical with Immertu and nowhere did I argue that there is any relation betweenImmertu and Adad I do however still think that Immertu is likely to be a god-dess because of the formation of the name and Immeriya might be the correspon-ding masculine form The character of the god Immeriya is unknown and beforemore evidence becomes available one cannot tell how significant the variant


elevation of Marduk a local god of Babylon to the king of thegods In Enugravema elis the opponent of Marduk in the battle that guar-antees him kingship over the gods is not one of the traditionalopponents of Ninurta but Tiagravemat the primeval ocean This is obvi-ously the same or a very similar narrative motif as attested for OldBabylonian Haddu of Aleppo in his victory over Tecircmtum (a vari-ant form of Tiagravemat) It is therefore not unlikely that the Aleppinestorm-god theology and royal ideology had some influence on theMarduk-theology that had recently been formed in Babylon closerelations between the two royal houses are well attested The factthat similar motifs had already been associated with other gods inBabylonia should have made the reception easier The mytholo-geme of the victory of the new king of the gods over the chaoticsea probably originated in the eastern Mediterranean but it spreadso early that the individual lines of the traditionrsquos history can nolonger be traced Consequently the concrete myths in which thebasic motif occurs offer quite a heterogeneous picture It shouldfinally be noted that the association of the Tiagravemat-myth even inRoman times with Palmyrene Begravel is not due to the survival of oldSyrian and Upper Mesopotamian traditions but is owed toBabylonian influence (Marduk-Begravel theology)73


91 The North-Babylonian and Assyrian Storm-God Wegraver

The god Wegraver (variant form Megraver) whose name was mostly writtenBegraver from the Middle Assyrian period was a storm-god worshippedprimarily in North Babylonia on the Middle Euphrates and inAssyria74 The divine name which is always written syllabically and

dwe-er dim-me-ri-ia in Surpu II 181 really is (for Surpu II 181 see now R BorgerldquoSurpuII III IV und VIII in bdquoPartiturldquordquo in Wisdom Gods and Literature Studies WGLambert ed AR GeorgemdashIL Finkel Winona Lake 2000 34)

75 For Mermer(i) see Wettergottgestalten 58-59 cf also 29-30

28 daniel schwemer

never with the Sumerogram dISKUR can be securely attested from

the Akkad period though references outside personal names are sofar only available from the Old Babylonian period onwards Itremains highly questionable whether a theophoric element attestedin the Early Dynastic onomasticon as Meru (thus) represents thelater god WMegraver Linguistic affiliation and etymology have not yetbeen estabished with certainty There is no evidence apart fromsound that the name would go back to Akkadian Wagravehiru (thus J-M Durand) and one would expect the uncontracted form to bepreserved in Babylonia and Assyria if not on the Middle EuphratesA connection with the place-name Mari (and Akkadian amurru thusM Bonechi) can be firmly excluded and an original identity withthe geographical name Uri-Warucircm which appears attractive in viewof the important position Wegraver held in that area is not proveableeither the fact that the name of Wegraverrsquos wife was WMegravertum (notWegraverigravetum or similar) also militates against this hypothesis A Sumerianetymology (cf im-mer ldquonorth windrdquo mer and me-er-me-er ldquostormrdquoEmesal me-er ldquowindrdquo thus H Schlobies and more recently ARWGreen) appears unlikely with regard to the origins and backgroundof Wegraver who is never equated by the Babylonian scholars with deifiedMermer(i) an epithet attributed to Iskur-Adad Ninurta Mercuryand Nabucirc75 In the Old Babylonian period sources for the cult ofWegraver come primarily from northern Babylonia and the Diyala regionbut a few relevant personal names occur also in texts from theBabylonian south From the Middle Babylonian period we have nofurther information on Wegraver from Babylonia but his cult thrived inAssyria and was also known in Syria Wegraver is equated with Iskur-Adad in the god-lists and from the Old Babylonian period the con-nection between Wegraver and Adad is well attested outside the god-liststoo Beside Wegraver the god-lists also equate Iluwegraver with Adad clearlya late extended form of the name meaning ldquothe god Wegraverrdquo that fol-lows a well-known pattern of formation for Babylonian divine namesThis late form of the name is also attested in Aramaic inscriptionsfrom Syrian Tell Afis It remains unclear whether the writings dbe-er in the Neo-Assyrian period should partly be read igravel-be-er The godItugravermegraver worshipped at Mari was a dynastic and ancestral god (Itugraver-

76 Contra Green Storm-God 61-63 87-88 who without any further explanationtreats the names Ilumegraver and Itugravermegraver as simple (ie phonetic) variants

77 For Mardu-Amurru(m)rsquos character and his relationship to Adad see Wettergottgestalten198-200 with further literature (to which add WW Hallo ldquoTwo Letter-Prayers to Amurrurdquo in Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World Studies CH Gordon edM Lubetski ea JSOT Suppl 273 Sheffield 1998 397-410) cf now also P-ABeaulieu ldquoThe God Amurru as Emblem of Ethnic and Cultural Identityrdquo inEthnicity in Ancient Mesopotamia (CRRAI 48) ed W van Soldt ea PIHANS 102Leiden 2005 31-46

78 For A 975 obv 19 quoted in Wettergottgestalten 198 fn 1353 see now FM8 text 38

79 Cf Wettergottgestalten 32f with fn 160 on Ilamurrum and the similarly struc-tured divine names Il(u)wegraver Ilmigravesaru Iltammes Iltecenter Ilulagraveya Ilaba Il(u)nergal() (cf also W Farber ldquo(W)ardat-lilicirc(m)rdquo ZA 79 [1969] 17f on possible Ilum-Erra) Th Richter ldquoDie Lesung des Goumltternamens ANANMARTUrdquo SCCNH 9 (1998)135-137 argues that the logogram d

DINGIRMARDUacute should be interpreted rather asa genitive compound (ldquoGod of Amurrurdquo) than a juxtapposition because the Hurriantranslation of the logogram in the 13th cent Hurro-Babylonian god-list from Emarapparently interprets the logogram as a genitive construction de-ni-a-mur-r[i-we] (l 175 according to Laroche GLH 82 who first proposed this restoration andindicates that traces of the r[i are preserved) The directly preceding entry inter-prets d

MARDUacute as da-mur-ru-[cente] (restoration Laroche followed by Richter) ieldquoAmoriterdquo (Amurr(i)=o=centcente) This suggests that the author of the Emar god-listinterpreted the Akkadian name of the god Amurru as Amurrucirc and probably asso-ciated it rather with the geographical name Amurru contemporary to him thanwith Mardu-Amurru as the deified ldquoWest(ern People)rdquo Despite Richterrsquos remarkson the general reliability of the Hurrian interpretations and translations of the list(p 137) it seems therefore likely that also the following line 175 offers an anachro-nistic interpretation of d

DINGIRMARDUacute as ldquogod of the land of Amurrurdquo Note thatcomparison with CAT 1125 (Ugaritica 5 504f text 2) a Hurrian ritual text inalphabetic script from Ugarit if relevant at all supports this interpretation Thetext has i[n]amrw in obv 6 which according to Richter (and following him P-A Beaulieu CRRAI 48 31 fn 4) is to be understood not as ldquogod of (the land)Amurrurdquo (thus Laroche in Ugaritica 5) but as a divine name of its own namelythe same ldquoIlamurrimrdquo that would be represented by d

DINGIRMARDUacute in Old


Megraver originally being a theophoric personal name ldquoMegraver has turned[to me]rdquo) and has nothing to do with WMegraver76

92 The Babylonian God of the Western People Mardu-Amurru

The god Amurru(m) Sumerian Mardu was a Babylonian god whoembodied the Western Lands (Akkadian amurrum ldquowestrdquo) in the pan-theon and particularly the nomads of the Western Lands theAmorites from a Babylonian perspective (amurrum also used as col-lective noun for ldquoWestern peoplerdquo ldquoAmoritesrdquo)77 In the Amoritecultural area itself his cult played no major role78 Amurru whosename also occurs in the extended form Ilamurrum in the OldBabylonian period79 had among other features those of a storm-god

Babylonian sources But the immediate context in the ritual text militates againstthis interpretation i[n]amrw is referred to within the sequence in alasympycopy i[n]amrw inugrtw and neither a ldquoGod of Alasiyardquo nor a ldquoGod of Ugaritrdquo are known fromother sources Clearly all three genitives have to be interpreted as actual geo-graphical names and in is therefore probably plural (enna) ldquothe gods of the landof Alasiya the gods of the land of Amurru the gods of the land of Ugaritrdquo (cffor this interpretation also M DietrichmdashO Loretz ldquoEin hurritisches Totenritualfuumlr aAmmistamru III (KTU 1125)rdquo in Ana sadicirc Labnagraveni lugrave allik Fs W Roumlllig edB Pongratz-Leisten ea AOAT 247 Muumlnster 1997 79-89) It goes without say-ing that the Amurru referred to here has nothing to do with the Amorites or thegod Amurrum of the Old Babylonian period but refers to the land of Amurruto the south of Ugarit

80 For Rammagravenu see the references JANER 72 160 fn 113

30 daniel schwemer

He bore the epithet Rammagravenu(m) ldquoThundererrdquo which then becamea godrsquos name in its own right without actually being separatedfrom Amurru In literary texts Mardu-Amurru is described as alightning-flashing warlike tempest-god in the Middle Assyrian god-list KAV 64 the lightning-god Nimgir is ascribed to his divine cir-cle In depictions on seals from the Old Babylonian period he isoften found together with Adad The lightning symbol stands forhim as well as Adad but Amurrursquos special symbol is the nomadrsquoscrook which is never associated with Adad Amurru is never writ-ten with the logogram diSKUR and also never equated with Iskur-Adad in the god-lists known so far At least Hadad of Damascusin the 1st mill had the same epithet Rammagraven(u) and this mighthave been the case for other Hadad-manifestations as Rammagraven isfairly widespread in the Aramaic onomasticon particularly inBabylonia the god Amurru was probably understood by it how-ever also during the 1st mill Anyhow a direct connection betweenRammagravenu as an epithet of Amurru and as an epithet of AramaeanHadad cannot be established on the basis of the current state ofthe sources the god Rammagravenu (logographically dkur which is per-haps also used for Amurru himself) is never written with the logo-gram diSKUR or associated with Adad in the Assyro-Babyloniangod-lists80 One can only speculate on the question of whether thecircumstance that Mardu-Amurru had the characteristics of a storm-god was originally connected with the fact that the storm-god Hadduwas the most prominent god of the Amorite cultural area besidethe moon-god But it cannot be ruled out that the most importantAmorite god served in some respect as model for the conceptualisationof a god embodying the Amorites in the Babylonian pantheon But


Mardu-Amurrursquos profile comprises many other features which arealien to the storm-god Haddu or Adad in particular that of thenon-urban nomad


The Hattic-Hittite god Telipinu was the son of the storm-god Taru-Tarcentun(t) (see 72 73 with further references) His name is neverwritten with the logograms for the storm-god nor is he ever identifiedwith any of the numerous manifestations of the storm-god consid-ered to be sons of the storm-god (of heaven) He only occupied asecondary position in the Hittite imperial pantheon as opposed tothe storm-god and didnrsquot play any particular role in the Hittiteroyal ideology according to the Annals and those texts which areparticularly concerned with the relationship of the Hittite king tothe storm-god and the sun-goddess But it is especially with Telipinutoo that the myth-type of the vanished god was associated In thesemyths Telipinu has the typical characteristics of a storm-god hisdisappearance brings drought and suffocates all life he flashes withlightning and thunders in his anger his appeasement and returnbrings the land of rsaquoatti back into a state of order balance andabundance Within the myth it is Telipinu who appears as the spe-cial protector of the king The purulli-festival in the spring was alsocelebrated locally for Telipinu and the Telipinu myth may haveserved as the festivalrsquos myth in these places In the myth of ldquoTelipinuand the Daughter of the Seardquo Telipinu appears as the son of thestorm-god who marries the daughter of the sea-god to therebyrelease the sun-god from the power of the sea-god Telipinursquos orig-inal connection to the family of the storm-god as an independentdeity with the characteristics of a storm-god in the wake of hisfather but primarily representing a son-deity prevented theidentification of Telipinu himself with other manifestations of thestorm-god Nevertheless the systematisation of local manifestationsof the storm-god as sons of the storm-god of heaven will certainlyhave followed the pattern set by the figure of Telipinu


There is no comprehensive study of the iconography of the vari-ous storm-gods with reliable illustrations and up-to-date informa-tion the following remarks can therefore only have a provisional

81 For various remarks on the storm-godrsquos iconography which cover most ofthe following comments see Wettergottgestalten 124ff 174 with fn 1231 196 199227 228f 425 with fn 3521 480f with fn 3923 484 with fn 3960 615 as wellas fn 3035 3418 4097 5011 5081 with further references Green Storm-God13-34 103-127 154-165 tries to give a more systematic summary without takinginto account however more recent studies on the subject the figures in the bookoften do not meet the standards of the field and as with the texts reading andinterpretation of the evidence heavily relies on secondary literature Importantcontributions to the iconography of the storm-gods include A Vanel Lrsquoiconographiedu dieu de lrsquoorage dans le Proche-Orient ancien jusqursquoau VIIe siegravecle avant J-C Cahiers dela Revue Biblique 3 Paris 1964 A Abou-Assaf ldquoDie Ikonographie des altbaby-lonischen Wettergottesrdquo BaM 14 (1983) 43-66 Natural Phenomena Their MeaningDepiction and Description in the Ancient Near East ed DJW Meijer Amsterdam ea1992 (various articles) EA Braun-Holzinger ldquoAltbabylonische Goumltter und ihreSymbole Benennung mit Hilfe der Siegellegendenrdquo BaM 27 (1996) 235-359 E Klengel-Brandt ldquoEine ungewoumlhnliche Wettergottdarstellungrdquo AoF 29 (2002) 288-295 D Beyer Emar IV Les sceaux OBO SA 20 FribourgmdashGoumlttingen 2001 299-306 K Jakubiak ldquoNew Aspects of God Teishebarsquos Iconography AoF 31 (2004)87-100 G Bunnens in G BunnensmdashJ D HawkinsmdashI Leirens Tell Ahmar II ANew Luwian Stele and the Cult of the Storm-God at Til Barsib-Masuwari Leuven 2006 33-135 idem ldquoThe Storm-God in Northern Syria and Southern Anatolia from Hadadof Aleppo to Jupiter Dolichenusrdquo in Offizielle Religion lokale Kulte und individuelleReligiositaumlt ed M HuttermdashS Hutter-Braunsar AOAT 318 Muumlnster 2004 57-81

82 Unlike in later periods the representations of gods on Akkadian seals are notidentified by name in accompanying seal inscriptions Following H FrankfortRM Boehmer identified a number of iconographical types on Akkadian seals asstorm-gods (ldquoWettergottheitenrdquo ldquoDonnergottrdquo see Die Entwicklung der Glyptik waumlhrendder Akkad-Zeit UAVA 4 Berlin 1965 62ff) without committing himself to a specificname Taking into account the evidence from the texts and the later developmentof the iconographical motifs associated with Iskur-Adad it appears most likely thatthe storm-god on the Akkadian seals is no other than Iskur-Adad It is true thata specific type of lion-dragon is associated with Ninurta too and that Ninurtaexhibits traits of a storm-god within the context of his role as warlike victor overthe powers of chaos In the Neo-Assyrian period Ninurta can be depicted chas-ing the Anzucirc-bird with lightning (lsquothunderboltsrsquo) and these scenes are sometimesmisinterpreted as representations of Adad (cf Wettergottgestalten 174 fn 1231 withreferences cf now also especially for the attestations of the motif on seals D Collon ldquoThe Iconography of Ninurtardquo in The Iconography of Cylinder Seals edP Taylor Warburg Institute Colloquia 9 LondonmdashTurin 2006 101 105f)Nevertheless it appears unlikely that the storm-god depicted on Akkadian (or lateron Mittani-period) cylinder seals is meant to represent Ningirsu-Ninurta (differentlyD Collon art cit 101f 107f)

32 daniel schwemer

character81 The earliest pictorial representations of the Babylonianstorm-god in all likelyhood Iskur-Adad82 are to be found in theglyptics of the Old Akkadian period As a rule the god stands ona chariot with two axles that is pulled by a water()-spitting lion-dragon He also swings the whip symbolising both thunder andlightning the flick and crack of the whip The winged lion-dragonis to be identified with the storm-monsters who according to the

83 See Wettergottgestalten 125 with reference to M van Loonrsquos important articlesldquoThe Naked Rain Goddessrdquo in Resurrecting the Past Studies A Bounni ed P Matthiaeea Leiden 1990 363-378 and ldquoThe Rainbow in Ancient West Asian Iconographyrdquoin Natural Phenomena Their Meaning Depiction and Description in the Ancient Near Easted DJW Meijer Amsterdam ea 1992 149-168


texts pull the chariot of Iskur-Adad when the god storms and rum-bles over the sky The storm-god can be accompanied by a some-times naked sometimes clothed goddess who is surrounded by rainor holding rain-water (sometimes also lightning) in her hands boththe storm-god and the goddess are also shown standing on lion-dragons The naked rain-goddess who also appears in the glypticof the 2nd mill should probably be identified with Medimsa-SagravelaThe same iconographic motif is also attested in the Syrian andUpper Mesopotamian area but here the female escort of the storm-god cannot be simply identified with Sagravela One should always bear in mind that iconographic motifs can be borrowed and re-interpreted without necessarily adopting the concept that was asso-ciated with them originally The goddess sometimes stands in a(winged) lsquodoorrsquo-arch which perhaps represents the same motif asthe lsquowinged temple on a bullrsquo in Old Akkadian glyptic and pre-sumably symbolises the rainbow which as so many phenomenaand creatures of the sky is depicted in Mesopotamian art as winged83

Seals of the Akkad-period showing the storm-god or a god asso-ciated with him as a bull-killer attest to the existence of a mythunknown from the texts Otherwise in Babylonia the bull does notappear as an animal accompanying the storm-god before the Ur IIIperiod (but cf the following paragraph for a rare exception)

From the second half of the Ur III-period it can be observedthat the bull supersedes the previously pre-dominant lion-dragon in the figurative inventory of glyptic art as the symbolic creatureof the storm-god admittedly without replacing him completely untilthe late period representations with bull and lion-dragon at thesame time are to be found Usually the god stands on the bull oris about to mount it holding the lightning symbol and often thebullrsquos reins as well A frequent variant shows the god beside thebull which carries the lightning symbol on its back The motif ofthe storm-god riding on a chariot drawn by a mythic animal sym-bolising (aspects of) the storm is not attested anymore in the Ur IIIand Old Babylonian periods However even in depictions of the OldAkkadian period the chariot of the storm-god is not exclusively pulled

84 See Wettergottgestalten 124-127 The statement that the figurine of a bull-riding man from 6th mill Ccedilatal Huumlyuumlk may be the earliest anthropomorphousrepresentation of the storm-god does not become any more meaningful by its reg-ular repetition (cf most recently M Herles Goumltterdarstellungen Mesopotamiens in der 2Haumllfte des 2 Jahrtausends v Chr AOAT 329 Muumlnster 2006 263) In a number of

34 daniel schwemer

by the lion-dragon but in at least one case also by a bull so thatone can assume that the bull (or bulls) took over also this role in2nd mill Mesopotamian art the motif is of course well-attestedfor 2nd and 1st mill Syria and Anatolia both textually and icono-graphically Likewise in the first half of the 2nd mill the motif of the storm-god leading a bull or a yoke of bulls by a bridlebecame established in Old Syrian glyptical art Finally the Kuumlltepe-seals also show two types of storm-gods with reins who howeverstand on the bull or are mounting it At the same time this groupof seals exhibits representations of the storm-god standing on thelion-dragon in traditional Babylonian fashion and of a completelytheriomorphically depicted bull-god The latter occurs nowhere else is of Anatolian origin and must be identified with Taru-Tarcentun(t) who could still be represented in bull form in the Hittiteperiod

The use of the wild bull as symbolic animal of the god of stormand tempest thus does not originate in the Sumerian tradition andwhile it appears now and then in the Sargonic period in Babyloniait becomes predominant only in the era of the Amorite dynastiesof the Old Babylonian period The fact that we know of no olderinstances of this motif from North Syria and Upper Mesopotamiatoo is probably due to two factors on the one hand the thematicinventory of older Syrian glyptic art from which depictions of godsas known from the seals of the Old Akkadian period are com-pletely absent on the other hand our still very incomplete knowl-edge of the iconography of 3rd mill Syrian art on the whole Thecentral Anatolian bull- and storm-god should be kept separate atleast in the historical periods from this North-Syrian bull symbol-ism which was probably associated with Hadda A combination ofthese two concepts can only be observed in the pictorial programmeof the Kuumlltepe-seals

Prehistoric depictions and figurines of bulls of anthropomorphicfigures on bulls bucrania and bull-horn installations from the AnatolianSyrian and Mesopotamian area should not be associated too quicklywith the storm-god iconography of the historical periods84 They

contributions J Cauvin has drawn attention to the fact that from the 8th milland especially with the beginning of rainfall agriculture in Syria and Anatolia bulland woman (usually in form of figurines) emerge as prominent religious symbols(see eg The Birth of the Gods and the Origins of Agriculture Cambridge 2000 123-125)While the wild bull may have been associatedmdashamong other thingsmdashwith rain andthunderstorm already in the Neolithic period and the fact that storm-gods inAnatolia Syria and Upper Mesopotamia during the historical periods are associ-ated primarily with the bull may stand in some sort of continuity to the prehistoricreligious symbols the overall assemblage of religious symbols from the Neolithicperiods is so different from the iconographic conventions of the later ancient NearEastern cultures that an isolated identification of a specific (type of) god with aniconographic motif attested at least two millennia earlier contributes little to a bet-ter understanding of both phenomena

85 On the latter point see Ch Watanabe Animal Symbolism in Mesopotamia A Contextual Approach WOO 1 Wien 2002

86 See U Calmeyer-Seidl ldquoWrdquo in Studien zur Altertumskunde Kleinasiens Fs K Bitteled RM BoehmermdashH Hauptmann Mainz 1983 151-154 and JD HawkinsldquoWhat Does the Hittite Storm-God Holdrdquo in Natural Phenomena Their MeaningDepiction and Description in the Ancient Near East ed DJW Meijer Amsterdam ea1992 53-82

87 See G Bunnens Tell Ahmar II A New Luwian Stele and the Cult of the Storm-God at Til Barsib-Masuwari Leuven 2006 78-83 and idem AOAT 318 58-65 Cfalready the brief remarks in Wettergottgestalten 620f with fn 5011


need interpretation firstly within their own iconographic contextAlso one should bear in mind that the wild bull is not exclusivelythe symbol of the storm-god in the historical periods either alldeities are characterised by bull-horns in ancient Near Easterniconography additionally the wild bull is like the lion a symbolicanimal of kingship and associated with different deities within thiscontext85

Bull and various lightning symbols remain through all historicalperiods the characteristic attributes of the storm-god It is not cer-tain that the bucranion is a symbol of the storm-god the tonitrussign of the Hieroglyphic Luwian script could however representa stylised pair of bull-horns86 The anthropomorphic depictions ofthe storm-god vary considerably from region to region and fromperiod to period and would need individual presentation far beyondthe scope of the present summary Different manners of depictioncan be be ascribed to particular storm-gods as long as the icono-graphic conventions follow the same linguistic-cultural borders asthe texts As G Bunnens has shown for the representations of thestorm-god of Aleppo in late 2nd and early 1st mill art certainiconographic conventions can be specific for local manifestations ofthe god in the case of the storm-god of Aleppo even across lin-guistic borders87 A general rule of thumb could be that in those

regions and periods in which the concrete reading of the logogramfor the storm-god in the texts is difficult the specific naming ofpictorial representations of the god is problematic too even if asin the glyptic of the Old Assyrian period or of Late Bronze AgeEmar the various iconographic traditions can be clearly differentiated88

One of the typical manners of depicting the storm-god showshim with a weapon (or the lightning symbol) raised to strike a ges-ture which is attested with other warlike gods as well In 2nd millSyria Anatolia and Upper Mesopotamia the storm-god often standson mountains (gods) or especially in the 1st mill on a bull A fewOld Syrian seals show the storm-god as killer of a snake Thesedepictions certainly refer to the motif of the storm-god as victorover monsters living in the sea which is attested within the frame-work of the myths about the storm-god defeating the sea89 TheSyrian storm-god is depicted on sealsmdashbut particularly prominentlyon the famous Baalu-stele from Ugaritmdashwith a downward-pointinglance the upper shaft of which ends in plant-like lines This veg-etal shaft-end has been interpreted as a symbol for the vegetation-furthering effect of the storm-god as a lsquotree-of-lifersquo as lsquotree-weaponrsquo90

or as stylised lightning symbol (lsquolightning-treersquo with reference to aszlig brqin CAT 1101 obv 4) In my view the plant-like shaft-end mayrather be a pictorial representation of the rolling thunder as it isfrequently attested in Syrian glyptic art before the mouth of thestorm-god albeit in horizontal orientation91

36 daniel schwemer

88 Cf EA Braun-Holzinger WdO 33 (2003) 265f with respect to the storm-god iconography of the Emar seals ldquoOb die Siegelbesitzer wirklich diese dreiBildtypen unterschiedlich benannten ist fraglich so wie der meist d

ISKUR geschriebeneNamen des Wettergottes unterschiedlich gelesen wurde konnte auch der Bildtypdes waffenschwingenden Gottes mit Blitz sicher unterschiedlich lsquogelesenrsquo werdenrdquo

89 See the references given in Wettergottgestalten 227f with fn 1575 and cf nowalso WG Lambert ldquoLeviathan in Ancient Artrdquo in Shlomo Studies Sh Moussaieffed R Deutsch Tel AvivmdashJaffa 2003 147-154 who proposes to identify thesnake depicted on the seals with Leviathan of the Ugaritic and Biblical texts

90 For this interpretation see now also P Lapinkivi The Sumerian Sacred Marriagein the Light of Comparative Evidence SAAS 15 Helsinki 2004 265-269 without anynew supportive evidence for the argument

91 Thus Wettergottgestalten 227 fn 1575 for the interpretation of the plant-likemotif in front of the storm-godrsquos mouth as a symbol for thunder see E Williams-Fortersquos study ldquoSymbols of Rain Lightning and Thunder in the Art of Anatoliaand Syriardquo in Aspects of Art and Iconography Anatolia and Its Neighbours Studies NOumlzguumlccedil ed MJ Mellink ea Ankara 1993 185-190 But especially in view ofCAT 1101 obv 4 where within a description of Baalu the image of the godrsquoslightning in the sky is likened to a tree bearing multiple branches (aszlig brq ldquotree oflightningrdquo) an interpretation as stylised lightning cannot be ruled out either

Appendix Selected Additions and Corrections to SchwemerWettergottgestalten

Excluded from the following list have been all additions and cor-rections which form part of the preceding article The followingreviews of Wettergottgestalten have been published so far M DietrichUF 33 (2001) 657-677 H Klengel OLZ 97 (2002) 752-754 GAKlingbeil DavarLogos 12 (2002) 189-202 S Noegel JHS 4 (2002-03) D Fleming ZA 93 (2003) 282-288 L Feliu AuOr 21 (2003)295-300 M Koumlckert ZAW 115 (2003) 317 E Cancik-KirschbaumWdO 34 (2004) 199-202 RD Biggs JNES 63 (2004) 212-214 J-G Heintz RHR 84 (2004) 208-210 D Charpin RA 99 (2005)185-186

p 12 with fn 56 On LAK 376 and 377 see now also M KrebernikldquoDie Texte aus Fagravera und Tell Abugrave Iacutealagravebigravecentrdquo in J BauermdashRKEnglundmdashM Krebernik Mesopotamien Spaumlturuk-Zeit und FruumlhdynastischeZeit Fribourg 1998 OBO 1601 277p 16 For Old Babylonian manuscripts of AnmdashAnum (or an OldBabylonian form of AnmdashAnum) see VS 24 16 and 17 cf also J vanDijk ldquoInanna raubt den lsquogrossen Himmelrsquo Ein Mythosrdquo in tikipsantakki mala basmu Fs R Borger ed SM Maul CM 10 Groningen1998 9-10 with fn 3 on SLT 121 and UM 29-15-229p 17 fn 88 For Nindagar cf now also G Selz ldquolsquoBabilismusrsquound die Gottheit dNindagarrdquo in Ex Mesopotamia et Syria Lux Fs MDietrich AOAT 281 Muumlnster 2002 647-684 esp 676 (interpreta-tion of AnmdashAnum I 326 misleading however)p 39 with fn 204 and passim Following M Streck (AOAT2711 240ff 187ff) spellings like zi-im-ri-e-id-da are interpreted asZimriyidda (zi-im-ri-jigrave-id-da) in Wettergottgestalten It should be notedhowever that names like ia-aq-quacute-ub-e-da and ia-ab-lu-udagger-e-da (seeWettergottgestalten 44) suggest that a variant Edda (or Yaidda) devel-oped also outside the phonetic context i(h)a resp iya (gt iyi gt ei)The usage of the sign e needs further study D Charpin (and oth-ers) still prefer to assume a contraction i+a gt ecirc (Zimrecircddu etc) seemost recently RA 98 (2004) 156 ad x 9p 44 Add possibly the PN Bu-ul-li-daggeraacute-di (Labarna letter rev 25see M Salvini The rsaquoabiru Prism of King Tunip-tessup of Tikunani DA 3Roma 1996 pp 107ff)p 56 fn 299 J Quack draws my attention to another late attes-tation of the name Adad overlooked by me at the time Proclus


38 daniel schwemer

In Parmenidem VII p 5830-609 ldquothe demiurgic intellect of theworld which they call lsquoAdad worthy of all praisersquordquo (see ProclusrsquoCommentary on Platorsquos Parmenides ed GR MorrowmdashJM DillonPrinceton 1987 594 cf also HD Saffrey Recherches sur le neacuteopla-tonisme apregraves Plotin Paris 1990 77f)p 57 Add the following syllabic spelling of Adad (Addu) in AssyrianSB manuscripts dad-di (unpubl 81-2-4 311 l col 9) dad-du (SMMaul MDOG 133 [2001] 19 VAT 10916 obv 14 now also inAR George The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic Oxford 2003 vol 2pl 31) da-da-a (KAR 237 obv 20) dad-de-e-a ka-szligir erpegraveti(dungumes)(Ass Ph 4198d = Ass 13956fs = A 2731 obv 1 excavation andIstanbul museum number courtesy SM Maul)p 84 dad-gi is attested as (corrupt) variant of dad-gi4-gi4 in CT24 32 97b (AnmdashAnum III 167) The latter is usually understoodas divine counselor and dad-gi4-macent would then be the supremecounsellor (see B Alster ldquoIncantation to Uturdquo ASJ 13 [1991] 5295 and the pertinent note ibid 84 cf also PSD A III 18-19)Whether the god Adgi qualified as min (= diSKUR) su-ucentki is the sameAdgi remains questionable Note that Sum ad-gi4-gi4 is also trans-lated as rigma apagravelu ldquoto resonaterdquo (see OBGT XVII 7 see MSL 4127) which might provide a more fitting etymology for a storm-god called Adgip 86 The spelling dba-hu-uacute-lu for expected ba-ah-lu (Baalu) wasexplained as a lsquophoneticrsquo rendering of West-Semitic a WR Mayersuggests that the form could be explained as a qattugravel-form whichis used for affectionate names in Aramaic Hebrew and Arabic (seeF Praetorius ldquoUumlber einige Arten hebraumlischer Eigennamenrdquo ZDMG57 [1903] 773-776 [with further literature] M Noth Die israelitis-chen Personennamen Stuttgart 1928 38) ldquoEntsprechend koumlnnte manvorschlagen baaaugravel (ba-hu-uacute-lu) fuumlr so einen Kosenamen des GottesBaal zu haltenrdquo (letter 8th May 2007) While this interpretation pro-vides an elegant explanation of the aberrant spelling it seems unlikelythat a list like K 2100 would include a rare by-form of the godrsquosname rather than its normal formp 103 On pa4-sis see now Th Krispijn ldquopa4-ses lsquoAumlltesterrsquo rdquo inVon Sumer nach Ebla und zuruumlck Fs G Pettinato ed H WaetzoldtHeidelberg 2004 105-112p 107 On kilamx see now also MG Biga ldquoMarginal Considera-tions on the Hittite KILAM-Festivalrdquo in Anatolia antica Studi FImparati ed St de Martino ea Eothen 11 Firenze 2002 vol I101-108p 109 fn 752 S 105f (not ldquo150frdquo)


p 111 fn 772 752507 (not ldquo75207rdquo)p 134 For kt jk 97 cf now also K Hecker TUATErgaumlnzungslieferung ed O Kaiser Guumltersloh 2001 58-60 and JGDercksen JEOL 39 (2006) 107-29p 135f For the year name mu eres-dingir-diskur mas-e (ba-) pagrave-da see also DR Frayne RIME 32 p 18 (with the additional ref-erence L 39705) He assigns the date to Urnamma and argues thatit probably refers to the temple in Karkar (but cf for an eres-dingir of Iskur in Lagas Wettergottgestalten 140)p 144 and passim On the element ur in names like Ur-Iskursee A CavigneauxmdashFNH Al-Rawi Gilgames et la mort Textes deTell Haddad VI CM 19 Groningen 2000 48-52p 168 For Iskur as Enkirsquos twin cf also MW Green Eridu inSumerian Literature Diss Chicago 1975 91p 175 fn 1236 Add a reference to SM Maul ldquoEine neubaby-lonische Kultordnung fuumlr den Klagesaumlnger (kalucirc)rdquo in KulturgeschichtenFs V Haas ed Th Richter ea Saarbruumlcken 2001 255-265 (gu4-macent pa-egrave-a)p 176 fn 1238 Add AringW Sjoumlberg ldquoMiscellaneous SumerianTexts IIrdquo JCS 29 (1977) 20 rev I 2p 176 fn 1239 Add CTN 4 107 rev 6 cf also A CavigneauxldquoFragments litteacuteraires susienrdquo in Literatur Politik und Recht inMesopotamien Fs C Wilcke ed W Sallaberger ea 61 Sb 126306 (Adad provides an unnamed monster with its thundering roar)In HS 1885 obv 6-7 read 6[a]-centsaUuml-as-si-ma ki-i diSKUR uacute-pa-a a-sa-kan 7a-na um-ma-an sa-am-su-di-ta-na centudaggerUuml-daggera-a u4-ma ldquoI roar and likeAdad I create a cloud darkening the day for Samsuditanarsquos armyrdquo(coll M Krebernik had the kindness to give me his transliterationof the whole fragment)p 181 fn 1263 ABRT 1 60 16-17 reads according to WRMayerrsquos collation (letter 29th June 2004) 16i-mur-su-ma dAdad(iSKUR)quacute-ra-du ina kip-pat erszligeti(ki-ti) uacute-saacute-otildeazOtilde-na-an-nu im-ma 17e-lam-ma di-i-sum i-ra-aacutes daggerucent-du es-se-ba mu-des-su bugraveli(mAacuteSANSE) ldquoAs soon as Adadthe hero has seen it he makes rain fall upon the entire earth thespring growth shoots up rejoicing abundance flourishes which pro-vides plenty of livestockrdquop 190 Ur-Ninurtarsquos hymn to Iskur (VS 17 40 see ETCSL 2556and correct my transliteration in obv 1 and 8 accordingly) is enteredin the Old Babylonian catalogue UET 62 196 see A ShafferldquoA New Look at Some Old Cataloguesrdquo in Wisdom Gods andLiterature Studies WG Lambert ed AR GeorgemdashIL Finkel WinonaLake 2000 432f

40 daniel schwemer

p 201 fn 1381 Add MDP 27 286 II 7 dwe-e[r] (god-list Wegraverafter rsaquouwawa)p 207 fn 1437 Delete the ldquoKorrekturnachtragrdquo (read werru notWegraver)p 208 For Begraver cf also the Neo-Assyrian lsquogod-listrsquo KAV 72 obv 10and 11 (deities of Kagraver-Tukultigrave-Ninurta) For the possibility of TellAfis = rsaquoatarikka (ldquoOacuteazrakrdquo) see E Lipihellipski The Aramaeans TheirAncient History Culture Religion OLA 100 Leuven 2000 255-257p 212 For A 1314 obv 16-18 cf now M KrebernikmdashM Streck ldquosumman lagrave qabihagravet ana balagravedaggerimmdashWaumlrest du nicht zumLeben berufen Der Irrealis im Altbabylonischenrdquo in Sachverhaltund Zeitbezug Fs A Denz ed R BartelmusmdashN Nebes Wiesbaden2001 60p 238 For the legend on the cylinder seal kt et 180 see MTLarsen The Old-Assyrian City-State and its Colonies Mesopotamia 4Copenhagen 1976 115 fn 23 (reading sanga su diSKUR in l 4)p 245 fn 1717 For centamru ldquowinerdquo in Emar cf also A TsukimotoldquoA Medical Text from the Middle Euphrates Regionrdquo in Priestsand Officials in the Ancient Near East ed K Watanabe Heidelberg1999 192 7p 254 VBoT 13 9 read IS-otildeTUOtilde (not IS-otildeTUacuteOtilde)p 255 fn 1776 For dingir centa-ma-ri see JG Westenholz ldquoEmarmdashthe City and its Godrdquo in Languages and Cultures in Contact Proceedingsof the 42th RAI (OLA 96) ed K van LerberghemdashG Voet Leuven1999 145-67p 302 For ARM 7 219 see now M Guichard ARM 31 133 (cfalso 132 = ARM 7 119)p 302 fn 2224 Add te-es-su-ba-as ku-mu-ni in VS 17 6 obv 12p 321 fn 2474 The year date in De Meyer Tell ed-Degraver 2 165no 27 rev 11f should probably be read mu sa us(e)-si sa eacute diSKUR

A-mi-suacute-um i-du ldquoYear in which A laid the foundations of the Adadtemplerdquo (I owe this reading to F van Koppen) This provides uswith the building date of the Old Babylonian Adad temple ofSipparp 393f D Charpin JAOS 121 (2001) 686 argues that the oath byldquoAdad their godrdquo in an Old Babylonian document from Susa showsthat Adad was the city-god of the familyrsquos Babylonian home-townp 411 fn 3446 S 137 mit Anm 953 (not ldquoS 136 mit Anm 946rdquo)p 413ff On rsaquoanis cf now also M Stol ldquoDas Heiligtum einerFamilierdquo in Literatur Politik und Recht in Mesopotamien Fs C Wilckeed W Sallaberger ea 293-300


p 426 fn 3528 saacute eacute-sag-giacutel may well be part of the original inscrip-tion the seal then would have belonged to the Adad worshippedin Babylonrsquos main sanctuary (cf p 638f)p 446 fn 3709 For Ea-sarru cf also HD Galter Der Gott EaEnkiin der akkadischen Uumlberlieferung Graz 1983 14-16 and SM MaulldquoNeue Textvertreter der elften Tafel des Gilgamesch-Eposrdquo MDOG133 (2001) 46fp 447 122 Despite the copy the traditional reading na-as (notMUSEN-as ) is probably preferablep 448 131 For this line see now HA Hoffner Die Sprache 43(2002-3) 80 84fp 457 fn 3774 KUB 36 7a + 17 7+ (instead of ldquoKUB XXXVI7a+ || VII 7+)p 458 fn 3779 In light of the cult inventory KUB 38 12 I wouldstill argue that the cities of Kumme (Kummiya) and Kumma (in theregion of rsaquourma) should be kept separate It must be admittedhowever that the sequence of deities in KUB 45 77 10 = ChS 19104 (storm-god of Kumma sun-goddess of Arinna rsaquoegravebat) suggeststhat Kumma is also used as a by-form of Kumme (Kummiya)Otherwise the evidence is inconclusive The storm-god of Kummais named beside the storm-god of rsaquoalab in the oracle-text IBoT 133 (obv 42) and might be mentioned in IBoT 2 70 rev 1 a frag-mentary list of storm-gods before the storm-god of rsaquoalab and thestorm-god of invocation (centalziyawas ) who belongs to the circle of theAleppine storm-god The storm-god of Kumma figures prominentlyin KUB 3 87 an Akkadian fragment that appears to be part of aletter probably sent by an important prince or official in the regionof Mittani maybe in Alze to Suppiluliuma The text deals with ora-cle messages of the storm-gods of Iptalaim (sic) and Kumma withinthe context of Suppiluliumarsquos Syrian campaign The text mentionsAntaratli who is well known from the historical introduction of theSattiwaza-treaty This suggests that the letter was written sometimeshortly before during or after Suppiluliumarsquos one-year campaignwhen Suppiluliuma installed Antaratli as king of Alze The messageof the storm-god of Kumma reminds one of the oracles of the storm-god of rsaquoalab quoted in the famous letters of Zimrigrave-Ligravemrsquos Aleppo-correspondence I offer a tentative transliteration and translation ofthe fragment (cf also A Hagenbuchner Die Korrespondenz der HethiterTHeth 16 Heidelberg 1989 II 459f text 349 for a photograph seeS Kosak Konkordanz der hethitischen Keilschrifttafeln Online-DatenbankVersion 11 httpwwwhethportuni-wuerzburgdehetkonk)

42 daniel schwemer

1 [x x x (x)] x x [2 [dumukin-r]a() su-u[p-ra-as-su-mi()3 [x x x (x)]-ra ugrave centanUuml [4 [x x i-d]i()-in-su ugrave x [5 [d10() i]s-ti-su sa-nu-ti-su a[s-ta-al-ma()]6 [iq-ta-bi()] Isu-up-piacute-lu-li-u-ma IgraveR k[eacute-nu]7 [dumukin()]-ra su-up-ra-as-su-mi ugrave l[uacutesanga d10()]8 [a-na m]ucent-centi-ia el-tap-ra ki-i dumukin-r[a-su()]9 [ik-su]-du ugrave Ian-tar-at-li a-na mu-ucent-centi-[ia el-tap-ra]

10 [SAgrave()] centdUumlISKUR ir-ta-hu-ub-ma Ian-tar-at-li x [x x]

11 [i-n]a-an-na d10 urukum-ma i-na sa-lu-u[l-ti]12 a-na luacutesanga-su i-na su-ut-ti-su iq-t[a-bi]13 Isu-up-piacute-lu-li-u-ma IgraveR keacute-nu dumukin-ri [su-up-ra-as-su]14 ugrave luacutesanga sa d10 uruip-ta-la-i[m ( )]15 a-na mucent-centi-ia il-tap-ra ki-i dumu[kin-su()]16 i-na kur urual-zi-ia ik-su-du [ugrave d10()]17 [uruip]-ta-la-im a-na mucent-centi-ia dumu[kin il-tap-ra()]18 centugraveUuml dumumeskin-ri sa d10 a-kaacuten-na i[q-ta-bu-u()]19 [d]cent10Uuml() urukum-ma daggere4-e-ma a-kaacuten-na [is-ta-pa-ar()]

mdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdashmdash20 [a-n]a() Isu-up-piacute-lu-li-u-ma IgraveR keacute-n[u aq-ta-bi()]21 [ma-a()] a-na qar-ra-du-ut-ti-ka4 a-na-ku dis[kur urukum-ma()]22 gistukulrsaquoIA qar-ra-du-ti ad-d[i-in-kum luacute

KUacuteRMES-ka()]23 sa-pal GIgraveRMES-ka a-na-ku centuacuteUuml-[sa-ak-ni-is x-x(-x)-ka()]24 a-na-ku-me ugrave d10 urukum-m[a25 [lu]gal()-ia el-li-ku x [26 [x (x)] x luacute

KUacuteR [27 [x x x] centaUuml-na dumu[kin

[ ] ldquo[ ] se[nd a messeng]er [to him] [ ] and [ gi]vehimrdquo And [ ] [I asked the storm-god o]nce (and) a sec-ond time [and he said] ldquoSuppiluliuma is a lo[yal] servantsend [a messenger] to himrdquo And the p[riest of the storm-god] sent(a message) [t]o me When [his] messenger [arri]ved Antaratlitoo [sent (a message)] to [me] The storm-god[rsquos heart] was angryso that Antaratli [was ] [N]ow the storm-god of Kummahas spo[ken] for a third time to his priest in his dream (say-ing) ldquoSuppiluliuma is a loyal servant [send] messengers [tohim]rdquo And the priest of the storm-god of Iptalai[m ( )]sent(a message) to me When [his] mess[enger] arrived in the landof Alziya [the storm-god of Ip]talaim (possibly a mistake for


Kumma) too [sent] a messe[nger] to me And the messen-gers of the storm-god s[poke] thus [the st]orm-god of Kumma[has sent] a message (saying) thusldquo[T]o Suppiluliuma the loy[al] servant [I have said] For yourvalor I the storm-[god of Kumma] ga[ve you] weapons of valor[Your enemies] I [made bow down] at your feet [Your ] I amrdquoAnd the storm-god of Kumm[a

Unfortunately the fragmentary text contains no information on thelocation of Kumma The storm-god of Iptalaim is unknown oth-erwise the mere fact that the storm-god of Kumma is referred asthe god who gave Suppiluliuma his weapons can hardly prove thatit is the famous Tessub of Kumme whose oracle is consulted Ifthe author of our letter was in the region of Alze at the time andif Kumma is to be sought not too far from rsaquourma it could wellbe the storm-god of South-Anatolian Kumma who is referred tohere not his famous counterpart residing far away on the Easternrsaquoaburp 479 For KUB 7 60 see now G Del Monte ldquoThe HittiteOacuteeremrdquo Babel und Bibel 2 (2005) 21-45p 459 fn 4054 Note that KBo 21 26 and 34 203 are listed asindirect joins by S Kosak and classified as ldquojhrdquop 499 fn 4085 For d10 ti-bi cf now also V Haas OrNS 67(1998) 138p 509 For the reading of the personal names in the Tell Taaanakhtexts see the new edition of the texts in W HorowitzmdashT OshimaCuneiform in Canaan Cuneiform Sources from the Land of Israel in AncientTimes Jerusalem 2006 127ffp 515 fn 4185 For RS 17116 obv 2f see now S LackenbacherTextes akkadiens drsquoUgarit LAPO 20 Paris 2002 120 fn 365p 517 ldquokinnagraveru-Leierrdquo (not ldquokinnagraveru-Lauterdquo)p 554 For RPAE 63 42 see now also MR Adamthwaite LateHittite Emar Leuven 2001 262ffp 555 In RPAE 63 202 obv 13 read probably sa eacute IdiSkur-ba-ri (I owe this reading to An de Vos for the name Adad-bagraverucirc seeWettergottgestalten 587 653 fn 4743)p 556 Note that Msk 731042 and 74286a actually join (see W Sallaberger ZA 86 [1996] 140-147)p 570 For the reading of the logogram ir see now JD Hawkinsin S Herbordt Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel der hethitischen Groszligreichszeitauf Tonbullen aus dem Niantepe-Archiv in Hattusa Mainz 2005 296f

p 573 and passim Read zegraveragravesu (not ldquozegraversurdquo)p 575f For ICC 73 cf also BR Foster Before the Muses 32005 292p 580 For the two Kugravebursquos of the Anu-Adad temple see now alsoMARV 6 35 rev 38fp 601f For rites in Assurrsquos Anu-Adad-temple in the Neo-Assyrianperiod cf now also SM Maul ldquoDie Fruumlhjahrsfeierlichkeiten inAssurrdquo in Wisdom Gods and Literature Studies WG Lambert ed ARGeorgemdashIL Finkel Winona Lake 2000 407 410 420p 603 For qersu cf now D Flemingrsquos comment in ZA 93 (2003) 288p 665f fn 5520 For VAT 10018 14226 see now MJ GellerldquoAkkadian Evil Eye Incantations from Assurrdquo ZA 94 (2004) 52-58p 668 Translation l 37 ldquomirsu-Speise mit Sirup und Butterschmalzrdquop 683 K 3794 obv 5 For a better translation of the phrase inaamagravetigraveya ina tamigravet akarrabu kittu libsi see now WR Mayer ldquoDasGebet des Eingeweideschauers an Ninurtardquo OrNS 74 (2005) 55fp 683 fn 5612 L 6 read gub-su (tuszagravessu) 9 nindaigravedeacutea

44 daniel schwemer


32 Development of the Cult in the Third Millennium

33 Deities Associated with Iskur

34 Modus Operandi in Religious Literature

4 Semitic Hadda


42 Assyro-Babylonian Adad (Addu)

421 Third and Early Second Millennium

422 The First Half of the Second Millennium

423 The Second Half of the Second Millennium and the First

Millennium

424 Adad in the God-Lists the Circle of Deities Associated with

Adad

425 The Goddess Sagravela426 Adad as God of Divination

427 Modus Operandi in Literary Texts

43 The Syrian and Upper-Mesopotamian Hadda (Haddu Hadad)

431 Hadda The Third Millennium

432 Haddu The First Half of the Second Millennium

433 Haddu Tessub and Baalu The Second Half of the Second

Millennium

434 Aramaean Hadad Assyrian Adad and Luwian Tarcentunza The

First Millennium

44 The Storm-God of Aleppo

Part II ( JANER 81)



52 Spread of the Cult



6 Baalu The Storm-God as Lord of the Gods

61 The Epithet baalu ldquoLordrdquo as a Divine Name

62 Baalu of Ugarit

621 Position in the City Pantheon

622 The Mythological Texts

63 Baalu (Addu) at Emar








91 The North-Babylonian and Assyrian Storm-God Wegraver92 The Babylonian God of the Western Lands Mardu-Amurru



Appendix Selected Additions and Corrections to Schwemer Wettergottgestalten

2 daniel schwemer









4 daniel schwemer













6 daniel schwemer













8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer









4 daniel schwemer













6 daniel schwemer













8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer

4 daniel schwemer













6 daniel schwemer













8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer






6 daniel schwemer













8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer

6 daniel schwemer













8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer









8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer

8 daniel schwemer











62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer





62 Baa lu of Ugarit






10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer





10 daniel schwemer











12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer









12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



12 daniel schwemer














14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer













14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer





14 daniel schwemer














16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer











16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer


16 daniel schwemer













18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer











18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer






18 daniel schwemer


oh2- which





















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer


















20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer






20 daniel schwemer













22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer









22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer


22 daniel schwemer

















24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer












24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



24 daniel schwemer

















26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer














26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer





26 daniel schwemer














28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer










28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



28 daniel schwemer

















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer















30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



30 daniel schwemer










32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer









32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



32 daniel schwemer








34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer







34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer


34 daniel schwemer














36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer











36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer




36 daniel schwemer










38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer





38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer

38 daniel schwemer




40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer

40 daniel schwemer





42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer



42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer

42 daniel schwemer












44 daniel schwemer





44 daniel schwemer


44 daniel schwemer