THE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIALCREorrSECRErARIAT £1

The SOCIALCREDITER

For Economic Democracy September - October 2001Volume 80 No.5

SOCIAL CREDIT: CLEARLY EXPLAINED.'

101 QUESTIONS ANSV\lEREDBy John Hargrave

(Continuing ourreprint, by kind permission, of the original booklet)

69. IS IT A FACT THAT MODERNCOMMUNITIES ACTUALLY DIS-CARD OR SCRAP MACHINERYIN ORDER TO "MAKE WORK"?

YES, IT IS TRUE, although it soundsmore like the antics of Bedlam, thanthe policy of sane men. The ceremonial"burial" of the toy steam shovel inMontreal, 1932 (see Answer to Ques-tion 68, above), is one example. Hereare others : -

Coal instead of oil used on Rumanianrailways in order to "makework" (1933).

River barrages constructed in Germanyby hand labour in order to "makework" (1933).

Contract for a new bridge at Saskatoonlimited the amount of machinery to beused in its construction in order to"make work" (1933).

New York State, in granting money for

road-making, stipulated that 90 percent. be allocated to man-work, thusdebarring' the use of rock-crushersand other labour-saving machinery,in order to "make work" (1933).

Fear of The Machine is fear of Lei-sure. Fancy grown men and womenbeing afraid of the machines theyhave invented and made! If it werenot tragic, it would be enough tomake a cat laugh! Why not masterThe Machine by taking your Leisureand using it? Incidentally, there is noother way of mastering The Machine.And there is no way of taking yourLeisure, and using it, unless you havethe right to draw "The Wages of TheMachine." In other words. SocialCredit is the only remedy.

70. WHAT WILL SOCIALCREDIT DO FOR AGRICUL-TURE?

AGRICULTURE WILL BE given NumberOne place in the production-systemof Great Britain. Food-Warmth-Shelter: these are the Three Essen-tials, and obviously food-growingcomes first. Social Credit will re-move all financial hazards from thegrowing of food as a business propo-sition. It will not only ensure a remu-nerative market generally, but willbring markets nearer to the grower.The right to draw the National Divi-dend enjoyed by everyone will re-

verse the migration from country to townand enable multitudes of people to livewhere food grows at their doorsteps, andthey can, if they choose, grow their ownfood, or take part in food-growing. Thiswill mean fresher food and an open-air life,and therefore a vast improvement in thehealth of the nation.As for the farmer: every working farmerknows that in peace-time his only realproblem.is money - i.e., prices. Farming isnot his problem but how to ~ake farming"pay." He cannot, under th<;~ankers' Debt-system, get a market price for his productsthat will cover his costs and leave himenough to live on. He puts his hand to theplough, but there's always a spectre follow-ing. He is dogged by debt.

Under Social Credit the farmer will (a) beable to get new debt-free credits for newproduction, (b) he will get his NationalDividend like everyone else, and (c) al-ways find an effective Home Market - i.e.,people will be able to buy his produce atthe just or scientific price, and the farmerwill receive the full price (as now calcu-lated) from the wholesaler or the retailer.(See Question 40, How Will the Price Ad-justment work?)

Therefore, the farmer will flourish. Thinkit out, and you will soon see why. Anddon't forget that it was the farmers of Al-berta - and their wives - who elected a So-cial Credit Government in that Province in1935, again in 1940, and again in 1944.They voted for Social Credit because theyhad been sunk up to their necks in money-

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debt - i.e., they couldn't get a price fortheir product (mainly wheat) thatwould cover their costs.(See Question 4: Is it not afact thatSocial Credit has been tried in Albertaand failed?)

71. WHAT ABOUT THE COALINDUSTRY AND THE COALMINERS?

SOCIAL CREDIT WILL put a stop to agross scandal - the dispersal of ourirreplaceable coal reserves abroad,and the ridiculous resistance of coalmagnates to inflows of coal fromabroad.

In 1939 the South Wales Trade Re-covery and Expansion Committee (ofwhich Sir Robert Horne was chair-man) issued a Report complaining thatour exports of coal dropped from7,359,000 tons to 5,951,000 between1935 and 1936. It asserted that muchof this "loss" was due to German sub-sidies on exports, averaging 12s. a ton.and called for a counter-subsidy.

This policy is peculiarly dangerous tous because Weare not well situated forwater-power, and we have no foreststo provide fuel.

Social Credit will reverse this policy.It will promote the conservation andsparing use (for our own purposes) ofour coal resources and welcome anyadditions that can be gained by impor-tation. Should this involve (as it may)a lowering Of output from our ownmines, that will not matter. Manage-ments will be entitled to apply for arevision of their costs (under the pro-vision of their Price-Adjustmentagreements with the National CreditOffice) and will be authorised to raiseprices sufficiently to make goodlosses in revenue and thus maintainpayments of wages, salaries, and divi-dends on the previously agreed scale.

Coalminers thrown out of work byany such lowering of output will, ofcourse, be able to fall back upon theNational Dividend. But in these spe-cial circumstances it is a moral cer-tainty that public opinion would spon-taneously approve of a supplementarygrant to these men a sort of "stop-gappension" - continuing until they foundalternative work. If so approved, thiswould be done, for the basic charac-

teristic of a Social Credit Governmentis summed up in the formula: The pro-tection ofminorities. In this case youwould have (by assumption) thewhole body of public opinion in fa-vour of conserving our coal resourcesin its ultimate interests. Hence com-mon justice demands that local lossesarising from that policy shall be uni-versally spread. The effect of thiswould be an almost imperceptible rise(and even then only temporary) in theprice-level, which, however, wouldnot be felt as a rise at all, because thegeneral price-level would be fallingall the time.

Now, what about the coalminer him-self?

Dirt, darkness, danger, and drudgery -that's coalmining. Therefore, if it hasto be done by human beings, it willhave to be paid for at high wage-rates.Under Social Credit this will happen,because the National Dividend willenable each individual pitman to standout for (I) good wages, and (2) muchshorter hours of working. Therewould be no financial difficulty inhalving the hours, engaging doublethe number of men, and paying eachthe same rates as before (which wouldmean doubling the piecework rates), ifthat were found to be necessary in or-der to get the work done efficiently bycontented workers."

But, of course, Social Credit will haveanother important effect upon thelives of these underground toilers.Electrical coal-cutters and other mod-em labour-saving devices and proc-esses will be installed in order to re-duce the number of human workersrequired on this body-racking, andoften body-wrecking, job. Less andless human beings will be needed togo down the pits. The National Divi-dend - the" Wages of the Machine 10 -

will enable our disengaged pitmen tohave a well-earned rest, take up otherpaid work, or make use of their lei-sure-time in self-employment.

The miners, as J know from first-handexperience in speaking to them onSocial Credit at the pithead in Durhamand Northumberland, and Stafford-shire, are perhaps the most intelligentset of workers in the community.They and their families will not belong in finding out how to employ

their new leisure to full advantage.Splendid fellows, our miners, we allagree. Well, then, let them live splen-didly. Under Social Credit they will.A new life looms ahead for them, andthey deserve it.

It is possible too that coalmining mayno longer be needed. Ways are al-ready known of extracting the prod-ucts from unmined coal; but furtherstill it may be that already in somelaboratory is a device for using SolarEnergy direct, without using coal.This is speculation but it is certain thatif, under Social Credit, coalminingbecame obsolete, it would not spellruin for all concerned as it wouldnow. On the contrary, it would usherin the Sun-Power Age, and a sun-powered life for everyone.

Already Atomic Energy has been ap-plied to war, and could be applied toindustrial production. Even before thathas been done, we may be able to usedirect Solar Energy - power directfrom the sun - without any "atom-splitting" at all. Such an advance to-wards the New Solar Civilisation callsfor the introduction of Social Creditnow, in. order to enable research, in-vention, and discovery to go forwardunhampered by financial considera-tions.

72. WHAT ABOUT LARGE-SCALE MASS-PRODUCERS ANDSMALL MANUFACTURERS?

THEY WILL BE in a position to producethose things that can best be made inquantity by mass-production methods,and in doing so will be able to use (1)new and fully automatic inventionsand processes, and (2) less and lesshuman labour.

Under the Bankers' Debt-system,large scale mass-producers cannotperform the proper function of indus-try, which is to produce and delivergoods and/or services as, when, andwhere required by the community, butare forced into a fierce catch-as-catch-can for markets; tend not to modernisetheir plant when new inventions andimprovements call for such moderni-sation; and, when forced to sackworkers during "slump" periods inorder to cut production costs, make itstill more difficult to sell the goods

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THE SOCIAL CREDITER Iproduced - since a cut in wages is acut in buying-power. This compelsmass-producers to scramble for exportmarkets, and this is the chief cause ofwar today.

Under Social Credit large-scale mass-producers will be assured of an effec-tive Home Market, and therefore thebeggar-my-neighbour smash-and-grabfor markets abroad will not be neces-sary. New credits for new production,issued via the National Credit Office,will enable them to install up-to-datelabour-saving machinery and im-proved processes, while the release ofworkers no longer needed will notresult in loss of sales due to lack ofbuying-power. Finally, the Price Ad-justment technique will prevent peri-ods of "boom" and "slump" so thatthose workers really needed for mass-production will be fairly certain ofsteady work at high rates of pay overand above the National Dividend.

Social Credit will give consumer con-trol of mass-production. In a commu-nity where "cheapness" is not a pri-mary consideration, mass producedarticles will only be used where theyare an actual improvement upon hand-made articles, or where it is impossi-ble to supply a sufficient quantity ofhand-made articles. Thus, in manydirections mass-produced articles willtend to go out of use if they have onlybeen made in order to "make money,"and not because they are reallywanted. On the other hand, new needswill arise in which mass-productionwill be essential. We may thereforeexpect a sorting out process to takeplace in which a great natural revivalof craftsmanship will oust mass-production in certain spheres, whilemass-production will find new fieldsof development; as, for instance, ar-chitectural building units, aircraft,plastics, etc.

So long as mass-production is calledfor by consumers, mass-productionwill flourish. And in a modem com-munity mass-production is called forin the making of such articles as vac-uum-cleaners, telephones, refrigera-tors, radio sets, motor cars, etc.

An assured Home Market - expandingto the limits of consumer need - willenable mass-producers to sell theirgoods at a fair price - i.e., the Just or

Scientific Price that will include anagreed profit, or service-fee for theproducer.

When the Home Market - you and I,and everyone else - is satisfied, mass-producers will be able to manufacturea Real Export Surplus to be shippedabroad in exchange for necessary im-ports.

As for the small manufacturer: underSocial Credit they will increase andflourish. Not being mass-producersthey will be better able to satisfy thepublic demand for variety in the kindsand qualities of goods. They will beable to adapt their plant to changes inthe tastes and habits of customers. Forthese reasons they will take over alarge proportion of business which isnow done by large-scale mass-producers. The latter will not objectbecause they will be chiefly occupiedin producing machinery, tools, semi-manufactures; so the small manufac-turers will be their customers ratherthan competitors Even ifboth makethe same articles and compete inprice, the small manufacturer will of-ten be able to quote the lower price.Large plants do not necessarily showlower costs. Again, small plants willoften be making tools for large plants.Thus there will be give-and take inbuying and selling between them.

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This interplay takes place in a re-stricted way under the present system,but, as a rule, the small manufacturerfinds himself driven out of businessby large-scale mass-producers. This isdue to the general shortage of .con-sumer buying-power. There will be noshortage under Social Credit. Every-thing made can be sold providedsomebody would like to have it. It willbe up to the producers - large orsmall - to find out what the publicwants. In other words Social Credit,by empowering the individual to buy,makes consumer control of industryeffective.

73. WHAT ABOUT RET AlLERS?

UNDER SOCIAL CREDIT every retailshop will sooner or later become a"free house" in the sense in which onespeaks of a public house not tied toany brewer or distiller.

The business of a producer is to pro-duce. That of a retailer is to distribute.The duty of a producer is to makewhat the retailer orders. That of a re-tailer is to order what his customerswant.

Any attempt by a producer to tie aretailer to his factory (whether it turnsout beer, boots, or more expensivethings like ovens, refrigerators, motor-cars) is an attempt to reverse theproper order, to push the customeraround and force him to accept someparticular goods, or type of goods.Such attempts are made to-day simplyand solely because they "pay," orrather because neglect to do thesethings is likely to involve loss. Theyare the phenomena of cut-throat com-petition, arising directly out of theBankers' Debt-system. Social Creditwill remove the motive for this com-mercial smash-and-grab.

Today retailers feel the first shock,after wage-earners, of disemployment.Under Social Credit disemploymentwon't affect the buying power of thepublic because the National Dividendwill supplement wages, and graduallysupersede them.

With the abolition of Bankers' control,the beggar-my-neighbour drivingcompulsion of the business world willvanish also. There will be no devil totake the hindmost, and people will beable to deal with each other as humanbeings instead of as market-snatchinggangsters.

74. HOW WILL SOCIAL CREDITAFFECT THE POSITION OFWOMEN IN GENERAL?

BY GIVING EVERY woman a birthrightincome - i.e., the National Dividendbased on the productive capacity ofthe community - it;will ensure eco-nomic independence and freedom, forit will release her from being :-

1. Tied to the home when shewishes to live her own life.

2. Treated as a drudge or as aninferior - i.e., the "chattel"status.

3. Driven to marry for the sakeof economic security.

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4. Bound to some man who ilI-treats her, or is in some otherway unsuitable as a person tolive with.

5. Driven into work-wage slav-ery in competition with men inorder to keep alive.

75. WILL WOMEN GET "EQUALPAY FOR EQUAL WORK"?

YES, THEY WILL. (1) Because a SocialCredit Government will naturallystand for fair play for all citizens with-out distinction; (2) because employerswill no longer need "cheap labour";and (3) because each individualwoman will be able to say - "IfI dothis job as well as a man could do it, Ishall want the same pay as a man."And if the employer says, "No," shewill be able to say: "Very well, I re-fuse the job. After all Ican live on myNational Dividend."

This places every woman in a verypowerful position.

(It will apply equally, of course tobadly-paid male workers.)

76. WILL PEOPLE KNOW WHATTO DO WITH THEIR LEISURE?

WELL WILL YOU know what to dowith yours?

After ali, there are plenty of things todo in the world, and it will not takemost people long to find out what theyare once they have time to do so.

(Some people may like to go fishing.It doesn't interest me but every man tohis own choice ... )

"What," you may ask, "will peopledo with their leisure?"

To begin with, of course, there willnot be much leisure, because there issuch an enormous amount ofrecon-struction to be done. For ten years atleast, after this war, there will be workfor all. We have to re-shape ourworld. But, all the same, we must re-shape it in such a way as to establish aLeisure State in a Power Age. If wedon't, we shall be heading straight forWorld War III. Quite gradually peoplewill come to value their leisure be-cause it will allow them time to"work" at work of their own choosing.

It will give them freedom to work atwork worth doing. No more "squarepegs in round holes." Released from agreat deal of industrial drudgery, peo-ple will begin to take up a thousandand one activities, and in a LeisureState we shall find the majority ofpeople working harder than ever! butat work they have chosen, want to do,and enjoy. Have no fear: a SocialCredit Government will usher in theLeisure State gradually and smoothly,giving people time to readjust and re-educate themselves. And the risinggeneration - those born into a LeisureState - will shed the last vestiges ofthe "fear of leisure" and live a life ofintense activity and awareness such astheir parents never knew. That is be-cause they will have time, to live, andto live splendidly.

77. SURELY PEOPLE ARE AL-WAYS MUCH HAPPIER ATWORK?

IT DEPENDS ENTIRELY on what youmean by "happiness" and by "work."If by "work" you mean some activitythey have chosen to do of their ownaccord, and without being driven to"find a job" in order to keep alive, youare right and under Social Credit thatwould be possible for everyone. But ifby "work" you mean needless toil -monotonous drudgery that could bedone by automatic machinery or,maybe, not done at all - then you arewrong, and you are preaching Workfor the sake of Work, which can havebut one result: Mass Ignorance and aLow-Grade Culture. That is what wehave at the moment, and it is due tothis perverted idea that "people arealways much happier at work." Theyaren't. It depends on what kind ofwork - and whether they have chosento do it of their own free will, and cangive it up, or change to another kind,when they desire to do so.

78. WON'T PEOPLE TAKE TODRINK AND ALL THAT SORTOF THING?

A FEW MAY, as they do now but theywill soon find themselves in "clink" ifthey become a public nuisance. Mostpeople are about the same as you are -decent and law-abiding, This fear thatother people will "go wrong" if theyhave time to live is really nonsense.To live and to enjoy life is the onlysane objective, and people must be

given the time and opportunity to doso, even if a few scallywags and ne'er-do-wells are unable to stand the strainof real individual freedom.

79. WONT PEOPLE GET TIREDOF DOING NOTHING?

THAT REMINDS ME of the little boywho came upon a real work-shyWeary Willie sitting under a haystacksmoking a pipe.

"Don't you never get tired, doingnothin', Mister?" asked the little boy.To which the tramp replied:

"Ah, we all 'ave our troubles"

I once told that to a meeting organisedby the Bank Officers' Guild in Lon-don. It was to illustrate a point Iwasmaking about Work and Leisure. Thebank managers and bank clerks pre-sent didn't smile. There wasn't a titter.Dead silence. It was before the Hitler-war, and it wasn't at all funny to them.They wanted work-"full employ-ment" - and couldn't see themselveswith plenty of leisure time.

And that is the whole thing. Peoplewho are used to plenty of leisure -men like the old hunting squires, art-ists, poets, musicians, the real old Ro-manitshel gipsies, inventive engineers,scholars devoted to some specialstudy, such as philology, archaeology,ethnology, and craftsmen who havetime to sit and think and dream - donot "get tired of doing nothing," be-

. cause, when they find themselves (ifthey ever do) in that sad state, theyalways know what they want to doand have a hundred and one things totum to.

No, no, people will not "get tired ofdoing nothing." They, or their chil-dren, will very quickly learn to live agood life. And in this connection wemay remind ourselves of Jasper'swords from Borrow's Lavengro:

"Life is sweet, brother"

"Do you think so?"

"Think so! There's night and day,brother, both sweet things; sun, moon,and stars, brother, all sweet things;there's likewise a wind on theheath ... "

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THE SOCIAL CREDITER IThose words have been over-quoted,and sneering weevil-intellectuals haveeaten out the heart of them and turnedthem to dust. But the truth of themremains, and the lilting chant in whichthey are set is part of that truth.

Only conditioned slaves, machine-minders, robots, mechanical men,work-or-starve serfs fear leisure,which, to them, means "doing noth-ing." To the free man "life is sweet" -and even to breathe God's fresh airwith a good pair of lungs is a joyfulthing.

Nothing suits the Bankers quite sowell as a herd of would-be workersclamouring for WORK! Don't youwant time to live, to enjoy life? Ifnot,what is your idea of progress, of Civi-lisation - an ant-heap?

Science gives us the possibility of anAge of Leisure and Abundance - nolV.Even the ravages of war have not de-stroyed it. On the contrary, war or-ganisation and war production haveactually increased this possibility.What are you going to do - drag usback to the old Work-or-Starve Slav-ery by your fear of leisure?

If "sun ,moon and stars" are not goodenough for you, then, of course thereis nothing for it but to scrap the me-chanical bull-dozers, grabs andscoops, and start digging holes with asaltspoon and filling them in again.But before you go off "genuinelyseeking work" you might give thisquestion of Work and Leisure anotherthought? It happens to be the funda-mental question of our age.

80. SURELY IT IS RIGHT THAT"IF A MAN WILL NOT WORK,NEITHER SHOULD HE EAT"?

THAT IS A popular misquotation fromSaint Paul. The correct wording is:"This we commanded you, that if anywould not work, neither should heeat." (Thessalonians II ch. 3 x). Hewas addressing a small body of Chris-tian converts in Thessalonia, some ofwhom were evidently making rather anuisance of themselves; since in thevery next verse he writes: "For wehear there are some which walkamong you disorderly working not atall, but are busy-bodies." He was

giving instructions to a persecutedreligious minority in an Age of Hand-Labour. He was telling them to"watch their step." Saint Paul hadnever seen a modem power-station, anautomatic lathe, nor a power-drivenloom, and it is quite ridiculous toquote his words as though they wereaddressed to the 20th century.

To apply to modern man the textwould have to read: "If people cannotget money to buy, it is no use produc-ing food to eat." A very different stateof affairs, brought about by the Me-chanical Revolution of about a hun-dred years ago plus the inventions andimprovements that have followedsince.

81. DO PEOPLE REALLY WANTFREEDOM?

I SOMETIMES WONDER myself. Never-theless, we must either allow eco-nomic freedom and security - or facethe Complete break-up of our civilisa-tion. We have reached the stagewhere, willy-nilly, people must havefreedom and shoulder the responsibili-ties of fully adult indi viduals orplunge headlong into a New Dark Ageof want, misery and confusion. Itseems almost as though people musthave freedom thrust upon them fortheir own good (and mine - andyours). However, it is more thanlikely that they will take to it quiteeasily, as a duck takes to water, oncethey are given the chance.

82. DON'T YOU RATHER GIVETHE IMPRESSION THAT LIFECAN BE A SORT OF " PARA-DISE ON EARTH" - AND DOYOU REALLY BELIEVE IT?

TIlAT DEPENDS ENTIRELY upon whatyou mean by "paradise," but, takingthe QUESTION by and large, Iwouldsay: Yes, I do believe it.

In the 13th year of Mohammed's mis-sion, a number of disciples came toMecca from Medina offering theirservices. Mohammed was then ingreat need of such help, for his ene-mies had become so powerful that hislife was in imminent danger. He there-fore accepted this offer from the faith-ful," and met them secretly one nightat Al Akaba. But he was not, it seems,quite sure of their absolute faithful-

ness to himself and to the cause.Through the mouth of his uncle, AIAbbas, the matter was put squarely tothem: "As Mohammed is obliged toquit his native city and seek refugeelsewhere, and as you offered yourprotection, you will do well not to de-ceive him. If you are not firmly re-.solved to defend him, if need be withyour lives you had better say so out-right, and let him make other plans forhis safety."

They thereupon protested their sincer-ity, and Mohammed swore to be faith-ful to them, on, condition that theyprotected him against all threats andinsults. They then asked what recom-pense they might expect if they shouldbe killed in carrying out these duties.Mohammed answered with one word:"Paradise! "

At that they pledged their faith to him,and went about their task.

They were content to fight for theProphet of Islam, knowing that para-dise awaited them should they bekilled in his service.

Personally I would rather fight for"paradise on earth" than drift into thestagnant sump of cynicism that beginswith the popular notion - "Humannature being what it is" - and endswith the frenzied disbelief in the"perfectibility of man" that generatesa fanatical enthusiasm for making"hell on earth" only equalled, if itever was, by the 11th century Assas-sins of Hassan Sabah in Syria and Per-sia, whose motto was: -" Nothing istrue, everything is permitted."

I believe that the Kingdom of Heaven(Paradise) on Earth is perfectly possi-ble, and that most people secretly be-lieve this - or wish they could. I be-lieve that Social Credit is the key thatwill open the door to what may seem"paradise" to us, but will seem nomore than a free and normal life tothose born into a debt" free commu-nity."These things shall be: a loftier race

That e'er the world hath knownshall rise,

With flame of freedom in theirsouls

And light of knowledge in theireyes

New arts shall bloom of loftier

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mould,And mightier music thrill the

skies,And every life shall be a song,When all the earth is paradise"

-John Addington Sy-monds (1840-1893)

Little tin-pot intellectuals, with morebrain weariness than sense, may sneerat these lines. Yet the fact remains thatwithout such a vision the people per-ish -including the so-called"intellectuals." Ifyou will not fight for Paradise-on-Earth, you are compelled to assistthose forces that make for Hell-on-Earth There is no middle course foranyone.

PART IV

WHY IS SOCIAL CREDIT THE ONLYREMEDY?

83. AREN'T THE JEWS THE MAINCAUSE OF ALL THE TROUBLE?THAT IS WHAT Hitler told the Germans.For centuries the Jews have been a con-venient scapegoat. But, in fact, the so-cial-economic troubles of this countryand the world to-day have nothing to dowith any particular race. The presenteconomic-financial system could not berun satisfactorily by a Company of An-gels and Archangels from Heaven. Thesystem is unsound and unworkable byanyone. It is mathematically incorrect inits methods of calculating FinancialCredit and Financial Debt. To embarkupon a campaign of Jew-hating and Jew-baiting will not establish a sane andworkable monetary system; it willmerely drive us towards this or that formof Hitlerism.

Social Credit is the only remedy.

84. ISN'T NATIONALISA TJON OFTHE BANKS THE FIRST STEP TOSOCIAL CREDIT?NATIONALISING THE BANKS will not, initself, make any difference to anything,and the Bankers know it."Nationalisation? J welcome it!" saidMontagu Norman, some time before theHitler-war began. It's the method ofcredit issue and withdrawal used in thebooks of the banks that has to bechanged. It's not the ownership of thebanks that matters. but the technique ofbanking Calling a bank" national" doesnot alter the technique used. You don't

change raspberry jam by sticking a label"National Jam" on the pot. It's still rasp-berry.

85. WHAT DO SOCIAL CREDIT AD-VOCATES MEAN WHEN THEY SAYTHAT "OWNERSHIP OF THEMEANS OF PRODUCTION DOESNOT GIVE CONTROL"?THEY MEAN that control of credit is controlof production, and that merely taking overthe "ownership" of the means ofproduc-tion - land, buildings, raw materials, plantetc. -leaves the control in the hands of theBankers' Credit Monopoly. In otherwords: Finance Capital controls IndustrialCapital.

Now listen to Lenin: "In running the cur-rent account of a certain number of capital-ists, the bank may seem to be undertakingonly a technical process; but when theseoperations assume extensive proportions,the result is that a handful of monopolistscontrol all the operations, both commercialand industrial, of capitalist society. Theycan, by means of their banking connec-tions, by means of knowing the state ofcurrent accounts, by means of knowingfinancial operations, first ascertain exactlythe position of isolated capitalists, thencontrol them, act on them by restrictingtheir credits or, on the contrary, by extend-ing them; at length they can entirely deter-mine their fate, deprive them of capital, or,on the other hand, permit them to increasetheir capital to enormous propor-tions." (Imperialism: The Last Stage,Chapter II, pp. 27-28, English Edition,1927).

Lenin recognised that Finance Capital con-trols Industrial Capital. It follows logi-cally, that "ownership of the means of pro-duction does not give control." Such con-trol depends upon a fundamental change inthe technique of banking-accountancy.Neither Socialism nor Communism statewhat this fundamental change in financialtechnique must be in order to ensure thattotal consumer incomes always equal totalretail prices. Social Credit is this NewTechnique.

86. DIDN'T HITLER INTRODUCESOME KIND OF "SOCIAL CREDIT"IN GERMANY?

No. All he did was to grasp the fact that aman with a Tommy-gun need not pay inmoney for what he demands and/or grabsfrom someone who has only a pea-.shooter. Hitler did not make his HomeMarket effective. All he did was to "solve" his unemployment problem (sic) by firstof all preparing for war, and then going towar .Any fool can do that, and Hitler wasa fool. (but not the only one).

87. WHY DIDN'T HITLER PUT INSOCIAL CREDIT?

BECAUSE HE WANTED to be a Dictator, andyou cannot be a Dictator if people have abirthright income (National Dividend)that does not depend upon "earning a liv-ing." How can a Dictator get people toclick heels and do what they are told, ifthey can "cock a snook" at him and getfood, warmth, and shelter without obey-ing his orders? Social Credit is fatal toany form of dictatorship.

88. IN ORDER TO SHARE-THE-WEALTH, ISN'T "RE-DISTRIBUTION OF INCOMES" THEPROPER SOLUTION?

NO, IT ISN'T. You cannot tum Scarcity intoPlenty by redistributing an insufficiencyof buying-power. You can't make onepound of butter into two by spreading itmore thinly.

Professor A. L. Bowley (in The Distribu-tion of the National Income) referring tothe period just before 1914, calculatedGreat Britain's total annual income, overand above £150 per family, at£250,000,000. This, divided by the10,000,000 families to be considered,would benefit each of them by £25. Thatwould give every family an annual in-come of no more than £175. The wholeidea is absurd! The extra £25 would bespent in a few weeks and the poor wouldbe as poor as before, with this difference -everyone would be on this £175 poverty-line. A little later on, everyone would bepoorer still, because no one would be ableto afford the things industry could pro-duce - cars, telephones, refrigerators, vac-uum-cleaners, new and well-designedhouses, and a thousand and one otherthings. Industry. would droop for lack oforders, the factories and workshops wouldsack their workpeople. and mass unern- .ployment would engulf the nation.

89. IF WE ARE TO HELP THE

VOLUME 80 PAGE 50

THE SOCIAL CREDITER IPOOR, ISN'T IT NECESSARYTO "SOAK THE RICH"?

NO. That is like a man amputating hisfeet to cure his corns. Not less forsome, but more for all, is the rightline of approach in a community thatcan produce enough and to spare forall its citizens.

90. WASN'T ROOSEVELT'S"NEW DEAL" A KIND OF SO-CIAL CREDIT.

NO, IT WAS not. It was a kind ofState Socialist - i.e., State CapitalistIndustrial Planning Scheme. It didnot change the technique of bankingand finance. It was an attempt toplan industry within the limits of thefinancial system. It was exactly likerats in a trap planning a New Dealfor themselves within the limits ofthe trap. It did not plan to get out ofthe trap, nor has it enabled anyone todo so. State Planning of Industry isno solution to the problem, which isnot a problem of Production, but ofConsumer Buying-Power.

91. WOULDN'T "FAMILY AL-LOW ANCES" HELP?

NO THEY would not. The SocialCredit National Dividend does awaywith the need for "family allow-ances." And the best of it is, it does-n't have to come out of your pocket-nor do you have to take it out ofsomeone else's pocket. Every"family allowance" scheme is a taxa-tion-and-redistribution-of- incomescheme - i.e., robbing Peter to payPaul. But the S.C. National Dividendis everyone's birthright income, eve-ryone's fair share of the nation'swealth based upon the community'stotal productive power.

The unconditional nature of the So-cial Credit Dividend places it in aclass by itself. Family "allowances,"payments made with insulting condi-tions attached, would have no placeunder Social Credit.

92. WOULDN'T "COMMONOWNERSHIP" SOLVE THEPROBLEM?

NO IT WOULD not, because the prob-lem has nothing to do with the own-

ership of anything. It is a problem ofconsumer markets - i.e., the buying-power of money in your pocket, andmine.

Ownership does not give control overmarkets. If you and I, and everyone else,owned everything, everywhere, it wouldnot, of itself, add one penny to our buy-ing-power.

For example, it is of no advantage to beable to say, "I, and 40,000,000 otherpeople, own the railways." The onlyquestion that matters is, "Have I themoney to buy a ticket so that Ican usethe railways?"

Ownership and use are two quite differ-ent things, and what people want in amodem community is not to own things,but to be able to use them. Social Creditempowers them to do so by means of theNational Dividend and Price Adjust-ment.

93. WASN'T THE "BEVERIDGEPLAN" A MOVE IN THE RIGHTDIRECTION?

NO, THE "Beveridge Plan" was a move inthe wrong direction. It was a move in thedirection of compulsory all-in insurancei.e., a move towards Totalitarianism, theAnt-heap State, the Servile State. Nofreedom-loving people would toleratesuch a plan. "

PARTV

HOW CAN WE GET SOCIALCREDIT?

94. WILL IT BE POSSIBLE TOMAKE THE BANKERS CONFORMTO THE SOCIAL CREDIT TECH-NIQUE?

YES, QUITE EASILY. In order to enforcethe Plimsoll Line, painted on the hulls ofmerchant vessels, all that was necessarywas the Merchant Shipping Act of 1876,that made this load-line technique com-pulsory.

All that is needed to make the Bankersconform to the Social Credit technique isa National Credit (Equation of Con-sumption to Production) Act.

You may say, "Oh, but Social Creditisn't a 'Plimsoll Line' - I mean, it isn't a

simple device like that."But it is a simple device like that. Itis, in fact, an economic load-line - abalance between Production andConsumption - and might very wellbe called the "Douglas Line." More-over, the Social Credit Device can beset down just as simply as the Plim-solI Line - and perhaps it ought to bepainted on the wall of every bankbuilding, just as the Plimsoll Line ispainted on the hull of every mer-chant vessel.Here it is:-

Just Price (in £)=cost of ultimate

products consumed (in £) +depreciation of real capitalin £

cost (in £) ) xcredit created (in

£) + cost of total production(£)

If you say you can't understand thatSimple Device, that is not the faultof the Simple Device, nor of thosewho can understand it. Whether youhappen to understand it or not, it isthe only calculation-method that in-dicates correctly the Just or Scien-tific Price of any article - i.e., theload-line of cost that any article mustcarry in its retail price, if all articlesready for sale to the final consumerare to be sold

95. WHAT WILL YOU DO IFTHE BANKERS REFUSE TOOPERA TE SOCIAL CREDIT -OR, WITHOUT REFUSING,QUIETLY SABOTAGE THEWHOLE SCHEME?

.REPEAL THE Bank Charter Act of1844 - empower the Treasury tocarry out all necessary transactions -employ Chartered Accountants in-stead of Bankers> use the Post Of-fices everywhere as local Credit Of-fices (leaving the banks out of it al-together) - keep the public fully in-formed of what is taking place, andwhy, by radio and Press - and, ifnec-essary, forbid any bank to operatewithout a Government licence.

-Whatever happens, a Social CreditGovernment will see that (1) the Na-tional Credit Authority is properlyestablished, (2) the National Divi-dend is made available to everyone,

VOLUME80 PAGES1

THE SOCIAL CREDITER

and (3) the Price Adjustment is ap-plied at the retail end. It must be re-membered that these "Three De-mands" will be embodied in legalenactments and will become the lawof the land. The Bankers will have tocomply with the law of the land, orgo out of business. You will find thatthey will comply.

It will not be possible to "quietlysabotage the whole scheme." Theestablishment of Social Credit willbe carried out in the full glare ofhigh-powered publicity by a properlyconstituted Government acting inaccordance with the direct mandateof the people, and wielding sover-eign power. Moreover, every citizenwill know whether or not he or sheis, in fact, receiving the NationalDividend, and whether Retail Priceshave been lowered. There can benothing secret, underhand, or hiddenabout any of it.

The short answer to the question is: aSocial Credit Government will en-force the law.

96. WHY DON'T WE HEARMORE ABOUT SOCIALCREDIT IN THE PRESS ANDON THE RA-DIO- FOR IN-STANCE, THE B.B.e. "BRAINSTRUST"?

YOU HARDLY EVER read about SocialCredit in the newspapers becausethere is a "Press boycott," due to thefact that almost every paper is underfinancial control.

Many editors declare that there is nosuch boycott, and that the only rea-son why they do not publish any-thing about Social Credit is that theirreaders "are not interested in thesubject". Just how they know this-since their readers have never had achance of discovering whether theyare interested or not! - remains amystery.

However, one editor at least hasbeen quite frank about it. Mr. H.Norman Smith, M.P. for South Not-tingham (1945), and one-time editorof The illustrated Carpenter andBuilder, wrote in his paper, October9, 1942:-

"So complete has been the boycott ofSocial Credit ideas by Press, radio andpolitical parties in this country that thegeneral public knows hardly anythingabout them."

As for the radio: the B.B.C is under fi-nancial control, and naturally, does notwant the idea of Social Credit madeknown. It is no use giving the excusethat it is "political," and barred on thataccount, for Social Credit, in itself, is aneconomic theory - a technique of Na-tional Accountancy - and is no more po-litical than Einstein's Relativity Theory.

97. WHY DOESN'T THE LABOURPARTY BACK SOCIAL CREDIT?

BECAUSE THE Labour Party is in thepockets of the Trade Unions, and theTrade Union leaders are too muddled intheir minds to know whether to backSocial Credit or not. Naturally, as spe-cialists in the organising oflabour, theydo not like the idea of a system that willmake their services unnecessary. Yetthey see that events are doing this in anycase. They know that they cannot forceemployers to hire all the labour avail-able, nor force them to pay stipulatedrates of wages to hired labour. Directlythey try they find themselves up againstsomething called "limits of costs."Sooner or later they will challenge thatobstacle or get out - and when that hap-pens, Social Credit will back them.

98. CAN WE GET SOCIAL CREDITTHROUGH PARLIAMENT?

YES IF A sufficient number of peoplevote for Social Credit Party candidatespledged to the Three Demands.

99.WOULD IT NOT BE POSSIBLEFOR THE BANKERS TO SET UP A"BOGUS" SOCIAL CREDIT RE-GIME?

YES IT WOULD - and they may try to doso. That is why it is vitally importantthat everyone should have a clear under-standing of Social Credit.

100. HOW WILL YOU GET THEPOWER TO PUT IN SOCIALCREDIT?

FIRST OF ALL. by convincing you thatSocial Credit is desirable and workable.

Power to "put in" anything dependsupon certain well-understood factors,of which the most important are:

(a) The emotional appeal ofthe idea itself plus its com-monsense appeal.(b) The number of individu-als who respond to the idea.(c) The building up of apowerful propaganda.(d) The will-to-release-power of the movement andits supporters.(e) The inability of othermovements and or parties tostand against the "magic" ofthe idea.(f) The development of asteady agitation inside Par-liament carried on by M.P.spledged to the Three De-mands.(g) The development ofmass pressure carried on bydemonstrations outside Par-liament, backing up the agi-tation inside Parliament.(h) The ability to take fulladvantage from day to dayof events outside the controlof the movement and itssupporters - i.e., the swiftlink-up to circumstancesarising out of the social-economic breakdown of theold form of civilisation.(i) The "jump" into posi-tion.(j) The ability to hold theposition.

We shall "get the power to put inSocial Credit" when the above fac-tors begin to converge. It is not,however, a matter of sitting still andwaiting for that to happen. It has tobe made to happen, and each one ofus can do something to help. For ex-ample, you can help by getting yourfriends to read this little book - or byusing itas a textbook for a Social Credit"Brains Trust" in your own locality.Why not organise one right away?

t is clear that the general line of ac-tion throughout the British Islesshould be:

.... continued on page 54 .

VOLUME 80 PAGE 52

THE SOClAL CKEVITJ::<:K1

Comment .As the horrendous events of Tues-day 11th September unfolded onmy television screen I put aside theeditorial for the already delayedSeptember TSC. Subsequently it isbecoming apparent that whateverhappens things will never be quitethe same again. Maybe the mostrevolutionary change will be in ourunderstanding of the nature of po-litical, economic and militarypower.

Across the world, peoples havesuffered as a consequence of thedesire of one faction or another tosecure wealth and power. Homesand families have come under at-tack for reasons completely beyondthe comprehension of the victims.One can list Hiroshima, Nagasaki,the saturation bombing of Dresden,Mi Li, Kosovo and sadly many,many others. However, because theattacks were incomprehensible tothe victims does not mean theywere mindless. Somewhere alongthe line plans were laid out. Theattacks on the American mainlandfollowed the same pattern. Notonly were the attacks skilfullyplanned and executed, but the con-sequences were also thoughtthrough. The intention will emergein due course, there is little doubtabout that. For the time being, wecan only speculate. However, it isimportant to do just that. Those at-tacks were planned by skilful chessplayers, well able to anticipate howleaders would react and events un-fold. It has been suggested that'they' foresaw the fall on stock

markets, selling their investmentsjust before the attacks.

Very likely the intention was topolarise the West and Islam, toescalate conflict on a global scale.In recent conflicts America hassent in missiles, causing civilianloss of life in order to minimiseAmerican military casualties. The11th September attacks were verydifferent. One could almost saythat the actual perpetrators of theattacks were themselves victims,in that they had been persuaded tolay down their lives in a 'just' warby a person or faction with no in-tention of dying with them.Whichever way you look at it,great evil will only result ingreater evil if people of good willally themselves with one factionor the other, reacting from an un-informed perspective.

What is being offered by the twoopposing factions? The Islamicleaders can ask support on thegrounds that death in battle takesthe individual straight to heaven.That is a very clever motivation,since the dead, having done thewill of their earthly leaders, are inno position to return and reportback that killing anybody, civilianor otherwise, is not the will of Al-lah. Meanwhile, the Western na-tions seek to maintain the econ-omy. Again, the people imaginethat they benefit from a 'strong'economy when in fact the gap be-tween rich and poor is widening,both within and between nations.

Equally, the people areurged to produce and con-sume more in order toavoid recession. This at atime when global warmingand other problems are as-sociated with over- produc-tion and mounting heaps ofwaste. Very likely the dam-age to the global economywas an integral part of thestrategy for the terrorist at-tacks. The World TradeCentre sited within theAmerican homeland was adeliberate target intended toraise the wrath of politicalleaders in -every Westernnation.

Our sympathies must go outto the victims of all formsof violence, whether perpe-trated by terrorists or nationstates. Maybe the greatestchange will come in our at-titude to the creation andstockpiling of weapons ofmass destruction, if not theproduction and marketingof military hardware as awhole. That would certainlyrequire a re-think of eco-nomic policies from a so-cial credit perspective.

VOLUME IW PACF. 53

THE SOCIAL CREDITER

Book reviews By Frances Hutchinson

LOCALIZATION: a Global Manifesto. Colin Hines. Earthscan, 2000 pp.290, £10.99.BEYOND GLOBALIZATION: shaping a Sustainable Global Economy, Hazel Henderson for theNew Economics Foundation, Kumarian Press,1999 pp.90, £7

ese two books provide valuableinsights into the workings of theglobal economy. Once again,Hazel Henderson and ColinHines provide comprehensivedocumentation of the relation-ship between the debt-basedglobal economy and the emer-gence of seemingly insuperableecological and social problems.Although neither book is a lightread, they offer study materialfor all seeking to understandtheir own roles in the globaleconomy.

Hines challenges the worldlyreligion of economic orthodoxyas propounded by the WorldBank, IMF and World TradeOrganisation. By examining itshistory and debunking its basictenets through concrete exam-ples, he argues for replacementof "beggar-your-neighbourglobalization!' with the"potentially more cooperativebetter-your-rieighbour localiza-tion". The case for taming the'tiger' of free trade is clearlypresented through a thoroughcritique of the of operation ofthe global economy. Hines callsfor 'activists' to set aside their

single-issue differences by unit-ing to revive their own localeconomies within a coherent po-litical and economic framework,including basic income, food se-curity, labour rights and mone-tary reform issues. Although al-most entirely consistent with so-cial credit, Hines fails to forgelinks with the powerful food,farming and society writers andmovements of the mid-twentiethcentury. He may well not knowof them.

Like Hines, Henderson rejectsthe old labels of left and rightwhile placing great faith in theindividual's ability to bringabout change through actionsbased on reasoned consideration.Beyond Globalization sets outseven levels of economic activ-ity through which the globaleconomy might be reshaped.Henderson appears convincedthat setting out a few hometruths will cause the captains ofglobalized commerce and bank-ing to slap their foreheads andmend their ways by promotingsocial justice and environmentalsustainability. This appears to beover-

optimistic. Nevertheless, thebook is a valuable resource,providing an introduction to arange of relevant writings, pe-riodicals and organisations(with contact addresses).

There has always been a solidbody of so-called 'alternative'political philosophy concernedwith good management of theearth, right livelihoods andshared community. However,studied in isolation, eachwriter can be dismissed as alone voice attempting to tumback from the inevitable pro-gress to consume more andmore earthly goods. It is timefor a more holistic approach,making connections betweenthe money economy, arts,farming, theology, philosophyand all branches of learning. Inthis context, these two booksadvocating localization of theeconomy are highly recom-mended as valuable aids tostudy .

... ..continued from page 52 There was and it was very active.

(1) A nation-wide SocialCredit Crusade, or Evangel,carried out by trained full-time "missioners," followedup by:

(2) A well-planned and ef-ficiently carried out Parlia-mentary Campaign.

101. IS THERE A SOCIALCREDIT PARTY IN THIS COUN-TRY?

This concludes our serialisation ofSocial Credit: Clearly Explained.

101 Questions Answered

VOLUME 80 PAGE 54

Editorial • • • •• •

Welcome change has been occur-ring, both within and outside thesocial credit movement, even asevents unfold. Throughout thetwentieth century mainstreameconomic theory held sway inuniversities, with social creditand other so-called 'heterodox'economics being ruthlessly sup-pressed. According to FrederickLee, leading heterodox econo-mist, economics departments andassociations have ensured thatheterodox economic theory wasnot taught to students, while neo-classical economists have usedtheir power:

to not hire, deny tenureto, or outright fire heterodoxeconomists, to berate and deni-grate students who innocentlyquestion such things as economicrationality, and to gain access toorganisational and state powerthat they then use toforciblymake heterodox economists con-vert to neoclassical economics orexclude them altogether fromeconomics.

Writing in the July 2001 News-letter of the European Associa-tion for Evolutionary PoliticalEconomy (EAEPE), Lee offerspowerful confirmation that Doug-las and other 'heterodox' theoristswere not dismissed from an in-formed standpoint. Although thebattle is far from won, it is nowpossible to enter into debatewithin academia through suchbodies as EAEPE http://eaepe.tuwien.ac.atJ , the Association ofHeterodox Economists (AHE)and the emerging post-autisticeconomics movement www.paecon.net and others. There isstill, however, a long way to gobefore orthodoxy engages injoined-up thought in a meaning-ful way (See piece by Frank Ac-kerman, "What We Learned inthe Twentieth Century" in PAE

news Issue no.8).

Meanwhile, on the Secretariat front,for the first time in our history wewelcome onto the Secretariat twofull-time academics working in thesocial sciences. Social Credit activ-ists have included many professorsand other academic staff, but almostalways from the arts or sciences. Weare delighted that Professor MaryMellor of the University of North-umbria at Newcastle and Dr WendyOlsen of Bradford University will beworking with us at the Secretariat.

Most encouraging of all, slowly butsurely signs are emerging of a break-ing down of barriers between politi-cal, economic, cultural, social, reli-gious and other 'single issue' cam-paigns. Again, it is early days. Nev-ertheless, the conversation stopper,"Well, I'm not an economist!Christian/academic/Musl im/farmer/socialist!feminist!conservatist"comes out slightly less readily ascommon cause is recognised. With aview to developing awareness ofcommon cause we seek to publishnews of events organised with thecommon good in mind, and to publi-cise publications and study materialavailable from other organisations,while working alongside others tofacilitate a broad understanding thatsingle-issue campaigns have more togain than to lose by coming together.This is to do nothing new. Until thesecond half of the twentieth centuryit was still possible for adults to turnto university extra-mural depart-ments and the Workers' EducationalAssociation for non-vocational studyof the political economy. Today tinypockets of not-motivated-by-money-and-career study survive, if tenu-ously. One such is the Course inChristian Rural Concern, accreditedby Keele University. Having workedwith this organisation for some time,Iam pleased to publicise their corre-spondence course as entirely consis-tent with social credit principles and

philosophy. Although the courseunits can also be studied bycom-munity groups, we intend to de-velop material designed specifi-cally for group study.

As we establish working linkswith CRuC and other organisa-tions we see the need for accessi-ble study material explaining so-cial credit independently of thecontext of flawed mainstreamtheorising. In this issue of TheSocial Crediter we complete ourserialisation of Social CreditClearly Explained. As a prioritywe intend to reprint the documentas a booklet with a new introduc-tion. Although 10 101 QuestionsAnswered" was written duringWorld War II, it remains highlyrelevant to current issues as it ex-plains how economic competitionand social exclusion tend to warrather than peace. While critiquesof global capitalism abound,credible alternatives are hard tocome by. Social credit has beenaround for a long time, althoughit has ceased to be taken forgranted as a theoretical underpin-ning of local economic democ-racy. Our ongoing task is to over-come the "I shop, therefore Iam",progress is inevitable, big isbeautiful and anyway TINA phi-losophy. We welcome supportfrom a broad spectrum of alterna-tive thought in order to reset so-cial credit economics within itshistorical and political context. Inthe meantime, our web site,www.douglassocialcredit.comwill offer food for thought inthese changing times.

VOLUME 80 PAGE 55

ITHE SOCIAL CREDITER

The Social Crediter is the official journalof the Social Credit Secretariat. It promul-gates the analysis and prescription ofradi-

cal change to the current financial!economic system developed by C.B.

Douglas in the 1920s. At the centre of ourconcern is the need for radical reform ofthe international fractional reserve, debt-

money system. Only then might other ma-jor socio-economic changes, including theintroduction of a National Dividend, fol-

low and help to ensure that all of theworld's people have the potential to enjoyeconomic sufficiency, while simultane-ously living a full and satisfying life in

harmony with each other and the naturalenvironment. It is our conviction that

whatever is physically possible and so-cially desirable CAN be made financiallypossible. This should be everyone's con-cern and radical reform is urgent, so that

this potential might berealised.

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Recommended Reading

Alan D ArmstrongTo Restrain the RedHorse

Frances HutchinsonWhat Everybody really wants to knowabout Money

Frances-Hutchinson & Brian BurkittThe Political Economy of Social CreditAnd Guild Socialism

Books by Major C H Douglas

Economic DemocracySocial CreditThe Monopoly of CreditWarning DemocracyCredit Power and DemocracyThe Control and Distribution ofProduction

\VEBSITE: http://www.douglassocialcredit.com

Copyright 1998. Permission granted for reproduction with appropriate credit.If you wish to comment on an article in this, or the previous issues, or

discuss submission of an essay for a future issue of The Social Crediter,please contact the Editor, Frances Hutchinson, at the address below.

(It would be very helpful if material were submitted either bye-mail oron disk ifat all possible).

THE SOCIAL CREDITER BUSINESS ADDRESSSubscribers are requested to note the address for all business related toKRP Limited and The Social Credit Secretariat is: PO Box 322, Silsden,

Keighley, West Yorkshire 8020 OYE. Telephone: (01535) 654230e-mail: socialcredit@FSBDial.co,uk

VOLUME 80 PAGE 56