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The Roman Empire I: The Republic Page 1 of 19 PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2014. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy ). Subscriber: University of Oxford; date: 27 May 2015 Print Publication Date: Feb 2013 Subject: Classical Studies, Ancient Roman History, Greek and Roman Law, Social and Economic History Online Publication Date: Jan 2013 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195188318.013.0015 The Roman Empire I: The Republic Henrik Mouritsen The Oxford Handbook of the State in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean Edited by Peter Fibiger Bang and Walter Scheidel Oxford Handbooks Online Abstract and Keywords This chapter examines the history of the Roman Empire as a republic, explaining the formation of the Roman republic, its durability and relative stability, and the military expansionism that allowed it to expand its territory. It also identifies the social, political, and military factors that led to the weakening of the republican system of government and its eventual replacement with the monarchy system. Keywords: Roman Empire, Roman republic, military expansionism, republican system, monarchy system The Roman republic, according to the conventional chronology, was founded in 509 and lasted until 31 B CE, when Octavian’s victory at Actium paved the way for the introduction of the Augustan principate. This time span made it one of the most durable political structures known in antiquity to be based on a system of publicly negotiated power sharing. Its longevity stands out as one of the two most remarkable features of the Roman republic, the other being its exceptional expansionism. Thus, during the republic the Roman state grew from a small city-state in Latium to a large territorial state that covered the entire Italian peninsula. Its population expanded correspondingly from a few hundred thousand to several million. It was also the Roman republic that established the overseas empire, which eventually comprised most of the Mediterranean world and Western Europe and outlived the republic by almost half a millennium (See Map 14.1.). This chapter will be structured around these two issues and try to explain firstly the durability and relative stability that characterized the Roman republic and secondly its military expansionism and ability to extend its territory and citizen body. Although the two central questions remain distinct, the answers, as we shall see, are closely connected. Finally we will briefly consider the eventual collapse of the republican system and the emergence of monarchy, outlining the political, social, and military processes that led to a gradual weakening of the republican form of government. (p. 384) The Formation of the Roman Republic The earliest stages in the formation of the Roman republic are lost in time. According to the canonical version of events, not finalized until the late first century B CE, an uprising headed by Junius Brutus led to the expulsion of the last king in 510, and the following year the first two consuls were elected by popular vote. This revolution ushered in a new system of government that in principle would last until the late first century B CE. Thus, the list of chief magistrates, the so-called Fasti, traced a continuous succession of paired consuls (or varying numbers of consular tribunes during the fourth-century “struggle of the orders”) from the expulsion of the kings to the age of Augustus. The reality is likely to have been considerably more complex and the transition from kingship to republic probably far less clear-cut (Cornell 1995). The traditional date is, for example, likely due to a later historiographical invention,

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  • The Roman Empire I: The Republic

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    PrintPublicationDate: Feb2013 Subject: ClassicalStudies,AncientRomanHistory,GreekandRomanLaw,SocialandEconomicHistory

    OnlinePublicationDate: Jan2013

    DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195188318.013.0015

    TheRomanEmpireI:TheRepublic HenrikMouritsenTheOxfordHandbookoftheStateintheAncientNearEastandMediterraneanEditedbyPeterFibigerBangandWalterScheidel

    OxfordHandbooksOnline

    AbstractandKeywords

    ThischapterexaminesthehistoryoftheRomanEmpireasarepublic,explainingtheformationoftheRomanrepublic,itsdurabilityandrelativestability,andthemilitaryexpansionismthatallowedittoexpanditsterritory.Italsoidentifiesthesocial,political,andmilitaryfactorsthatledtotheweakeningoftherepublicansystemofgovernmentanditseventualreplacementwiththemonarchysystem.Keywords:RomanEmpire,Romanrepublic,militaryexpansionism,republicansystem,monarchysystem

    TheRomanrepublic,accordingtotheconventionalchronology,wasfoundedin509andlasteduntil31BCE,whenOctaviansvictoryatActiumpavedthewayfortheintroductionoftheAugustanprincipate.Thistimespanmadeitoneofthemostdurablepoliticalstructuresknowninantiquitytobebasedonasystemofpubliclynegotiatedpowersharing.ItslongevitystandsoutasoneofthetwomostremarkablefeaturesoftheRomanrepublic,theotherbeingitsexceptionalexpansionism.Thus,duringtherepublictheRomanstategrewfromasmallcity-stateinLatiumtoalargeterritorialstatethatcoveredtheentireItalianpeninsula.Itspopulationexpandedcorrespondinglyfromafewhundredthousandtoseveralmillion.ItwasalsotheRomanrepublicthatestablishedtheoverseasempire,whicheventuallycomprisedmostoftheMediterraneanworldandWesternEuropeandoutlivedtherepublicbyalmosthalfamillennium(SeeMap14.1.).

    ThischapterwillbestructuredaroundthesetwoissuesandtrytoexplainfirstlythedurabilityandrelativestabilitythatcharacterizedtheRomanrepublicandsecondlyitsmilitaryexpansionismandabilitytoextenditsterritoryandcitizenbody.Althoughthetwocentralquestionsremaindistinct,theanswers,asweshallsee,arecloselyconnected.Finallywewillbrieflyconsidertheeventualcollapseoftherepublicansystemandtheemergenceofmonarchy,outliningthepolitical,social,andmilitaryprocessesthatledtoagradualweakeningoftherepublicanformofgovernment.

    (p.384) TheFormationoftheRomanRepublicTheearlieststagesintheformationoftheRomanrepublicarelostintime.Accordingtothecanonicalversionofevents,notfinalizeduntilthelatefirstcenturyBCE,anuprisingheadedbyJuniusBrutusledtotheexpulsionofthelastkingin510,andthefollowingyearthefirsttwoconsulswereelectedbypopularvote.ThisrevolutionusheredinanewsystemofgovernmentthatinprinciplewouldlastuntilthelatefirstcenturyBCE.Thus,thelistofchiefmagistrates,theso-calledFasti,tracedacontinuoussuccessionofpairedconsuls(orvaryingnumbersofconsulartribunesduringthefourth-centurystruggleoftheorders)fromtheexpulsionofthekingstotheageofAugustus.

    Therealityislikelytohavebeenconsiderablymorecomplexandthetransitionfromkingshiptorepublicprobablyfarlessclear-cut(Cornell1995).Thetraditionaldateis,forexample,likelyduetoalaterhistoriographicalinvention,

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    inspiredbythecontemporaryoverturnoftheAtheniantyranny.Todayonlyavagueoutlineofthisprocesscanbereconstructedandmodernhistoriansremaindeeplydividedonalmosteveryissue.MostofourinformationcomesfrommuchlatersourcesthefirsthistoricalaccountswerenotwrittenuntilthethirdcenturyBCE,whenTimaeus(ca.350260)andlaterFabiusPictor(latethirdcentury)composedthefirst(nowlost)historiesofRome.Thesurvivingsourcesarenearlyallfromthelastgenerationoftherepublicortheearlyorevenhighempire,whichfurthercomplicatesanyattempttoreconstructtheearlypoliticalhistoryoftherepublic.Giventhepaucityofcontemporarydocumentaryorarchaeologicalevidencetoelucidatethequestion,itisdifficulttoseehowascholarlyconsensuscaneverbeachieved.VirtuallyallaspectsofearlyRomanhistoryareopentodispute,andhereonlyaverybroadandtentativeoutlinewillbeattempted,mostlybasedoninferencesfromlater,better-documentedperiods,aboveallinstitutionalsurvivals,thatis,relicsofpreviousevolutionarystagesthatwerepreservedintheclassicalrepublicanconstitution.

    TheRomanConstitution

    ClicktoviewlargerMap14.1 TheRomanEmpirecirca60BCE

    RepublicanRomedidnothaveaconstitutioninthemodernsensesomuchasasetofpracticesandconventions,whoseauthorityincreasedovertimeandeventuallygainedthestatusofhallowedancestralcustom.Thus,despitecontinuousevolutionnoinstitutionorpracticewas,asfarasweknow,everformallyabolished.Insteadtheyweredrainedofpoliticalsignificanceandleftasemptyconstitutionalshells.InformingthepoliticalpracticesandconventionsofrepublicanRomewereasetoffundamentalconcerns,allfocusedonthespreadingofpowerandthepreventionofundueinfluencebeingconcentratedinthehandsofasingleindividualorsmallgroupsoffamilies.Theseconcernsdictatedtheshapegiventoindividual(p.385) (p.386) institutionsandproceduresanddefinedthepoliticalcharacteroftheRomanrepublicasawhole.

    Theearlyrepublicappearstohavehadarelativelysimplepoliticalstructurebasedonthetripartitemodelofmagistrates,council,andassembly,typicalofmanyancientcity-states.Executivepowerswereinthehandsofannualmagistrates,whowereelectedbyapopularassemblytowhichallmaleadultcitizensformallyhadaccessalthoughtheinfluenceofsomegroupswashighlyrestricted.Duringtheiryearinofficethemagistratesweresupposedtotakeadvicefromapermanentbodyofelders,thesenate,whichwasitselfmostlycomposedofformermagistrates.Lawswereproposedbythemagistratesincooperationwiththesenateandpassedbytheassemblies.ThepopulusremainedtheonlysourceofpoliticallegitimacyintheRomanstate,alllawsandappointmentsrequiringtheapprovaloftheassembly.However,theprecisenatureofthepeoplespowerwillbefurtherexploredbelow.OnlyinonesphereoftheRomanconstitutiondidanalternativesourceofauthorityexist,sinceinallmattersconcerningstatereligionthesenatehadthefinalsay.

    MagistratesThechiefmagistracywasduringthehistoricalperiodstheconsulship,aneponymouspostfilledannuallybytwomen.Thesituationintheearliestperiodsisuncertain,andthedualconsulshipmaypossiblybealaterinventionintroducedin367toallowpowersharingbetweentwocompetingsocialgroups,thepatriciansandplebeians.Theoriginalnumberofchiefmagistratesisdisputed,butitseemslikelythattheirtitlewaspraetorratherthanconsul.TheRomansinvestedimmensepowerintheirchiefmagistrates,whoheldwhatwasknownasimperium.TheirtenureofofficewasshortbutduringthatperiodtheyheldtheultimateauthorityintheRomanstate.UnlikeGreekofficials,Romanmagistrateswerenotsimplycitizenswhobrieflyperformedapublicserviceonbehalfofthe

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    community.Duringtheirterminofficetheyheldanautonomousauthorityoverthepeople,towhomtheywereformallysuperior,hencethetermmagistratusderivedfromgreater.

    OvertimemoreofficeswereintroducedtocopewiththeincreasedscaleandcomplexityofRomansociety.Aquinquennialofficewas,accordingtotradition,introducedin443toconductthecensus.Itwasthecensorstasktoregisterallcitizensandassesstheirproperty.Aspartofthisoperationthetwoofficeholderswouldalsorevisethemembershipofthesenate.Theyhadthepowertocensureindividualcitizensforbothpublicandprivatemisconduct.

    In366thefirstpraetorwaselected,whosemainresponsibilitywastheadministrationofjustice(Brennan2000).Thepraetoralsoheldimperium,whichenabledhimtocommandarmies,buthisauthoritywaslessthanthatoftheconsuls,whosefunctionsinthecityhewouldtakeoverwhentheywereawayonmilitarycampaigns.Laterpraetoreswouldbeappointedtogovernoverseasprovinces,andtheir(p.387) numberwassteadilyexpandedfollowingthegrowthoftheempire,reachingatotalofeightin81BCE.

    Quaestorsweretraditionallytheassistantstotheconsuls,andhadoriginallybeendirectlyappointed,butlatertheywerechosenbythetribalassembly.Theywereinchargeoffinancialadministration,andtheirnumberwassteadilyraisedfromtheoriginaltwototwentyintheearlyfirstcenturyBCE.Inadditionalargenumberoflowerofficialswerealsoappointedannually,coveringawiderangeofadministrativeresponsibilities.Thus,bythelaterepublicalmostonehundredindividualpositionswerefilledbypopularvoteeachyear.Themagistrateswereassistedbyalimitedcivilservice,whichcomprisedonlyafewhandfulsofadministratorsandassistants,apparitores,andanumberofstateslaves,servipublici.Toagreatextentthereforetheyusedtheirownprivateservantswhilecarryingoutstatebusiness.Publicofficewasnonremuneratedandtheholdersgenerallyhadtopayfortheirownstaff.Asamatterofcourseonlythosebelongingtothepropertiedclassescouldthereforeholdoffice.Itisuncertainwhethertherewasaformalpropertyqualificationformagistratesuntilthelaterepublic.

    Themagistratespowerwasfoundedonamandategrantedbythepopulus.Itiscommontodescribetheprocedurebywhichthisauthoritywasbestowedasapopularelectionbutthatneedstobequalified.Technicallytheprocessinvolvedboththepresidingmagistrateandtheassembly,whichwouldjointlyappointthesuccessor,andtheproceduresfollowedmaysuggestthatthepeoplesroleoriginallywasacclamatoryratherthanelective.

    AssembliesOvertimeRomedevelopedabewilderingnumberofpopularassemblies,comitia,eachwithitsowndistinctorganizationandfunctions.TheearliestRomanassemblywasthecomitiacuriata,theassemblyofcuriae,whichweredivisionsofthecitizenbodywhoseprecisenaturenoweludesus.Inhistoricaltimestherewerethirtycuriae,tenforeachofthethreetribesintowhichtheRomanpeopleoriginallyweredistributed.Presumablyallcitizensweremembersofoneoftheseunits,hencethetraditionaldesignationoftheRomancitizenbodyasQuirites,membersofacuria.Thishasbeendisputedfortheearlierperiods,butcertainlyforthelaterepublicmembershipseemstohavebeenuniversal.Littleisknownabouttheirpoliticalroleintheearlyrepublic,apartfrompassingthelexcuriatathatformallygrantedimperiumtothechiefmagistrates.Laterthisbecameapureformalitywithoutactualpopularparticipation,sinceeachcuriawouldberepresentedbyalictor.

    Itiswidelyassumedthattheprocedurewasacclamatoryalsoinitsearlierstages.Thenewmagistrate(s?)wouldbepresentedtothecomitiaandreceiveitsformalapproval.Therewasprobablynovote,andnochoiceofcandidateswouldbeoffered.Theacclamationwasinprincipleunanimous,andtheprocesswasatthesametimeaconferralofpoliticallegitimacyandadeclarationofallegiancetothenewleader.

    (p.388) ThecomitiacuriataintroducedwhatwouldbecomeoneofthemostdistinctivefeaturesofRomanpoliticalprocedure,thepracticeofblockvoting.Themagistratewouldbepresentedtoeachcuriaseparatelyinordertoreceiveitspublicdeclarationofsupport.Itmeantthatpoliticallythevoiceofeachcitizenwouldbeheardonlyaspartofagroupthatwouldexpressasingleopinionorverdict.ThisuniqueprinciplewouldbeapplieduniversallytoallRomanassemblies,wherecollectiveunitsratherthanindividualcitizenswouldcount.ItgavepoliticalparticipationinRomeanabstractquality,whichstandsinsharpcontrasttotheGreekworldwherecitizensalwayswerepoliticallyactiveasindividuals.ThepoliticalbodyinRomewasnotdefinedasthesumofitscitizensbutoftheunitsintowhichtheyhadbeendistributed.Solongasalltheseunitstookpartintheproceedingsthe

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    entirepopuluswasformallypresentandcouldtakedecisionsbindingforthewholepopulation.Thus,itonlytookahandfulofcitizensfromeachunittoconstitutetheRomanpeoplepolitically.TheformalismhighlightedbythispracticeunderscoresthestrongritualaspectofallpublicproceedingsinRome.

    Politicalinitiativelayinthehandsofthemagistratewhopresidedoverthemeeting.Thepeoplecouldnotactwithoutformalleadershiporevenconvene.Theycouldnotdebatecurrentissuesandtheycouldnotmakeanysuggestions,norcouldtheyalterorreformulateproposals.Theirrolewaspurelyreactive,reducedtoasimpleyesorno,andtheycouldinprincipleonlyaffirmorwithholdtheirsupport.Thus,itisstrikingthattheLatinwordforvote,suffragium,onlyhasapositivemeaningoflendingsupport.TherewasnowordintheLatinlanguagefortheexerciseofpoliticalchoicebythepopulus,onlytheexpressionofapproval.Followingthepatternprovidedbythecomitiacuriataanumberofotherassembliesweredevelopedovertime,includingthecomitiacenturiata,thecomitiatributa,andtheconciliumplebis,whichwillallbedealtwithbelow.

    TheSenateFormermagistratescouldfromthemiddlerepubliconwardexpecttogainaseatinthecouncilofelders,thesenate,whoseconstitutionalrolewasprimarilyadvisory.Duringmostoftherepublicitwasmadeupof300memberswhoinpracticewereappointedforlife(atleastafter318),althoughtheycouldbeexpelledbythecensorsformisconduct.Inthelaterepublicthemembershipwasdoubledto600,probablytoenableittocopebetterwiththeextendedjudicialresponsibilitiesitsmembershadbeengiven.Senatorsnormallybelongedtothepropertiedclasses;indeedtheycouldbeexpelledforbankruptcy,whichequaledimmoralbehavior.

    Theirmeetingswerepresidedoverbytheconsuls(andintheirabsencepraetors),andtheycouldissueresolutions,so-calledsenatusconsulta,thatwouldinstructthemagistratestotakespecificactions.Theirmeetingsanddebatesappeartohavebeenconductedaccordingtoaformalizedsetofprocedures,whichmirroredtheinternalhierarchyofstatusandsenioritywithinthesenate.Whilethesenatehadno(p.389) legislativepowers,itsapproval,coveredintheelusiveconceptofauctoritaspatrum,wasapparentlyrequiredfornewlawstobefullyvalid,atleastinthecenturiateassembly,althoughmuchremainsuncertain.Thisgaveitacentralroleintheconstitution,asreflectedinthedyadicdefinitionoftheRomanstateasSenatusPopulusqueRomanus.ThesimplefactthatthesenaterepresentedtheonlypermanentdeliberativebodyintheRomanrepublic,whichcountedamongitsmembersmostmenwithpracticalpoliticalandmilitaryexperience,alsogaveitaninfluencethatwentfarbeyonditsformalpowers.Traditionallythesenatewasresponsiblefornegotiationswithforeignpowers,andembassiessenttoRomewerethereforereceivedinthesenate.Itwasalsothesenatethatallocatedresourcestomagistrates.Asnotedabove,thesenateheldsupremeauthorityinjustonesphereofRomanpubliclife,whichwasthatofreligion,andtounderstandbetterthisdistributionofpowerswewillhavetoconsiderthatparticularaspectoftheRomanrepublicmorebroadly.

    ReligionintheRomanStateTheRomanrepublicwascharacterizedbythealmostcompleteintegrationofreligiousandpoliticalauthority.Politicsandreligiondidnotrepresentdistinctspheresofpubliclife,andanyattempttoseparatethemisthereforeanachronistic(Beard,North,andPrice1998).Religiousfunctions,includingsacrifice,prayer,anddivination,wereentrustedtoanumberofdesignatedpriesthoods,whosemembersgenerallyheldtheirpositionforlife.Theyweredividedintothreemainbodies,thepontifices,theaugurs,andthedecemviri,inadditiontoseverallesserpriesthoods.Thepontificeswereheadedbythepontifexmaximusandamongtheirmemberswereseveralpriestsdedicatedtospecificdeities.Theaugurswerechieflyresponsiblefordivinatoryprocedures,andthedecemviri(laterexpandedtoquindecimviri)fortheconsultationofacollectionoforaculartexts,knownastheSibyllineBooks.

    DivinationandthetakingofauspiciawerefullyintegratedintothelifeoftheRomanrepublic,whichdevelopedwhatmayhavebeenthemostextensiveaswellascomplexsystemforgaugingthewillofthegodsknowninanyancientsociety.Consultationofthegodswasanaturalpartofallpublicproceedings,anditprecededeverycollectiveactionorinitiativeaswellasmilitaryengagements.Theelaboratesystemofdivinatoryproceduresandritualsensuredthatthegodsremainedfavorableandthatpaxdeorum,peacewiththetutelarygodsoftheRomanpeople,waspreserved.Theyprovidedaframeworkfortheinterpretationanddecodingofomensandotherdivinemessages,andofferedtriedandtestedmeansofassuagingdivineangerandavertingthedangersitposed.

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    DeclaringwarwasinessenceareligiousprocedureinRome,carriedoutbymembersofaseparatepriestlycollege,theFetiales,specificallydedicatedtothistask.Theritualtheyperformedwascrucialtothelegalityofawar,determiningwhetheritcouldberegardedasbellumiustum,aconceptthatisthereforebestunderstoodasacorrectlydeclaredratherthanjustwar(Harris1984).

    (p.390) Giventheircrucialimportanceforthesurvivalofthecommunity,itwaslogicalthatmattersrelatingtothegodsbetheresponsibilityoftheleadersofthestate,andpriestsweregenerallydrawnfromtheranksofthesenatorsandofficeholders.Priestsfulfilledaroleasreligiousexpertswithprivilegedknowledgeofritualpracticeandtheinterpretationofsigns,onthebasisofwhichtheywouldmaketheirrecommendations,butitwasthesenatethatwouldtakethefinaldecisiononallreligiousissues,includingthoserelatingtocultanddivination.

    Originallythereligiousauthorityofthesenatehadbeentheexclusiveprivilegeofaseparategroupofelitefamilies,thepatricians,whoheldaninheritedclaimtotheauspicia,theformalcommunicationwiththegods.Forthatreasontheyalsomonopolizedthepriesthoodsintheearlyrepublic.Theauthorityentailedbythisprivilegecanhardlybeoverestimated,sinceitgavethesefamiliesadistinctresponsibilityforthemaintenanceofthevitalrelationshipwiththeRomangods.

    Consultationofthegodsmayhavebeenpartandparcelofallpublicproceedings,buttheprocedureswerealsofinelytunedtopreventthemfromparalyzingthestate.Thegodswerenotaskedtoapproveaspecificproposalorappointmentbutrathertoapprovethedayonwhichthedecisionwastobetaken.Thus,incaseofanegativeresponsetheconsequenceswerenotfinalbutmerelymeantabriefpostponementuntiltheomenswerefavorableandthemeetingcouldgoaheadasplanned.Theimplicationwasthatallactionscarriedanelementofdivinesanction,whichneverthelessremainedoblique.Historianshavedrawnparallelsbetweentheconsultationofthegodsandthepopulus.Theywerebothcrucialforthelegitimacyofanypublicactionbutatthesametimealsohighlyritualizedandmanagedthroughasetofprocedurescarefullydesignedtoproduceapositiveresponse(Scheid2003).

    TheEarlyRomanStateTheRomanstatewasinmanyrespectsprimitive,inthesensethattheRomansdidnotconceptualizethestateasdistinctfromtheRomanpeople.Thus,thetermusedtodesignatethestatewasrespublica,meaningthepublicaffairsoraffairsofthepopulus,andtheseaffairswerelargelyconfinedtotheareasofjusticeandsecurity.TheRomanstate(inthemodernsense)hadverylimitedscope,essentiallyjustconcerningitselfwithlaw,publicorder,justice,andsecurity,thelattercomprisingbothsecurebordersandpeacewiththegods.Beyondthesebasicresponsibilitiesthestaterarelyinvolveditselfinthelivesofitscitizens.Allexpenditurewasfocusedonfinancingthearmy,religion,andafewpublicservicessuchassewers,publicbuildings,andwatersupply.Verylimitedfundswerethereforeraisedthroughtaxation.Themainsourceofrevenuewasthetribute,whichwasleviedonthebasisofacensusconductedeveryfiveyears.Eachcitizenwouldthenmakeamonetarydeclarationofhiswealthtothecensors.Othersourcesofstateincomewerestatecontractsandleases,managedbythesameofficials,andabovealltherevenuesaccruedfromsuccessfulwarfareabroad.

    (p.391) LawandOrder:ConflictandCoercionThemagistratesexercisedamonopolyofphysicalforce.Magistrateswithimperiumoriginallyheldthepoweroflifeanddeath,assymbolizedinthefascescomposedofrodsandaxes,carriedbytheirbodyguardoflictores.Increasinglythearbitraryapplicationofthesepowerswasrestrictedthroughtheintroductionoflegalsafeguardsthatprotectedcitizensagainstphysicalpunishmentandexecution.Lawswerepassedthatguaranteedtherightstoapropertrialbeforetheultimatepenaltycouldbeimposed.Romancitizensgainedtheiusprovocandiadpopulum,whichallowedthemtoappealtothepeople,atleastfrom300BCE,andcapitaltrialswerethenheldinthepopularassembly.Eventuallythisrightwasalsoextendedtothemilitarysphere.Despitetheselimitationsthemagistratesstillhadanumberofmeansbywhichtocoercethecitizens,includingtheimpositionoffines,temporaryimprisonment,andconfiscationofproperty.Thesepowers,however,wereapparentlyusedmostlytopolicethebehavioroftherulingclassratherthanthemasses(Nippel1995).

    Thepursuitofjusticewasinprincipleaprivatematter,andthestatewouldonlyactivelypursuecasesoftreasonandotherseriousthreatstothestate,althoughthetresviricapitales,primarilyresponsiblefororganizingafire

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    brigadeofpublicslaves,hadsomeroletoplayincriminalcases.Theroleofthestatewastoprovideaframeworkforcitizensseekingjustice.Criminaldisputeswereoriginallyheldinthecenturiateassemblyandlaterinpubliccourtspresidedoverbyamagistrate.Jurorswoulddelivertheverdict.Graduallyamorecomplexsystemwasdevelopedwithstandingcourts,quaestiones,dealingwithdifferenttypesofcrimes.Theproceedingsinvolvedspeakersfrombothsidesofthedispute,andlegaladvocacybecameoneofthemainfunctionsoftheRomanpatronagesystem.Civilcaseswouldberesolvedbyaniudex,appointedbyamagistrate.

    TheRomanstatewasexceptionalinthedegreetowhichitdelegatedcoercivepowerstotheheadsofindividualfamilyunits.Thepaterfamiliasheldabsoluteauthorityoverallthoseunderhispotestas,includingthepoweroflifeanddeath,iusvitaenecisque.Hisauthorityalsocoveredtheentirefamilyestate.Theextentofthepatriapotestasmeantthereweresimilaritiesbetweenthepositionofchildreninpotestateandslaves,theformerdistinguishedasliberitoindicatetheirstatusasfreemembersofthehouseholdasopposedtotheunfreeservi.

    ThemaintenanceofpublicorderwasstructuredaccordingtoareligiousdistinctionbetweenthecityofRomeandtheterritoriesoutsideofthecity.Romewassurroundedbyaritualboundary,thepomerium,insideofwhichnoarmedforcewasallowed.Itwasinprincipleaswellasinpracticeademilitarizedzone,whereonlythebodyguardsofthechiefmagistratesholdingimperium,twelvelictoresforconsuls,andtwoorsixforpraetorswerepermitted.TheonlyexceptionwasmadefortriumphalprocessionswhenthevictoriousarmywouldcrossthepomeriumandmarchalongthetriumphalroutefromtheCampusMartiustotheCapitol.TheabsenceofapermanentmilitarypresenceinRomeprobablyreflectedpoliticalasmuchasreligiousconcerns,sincetheexistenceofastandingforcewouldhave(p.392) posedalatentthreattotherepublicanformofsharedgovernment.However,italsomadethatsystemhighlyvulnerabletoanyarmedchallengeagainstwhichitwouldhavebeenlargelypowerless,thelictoresservingamostlysymbolicfunction.

    Facedwiththeriseinpoliticalviolenceinthelaterepublic,thesenatein121introducedtheso-calledfinaldecree,senatusconsultumultimum,whichaskedtheconsulstotakeanyactionnecessarytoprotectthestateagainstharm.Senatorsandequitesthenarmedthemselvesandtheirservants,alsousinganauxiliaryforceagainsttheirpoliticalopponents.Thisprocedurewasrepeatedonseveraloccasionsduringthelaterepublic,whenthesenateassumedtheauthoritytosuspendestablishedcivicrightsintheinterestofthestate.Itdidsobylegitimizingtheuseofviolencebysomecitizensagainstothers,whoweredeemedguiltyofseditioandcondemnedasenemiesofthestate.

    CivilandMilitaryPowerCivilianandmilitaryinstitutionswerenotclearlyseparatedapartfromthereligiousdistinctionbetweendomimilitiae,mentionedabove(Rpke1990).Thus,thehigheststateofficialswereineffectthecommanders-in-chiefandexpectedtoleadthearmyduringtheirterminoffice.Itwasthereforenotbymodernstandardsaciviloffice.Thearmywasinprincipleinseparablefromthecitizenbody,sinceitwasstructuredasamilitiainwhichalladultmalecitizenswereobligedtoserve.Inpractice,however,onlythosewhowereofmilitaryageandabletoarmthemselveswouldbecalledupforactivedutyundernormalcircumstances(althoughanexceptionwasmadeforfreedmenwhoweredefactotreatedasproletarii).Thecitizenbodywasdividedintoiunioresandseniores,whowouldserveseparately.Propertywasrelevantbecausesoldierswereexpectedtoprovidetheirownarmor,althoughtheywouldreceiveremuneration(stipendium)whentheywereinthefield.TheRomancitizenswerethereforeclassifiedaccordingtotheirproperty,originallyintotwocategories,classisandinfraclassem,theformercomprisingthosequalifiedtoserveandthelatterthosewhofellbelowthepropertyqualification.Laterthissimplesystemwasrefinedthroughtheintroductionoffivedifferentinfantryclassesbasedonagraduatedscaleofpropertyrequirements.Thecavalry,orequites,wereapparentlyselectedfromamongtherichestmembersofthefirstclass,whileatthebottom,belowtheclasses,weretheproletarii,whoselackofpropertynormallyexcludedthemfrommilitaryservice,althoughtheycouldbecalledupforgarrisonorgalleyduties.

    Thiscomplexstratifiedstructuredidnotreflectafunctionaldifferentiationwithinthearmy,butitwascloselylinkedtoitspoliticalrole.Thus,thearmycouldconveneasapoliticalbody,intheformoftheso-calledcomitiacenturiata.Formallyrepresentingthecitizensunderarms,ithadtomeetoutsidethepomeriumintheCampusMartius.Theassemblywouldbecalledbythechiefmagistrate,whowasalsoitscommander.Originallytheassembledcrowdwasaskedtogivethenew(p.393) leadersitssupportandallegiancethroughacclamation,andaftertheintroductionofmultiplecandidatesitwouldbeaskedtochoosebetweenthem.Inadditiontheywouldelect

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    theotherseniormagistrates,thepraetorsandcensors.Reflectingthemilitaryoriginsofthecomitiacenturiata,itwasthisassemblythatwouldbeaskedtovotealsoonmattersofwarandpeace.

    TheStruggleoftheOrdersThelaterRomansourcesdescribeaconflictbetweentwodistinctgroups,patriciansandplebeians,whichdominatedthefirsttwocenturiesoftherepublic.Littlereliableinformationaboutthisperiodisavailable,andthenatureoftheconflictandtheidentityoftheparticipantsarethereforelargelyamatterofspeculation.Wecannotsayforcertainwhetherthetwogroupsonlyemergedafterthefoundationoftherepublic,whethertheyrepresentedabipolardivisionoftheentirecitizenbody,oriftherewasathirdcategoryofcitizensneitherplebeiannorpatrician.Neitheristhereanyagreementonwhethertheexclusivityofthepatriciansdominatedthestaterightfromthebeginningoftherepublicoriftheyonlygraduallyestablishedthemselvesasarulingclass.Giventhestateofourevidenceaconsensusisunlikelytobereachedontheseissues.Whatismostimportantforourpurposesarethefollowingaspects,onwhichthereseemstobesomeagreement.Firstly,thetwocategoriesofpatriciansandplebeiansappeartohavebeenhereditary.Secondly,thepatriciansasagroupclaimedadistinctreligiousauthority.Thirdly,theplebeianswereatleastduringsomeperiodsexcludedfromstateoffices,civicandmilitaryaswellascultic.

    Thesocioeconomicstatusofthetwocategoriesisnotentirelyclear.Whilethepatriciansgenerallyarepresentedasrichandpowerful,theplebeiansseemtohavecoveredabroadersocialrange.Someofthembelongedtothelowerclasses,assuggestedbytherequestsforsocialandeconomicreforms,reportedinthesources.Otherdemandschallengedthepatricianmonopolyonpublicoffice,whichmayindicateamoreelevatedsocialstatus.

    Aspartofthestruggleforpoliticalequalityandsocialconcessions,theplebeianscreatedanumberofcivicandreligiousinstitutionsinordertopromotetheirinterests.Aplebeianassemblywasfounded,theconciliumplebis,convenedbythetribuniplebis,theofficialsoftheplebswhoseprimaryrole,accordingtothetradition,wastoprotectplebeiansagainstpatricianoppression.Thetribuneswereprotectedbyacollectiveoathtakenbytheplebeianpopulation,whichmadethemsacrosanct.Anotherplebeianmagistracywastheaedileship,concernedwiththecelebrationofseparateplebeianreligiousfestivalsandthemaintenanceoftheirshrines.Theplebeianassemblycouldissueitsownresolutions,so-calledplebiscita,whichwerebindingfortheplebeianpopulation.Theirassemblywasstructuredaroundthevotingunitofthetribus,territorialdivisionsoftheRomanstate,whichonthefaceofitmayhavegivenitamoredemocraticaspectthanthetimocraticallyorganizedcomitiacenturiata.

    (p.394) Thepatriciansgraduallymadeconcessionsonallfronts,andacompromisewasformulatedbywhichtheplebeianleaderswereadmittedtoalmostallpublicoffices,includingthereligiousposts,whiletheplebeianinstitutionswererecognizedbythestate.In367itwasagreedthatoneoftheconsulsshouldbeplebeian(effectivefrom342),andin300thepontificatewasopenedtoplebeians,whoweretoprovidehalfofthemembers.

    Theendresultwasaheterogeneousmixofofficialstatepostsandassembliesandseparateinstitutionsthatwereopenonlytoplebeiansbutcarriedstateauthority.Anewassemblywasalsointroducedbasedonthetribaldivisionsbutcoveringbothplebeiansandpatricians,thecomitiatributa,whichwouldpasslegislationandelectlowermagistrates,aedilesandquaestors,inadditiontoahostofminorpublicofficials.Theplebeianaedileshipwasin367matchedbyasimilarcuruleoffice,whichwasopentopatricians.Liketheirplebeiancounterpartstheirmainresponsibilitywaspublicfestivals,works,andgrainsupply.

    Althoughthisgradualprocessofplebeian-patricianintegrationmayseemuniquelyRoman,thereareclearparallelstothisphenomenoninthemedievalcity-statesofcentralItaly,wherepopularmovementsoftenestablishedrivalinstitutionsthatovertimewereabsorbedintotheofficialconstitutionalframework(Finer1997).

    ThereislittleevidencetosuggestthatthestruggleoftheordersrepresentedademocraticchallengetotheRomanstate.Theplebeianinstitutionsallappeartohavebeenmoldedonthoseofthepatrician-dominatedstate.Therelationshipbetweenassemblyandmagistratewassimilar,againreducingthemassestoapassive,reflectiverole.Itisthereforedifficulttointerprettheplebeianinstitutionsastheproductsofagenuinelypopularmovementemergingfrombelow.Mostplausiblyaplebeianelitehadexistedatanearlystage,whichchampionedthecauseoftheplebeianpopulationingeneralwhilealsousingthenewinstitutionstobolstertheirownclaimstopowerandequality.Themainconsequenceofthestrugglewasamodificationoftheexecutivestructuresandabroadened

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    accesstopublicoffice.

    SocialandPoliticalStabilityintheMiddleRomanRepublicTheperiodbetweentheendofthestruggleoftheordersinthefourthcenturyandthefirstoutbreakofpoliticalviolencein133BCEisgenerallyseenastheclassicRomanrepublic,characterizedbystabilityathomeandexpansionabroad.Whilethepoliticalstabilityofthemiddlerepublicmayhavebeenexaggeratedbysubsequentwriterswholookedbackwithnostalgiaontheperiodbeforetheupheavalofthelaterepublic,thereislittledoubtthatthesewerethecenturieswhen(p.395) therepublicansystemworkedmostsmoothly.Anumberoffactorscanbeadducedtoexplaintherelativestability,includingthestructureandideologyoftherulingclass,itsrelationshipwiththepeople,andtheconciliatorypoliciespursuedbytherulingclass.FinallythewholequestionofRomesdomesticstabilitymustbeviewedagainstthebackdropofherexternalsuccess,thecontinuouswarfareandtheincreasingmilitarizationofRomansocietyduringthisperiod.

    TheNewNobilityThestruggleoftheordersledtotheformationofanewrulingclass,consistingofbothpatriciansandplebeians(Hlkeskamp1987).Insocioeconomictermstheelitehadnotbeenbroadenedtoanysignificantdegree,sincecommonersstillwereexcluded.Butthenewelite,whichlaterbecameknownasthenobilitas,neverthelessmarkedafundamentalhistoricalshift.Mostimportantlyitdefineditselfintermsofofficeholdingratherthanbirth.Accesstopoliticalpowerwasnolongerreservedforanexclusiveeliteclaiminginheritedprivilegebutwasinprincipleopentoallmenofmeans.

    Thenewelitethereforehadastrongmeritocraticelementtoit,butitsoonassumedmoretraditionalaristocraticfeaturestoo.Thus,thepersonalmeritrepresentedbyofficeholdingbecameadistinctionthatcouldbepassedontothenextgenerations.Thus,thenobilitaswasdefinedasthosefamiliesthatcouldcountaconsulamongtheirancestors,andamanwhoreachedthehighestofficewouldennoblehisfamilyanddescendants.Theparadoxicalresultwasarulingclassthatfoundeditsclaimtoleadershiponacombinationofindividualachievementandinheritedentitlement.Thenewcomerswholackednoblepedigreewerelabelednewmen,hominesnovi,andtheveryexistenceofthisconceptunderlinesthehereditaryelementtothenewoffice-holdingclass.Membersofthetraditionalconsularfamilieshadastrongerclaimtosucceedtothehighestoffice.Inthehundredyearsbefore133BCEnofewerthan99outof200consulshipswerefilledbynoblescarryingjusttendifferentfamily(orclan)names.Bycontrast,between179and49onlysevennewmenfromnonsenatorialfamiliesreachedtheconsulship(withtwomorepossible;Brunt1982;Badian1990a,1990b).Afewconsulscamefromsenatorialfamiliesoflowerrank,butthevastmajoritycamefromoldconsularfamilies.

    Itisimportanttonote,however,thatdespitethenearmonopolyonthehighestpostsexercisedbyasmallcoreofoldfamilies,Romeswasnotaclosed,hereditaryelite,claimingautomaticsuccession.Continuoustenureofthehighestofficeoverseveralgenerationswasinfacttheexceptionevenamongfamiliesintheinnercircle.Between249and50BCE35percentoftheconsulswerenotabletocountanotherconsulamongtheirdirectancestorsthreegenerationsback.Likewiseforaroundathirdoftheconsulsinthisperiodwehavenoevidenceofanysonsfollowingintheirfootsteps.Andatthelowerrungsofthesenate,theturnoveroffamilies(p.396) wasprobablyevengreater(HopkinsandBurton1983).Severalfactorsmayexplainthispattern.Thehighmortalityratenaturallyledtoasteadyrenewaloftheelite,asfamiliesorfamilybranchesbecameextinct.Thepracticeofpartibleinheritancealsocontributedtothisprocessbyencouragingfamiliestoaimforasinglemaleheirtoperpetuatethenamewhilekeepingtheestateintact.Frequently,however,theresultwaseitherextinctionorthediminutionofthefamilyfortune,leadingtoaperhapstemporaryeclipseofthefamiliespoliticalrepresentation.

    Thedynamicandopenstructureoftheoffice-holdingclassnotonlystrengtheneditsidentityasameritocraticelitebutalsohelpedsecureitslong-termsurvival.Oligarchicsystemsarevulnerabletoanumberofthreats,whichareasmuchinternalasexternal.Fixedandinflexiblebarriersbetweenclassesareoftendetrimentaltothelong-termstabilityofrulingelites.InRometherelativeopennesspreventedthebuildingupofresentmentandoppositionamongrisingfamiliesexcludedfromofficeandstatus.Thesecouldbecontinuouslyadmitted,usuallytothelowerranksofthesenate,buttheywouldoftenfallpreytothehazardsmentionedaboveanddisappearagainafterafewgenerations.Inthiswaythesystemcouldaccommodatetheambitionsoftalentednewmenwithout

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    compromisingthefundamentalstabilityoftheinternalpowerstructure.

    TheRomanelitemanagedaprecariousbalancebetweentotalopenness,whichthreatensthecontinuityoftherulingclass,andtheexclusivitythatmakesthesystemvulnerabletochallengesfromexcludedoremerginggroupsoffamiliesoutsidetheelite.Partoftheanswertothisconundrumwasamultitieredstructurewithintheelite,whichconsistedofseveralformallyrecognizedlevelsequites,senators,andnobiles.Theyallenjoyeddistinctionsofstatus,whilemostpowerremainedinthehandsoftheleadingfamilieswithinthenobility.

    Themainchallengetothesurvivalofoligarchicsystemstypicallycomesfromwithintheranksoftherulingclassitself.Theformalizedsharingofpoweramonggroupsoffamiliesalwaysrequiresstronginternalcohesionaswellaseffectivemeansofenforcingcollectivediscipline.Safeguardsmustbeinplacetopreventattemptsatusurpingunwarrantedpowers,andcompetitionmustbetightlyregulatedtominimizethedisruptionotherwisecausedbyopenpoliticalcontest.Self-policingwasessentialtothelong-termstabilityofancientoligarchicsystems.

    Conformitytothearistocraticidealofpowersharingwasfromanearlyageinculcatedintoyoungnobles,whowereinstilledwithacompetitivebutfundamentallyegalitarianethos.Thismessagewasreinforcedbystoriesofexemplarypunishmentsofpastleaderswhohadbrokenranksandaspiredtotyranny.Anyattemptbynoblestoovershadowtheirpeerswascondemned,andtheelitecouldberuthlessinitsdefenseofitslibertasdefinedasthefreedomfromthedominationofasingleindividualorsmallclique.AccusationsofseekingdominatiowerethemostpowerfulweaponsinthepoliticaldiscourseatRome.Theconsensualideologyoftheeliterequiredsubmissiontothemajorityviewinordertomaintaininternalunity,andadherencetothisidealwaspromotedthroughacultureofrespectanddeferenceforage,seniority,andexperience,asalsoreflectedinthe(p.397) hierarchicalstructureoftherulingclassdeliberativebody,thesenate,whichfacilitatedunanimityandhelpedsuppressoratleastmarginalizedissent.

    Therewerealsoanumberofinstitutionalsafeguardsbuiltintotheconstitution.Thesharingofpowerwasorganizedthroughveryshort-termofficeholding,andeventhemostseniorstatesmenthereforeheldformalauthorityforonlyaverybriefperiodduringtheirpubliccareers.Graduallythesecareersweregivenafirmerstructurewithruleslaiddownfortheorderinwhichofficesweretobeheld,theso-calledcursushonorum.MinimumageswerealsoprescribedforeachofficebytheLexVilliaannalis,180BCE,suchasageforty-twofortheconsulship,andanintervaloftwoyearswasrequiredbetweentheholdingofdifferentcuruleoffices.

    Accesstopowerandhonorswasregulatedthroughtheprocessofgeneralelection,andheremeasuresweretakentocontainthepotentiallydisruptivedynamicsofopencontests.Thedecisiveinfluencewasplacedinthehandsofthepropertiedclasses,whiletheurbanplebsineffectwasdeprivedofanyrealsay.Ideallyinoligarchicsystemstheaccesstoexecutivepowerisgovernedbyarandomprocessthatofferslittleopportunityforinfluencingtheoutcome.Thus,inVenice,another(later)aristocraticrepubliccharacterizedbyremarkablestability,anextraordinarilycomplexsystemwasdevelopedtoappointthedoges,whichcombinedelectionwithlotteryasameansofmaintainingtheinternalequilibriumwithintherulingclass(Finer1997).Romemayhavetriedtoachieveasimilareffectbychoosingasingleelectoralunit,thecenturiapraerogativa,bylotanddesignatingitsresultasapseudo-divineindicatortotherestofthevotingunits.Apparentlyitsleadwasgenerallyfollowed,therebyreducingtheincentiveforcandidatestocampaignextensivelyinanattempttoinfluencetheresult,whichmighthavehadadestabilizingeffectontheeliteasawhole.Italsoproducedamuchstrongermandateforthenewmagistrates,whowouldwinbyaclearmajority,therebyreinforcingtheimageofacommunitystandingunitedbehinditsleaders.

    Itwasimportantnotjusttocurbtheambitionsofindividualnoblesandregulatetheircampaigningeffortsbutalsotoexercisesomecontroloverthemduringtheirtimeinoffice.ThiswasaparticularprobleminRomewheremagistratesheldexceptionallystrongpowers.Whenmagistratessteppeddowntheycouldbetriedforoffensescommittedduringtheirtimeinoffice,whichmayhavehelpedtoreininroguemembersoftheelite.

    Anotherproblemwasposedbytheexistenceofthepopulartribunate,arelicfromthestruggleoftheorders,whichhadbeenincorporatedintotheconstitution.Considerablepowerwasinvestedinthetribunate,whichwasfilledannuallybytenofficeholders,whoatleastinthemiddleandlaterrepublicusuallywereintheearlystagesoftheircareers.Notonlycouldtheypresenttheirownlegislativebillsdirectlytotheassembly,buttheycouldalsovetothoseofothers.Sincetheyallheldequalauthority,theirindividualpowersoftencanceledeachotherout,preventinganyundesirableinitiativesfrombeingimplemented.Theirobstructivepowerscouldbemoredifficultto

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    control,andhereinformalpressureexercisedbyseniorfiguresgenerallymanagedtobringthemintolinewiththeprevailingeliteview.Theageofthetribunesprobablycontributedsincefewofthemwouldhave(p.398) beenwillingtojeopardizefuturecareersonamatterofprinciple.However,theirofficewastraditionallydefinedastheprotectorofthepeoplesinterests,andwhentakenseriouslythisidentitycouldoccasionallyleadtoconflictbetweentribunesandthesenatorialconsensus.Tribunescouldthenappealdirectlytothemassesforsupportagainsttheirpeers,whichrepresentsaclassiccrisisscenariocommontomostoligarchicsocieties.Thisparticularproblemtakesustothebroaderquestionhowoftherulingclassmaintainedsocialpeaceandlong-termcontroloverthepopulace.

    EliteandMassesTraditionallyitwasbelievedthattheentireRomanplebswastiedtoaristocraticfamiliesthroughadensenetworkofpatronage,aso-calledclientelasystem.Thisideahassincebeenquestionedbymanyscholars,andthereisnowbroadagreementthatalthoughpatronagerelationsundoubtedlyplayedacentralroleinthepracticalfunctioningofRomansociety,theywereprobablynotascrucialinmaintainingthepoliticalorderasithaspreviouslybeenassumed.Notonlydoclientelarelationsappeartohavebeenfarmorecomplex,oftenshort-livedadhocarrangements,buttherewerealsosimpleissuesofscalethatwouldhavepreventedthedirectcontrolofallRomansbyindividualsenatorialfamilies(Brunt1988;Mouritsen2001).

    Followingthemodificationoftheclientelatheory,somescholarshavearguedthatthemassesrepresentedafreeandactiveagentinRomanpubliclife.Afewhaveevengonesofarastosuggestthatthepeoplehadadecisiveinfluenceonpoliticsandstategovernance,therebychallengingtheprevailingviewoftheRomanrepublicasanoligarchy(Millar1998).ThepoliticalroleoftheRomanpeoplewas,however,fullofcontradictions.Ontheonehand,thepeoplemadeallmajordecisionsaffectingthestate.Ontheotherhand,theywerealsodefinedasprofoundlypassiveparticipantsinpubliclife.ThisparadoxledsomeancientobserverssuchastheGreekhistorianPolybius(ca.200ca.118BCE)toconstruetheRomanconstitutionastheembodimentoftheGreekidealofthemixedconstitution,whichblendedelementsofmonarchy,aristocracy,anddemocracyintoasingleharmoniousandstablesystemofchecksandbalances(Nippel1980).HismodelhasbeenhighlyinfluentialbutitwasinessenceatheoreticalexercisethatlargelyfailedtograsptheuniquelyRomanfeaturesoftheconstitution.WemustdistinguishinRomebetweenformalauthorityandpowersthatweretobeactivelyexercised,andthedemocraticelementwasinessenceaformalrequirementthatthepopulusratifyalllawsandacclaimallmagistrates.

    AcloseranalysisofthefunctioningofthepoliticalinstitutionssuggeststhatrepublicanRomewasanoligarchyinallbutname.Themasseshadaverylimitedinputintopolicymaking,sincenewlegislationwasnotformulatedintheassemblies,whichmerelygaveititsformalapproval.Lawscouldberejectedintheassemblybuttheevidencesuggeststhishappenedquiterarelynocertaincaseis(p.399) knownfromthefirstcenturyBCE.Arejectionwasprobablyconsideredsomethingofananomaly,sincetherationaleoftheoccasionappearstohavebeentoratifytheproposalandnottoexerciseanyspecificjudgmentonitsmerit(cf.North2002).Acentralregulatoryfactorinthelegislativeprocessthereforeappearstohavebeenthetribunicianveto,andthepublicdebatesprecedingthevotemaytypicallyhaveevolvedaroundthequestionofwhetherathreatenedvetoshouldremainorbelifted;or,inotherwords,whethertheproposalshouldgoforwardtowardaformalratificationornot.

    Publicpolicywasformulatedbythesenateandmagistrates,andwhileaccesstoofficereliedonapopularmandate,theelectoralcrowdsweregenerallysmallandunrepresentative.Inpracticaltermsitwasimpossibleformorethanatinyproportionofthecitizenbodytotakepartinpublicmeetings,andgiventhetime-consumingnatureoftheproceedingsitwasprobablymostlymenofsubstancewhocouldaffordtodevotetheirtimetopublicaffairs.

    Thehigherofficeswerefilledthroughelectioninthecenturiateassembly,wherethevoterswereorganizedaccordingtoeconomicstandingandthegreaterinfluencewasgiventothepropertiedclasses.Thechoiceofcandidateswaslimited,sincetheyallbelongedtotheelite.Moreover,thereislittleevidenceforanyovertlypoliticalcontentintheelectionsorthecampaignsthatprecededthem.Usuallylegislativeprogramswerenotpresentedinadvancenorwerepartyaffiliationsdeclared.Thereareevenindicationsthatcontroversialissuesmayhavebeenavoidedbycandidatesduringtheirelectoralcampaigns.Thechoicewasthereforemadeonthebasisofpersonalqualities(andfamilybackground)ratherthananyspecificpolicies.

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    Thepeoplesabilitytoexerciseanydirectinfluenceonstatepolicyappearstohavebeenlimited,whichinturnmakestherelativestabilitythatcharacterizedtheRomanrepublicsomuchmoreremarkable.Anexplanationmustbesoughtinanumberofdifferentareas,practicalaswellasideological.

    TheformalconstructionoftheRomanstatewouldhavemadeitdifficulttoformulateademocraticalternativetotheexistingorder,sinceintheorythepopulusalreadyplayedapivotalroleinthegovernanceofthestate.Theoften-mentionedsovereigntyoftheRomanpeople(theconceptitselfisofcourseamoderninventionandbelongstotheearlymodernperiod)wasrootedintheprimitivenotionofthestateasindistinctfromthepeople,whichthereforerepresentedtheonlypossiblesourceofformallegitimacy.Whileinpracticethepeoplesinfluencemayhavebeenhighlycircumscribed,thepopulusremainedthefocalpointofallpoliticalproceedingsandarguments.

    ThisconstructionofthestatewassupportedbyacommonideologythatcelebratedthelibertaspopuliRomani.AllegiancetothefreedomoftheRomanpeoplewasanall-pervasivepoliticalcreedandcentraltothecollectiveidentityoftheRomanrepublic.ItlayattheheartoftheRomanperceptionoftherespublicaasacommunityoffreemen,butimportantlyfreedidnotinthiscontextmeandemocratic;essentiallyitmeantabsenceofdominatio,whichinthemostbasictermswasdefinedasthefreedomfromthecapriciousruleofonemanorasmall(p.400)clique.InthisinterpretationthefreedomoftheRomanpeoplerestedprimarilyonthemaintenanceofacollectivegovernmentappointedthroughproperpublicprocedureaswellasonrespectforthelawsthatprotectedtheircivicrights,includingtherighttoatrialandtoappealagainstmagisterialcoercion,provocatio.Inthatsenseitwasequallyattractivetoaristocratsastothemasses,andnooligarchicalternativetotheidealoflibertaspopuliRomaniwasthereforeeverformulatednorwasthesovereigntyofthepeopleformallychallenged.WhatisstrikingaboutpoliticaldiscourseintheRomanrepublicisthereforewhatinanarrowercontexthasbeendescribedasitsideologicalmonotony(Morstein-Marx2004).

    Theidentityoftheeliteandthewayitjustifieditsleadershipwasfullycompatiblewiththelibertasideology.Membershipofthenobilitaswasnotformallybasedonbirthrightbutonpersonal(orfamily)achievements.Bydefiningitselfasanoffice-elitethenobilitascouldclaimadirectpopularmandateandjustifyitspowerintermsofpersonalmeritandservicestothestate.Inpracticeonlypersonsofconsiderablewealthmayhavebeenabletoassumepublicresponsibilities,butthefactthatinprincipleitwasopentoalltalentedoutsiderswashugelyimportant.

    Theelitesmeritocraticself-imageinfluenceditsstyleofgovernmentanditmayalsohaveencouragedittopursuebroadlyconsensualpolicies,whichcontributedtothemaintenanceofsocialandpoliticalstability.Theelitesownlifestyleappearstohavebeenrelativelymodestduringmostoftherepublic,whichreducedthemostglaringsocialinequalityandencouragedanegalitarianvisionofthecitizenbody.Thiswaspartlytheresultofinternalself-policing,asreflectedinaseriesofluxurylawscurbingexcessivelifestyles.Likewisethebeneficentideologyofpublicmunificenceembracedbytheelitemayhavecontributedtoageneralsenseofpaternalisticresponsibility,despitetheevidentopportunitiesforself-promotionthatitalsooffered.

    Mostimportantinthiscontextwasthefactthattheeliteethosofpublicserviceincreasinglywaschanneledintoaquestformilitarydistinction.Extendedmilitaryservicewasintegratedintothepubliccareerstructure,andtheglorywononthebattlefieldsbecameamajorfactorintheelitesinternalcompetition.Theresultwasthatthenobilityineffectbecameawarriorelite,andtheestablishmentofthenewrulingclasscoincidedwithamajorpushinRomesexpansioninItaly.Thenobilitasthusconsolidateditspositionthroughitsmanagementofthisprocess(Hlkeskamp1993).

    Themilitarybasisfortheascendancyofthenobilitaswasreinforcedthroughawiderangeofpublicritualsandmanifestations,suchasthetriumph,funeralprocessions,andorationsthatdemonstratednotjusttheircapabilitybutalsotheirdevotiontotherespublicaanditsideals.Moreover,thecityscapeofRomewasincreasinglyshapedbyaristocraticself-promotion.Votivemonumentsandhonorificstatuaryproliferated,whichbroughthomevisuallyRomesexternalconquestsandactedasreminderstothepopulaceofthesuccessfulleadershipprovidedbythenobility.ThepublicritualsandtheirassociatedmonumentsthusbecamecelebrationsofthepartnershipbetweentheRomanpeople,itsleaders,andthetutelarygods,whichmanifesteditselfinthesteadyexpansionofherpowerandterritory.

    (p.401) AssuchtheyreflectedtheincreasingmilitarizationofRomansocietyduringtherepublic.Prolonged

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    periodsofcontinuousmilitaryengagementandmassmobilizationmadewarfareanormal,indeedhabitualactivityfortheRomans,andmostlikelythisdevelopmentalsohadaprofoundeffectontherelationshipbetweenleadersandmasses.Thelinebetweencivilianandmilitaryauthoritybecameblurred.Ontheonehand,thecitizenbody(oratleastthepoliticallyactivesectionofit)thusbecamelargelyidenticalwiththearmy,whichwasusedtotakeordersfromtheirsuperiors,while,ontheotherhand,themilitaryleadersbecameaccustomedtoanelementofreciprocityintheirdealingswiththepeopleandwereimbuedwithasenseofobligationtoleadbyexample.TheRomaneliteseemstohavesubscribedtotheidealofanapproachablestyleofleadership,characterizedbywhathasbeendescribedasjoviality,thatis,thefriendlydemeanorassumedbyasuperiortowardhissocialinferiors(Jehne2000).

    Thecontinuousmilitaryengagementsnotonlyhadadirectimpactondomesticpoliticsbutalsocruciallycreatedthepracticalopportunitiesthatenabledtheelitetopursuemoderate,broadlyconsensualpoliciesthataccommodatedtheinterestsofthemasses.Therewas,inotherwords,anintimateconnectionbetweeninternalsocialandpoliticalstabilityinRomeandherexternalexpansionduringthesameperiod.WewillthereforetakeacloserlookattheinitialstagesoftheRomanexpansion.

    RomesExpansioninItalyRomefirstemergedasalocalhegemonicpowerinLatiumduringthefourthcentury,whenshecametodominatetheothersmallcity-states.Accordingtolatertraditionthepeoplesoftheplainhadearlyformedadefensiveleagueinreactiontoraidsbyinlandhighlandtribes.GiventhegeographicalconditionsinLatium,whichofferedlittlenaturalprotectionandcouldeasilybeoverrun,thiswouldhavebeenanentirelylogicalmeasureandnecessaryfortheircollectivesecurity.Apparentlythemembersoftheleaguehadalsoexchangedvariousmutualrights,enablingtradeandintermarriage.In340theLatinsrevoltedagainstRomanhegemony,andaftertheirdefeatintheensuingLatinWartheleaguewasdissolvedandRomeemergedasadominantpowerincentralItaly.RomesoonextendedherhegemonytoCampaniaandtheVolsciantribes.ThissparkedaseriesofconflictswiththeSamnitesincentralItaly,Romesstrongestopponent,aswellasahostofotherItalicpeoples,includingtheEtruscans,Umbrians,Apulians,Lucanians,andtheGaulsinnorthernItaly.BytheearlythirdcenturymostofthepeninsulahadcomeunderRomancontrol,andafter264therewaslittlearmedoppositiontoherhegemony.However,duringtheHannibalicWarmanyItalianpeoplesincentralandsouthernItalyjoinedCarthage,butwithRomanvictorysecuretheywerebroughtbackunderRomancontrol.

    (p.402) AnumberofdifferentfactorscontributedtotheremarkableexpansionofRomanpowerinItaly.DivisionswithintheranksofRomesopponentswereexploitedbycleveralliancepoliciesthatplayedoutdifferentopponentsagainsteachother.ButthemajoradvantageenjoyedbyRomeappearstohavebeenherabilitytomobilizelargesectionsofthemalepopulationoverlongperiods.Thefigureswehaveforthenumberofmenunderarmsandthesizeofthecitizenpopulationwhichmustbeusedwithgreatcautionsuggestaveryhighlevelofmobilization.Thiswassustainable,practically,economically,andpolitically,foranumberofreasons.Atthemostbasiclevelmassmobilizationwaspossiblebecauseofthestructureofthecitizenmilitia,whichmadethemajorityofmaleadultseligibleforextendedmilitaryservice,onlytheproletariiandfreedmenbeingdefactoexcluded.Romealsodevisedasystemtoensurecontinuousmilitaryleadershipduringtheextendedcampaigns,whichbrokewiththeprincipleofshort-termtenureofoffice.Thishappenedthroughtheinventionofpromagisterialpostsduringthemiddlerepublic,whichextendedtheimperiumoftheannualofficeholdersandenabledthemtocontinueinthefield.ItalsoallowedRometofieldseveralarmiesatthesametime.

    Warfarewasoriginallyaseasonalactivity,andservinginmilitarycampaignsduringpartsoftheyearbecamepartoftherhythmoflifefortheRomanpeasantry.AtarelativelyearlystageintheRomanexpansion,however,soldiershadtoremainunderarmsforlongerperiods,andithasbeensuggestedthatanynegativeimpactoftheirabsenceontheeconomyandpopulationwascompensatedforbyearlyconscriptionanddelayedmalemarriage(Rosenstein2004).ThelevelofmobilizationintheRomanrepublicisneverthelessremarkable,notleastinlightofthelimitedevidencewehaveforanyresistancetoconscription.ThismaybeexplainedpartlybyahabitofservicethatledtoagradualmilitarizationoftheRomancivicidentity,partlybythecollectiveaswellasindividualbenefitsthatweretobederivedfromcontinuouswarfare.Thesharingoftheproceedsofwar,aboveallbootyfromplunder,wouldhaveprovidedanimportantincentive,buttherewerealsowidersocialandeconomicimplications.Itcreatedarichsupplyofwarcaptiveswhoweresoldintoslavery;between297and293BCEnofewerthan69,000were

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    enslaved.Thisinfluxoflaborwouldhavereducedtheneedfordebt-bondage,whichwasbannedbythelexPoetiliaineither326or313(Oakley1993).EnslavementofRomanshadneverbeenallowedwithinRomanborders,butdebt-bondagemayhavebeenrelativelycommon.TheforeignconquestsalsogavetheRomansaccesstoextensivelandresourcesonwhichlandlesspoorcouldbesettled(cf.below).Thecreationofasteadilygrowingcakethushelpedinmaintainingsocialstabilityathomewhilealsoconsolidatingthepositionoftherulingnobilitas,whichjustifieditsleadershipintermsofmilitaryprowess.ItenabledRometoexportherpopulationsurplusandtherebyeasedomesticsocialpressures.

    TheRomanHegemonyinItalyAstheRomansextendedtheirhegemonyacrosstheItalianpeninsula,theydevelopedcomplexpatternsofrelationshipswithindividualItaliancommunities.(p.403) ModernscholarshavetriedtoidentifybehindthesearrangementsadeliberatestrategyaimedatlayingthefoundationfortheromanizedItaly,whichwouldemergecenturieslater.Thereareobviouselementsofteleologyinthisapproach,andtheresulthasoftenbeentheprojectionofmuchlaterdevelopmentsbacktoanoriginalmasterplan.InrealitytheRomanorganizationofItalyappearstohaveevolvedgraduallyoveralongperiodandtohavebeensubjecttocontinuousadjustmentsandmodificationsthattookintoaccountlocalcircumstancesandchangingshort-termobjectives.WecanneverthelessdiscernthevagueoutlineofsuccessivestagesinthedevelopmentofRomeshegemonicsystem,aswellassomegeneralprinciplesthatdictatedherpolicies.Themainhegemonictoolswereincorporation,enfranchisement,treaties,landconfiscation,andcolonization.Whendealingwithindividualcommunities,Romewouldfrequentlycombinethesedifferentcomponents.

    Romesfirstmajorconquesttookplacein396,whenaccordingtoancienttraditionVeii,RomesEtruscanneighbortothenorth,wascaptured.Thetownwasthendestroyed,thepopulationenslaved,andtheterritoryannexedanddistributedamongRomansettlers.Adifferentpolicywaspursuedin381,whentheLatintownofTusculumwasincorporatedandapparentlygivenfullRomancitizenship.ThisisthefirstrecordedinstanceofthewholesaleincorporationofanothercommunityintoRome.Itbrokewithtraditionalnotionsofthecity-stateascomprisedbythecityanditssurroundingterritory,andthusopeneduptoaprocessofmunicipalizationthatallowedthedominantcentertocoexistwithlesserurbancommunitiesthatwereallocatedcertainadministrativeresponsibilities.

    AftertheLatinWar(340338)amajorreorganizationofRomeshegemonyinLatiumtookplace.Theformerallieswere,withafewexceptions,allincorporatedintotheRomanstate,apparentlyreceivingfullRomancitizenship.LaterothercommunitiesincentralItalyweretreatedsimilarly,althoughitisnotclearwhetherfullenfranchisementwasalwaysinvolved.ThepolicyofextendingbothterritoryandcitizenbodywaspursueduptoapointinthethirdcenturywhenfearsofoverstretchingRomesabilitytointegrateforeigncommunitiesledtoachangeofpolicy.AtthatpointRomanterritoryextendedfarbeyondwhatcouldreasonablybedefinedasacity-state.TheexpansionoftheRomancitizenbodywasfeasiblebecauseoftheparticularRomandefinitionoftheircitizenship.UnlikeintheGreekpoleis,citizenshipdidnotentailanydirectpoliticalinfluence,anditcouldthereforebeextendedwithoutjeopardizingpoliticalstabilityorcausinganydisruptiontotheinternalbalanceofpower.Moreover,citizenshipwasnotregardedasaspecificprivilegeasmuchasthecommonstatusheldbyallfreemembersofsociety,whichalsoexplainstheautomaticenfranchisementoffreedslaves,liberti,atRome,apracticethatsurprisedcontemporaryGreekobserverswhofounditremarkablygenerous.

    IncontrasttomostotherancientsocietiesRomecouldexpandhercitizenbodywithoutmajoradverseeffects,enablinghertoenjoythebenefitsfromincreasedmanpowerandtherevenuesthatwouldpayfortheirdeployment.PoliticallytheexpandedRomanstateremainedhighlycentralizedwithallpowerconcentrated(p.404) inthecityofRome.Fromthatperspectiveitremainedaclassiccity-state.ThedegreeofpoliticalintegrationintheRomanterritoriesmaythereforehavebeenlimited.Politicalproceedings,festivals,andotherciviceventswouldmostlyhaveaffectedthoselivinginornearthecityofRome.ThearmymayinfacthavebeenthemainintegrativefactorwithintheRomanstate,sincerecruitsfromdifferentpartsoftheRomanterritoryappeartohavebeendeliberatelymixedinindividualarmyunits(Jehne2006).

    Themostcommonalternativetoincorporationwastheformationofalliances,whichtiedItaliancommunitiesexternallytoRomewhileconcedingfullinternalautonomy.RomeappearstohaveexchangedbilateraltreatieswithalargenumberofItalianstates,althoughithasbeenarguedthatsomedefeatedcommunities,ratherthanreceivingaformaltreaty,simplymayhavebeenleftasdediticii,surrenderedenemies,subjecttoRomeswilland

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    command(Rich2008).Someallies,especiallythosewhohadenteredfreelyintoanalliancewithRomewithoutcoercion,mayhavereceivedmorefavorabletermsthanothers,describedasafoedusaequum,butitisnotclearwhatthepracticalimplicationswere.ThetreatiesdeprivedthealliesofanindependentforeignpolicyandtiedthemtoRome,whomtheywereobligedtosupportwhencalledupon.ThemilitarycontributionsbytheItalianswereregulatedbytheformulatogatorum,thatis,thelistoftogati,presumablythemenofmilitaryage,whichtheRomanauthoritiesusedtospecifythenumbersoftroopsrequiredofeachalliedcommunity.Inthearmythealliedcontingentswouldserveinseparateunitsundertheirownofficers,butunderthehighcommandoftheRomangeneral.Beyondthemilitarycontributionsthetreatiesdidnotimposeanyspecificobligations.NotributewaseverimposedontheItalianallies.TherewasnoattempttoextenddirectruleorRomanlawortoenforcefurtherpoliticalorculturalintegration.TheinternalautonomyofthealliesalsoappearstohavebeenbroadlyrespectedbyRome,apartfromisolatedinstanceswhenoverbearingmagistratesbrokewithconvention.

    Thecategoriesofalliedandincorporatedcommunitieswerenotalwaysclear-cut,andtheedgesoftheRomancitizenbodywereparticularlyfuzzy.Latersourcesrefertoagroupknownascivessinesuffragio,citizenswithoutthevote,whomayhavepresentedaformofaffiliatedstatusbywhichthecommunityreceivedelementsofRomancitizenshipwithoutbeingfullyincorporated.Thecategoryremainselusive,anditmayoriginallyhavecoveredafairlywiderangeofdifferentrelationstoRome(Mouritsen2007).Somewereclearlytreatedmorefavorablythanothers,andinsomecasestheirstatusmayhavebeenformalizedinatreaty,whichgavethemanintermediatepositionhalfwaybetweenallyandsubject.ItisnotcleartowhatextentthesecommunitiesservedintheRomanlegionsorcountedasallies.

    TheapparentinconsistenciesinRomespolicytowardthesepeoplesmayreflectanearlyexperimentalphasebeforetreatiesbecamethesinglepreferredmeansofregulatingRomeshegemonyinItaly.Thepurposeofexchangingelementsofthecitizenship,includingiusconubiumetcommercium,mayhavebeentotiethesecommunitiesmorecloselytoRome,politicallyandeconomically,throughintermarriageandtrade.

    (p.405)WhenanopponenthadsurrenderedtoRome,punitiveactionsoftenfollowedintheformoflandconfiscations.Accordingtoonesource,theRomanstypicallyannexedathirdoftheiropponentsterritory.DependingonthesizeandlocationofthelandanumberofoptionswerethenopentotheRomanauthorities.ThelandcouldbecomeRomanpublicland,agerpublicuspopuliRomani,andhandedovertoso-calledpossessoreswhowouldcultivatethelandwithoutanyformallegalentitlement.ThelandinquestionmightalsobesettledbyRomanscitizenswhowouldformsmallcommunitiesthathadnoformalpoliticalidentityandforpurposesofjurisdictionwereservedbyofficialsdispatchedfromRome.FinallytheseizedlandmightbeturnedintoaRomancolonywithfullpoliticalautonomy.

    RomancolonizationinItalyhadalonghistory,goingbacktotheearliestexpansionoftheLatinLeague,membersofwhichwouldexploitnewconqueststhroughtheestablishmentofjointsettlements,priscaecoloniaeLatinae.AftertheLatinWarRomancolonizationenteredanewphasewiththefoundationofalargecolonyatCalesin334BCE.ItwasforallintentsandpurposesaRomansettlementbutitreceivedLatinstatus,despitethedissolutionoftheLatinleague.ItbecameindependentofRome,withwhomthenewcommunitysharedatreaty,butitenjoyedtherightstraditionallyassociatedwithmembersoftheLatinLeague,namelytherightstointermarryandtoconductformaltradewithRome.TheRomansettlerswhoweredispatchedtothenewcolonywerestrippedoftheircitizenshipandgivenanewpoliticalidentityascitizensofCales.InthefollowingcenturiesRomecontinuedthispolicyuntilthe180swhenalmostthirtyLatincolonieshadbeenfounded.AtthatpointRomescolonialpolicyhadalreadychangedfundamentallywiththefoundationofthefirstlargesettlementofRomancitizensinnorthernItaly,whichpresumablywastriggeredbyawishtomaintaindirectcontroloverthemanpowerresources.

    TheLatincoloniesservedmultiplepurposes.ThenewsettlementsrelievedpopulationpressuresatRome,andtheyassertedstrategiccontrolovernewlyconqueredterritories.ThecoloniesensuredapermanentRomanpresenceindistantregions,therebyhelpingtomaintainRomanhegemony.Theywerestrategicallylocatedtomaximizetheirgeopoliticalimpact.InordertoensurecontactwiththeirmothercitythecolonieswerelinkedtotheRomanheartlandthroughnewroads.AlongsidetheselargeLatincoloniesRomealsofoundedso-calledcoloniaemaritimae,orcoastalcolonies,whichweresmallfortifiedsettlementssetuptoprotectthecoastlineagainstattacks.Countingonly300adultmalesettlers,thesecolonieswereeffectivelygarrisonswithoutanylocalautonomy,andthecoloniststhereforemaintainedtheirRomancitizenship.

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    ThefinaloutcomeofallthesedifferentpoliciesandstrategieswasahighlycomplexpoliticalmapofItaly,whichreflectedchangingcircumstancesandshort-termobjectivesduringtheperiodofconquest.Romedealtwitheachopponentindividually,employingarangeofdifferentformsofrelationshipsandagraduatedblendofrightsandobligations,buttheguidingprinciplewasalwaystoneutralizefuturethreatsandtoensureRomanaccesstotheirmanpowerresources,ideallywithoutassuminglong-termadministrativeormilitaryresponsibilitiesherself.Inthisway(p.406) theorganizationofItalywasaningeniousmeansofsupportingcontinuousexpansionbeyondthepeninsula.

    Havingworkedwellforseveralcenturies,thehegemonicsysteminItalycametoanendin91,whentheItaliansrevoltedagainstRome.TheensuingconflictbecameknownastheSocialWar(fromsocius=ally),andaftertwoyearsofintensefightingtheItaliansweredefeatedandtheirstatesincorporatedintoRome.AlaterRomantraditioninterpretedthewarasanItalianfightforRomancitizenshipandfullinclusionintoherstate.However,giventhelossofautonomythiswouldentailforthelocalItalianelitesandthelimitedandinmostcaseshypotheticalbenefitsthatmightbederivedfromRomancitizenshipduringtherepublic,itmaybemorerealistictoseetheconflictasaconventionaluprisingagainstforeignexploitationandhegemony.

    InthelongtermtheRomanhegemonicsystemmayhaveprovedtooinflexible.Thus,itwasincapableofaccommodatingthechangingcircumstancesthatfollowedfromthecreationofRomesoverseasempire.Thisexpansionhadtoagreatextentbeenachievedthroughalliedmanpower,whichseemstohavemadeupbetweenhalfandtwo-thirdsofthearmy.Theresultwasaconflictofinterestastothecontrolandexploitationofthisjointlycreatedbutunilaterallycontrolledasset.Thealliancesystemwasentirelybilateralwithnofederalbodies,whichmighthaveplayedamediatingroleandpreventedtheclashofinterestsfromeruptingintotheviolenceoftheSocialWar(Mouritsen1998;2006).AtthesametimetheRomancolonistsintheLatinsettlementsalsoseemtohavecampaignedforreadmissiontotheRomanfranchise,addingafurtherdestabilizingelementtothecomplexpoliticalsituationthatemergedinthelatersecondcentury.

    TheoutcomeofthewarwasanItaliandefeat,markingthedissolutionoftheirpolitiesandthewholesaleincorporationoftheirpopulationsintoRome.Theresultwasanewterritorialstate,morethantwiceaslargeasbefore,withanethnicallydiversepopulation.Forthefirsttimetheentirepeninsulaformedasinglepoliticalunitwithasinglecitizenship.Still,onlylimitedattemptsseemtohavebeenmadetoenforceanyculturalunityinthenewstate.ThegradualacculturationofitsmanydifferentconstituentsthattookplaceduringthefirstcenturyBCEisthereforeperhapsbestunderstoodasaninadvertentby-productofthedisruptionscausedbythecivilwarsandoftheextensivecolonialschemes,whichresultedinanunprecedentedlevelofpopulationdisplacement(Scheidel2004).

    ImperialExpansionOutsideItalyRomemadeherfirstconquestoutsidetheItalianpeninsulaafterthefirstwaragainstCarthagein241,whenmostofSicilyfellunderRomancontrol.AtthatpointitwasdecidednottoextendtheItaliansystemofautonomousorhalf-incorporatedalliestoSicily.InsteaditwouldberuleddirectlybyaRomanmagistrate,whowas(p.407) investedwithunlimitedauthoritywithinhissphereofcommandorprovincia,asitwascalled,hencethelateruseofthetermprovincetodenoteasubjectterritory.Itlaterbecamecommonpracticeforhighermagistrateswithimperiumaftertheiryearinofficetotakeupapostwithpropraetorianorproconsularpowers,governingaprovinceforalimitedperiodoftime.

    Inlinewiththispolicythenewterritorywasexploitedeconomicallyintheformoftributetobepaidineithermoneyorgrain.Theexistingsystemfortheextractionofresourceswasleftinplace,andtheimpositionofRomanrulethereforerepresentedcontinuationonalocallevelratherthandisruption.ThetributarysystemwouldsubsequentlybeextendedtootheroverseasterritoriesthatcameunderRomancontrol,althoughoftenaftersomeinitialreluctancetoassumedirectadministrativeresponsibility.Theadvantagesofthisarrangementwereobvious,sinceitreducedtheneedforapermanentRomanadministration.Theexistingsocialstructureswereasarulealsoleftintactasfaraspossible.Bybringingthenativeelitesontheirside,theRomanspromotedlocalcomplianceandreducedtheneedforextensivegarrisoningoftheterritory.

    Romedidnotimposeauniformsystemoftaxationandtaxcollectionthroughouttheprovinces.Astandardtaxwouldbelevied,knownasthestipendium,whichcoveredbothcapitationtaxesandtaxesonlandedproperty.

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    Individualgovernorscouldalsoimposespeciallevies,tributum.In123thetaxcollectioninAsiawashandedovertoprivatecompaniesofpublicani,whowouldbecomepowerfulpoliticalplayersinRome.Laterthissystemwasextendedtosomeoftheotherprovincesandthesecompaniesmightalsobeputinchargeofmining,roadbuilding,andthecollectionoftollsandvariousduties.

    TheestablishmentoftheoverseasempirehadadirectandimmediateimpactontheRomanstate,whichexperiencedanenormousincreaseinrevenues.Thetributumwasnotleviedfrom167,sinceitwasnolongerneededtofinancethearmy.Italsoledtoanincreaseintrade,asectorinwhichtherulingclasswasnotallowedtoengagedirectly.Thus,thelexClaudia(218BCE)bannedsenatorsandtheirsonsfromowninglargeseagoingships.ThehugeinfluxofslavesalsohelpedtotransformtheItalianeconomy.

    ThenatureofRomanimperialismfallsoutsidethescopeofthissurvey,butwemaybrieflynotetheimportanceofelitecompetitionfocusedontheattainmentofmilitaryglory,combinedwithapervasivemilitarizationofRomansocietyandthemanifesteconomicbenefitstobeaccruedfromcontinuouswarfare(North1981;Harris1984;Rich1993).NotallwarsmayhavebeendirectlyinitiatedbyRome,buteveryopportunityforfurtherconquestsseemstohavebeenembracedwithouthesitation.ThestructureoftheRomanhegemonyinItalymayalsohavecontributedtoherwillingnesstoengageinoverseasconflicts,sinceitonlycameintoeffectwhensoldierswerecalledupontosupportRomeinsuchengagements.

    TheoverseasconquestschangedthenatureandscaleofRomanpolitics,whichinturnhaddirectconsequencesfortherulingclasssabilitytocontrolitsownmembership.Newsourcesofeliteconflictemergedastheimperialrichesandcareeropportunitiesraisedthestakesintheirinternalcompetition.Theestablishment(p.408) oftheempirethusputincreasingpressureontherepublicansystemofgovernment,strainingthecohesionandconsensualideologyoftherulingclassbeyondthebreakingpoint.

    TheFalloftheRomanRepublicTheRomanrepubliccametoanendinthelaterpartofthefirstcenturyBCE,whenincreasedpoliticalinstabilityaccompaniedbyariseinpoliticalviolenceandotherunconstitutionalpracticeseventuallyledtocivilwarsandfinalcollapse.Thegradualdisintegrationoftherepublicwastheproductofcomplexhistoricalprocessesinvolvingarangeofinterlockingfactorsthatallcontributedtothecrisis.Arootcausewasthedeclineinelitecohesion,whichhighlightedintrinsicweaknessesinthepoliticalsystemandinturnwasexacerbatedbystructuralflawsintheorganizationoftheempire.Inaddition,changestothecitizenmilitiaandthedramaticexpansionoftheRomancitizenbodyaftertheSocialWarcreatedafertilegroundforthepoliticizationofthearmy.

    Thebeginningoftheendoftherepublicistraditionallydatedto133BCEwhenpoliticalviolenceeruptedforthefirsttimesincetheendofthestruggleoftheorders.ThereformingtribuneTiberiusSemproniusGracchuswaskilledbysenatorialopponentsafterhehadusedhispowersinawaythatbrokewithconvention.Indoingsoheignoredtheconsensualideologyoftheelite,whichrequiredthatofficeholderssubmittothecollectiveviewoftherulingclass.Thesituationin133thusencapsulatedadeeperstructuralproblemimmanentintheRomanconstitution.Thetentribunesheldimmensepowersactiveaswellasreactivebuttheneedforunanimityamongthemhadtraditionallyensuredstability.ThisprinciplewasabandonedbyGracchus,whichlefthissenatorialopponentswithnooptionbuttoeliminatehimbyforce.Theiractionsexposedthedisparitybetweenthesenatesformaladvisoryroleanditsdefactopositionastheseatofthearistocraticgovernment.Whenconfrontedbyintransigentofficeholderswhorefusedtosubmittoitsauthoritythesenatehadvirtuallynoconstitutionalmeansofenforcingthemajorityview.

    Thoughlogicalwithinthecontext,therecoursetoviolencein133setanimportantprecedent,sinceitunderminedthetraditionalpoliticalimperativeaccordingtowhichallconflictsofinteresthadtofindanegotiatedsolution.Oncethetabooagainstforcewasbroken,itbecamemoredifficulttoenforceacompromisethroughargumentsorappealstothearistocraticconsensus.Rivalfactionsandindividualscouldchoosetofightitout,firstinthestreetsandlateronthebattlefields.

    Whilethecrisisof133markedanewturninthearticulationofRomanpolitics,itwasnotaboltfromtheblue.Thestabilityofthemiddlerepublicshouldnotbeoverestimated.Openconfrontationsmayhavebeenavoidedbuttherepublichadoftenbeenonthebrinkofcrisis.However,tensionsandconflictsweregenerally(p.409) resolved

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    throughnegotiationsandtheapplicationofpeerpressure,underliningthefundamentaltruththatRomecouldbegovernedonlyifpublicauthoritywasexercisedconsensually.Whenthisconsensusbrokedownthepoliticalsystemofferedampleopportunitiesforindividualpoliticianstoassertthemselvesagainstthecollective.Theycouldappealdirectlytotheassembliesandhavetheirproposalsratifiedwithoutsenatorialbacking,sincethepopulusremainedthesolesourceofformalauthority.Thisinturnchangedtheroleofthepopularinstitutions,whichweregivenanentirelynewpoliticalfunctionasdecision-makingbodies.Theybecamefocalpointsoftheactivitiesofrivalgroupsandindividualsseekingpopularlegitimacyfortheiractions.Inotherwords,withthebreakdownofeliteconsensustheritualizednatureofpoliticalproceedingsatRomebecamealiabilityfortherepublicansystemasawhole.

    InthispoliticalclimatetheabsenceofapermanentarmedforceinthecityofRomealsobecamecritical.Itmeantthatthecentralauthoritieshadnomeansofmaintainingpublicorder,andtheresultwasanincreaseinstreetviolenceandcivilunrest.ThedemilitarizationofthecityofRome,whichhadpreviouslysustainedthesystemofaristocratic,sharedgovernment,nowemergedasaseriousthreattothisformofgovernment.

    ThefailingsofthepoliticalprocessinRomefedintoastructuralprobleminherentintheorganizationoftheempire.Undertherepublictheprovincialsystemhaddelegatedimmensepowersandvastmilitaryresourcestoindividualmembersoftherulingclass,whowerebeyondanyeffectivecontrolfromthecenterduringtheirtenure.Thiswasinitselfamajorflawinthesystem,butcombinedwiththeconstitutionalweaknessesnotedaboveitbecamefatalfortherepublic.Officeholderscouldusetheassembliestoprocureprovincialcommandsforthemselvesortheirallies,whichbrokewiththetraditionalformatoflimited,short-termservice.Aformalmandatecouldnowbegainedforprovincialpostingsthatexceededtheconventionallimitsintermsofbothscaleandduration.Thisinturnenabledgeneralstoestablishanalternativepowerbaseawayfromthecenter,whichtheywereabletochallengefromapreviouslyunimaginablepositionofstrength.

    Thelackofcentralcontrolwasexacerbatedbyanotherimportantdevelopment,relatingtotherecruitmentofsoldiers.Theminimumpropertythresholdforconscriptionhadalreadybeenloweredduringthesecondcentury(Rathbone1993),anddifficultiesofrecruitmentduringthesecondcenturyhadforcedgeneralstodisregardconventionsanddraftproletariitothearmy.In107thegeneralGaiusMariusformallyabandonedthelinkbetweenpropertyandmilitaryservice.ThisdevelopmentunderminedthetraditionalmilitiastructureoftheRomanarmy,whichhadbeenpredicatedonthesoldiersabilitytosustainthemselveseconomicallywhentheirmilitaryservicewasover.Therepercussionswereimmediate,sinceMariusasthefirstgeneralsoughttoprovidelandforhisveteransthroughcolonialsettlements.Thesenateopposedtheschemewiththeresultthatveteranprovisionbecametheresponsibilityofindividualgeneralsratherthanthestate.Thiswasacrucialmistake,foritgeneratedashiftinarmyloyaltyawayfromthestateontotheirgenerals,whomsoldiersbecamewillingtofollowagainstthecenter(p.410) (Brunt1988).TheproblemofloyaltymayalreadyhavebeenexacerbatedbytheheterogeneouscharacterofthenewstatethathademergedoutoftheSocialWar.Thus,alargeproportionofthesoldierswhofoughtinthecivilwarswerenewlyincorporatedItalianswhoseallegiancetotheRomanstateislikelytohavebeenmuchweaker.

    Threemajorfactorscontributedtothecollapseoftherepublic:thedivisionofformalandinformalpowersintheRomanconstitution,thestructureofmilitarycommandsandprovincialadministration,andthecompositionoftheRomanarmy.Buttheunderlyingcausethatenabledthesefactorstocometogetherwithsuchdramaticeffectwasultimatelythedeclineintheunityoftherulingclass,whichhadgraduallycrumbledundertheimpactofthenewimperialreality.Therefore,putverysimply,itcouldbearguedthatwhilethefirststagesofRomesexpansionentrenchedthepositionoftherulingclass,thelaterconquestsoutsideofItalyledtoincreasedfrictionwithintheeliteandultimatelytoitslossofinternalcohesionandgroupdiscipline.Theeventualoutcomewasacollapseofcollectivegovernmentandtheriseofautocracy(Gruen1974;Meier1980).

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    Beard,M.,J.A.North,andS.Price.1998.ReligionsofRome.Cambridge.

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