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International Journal of Educational Development 27 (2007) 525–541

www.elsevier.com/locate/ijedudev

The role of UK qualification suppliers in Sri Lanka andZimbabwe: A comparative evaluation

J. Evans, A.W. Little�

Lifelong Education and International Development, Institute of Education, University of London, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL, UK

Abstract

This paper is based on research on the role of UK qualifications suppliers in providing qualifications and accreditation

in Sri Lanka and Zimbabwe in the context of rather different engagements with liberalisation, structural adjustment and

globalisation. Sri Lanka’s economic liberalisation and growth since the late 1970s has had a de facto decentralising effect

on the supply of and demand for qualifications. In Zimbabwe, structural adjustment has been accompanied by a decline in

economic growth and a localisation of school-level qualifications. These differences have led to different interactions

between UK suppliers and domestic consumers, discussed in terms of supply and demand; localisation and globalisation;

competition and educational mission. The paper concludes with the implications of these findings for future research

studies on globalisation and qualifications.

r 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Globalisation; Qualifications; Sri Lanka; Zimbabwe

1. Introduction

In an earlier paper (Little and Evans, 2005) weargued that national policies of economic develop-ment could generate an environment conducive toforeign private trade in education and qualifica-tions, even if national education policies legallyprevented or deterred the establishment of privateschools and universities. In the case of Sri Lanka wesuggested that a degree of internationalisation ofeducation is occurring despite national educationpolicy to the contrary because economic liberal-isation relaxed foreign currency restrictions andencouraged inward foreign investment. A combina-

e front matter r 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved

dudev.2007.03.002

ing author. Tel.: +4420 7612 6623;

2 6632.

ess: a.little@ioe.ac.uk (A.W. Little).

tion of high social demand for foreign qualificationsand a lack of coordination of policies betweenauthorities responsibilities for education and eco-nomic development created a determination on thepart of those who could afford them to exploit thepolicy disjunctions (Hettige, 2006; Fernando andHettige, 2006; Little and Hettige, 2006).

This paper explores the role in this trade of theforeign supplier of qualifications. We start fromthe hypothesis that while foreign education andqualification suppliers may operate globally, or atleast across several countries, they do not necessa-rily act in a standard fashion across contexts.Rather they operate globally, but act locally, inresponse to their perceptions of local markets, andthe needs and ambitions of students, their con-sumers. In other words, we hypothesise an interac-tion between exogenous and endogenous factors in

.

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the development of foreign educational provisionacross national contexts.

In much of the literature on the contribution ofeducation to economic growth the processes ofgaining qualifications and skills formation aretreated almost synonymously. In our research wehave treated them as related, but separable. Thedemands by employers and job seekers for bothqualifications and skills are motivated by over-lapping, but separable goals. Employers, bothdomestic and foreign, are interested in productivityand, in the private sector, profit. Qualificationssignal, although they do not guarantee, skills neededin the workplace. The demands of job seekersare for income earning opportunities which offersocial mobility, status and security. Qualificationsprovide a passport to jobs in a range of sectorsand labour markets, local, national and foreign.In some contexts capital flows in to a country insearch of low-cost, qualified labour, while labourflows out of a country in search of higher-incomeopportunities attainable through the same qualifica-tions. Liberalisation affords opportunities forforeign qualification suppliers to operate in coun-tries from which they were previously excluded;and qualification seekers to seek opportunities forstudy abroad and access foreign education, trainingand qualifications from which they too wereexcluded.

An examination of the supply by UK-basedforeign qualification bodies to one context onlywould fail to distinguish characteristics of theexogenous suppliers from those of the endogenouscontext. Hence, we explore our hypothesis throughan examination and comparison of the behaviour ofeach of seven qualification suppliers across twocontrasting education and economic contexts, SriLanka and Zimbabwe.

2. The country contexts compared

Among the common characteristics betweenZimbabwe and Sri Lanka are policies of liberal-isation of foreign trade policy over the past 20 years,colonial ties with Britain, colonial education andqualifications practices, the use of qualifications insocially plural societies for purposes of socialmobility and high rates of unemployment amongqualified youth. In 1999, the population in SriLanka was 18.7 million and in Zimbabwe 12.4million. Adult literacy rates in 2000 were similar;91.6% in Sri Lanka and 88.7% in Zimbabwe. Gross

enrolment ratios in 1999/2000 in secondary educa-tion were different; 72.1% in Sri Lanka and 45.3%in Zimbabwe. The Gender Parity Index was 1.07 inSri Lanka (i.e. more females than males enroled)and 0.88 in Zimbabwe (EFA Global MonitoringReport, 2002). Economically, both countries havesought to liberalise, though, as we shall see below,with differing results. Both countries have experi-enced high rates of unemployment among educatedyouth. Politically, both countries have experiencedturmoil in recent years with Sri Lanka’s civil warbetween the majority Sinhalese and minority Tamilsstretching back to the late 1970s. Zimbabweemerged out of a long liberation struggle to attainindependence in 1980. But the early years ofpolitical calm and prosperity gave way to anincreasingly authoritarian state. Sri Lanka’s politi-cal relations with the West have been generallycordial; Zimbabwe’s have been increasingly tense.Both countries have witnessed large-scale politi-cally-motivated migrations of skilled personnel toricher countries, though figures for Zimbabwesuggest that the scale of migration has been of ahigher order (Tevera and Zinyama, 2002). Populardestinations for migrants from both countries havebeen the UK, US, Australia and Canada. SouthAfrica and Botswana are major destinations forZimbabwean migrants.

Despite some similarities these two contexts aredifferentiated in several ways. Sri Lanka gained herindependence from Britain in 1948 without majorpolitical conflict and with a buoyant economy.Zimbabwe became independent over 30 years laterin 1980 after years of economic sanctions imposedon the Smith Government by Britain and a hardfought liberation struggle. The fastest growth inenrolments in secondary education are found in therespective immediate post independence periods,i.e., between 1950 and 1970 in Sri Lanka; andbetween 1980 and 1990 in Zimbabwe.

The role of qualification suppliers at the schoollevel differs. Sri Lanka localised secondary school-level qualifications shortly before independence. Atthe same time UK-based school-level qualificationcontinued to provide sought after qualifications forthe tiny elite who could afford them and who werecompetent in English. By contrast, Zimbabwemaintained relations with a prestigious UK quali-fications supplier for 20 years beyond independence.Only recently has Zimbabwe nationalised school-level qualifications with the intention of fullylocalising the examination system.

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The role of English, both as an official languageand as a medium of instruction in education, is alsovery different. In Sri Lanka, Sinhala replacedEnglish as the official language of governmentadministration in 1956. English was replaced asthe medium of instruction in the prestigious schoolsand universities by Sinhala, the language of themajority, or Tamil, the language of the minority. InZimbabwe, there is no official language policy.English has continued to be used as an officiallanguage of government. After independence Shonaand Ndebele (mainly) were employed as media inprimary grades 1–3. English remained the mediumof instruction from primary grade 4, though inpractice local mother tongues are used extensivelythroughout primary and secondary education,especially in rural areas.

Sri Lanka liberalised her economy after the returnto power of the right of the United National Partyin 1977. Liberalisation came in two main waves. Afirst wave of liberalisation focussed on the elimina-tion of quantitative restrictions on imports, theremoval for licensing requirements for imports andexports, a reduction of tariffs and revision of exportduties. Foreign exchange controls were relaxed andprice controls removed. The Sri Lankan rupee wasdevalued, exchange rates were unified (previouslythere had been a dual rate) and a floating currencysystem introduced. Free Trade Zones, with taxbreaks for inward foreign investment, and offshorebanking facilities were established. This economicregime contrasted sharply with the previous 20 yearsin which a regime of Import Substitution inIndustry (ISI) had been in place. ISI was char-acterised by import, price and exchange controls,high tariffs, state enterprises and central planning.The 1977 shift in economic policy coincided with thenew emphasis in the World Bank’s approach to thealleviation of poverty, focused on a reduction ofstate involvement and increase the role of themarket. A second wave of liberalisation reformswas launched in 1989 with support from the WorldBank and IMF and their global advocacy of‘structural adjustment.’ This involved a greatermove to privatisation, further rationalisation oftariffs and the removal of some restrictions on theExport Processing Zones to increase investment andflexibility. Despite the fact that the period ofliberalisation coincided almost exactly with theperiod of civil war, the annual average growth ofthe economy between 1990 and 1999 was 6.8%, witha GNP/capita of US$ 820 in 1999.

Zimbabwe experienced an economic boom formost of the decade after independence, but from1987 the economy declined due to what wereperceived to be structural rigidities. This resultedin high inflation levels, low and even negative GrossDomestic Product (GDP) growth, growing unem-ployment, deepening poverty and increasing domes-tic and foreign debt. This was attributed variouslyto Government controls on the economy and highexpenditure on social services. By 1991, under thestrong influence of the World Bank and Interna-tional Monetary Fund, an economic and structuraladjustment programme (ESAP) was introduced.Initially, this led to an increase in economic growthwith a high rate of 8.5% attained by 1996 followedby substantial declines and a low of 0.5% by 1999(Nherera, 2005).

y the economy, which began to blossombetween 1994 and 1997, began to wither in late1997, when government allowed political ideolo-gies and objectives, hunger for retention ofpower, and contempt for fundamental principlesof democracy, justice, law and order, to overridethe needs of the populace for a stable andgrowing economy (the Zimbabwe Independent,23rd August 2004).

High inflation, chronic foreign currencyshortages, low capacity utilisation, low investment,external migration and fuel and electricity problemsbecame endemic (Sunday Mirror, 6th July 2003).The World Bank judged that ESAP had largelyfailed due to ‘external shocks and unsound polices’(World Bank, 2004).

In recent years the liberalisation strategy inZimbabwe has been seen by the political leadershipsas heavily imposed from outside and has beenrejected. In Sri Lanka, by contrast, political leader-ships of contrasting hues have endorsed andpromoted various policies of liberalisation encour-aged by the multilateral agencies.

A priori, these characteristics of similarity anddifference between the two countries may be seen asconditions which will influence the interactionbetween the supply and demand for UK qualifica-tions.

3. The field research

The research reported in this paper compareswhether UK-based qualification suppliers operate inthe same or different ways across country contexts.

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Most of the research was conducted between 2001and 2002, selectively updated by follow up inter-views in 2005, and examination of the press andsupplier web sites in 2005 and 2007. Several UK-based qualification suppliers were initially identifiedas providing qualifications in either Sri Lanka, orZimbabwe, or both. For the purposes of this paperwe focus on the five that provide qualifications inboth countries, and on two suppliers of directlycomparable and equivalent school-level qualifica-tions.

The suppliers covered in this paper are anon-ymised to protect their commercial and otherinterests. They are:

�

Supplier A: a supplier of ICT qualifications fromschool to post-graduate level in both Sri Lankaand Zimbabwe. � Supplier B who, at the time of the original

interview, was providing GCE O and A level andinternational GCSE examinations in Zimbabweand had a long history of providing these onbehalf of the Zimbabwe government. Thissupplier also provides business qualificationsworldwide including in Sri Lanka.

� Supplier C provides GCE O and A level

examinations in Sri Lanka and has a longhistory of providing these qualifications there.It has been in the process of adding somevocational qualifications to its offer in Sri Lanka.It makes no provision in Zimbabwe but is ahistorically comparable organisation to SupplierB. The two are compared and contrasted in thecontext of their operations in the differentcountries.

� Supplier D provides high-level professional ac-

countancy qualifications that are available inboth counties.

� Suppler E provides business qualifications. At the

time of interview they were delivering these inZimbabwe and had a view to expand into the SriLankan market.

� Supplier F was providing vocational and busi-

ness qualifications in both Sri Lanka andZimbabwe.

� Supplier G was a university providing distance

degrees in both countries.

These suppliers’ differing operations in the twocountries are discussed below.

3.1. Sample and method

Representatives of UK qualification supplierswere asked in interviews to explain the types ofqualification they supply, how they supply them andshifts in their perceptions of the demand forqualifications. The people selected for interviewwere senior marketing or sales executives respon-sible for the country or region under investigation.

The selection of the sample of UK qualificationsuppliers was driven by the presence of theiroperation in either or both Sri Lanka and Zim-babwe, types of qualification (academic, vocational,professional) and Educational Level. Considerationwas given to categorising using the scheme providedby ISCED, but this proved to be over complex forthe small sample size. Thus, the educational levelsare expressed as Level 1, primary education, Level2, secondary education and Level 3, post-schooleducation and qualifications. Research colleagues inSri Lanka and Zimbabwe identified current UKqualification suppliers and the types of qualificationon offer. These lists were analysed by the UK teamand suppliers identified, largely through informa-tion provided in the adverts and websites. Theselection of sample cases was guided by the principleof maximal variation. Variation was sought on thetwo dimensions (i) type of qualification (academic,vocational, professional) and (ii) level of qualifica-tion (Level 1, 2, 3).

In the process of selection, only one qualificationsupplier was anxious to be seen as a global and notas a British supplier in the Zimbabwean context andfelt that taking part in an interview would adverselyaffect their market in Zimbabwe because of currentpolitical opposition to perceived British influences.Although a significant supplier in the field, thissupplier was dropped from the survey at its request.

The final selection of cases was classified as shownin Table 1 below. As can be seen from Table 1 allsuppliers operate in both countries.

Questions were provided in advance in theinterview and commercial confidentiality was pro-mised. The nature of this part of the research wasexplained.

Interviews were semi-structured, the structurebeing provided by a checklist of questions aroundwhich interviewees were invited to talk. Theinformation from the interviews was supplementedwith information from web sites and other doc-umentary sources. Where respondents were willing,a brief telephone update interview was carried out in

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Table 1

UK qualification suppliers

Supplier Qualification type and educational level

Academic Vocational Professional

Sri Lanka Zimbabwe Sri Lanka Zimbabwe Sri Lanka Zimbabwe

Supplier A 1,3 3 3 3

Supplier B 2 3 3

Supplier C 2 3 3

Supplier D 3 3

Supplier E 3 3 3 3

Supplier F 3 3

Supplier G 3 3

J. Evans, A.W. Little / International Journal of Educational Development 27 (2007) 525–541 529

2005 and this was again supplemented by informa-tion acquired from the suppliers’ web sites and thepress. This updating process revealed some con-tinuities over time, but also some changes, especiallyin the case of Zimbabwe, where the decliningeconomic situation and the hardening of thepolitical regime had presented difficulties to suppli-ers operating there, despite a continuing perceptionthat demand was consistently high for UK-basedqualifications.

The suppliers’ operations in each country are firstdescribed individually and then compared andcontrasted across the two locations.

4. Qualification suppliers

4.1. Supplier A

Supplier A began operations in 1966 as a Britishgovernment sponsored agency designed to developcomputer use in the UK. It soon became a viablecommercial operation in its own right and no longerneeded government funding. The supplier offers arange of computing courses in both Zimbabwe andin Sri Lanka. The qualifications which are availablefrom this supplier range from introductory courseslike the International Computer Driving Licence topost graduate degree level. Additionally this suppli-er offers a school programme for children aged4–16, which, coincidentally, was developed in SriLanka. This supplier has a virtual campus for onlinestudy and automated testing, although this shouldbe considered in the context of just 280,000 reportedinternet users in Sri Lanka and one million inZimbabwe as at 2005 (CIA World Fact Book, 2005,accessed February 12th 2007).

The qualifications in Sri Lanka are managed froma regional centre in Dubai and those in Zimbabweare managed from South Africa. The examinationsfor both countries are set and marked in the UK.Courses leading to the qualifications are offered inclosely monitored tuition centres and a regionalmoderator verifies procedures, resources and equip-ment. The tuition centres are allowed a degree offlexibility in how their courses are delivered. Forexample in some countries it is necessary to focus onEnglish language skills; in others school mathe-matics education is very good and less time need bedevoted to the mathematics components of thecourses. Tuition centres may develop their ownlinks with local industries. Information from thissupplier’s website in 2007 indicates a total of eleventuition centres across Sri Lanka, an indication of theincrease in demand in that country for IT qualifica-tions. Conversely, Supplier A still has only onesupplier in Harare, Zimbabwe which recruitsdirectly for its students.

Supplier A observed that changes in demand forits courses and qualifications relate to the level oftechnological infrastructure as well as qualificationsinfrastructure. Changes in demand for the coursesand qualifications of Supplier A are perceived tooccur as countries move from being newly devel-oped countries needing basic IT qualificationsbecause there is no infrastructure or existingstandards. These qualifications act as buildingblocks for a country’s own qualifications. Wherethe standard of state provided education increases,the demand for Supplier A’s qualification declines.Supplier A perceives such changes in demand as asign of ‘market maturity.’ However, in neitherZimbabwe nor Sri Lanka is there enough stateprovision as yet for young people wishing to take

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university-level qualifications. This provider con-siders that they meet this deficit in the field of ICTstudies.

Supplier A identifies different marketplaces in SriLanka and Zimbabwe. Sri Lanka is described asbeing at the stage of peak demand for Supplier A’squalifications. Zimbabwe is at a midway stage ofdevelopment. The supplier’s largest tuition centre inthe world is in Sri Lanka and there is currently amove to offer higher qualifications in Sri Lanka atMaster’s and PhD level. There is a high level ofaspiration there among people who can affordinternational qualifications and currently there isthought to be less confidence in the local qualifica-tions. At the same time there are many livelihoodopportunities in the IT sector in Sri Lanka and,while some will use their qualifications to seekopportunities abroad, others will use them in thelocal economy. Demand for Supplier A’s productshas increased ‘dramatically’ in Sri Lanka. SupplierA views the marketplace in Zimbabwe as one wherepeople have no confidence in local qualifications.International qualifications are seen in Zimbabwe asa ‘passport to leave the country.’ Despite theeconomic difficulties in Zimbabwe, demand is up,although that demand is not always realised.

Local tuition centres in Sri Lanka charge themarket rate for courses locally and the centre remitsa royalty in Sterling to the supplier. This contrastswith Supplier D, which charges exactly the same forits qualification in all countries of the world. InZimbabwe, recruitment and payment is conductedby the local centre.

For Supplier A the main economic barrier to itsoperations in Zimbabwe is seen as the constantdevaluation of the national currency. Difficultieswith foreign exchange had been affecting enrol-ments and this is why the financial administrationhas been transferred to the British Council. Thereare no problems with the Sri Lankan economy. Onthe contrary, the relative weakness of the SL Rupeemakes it expensive for students to travel abroad, sothey can remain in Sri Lanka and take a completequalification in their home country. Alternatively,they can take the first two years of a degree in SriLanka and follow only the final year in Britain.Charges by centres in Sri Lanka are ‘probablyamong the lowest in the world, [the local tuitioncentre] relies largely on numbers ythough they dofind us quite expensive.’

A further contrast between this suppliers’ opera-tions in Sri Lanka and Zimbabwe is demonstrated

by the Sri Lankan government’s provision of a taxincentive to the major tuition centre to bridge the‘digital divide’ in that country with Supplier A’squalifications. In Zimbabwe in 2002, by contrast,the Greek owners of the main tuition centre hadbeen locked into the building by war veterans who,according to the supplier, were ‘demanding paybackfor the years of white oppression.’ Despite thisintimidation Supplier A continues to operate inZimbabwe in 2007 through the same partner.

4.2. Supplier B

Supplier B has a 150-year history of provision ofsecondary school qualifications to foreign countries.It has been a major supplier of school-levelqualifications to Zimbabwe, but not to Sri Lankawhere these are provided by Supplier C. Theexperiences of Supplier C and Supplier B can becontrasted because they have been providing a verysimilar set of qualifications, regarded internationallyas equivalent in each of the two countries. SupplierB was interviewed in 2001 at a time when they werewithdrawing from the supply of secondary schoolqualifications and the Zimbabwe Schools andExaminations Council (ZIMSEC) was taking overthe provision of all school qualifications. Privateprovision was, and is still, strongly discouraged. Forexample, there are legal proscriptions on feeincreases, discussed in more detail in the contextof Supplier F below. From June 1999 ZIMSEC hadtaken over the management of the O level examina-tions, Supplier B having assisted in the developmentof the local examination. From November 2002ZIMSEC took over the management of the A levelprocess. At that time however some private schoolswere still registered for Supplier B’s examinationsand these were allowed to complete the process. Therespondent at Supplier B explained these changes inthe context where many African countries werelocalising their examination systems, often withSupplier B’s support. ZIMSEC explains on its website that the process of localisation is needed:

To effectively cater for the local content aspect ofthe curriculum, to save foreign currency thusmaking examinations affordable, for flexibility incurriculum development, in the interest ofrelevance to our environmental context.

Information obtained in 2005 indicates thatSupplier B may in fact still be operating inZimbabwe, although no official advice exists to that

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effect. There is a perception that Supplier B’sexaminations are being provided to private schoolsthat were already registered until the current courseis run. It has proved difficult to ascertain the exactposition of this supplier currently due to a very widerange of conflicting information in the publicdomain. The web site of the supplier itself doesnot indicate that it operates in Zimbabwe.

4.3. Supplier C

Supplier C is the main private provider of Englishlanguage secondary school qualifications in SriLanka. The Sri Lankan government also providesits own exams and the two qualification offeringscoexist. Supplier C noted an increase in demand forits exams in the 1980s. According to the respondent,there is a strong aspiration for these examinations,especially amongst the better off, but also in thepoorer sections of society who sometimes makegreat sacrifices to take these exams.

This supplier perceived that in Sri Lanka ‘any-thing from the UK is perceived as good anddesirable.’ For this reason they retained their older‘London’ brand, which had been discontinuedelsewhere. We were told that ‘people in Sri Lankalike to do the same as is being offered in the UK.’Hence there had been a good uptake for the recentlydeveloped AS levels, despite the fact that there wereearlier teething troubles with this exam in the UK.On the other hand, GCSEs were not routinelyoffered in Sri Lanka as the course work componentsrequire teachers with special training in moderationtechniques and the security implications were morecomplex. Thus, the O level was offered through theBritish Council who supervised and administeredthe exams.

Supplier C also offers a vocational range ofqualifications in Sri Lanka. In contrast with itsschool-level qualifications, which are promotedthrough their distinctive London/British image,these vocational qualifications are branded inter-nationally. This can be observed in Supplier A’sjointly delivered technical courses with Sri LankaTelecom; an organisation that itself promotes itsglobal nature on its web site.

As noted above, when the Zimbabwe governmenthad a full offering of secondary school examinationsin place through ZIMSEC, Supplier B apparentlywithdrew. The situation is different in Sri Lankawhere the examination system was localised soonafter independence, but where Supplier C’s qualifi-

cations continue to be available. Supplier Cacknowledges this cohabitation and says that itwould not market its brands by making unfavour-able comparisons with the local exams, but ratherby emphasising the strength of their own brands.One of the strengths promoted is quality control.

4.4. Supplier D

Supplier D was founded in 1919; it received aRoyal Charter in 1975

The Royal Charter recognises [Supplier D] asbeing among the top professional bodies in theUK, and allows us to qualify people as members.As a chartered body, we are responsible forobserving UK government standards.

Supplier D’s brochure also emphasises the re-levance of its qualification in a globalising world.

Qualifications are for finance professionals andmanagement accountants. Qualifications are pro-vided to students who have the equivalent of Alevels or above and GCSE or O Level or equivalentincluding English and Maths. The Supplier’sbrochure lists the international equivalent entryrequirements for 15 countries. In order to studysuccessfully for the qualification the candidateshould be employed in a financial role.

Supplier D provides the same qualificationaround the world. The exams are identical and theyare all marked in the UK. The entry requirement isthe UK equivalent. Students can start at Founda-tion level and do four levels or they can gainexemptions and start at a higher level. All 17 papersfrom foundation level upwards are available in bothZimbabwe and Sri Lanka.

At least three years relevant practical accoun-tancy work is required to qualify as an associate andthis is logged in a career profile. This requirement isin addition to exam passes at foundation, inter-mediate and final levels. Practical experience mustinclude basic experience, core experience andsupplementary experience. The qualification is‘principles based rather than systems based.’ This,it is thought, confers portability.

Supplier D provides qualifications but notcourses. Students attend local tuition centres tostudy for their exams. Supplier D has a tuitioncentre in Zimbabwe and opened a Sri LankanHeadquarters in 2006. The opening was attended byRathnasiri Wickramanayake, the Prime Minister,and dignitaries from the Asian Development Bank

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1At the time of interview Supplier E was not providing any

courses or qualifications in Sri Lanka. However, this has since

commenced through the offices of a franchisee based in

Singapore. This reflects a new emphasis on professional and

vocational qualifications in Sri Lanka.

J. Evans, A.W. Little / International Journal of Educational Development 27 (2007) 525–541532

amongst others. This shows the increasing impor-tance of the Sri Lankan Market for Supplier D’shigh-level qualifications. Supplier D study materialsare also in competition with publishers of otherstudy materials. Supplier D does no teaching, butprovides accreditation for a minimum standard incolleges. Private sector providers deliver all courseslocally and tuition is usually ‘pretty poor quality.’For example in Sri Lanka, there may be 200students in a single class. This practice is notendorsed for quality assurance purposes, but thesupplier only supplies the qualification and does notcontrol the delivery process. This situation is likelyto be improved by the opening of the new HeadQuarters in 2006.

Supplier D is the examining body. All exams havean element of practical experience and competenciesare assessed in the practical element. Competencecan be gained in any company anywhere in theworld. Competence is assessed by fellow memberswho act as volunteers in the interests of maintainingthe standards of a Supplier D Qualification. Twoassessors review each candidate. Supplier D wouldlike to have this done by qualified, paid, profes-sional assessors and this is now under discussion inthe organisation.

In both countries the local offices are responsiblefor marketing. Everything else is administered fromthe UK, including payments, registration andexemptions.

The majority of candidates start at foundationlevel in both countries. Entrance is from 18 years ofage. The youngest candidate ever to obtain the fullSupplier D qualification was a Sri Lankan. Candi-dates register straight from school in both countries.Few exemptions are issued. When they are these areusually in Sri Lanka, not Zimbabwe.

In Sri Lanka, Supplier D has a very high statuslocally because it is ‘international’ at the same timeas having the British Charter. That means it isportable. Half those who qualify with Supplier Dwill leave Sri Lanka. This is different from the homesupplier of this type of qualification which does nothave international recognition. Until recently therewas little else in the way of business qualifications;now there are at least two, supplied by the‘international’/British body and the ‘home’ bodythat does not attract international recognition.

In Zimbabwe, the Chartered Accountants ofZimbabwe qualification has always enjoyed regionalreciprocity. So this has a higher profile than thatoffered by Supplier D. Another UK based supplier

of accountancy qualifications also has a higherprofile and higher numbers of members. So inZimbabwe, Supplier D is a third choice. Zimbabweis not a key market for Supplier D.

4.5. Supplier E1

Supplier E has been providing a range of postschool business and commercial qualifications in theUK since 1911 and has provided qualificationsinternationally since 1928. The Supplier is active in126 countries. The qualifications are based onEnglish standards rather than being adapted espe-cially for the international market and this isbelieved to lend the qualifications portability.

Supplier E provides qualifications backed up bystudy materials, support documents, recommendedtextbooks, ‘how to pass’ guides, and syllabi. Thelatter are available on line. Numbers of ‘guidedstudy hours’ are recommended to pass each exam.The courses leading to the exams are provided byexamination centres in accordance with the numberof guided study hours recommended by Supplier Eto pass.

A commercial agent and co-ordinating authorityis appointed in Zimbabwe. This agent is based inHarare, but covers Zambia, Zimbabwe and Bots-wana. This contrasts with Supplier F which haswithdrawn from Zimbabwe and conducts its busi-ness from Zambia and Botswana. Administrativeprocedures, fees, paper distribution and transac-tions with schools and colleges are dealt with by thecommercial agent and co-ordinating authority whoeffectively act as a satellite doing business on behalfof Supplier E. The final contact is with the Africamarketing manager in the UK. About 30 schoolsand colleges are contacts in Zimbabwe.

The co-ordinating authority is retained by Sup-plier E to administer exams including deliveringscripts, centre administration, security and fees. Thecommercial agent acts purely commercially todevelop the market. There is no overlap betweenthe respective functions and responsibilities.

Examination centres in Zimbabwe are mainly inHarare with some in Bulawayo and Mashingo. Thesupplier is trying to extend the locations, but

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communications are difficult locally. Having exam-ined the options, Supplier E prefers not to use thebecause of the additional costs imposed on thestudent. In contrast with other suppliers Supplier Efaces the difficulties imposed by currency considera-tions itself.

Competition for vocational qualifications inZimbabwe is coming from other foreign suppliers,for example Supplier F. There is no perceivedcompetition from local suppliers.

As noted above, demand for business courses andqualifications appears to have increased in SriLankan to the extent that Supplier E’s Singaporebased franchisee is now providing the qualificationthere. The recent marketing of Supplier E’s coursesin Sri Lanka emphasises the possibility of using thequalification to gain admission to many UKUniversities, and as an exemption qualification forsome professional bodies, including for example,Supplier D. This is one of the main contrasts foundacross the board between the two countries. InZimbabwe candidates are keen to obtain qualifica-tions that will boost their employment opportunitiesespecially in neighbouring states; in Sri Lanka,students were looking for the highest academicstandard qualifications. The new demand for busi-ness and commercial subjects in Sri Lanka reflectsthe changes in demand mentioned by Supplier Cand also work carried out by Supplier F (discussedbelow).

Like all respondents whose organisation operatedin Zimbabwe, Supplier E had experienced problemswith foreign currency and inflation. Exam fees go upwith each series of exams according to what themarket will stand. Inflation is very high inZimbabwe. It is not possible to get money out.Supplier E charges fees in Zimbabwe dollars andwill continue to do so despite difficulties. Supplier Edoes not get any money out of Zimbabwe, but usesit to pay local costs and salaries. Its aim is merely tomaintain a presence in the market and invest in thefuture of what in the past has been a good market.The respondent observed that matters will get muchworse in Zimbabwe, but equally that there is a hugepotential.

4.6. Supplier F

Supplier F is a merger of two main qualificationsuppliers, one specialising in vocational qualifica-tions and the other in office and administrationqualifications. The vocational supplier was founded

in 1878 and merged with the supplier of adminis-trative courses in 1990.

A School examinations board was ‘establishedand administered’ by the vocational qualificationprovider in 1953 and this was merged with tworegional school examination awards to create a newbody in 1997. The international operation started in1990 in response to increased demand. In somecountries this supplier has assisted in setting upNational examination systems and qualificationstructures.

Two different types of qualifications are offered.Qualification A is offered in single subjects in ‘bite-size chunks’; short courses focused on a single exam.The main categories of subject for Qualification Aare vocational qualifications in IT, ESOL, officeskills, administration, secretarial and business.Qualification A has been very popular in Zim-babwe, but not in Sri Lanka where more academicroutes are favoured. The papers are examined in theUK to ensure consistent standards.

Qualification B covers a range of technical andvocational qualifications, including for exampleHairdressing, Beauty Therapy, Motor VehicleMechanics, Telecommunications, and Hotel andCatering. The qualification is especially designed forthe international market and is based on the EnglishNVQ. There are two routes to qualification. Thefirst a Craft Route which is for workers and seconda Technician route which replaces HND. There arethree levels at Craft Route which equate to the firstthree levels of NVQ. There are three levels oftechnician route, the second of which gains exemp-tion from the first year of a university degree.

The assessment of both routes is structured in thesame way. A competency statementis assessed by a‘visiting verifier’ usually in simulated work circum-stances and a written paper. At Technician level, itis possible to take this paper separately from thecompetency assessment and this is often done bycandidates to verify courses taken locally, at thesame time as gaining a qualification which hasinternational currency. This is important, especiallyin Zimbabwe, as it allows mobility in seekingemployment. In Sri Lanka, these qualifications aresometimes taken to enter further or higher educa-tion and people with the higher-level qualificationscan also opt to take further and higher educationcourses in the UK.

At the time of the original interview in 2000Supplier F had a branch office in Harare coveringZimbabwe, Botswana, Malawi and Zambia. There

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were also 300 centres offering qualification A and 80offering qualification B. In Zimbabwe, studentsenroled with a privately owned college or centreproviding the qualifications. The qualifications arenot offered at government colleges which now onlyoffer local (ZIMSEC) qualifications.

According to a follow-up interview in 2005, thishas now all changed and Supplier F has leftZimbabwe. It has an unofficial centre in Zimbabweto offer support to students, but in the main issupplying its Zimbabwe candidates from Botswanaand Zambia, to where students travel to sit theirexams. The office in Harare was closed for tworeasons: firstly because of the difficulties of obtain-ing foreign currency, and secondly because of legalproscriptions on the raising of fees which thissupplier found untenable in the light of very highinflation rates. The respondent spoken to in June2005 informed us that centre principals had beenarrested and imprisoned recently because their feeswere deemed to be too high.

Courses and qualifications in Sri Lanka used tobe administered by the Ministry of Education, butthis was then transferred to the British Council. TheBritish Council is perceived to be very good atadministering exams, but does no pro-active mar-keting and charge a 100% mark up, making theexams expensive for Sri Lankan students. SupplierF has plans to develop associations with individualproviders of courses and give exam centre numbersto individual course providers. The British Councilwould still need to be involved for local qualitycontrol and collection of fees. One advantage of theBritish Council is that it can collect fees in Rupeesand remit them in Sterling. According to a web sitepress release Supplier F opened a branch office inColombo in early 2003. Skills development fundingfrom the Asian Development Bank and greaterdemand from the Sri Lankan government for skills-based vocational training has led Supplier F to workjointly with the Sri Lankan government to developthe skills base and vocational qualification infra-structure of the country. Supplier F’s qualificationstaken in Sri Lanka carry the imprimaturs of bothSuppler F and the government, giving them localand international currency.

Demand for the qualifications offered by SupplierF waned in the 1970s once newly independentnations had their own qualifications in place. Itstarted to increase again in the 1980s. The interna-tional business came back without trying in the mid1980s. Supplier F set up its international arm in

1990 to cope with this increased demand. At thetime of interview (July 2000) demand in Zimbabwewas increasing by about 10–15% per annum,despite economic difficulties for candidates. De-mand in Sri Lanka was flat at the time of interviewbecause of the effect of the high mark up charged bythe British Council. Greater marketing was plannedand as mentioned above there a link has since beenmade with the Sri Lankan Government.

In Zimbabwe, secretarial qualifications have beenextremely popular. IT is also popular but there is nodemand for ESOL in Zimbabwe. In Sri Lanka, thedemand for courses leading to Qualification B ismainly for telecoms, electrical and electronic en-gineering at technician level. Motor Vehicle Me-chanics, Mechanical Engineering and ConstructionEngineering are ‘taking off’ in Sri Lanka. There isan IT qualification at level 4, but Supplier Femphasised that it cannot compete with thequalifications provided by Supplier A. In Zim-babwe, there is a strong demand for Telecoms.Electrical and Electronic Engineering and MotorVehicle Maintenance, and Quality Assurance qua-lifications are also popular. Hotel and catering andInternational Tourism were selling well at the timeof the interview in 2001. In 2005, an opportunity fortraining had opened with the Sheraton group, butthis was one of few that students would take toremain in Zimbabwe, preferring to gain qualifica-tions with international portability instead. Alsopopular in Zimbabwe are market research, teachertraining, retail and assessor awards.

In Zimbabwe, students are keen to obtain aqualification that will get them a job. In Sri Lankathe qualification has not been particularly wellknown. There, it is used for progression touniversity; the demand is for the highest possiblequalification. In Zimbabwe parents scrimp and saveto put their children through these qualifications.They are highly rated by parents, and students valuethem for onward study and employment. In 2005,Supplier F described demand in Zimbabwe as veryhigh but ‘for the wrong reasons.’ Students wantedthe qualifications in order to leave the country andgain employment in neighbouring states. Supplier Fqualifications are promoted as added value to homequalifications, not as an alternative.

In Zimbabwe, these qualifications are said to beare well known by employers. They had beenadvertised on TV and radio and in the papers andaccording to Supplier F employers were happy torecommend them to their workers. Employer

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seminars had been held to promote the qualifica-tions and some centres are employer’s own trainingdepartments. These activities have now ceased, dueto economic and political pressures.

In Sri Lanka, the operation had been in the handsof the British Council and no pro-active marketinghad been carried out. The Supplier had plans toaddress this issue and in early 2003

signed a co-operation agreement with the SriLankan Ministry of Tertiary Education andTraining to assist with strengthening Sri Lanka’svocational and technical framework (source: website press release).

The same press release observes that Supplier F’svocational qualifications (Qualification B) ‘arewidely accepted worldwide including the Gulf Statesfor employment and educational advancement’ andthat with these qualifications ‘the employability ofSri Lankans will make them an attractive proposi-tion for local and international industry’.

An international web site for both sets ofqualification provides a wealth of information forstudents, centres and employers on qualificationsand how to obtain or provide them. The qualifica-tions are promoted on the web site as ‘globallyrecognised.’

The cost in Sri Lanka is relatively high because ofthe mark-up costs of the British Council. InZimbabwe it can be very difficult for candidates toafford the qualifications, but demand continues torise because of the improved chances of gainingemployment and international mobility for jobs anduniversity education especially from the Technicianqualification.

Withdrawing from Zimbabwe had caused thissupplier some concern. A ‘not-for-profit educationalcharity,’ they had been committed to remaining inthe country, cross subsidising the operation fromother countries where a surplus could be generated.However the situation was increasingly viewed asuntenable, especially in view of the risk of arrest forincrements in fees and the absence of a free market.

4.7. Supplier G

Supplier G is part of a prestigious, federalUniversity that has had degree-awarding powerssince the mid nineteenth century and has run adistance-learning programme for students studyingnationally and internationally since 1858. Theorganisation is a federation of separately incorpo-

rated and self-governing academic institutions. Theinstitutions that constitute the federation attractlarge numbers of UK and foreign students for face-to-face courses, and some offer degree-level coursesthrough distance and blended modes directly. Ourcase study however focuses on the centrallycoordinated federal programme of distance courseson which, currently, some 30,000 students from 190countries (including the UK) are registered annuallyfor courses of study. These 30,000 complement themore than 100,000 students following coursesthrough the face-to-face mode annually.

Supplier G provides academic (and professional)qualifications mainly at Level 3 (i.e. Bachelor’sdegree, postgraduate diploma, Master’s and doc-toral. The pre-degree diploma may be regarded as aLevel 2 qualification. An access course is providedfor those who do not have A Levels. Bachelor’sdegrees (BA, BSc, BD and LLB) are available in awide range of subjects with each being providedthrough a ‘lead college’ of the federal universityShort modular courses are available at Master’slevel for those seeking individual or professionaldevelopment. These are available in a range ofprofessional areas including Laws; Human Re-source Management; Environmental Studies; Veter-inary Studies; Accountancy, and Agriculture.Postgraduate diplomas are available in the sameareas as master’s degrees. These include Business;Health; Agricultural studies; Finance; Orthodon-tics; Distance Education, and United States Studies.Because of the size and nature of the University thepotential study areas are wide and varied.

The market for Supplier G qualifications inZimbabwe and Sri Lanka should be seen in itsrespective regional context.

In the Africa region total registrations haveincreased from 839 in May 1994 to 1370 in January2000. This is modest, in view of the total registra-tions of 30,000. Countries demonstrating growth(but from very differing starting points) includeBotswana, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Mauritius,Rwanda, South Africa, and Tanzania. The marketin Zimbabwe grew from 80 in May 1994 to 132 inAugust 1997, followed by a decline to 69 in January2000. The majority of registrations from Zimbabweare at the post-graduate level. For example inJanuary 2000, 51 students registered at the post-graduate level compared with 18 at undergraduatelevel. The 51 registrations are spread widely across21 courses. While some courses attract only a singlestudent, others attract groups of students. In

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January 2000, 12 students registered on the ‘envir-onment’ courses, 15 on various Agriculture andRural Change courses, and six on economics andfinance courses. At the undergraduate level where18 students were registered, the Bachelor in Law(LLB) attracts the largest single group of students.

In the South Asia region registrations have grownmore rapidly though remain small in the globalcontext. Over the period May 1994–January 2000registrations in South Asia increased almost six-fold, from 234 to 1311. Sri Lanka shows consistentgrowth from 116 in May 1994 to 386 by January2000, a number only slightly smaller than Pakistan(398) but larger than India (201) and Bangladesh(256). And in contrast with Zimbabwe, the majorityof registrations in Sri Lanka are at the under-graduate level. Of the 386 registrations in January2000 only 10 were at postgraduate level. In January2000, the largest undergraduate registrations arefound in the subject areas of economics andmanagement (74 on the diploma in economics, 39in economics and management, 35 in managementand 15 in management with law), the LLB (69) andcomputing (73 on diploma and degree).

Although the registrations in Sri Lanka and theSouth Asia region in general are increasing, thenumbers of students remain small when comparedwith those in East and South East Asia. In 1997, forexample, student registrations in Singapore, HongKong and Malaysia were 6892, 4808 and 4680,respectively.

Like each of our case study qualification suppli-ers, Supplier G has an extensive website withinformation on a range of matters, e.g. studyweekends in lead colleges, education exhibitionsworldwide, and full details about study. In addition,the programme relies on a range of print materialsto market its courses, education exhibitions andvisits, referrals by other agencies and word ofmouth.

Central office staff monitor information fromthose who enquire about courses about how theycame to learn about the course. Between 1999 and2001, the largest numbers of enquiries fromZimbabwe came through the local Rapid ResultsCollege, the World Wide Web, the British Council,friends and family referrals, and schools andcolleges. In the same period the largest number ofenquiries from Sri Lanka arose through the WorldWide Web, advertisements in the Sri LankanSunday English press, educational exhibitions,newspaper adverts associated with the exhibitions

and referrals from friends and family. The market-ing brochures set out the benefits of studying for aSupplier G qualification and the benefits of studyingas an external student. The brochure containsextracts of statements by successful students, andimportantly, on the equivalence of standards withthe face-to-face degrees. The costs of courses are thesame worldwide. However non-EU students arecharged slightly more than EU students. The costsare broken down into: Application fees; exemptionfees; initial registration fees; continuing registrationfees, and examinations fees. An undergraduatedegree costs between £1500 and £2500 to completeand a postgraduate degree between £7000 and£10,000 depending on the amount of supportrequired. Additionally, local centres charge a tuitionfee and examination fee. Study materials areprovided, but textbooks are extra. Fees are chargedin pounds sterling.

5. Synthesis

By way of synthesis we demonstrate howsuppliers operate globally in the qualificationsmarket place and, simultaneously, act locally,responding flexibly to local conditions prevailingin the two contrasted country economies.

5.1. Operating globally

All the suppliers interviewed claimed to beengaged in internationalising and globalising theiractivities.

Some suppliers emphasised the global nature oftheir qualifications, especially in promotional litera-ture aimed at the international market. Forexample, Supplier B advertised skills and careerawards on its web site as being ‘internationallyaccepted’. They offered a

local context—a global approach—the awardsare designed to exploit knowledge of localeconomies and business practice, and then placethis knowledge in a global context.

Supplier C described its qualifications as

world class qualifications delivered locallyyrecognised globally.

As a provider of accountancy qualificationsSupplier D discussed the impact of globalisation insome detail in its promotional literature:

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Financial markets-even entire economies—areshaken by seemingly insignificant faraway events.New industries arise overnight. Fortunes aremade and lost in hours, not years. Welcome tothe business world of the 21st century. A worldwhere everything is connected and nothing ispredictable. Where knowledge and imaginationare more valuable than physical assets. Wherethere are no geographical boundaries. A world ofgreat uncertainty. And great opportuni-tyyThere has never been a more exciting timeto begin a business career. And there has neverbeen a greater need for people with talent andvision. People able to grasp the opportunitiesoffered by collapsing barriers to trade, to harnessthe technology that is revolutionising the way webuy, sell and communicate (Brochure, p. 3).

Supplier F describes its qualifications as ‘globallyrecognised.’

Supplier A was global in its approach to supplyand claimed that it specialised in setting up aninfrastructure that operates on a global basis toglobal standards. Thus it had decentralised itsinternational operation and was managing its SriLankan qualifications operation from an office inDubai and its Zimbabwe operation from CapeTown. Although the examinations were usually setand marked in the UK a regional moderator wasused to verify procedures locally. At the time ofinterview a recent development was to have scriptsfrom Sri Lanka marked in Kuala Lumpur and thosefrom Zimbabwe marked in Cape Town, rather thansending scripts back to the UK. This was attributedto increasing standards and infrastructure in thesecountries. It probably also made sense in terms ofcost, although this was not mentioned in theinterview. Flexibility of approach and attention todiversity and cultural differences were highly valuedby this supplier. It described its examinations as‘culturally unloaded’. It was possible for tuitioncentres to vary the delivery of courses according tolocal strengths and weaknesses. For example, insome countries, early mathematics education wasvery good and so less time could be spent on thiscomponent in favour of another.

Supplier D operated the most standard approachacross the two contexts. For example it charges thesame fees in all countries and charges in Sterling inall countries except Zimbabwe, where there areforeign currency restrictions. In countries likeZimbabwe and Sri Lanka this makes their qualifica-

tions very expensive. Supplier D said its qualifica-tions were very ‘Colombo Centric,’ in Sri Lanka,meaning that few students from other parts of thecountry could afford to enter for the qualification.Supplier D shared Supplier C’s view that decisionsabout qualifications in Sri Lanka were family based,rather than individually made.

Supplier C was noting a small increase inindependence from students, who are now choosingbusiness subjects rather than natural sciences. Whilein most countries they market directly to employers,in Sri Lanka it is parents who are targeted.

Internationalisation of supply could be a responseto a sudden increase in demand from developingcountries in general from the late 1980s onward.Suppliers had different explanations for increases inglobal demand for their qualifications. For example,Supplier F said that demand had declined in theearly 1970s once newly independent nations hadtheir own qualifications in place. However theinternational business came back ‘without trying’in the mid 1980s and the supplier set up aninternational arm in 1990 to cope with the increasein international demand. This supplier was in theprocess of working on low demand for theirvocational qualifications in Sri Lanka by enteringinto a partnership with the government to improvevocational education.

Supplier A had tracked the way changes ininternational demand for IT qualifications haddeveloped. In this supplier’s view there would bean increased demand for higher levels of qualifica-tions as the country developed its own qualificationsystem and IT infrastructure. Supplier A’s ITqualifications were seen as acting as building blocksfor a country’s own qualifications. Sri Lanka wasdefined as being at a peak of demand for SupplierA’s IT qualifications, and was described as being ata ‘midway point in development.’ Demand waslinked to educational provision in a country as wellas aspirations for a particular qualification. SupplierA noted that as the standards of state providededucation went up in a country there was lessdemand for their products particularly at the lowerlevels.

Supplier D was able to point to a universityclosure in Sri Lanka during the 1980s as providing aboost to demand for their high-level accountancyqualifications there. A perception that locallyadministered qualifications might be error proneor open to corruption also provided impetus to takeforeign qualifications in both countries. Most

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promotional literature spoke of the expandedemployment opportunities both at home andabroad provided by the qualification concerned.Two suppliers described their qualification as beingused in Zimbabwe as ‘a passport out of thecountry.’ Many of the qualifications being suppliedin Sri Lanka offered students improved opportu-nities to work abroad.

Some suppliers equated raised global demand fortheir product as either connected to their marketingactivities or otherwise inexplicable. Others were ableto associate changes in demand with developmentsboth in terms of the education systems of develop-ing countries and in terms of globalisation and itsimpacts upon the needs of a country’s economy, theindividual needs of young people; their parents, andthe requirements of employers.

5.2. Acting locally

Suppliers responded to local conditions in differ-ent ways. Sometimes this meant emphasising thecompanies British rather than global provenance.Supplier F had attributed the high demand for itscourses in Zimbabwe in part to perceptions ofintegrity. Rather than globalising its operations inrespect of exam marking it had thus kept this in theUK. Supplier C strongly promoted its Britishprovenance in Sri Lanka where that lent prestigeto its academic qualifications. Their UK exams mayhave been perceived as having a higher degree ofquality control. On the other hand this supplier usedits international branding to offer jointly deliveredtechnical and vocational training courses. SupplierG similarly emphasised its London base as adistance university on its web site. Supplier Gcombines the global approach in offering students‘an internationally recognised qualification withoutleaving your home country’ at the same time aspromoting its ‘distinguished heritage.’

There may be a perceived value in having adistinctive UK brand in an increasingly internatio-nalised market place, with qualifications availablefrom, inter alia, the US, Australia, South Africa,India and Singapore. This distinctive brand ap-proach was most often used in Sri Lanka. InZimbabwe, where the relationship with the formercolonial power is at best ambivalent, this was notalways seen as the best policy. Of suppliersapproached to be interviewed in the UK, onedeclined, and this was because they particularlywished to avoid be seen as British in the Zimbabwe

context and were actively advancing a ‘global’presence in this context. Our research into UKsuppliers might have categorised them in a way theysought to avoid.

Administration of Supplier D’s examinations wasentirely UK based, but the tuition was deliveredlocally and was described as usually ‘pretty poorquality.’ That said the supplier estimated that halfthe Sri Lankans who acquire their qualification willuse it to take abroad in search of employment.

5.3. Localising exam systems

In Sri Lanka, a thriving market for UK and manyother foreign qualifications has been noted in thecontext of a liberalised economy (Little and Evans,2005; Little, 2007). Suppliers indicated to us that aUK-based qualification had a special kudos in theSri Lankan market. Students aspired to obtainqualifications at the highest possible academic levelto improve their employment prospects, both in SriLanka and abroad. This reflects in part a shortageof university places and also the high statusattached to academic qualifications. However, bothSuppliers F and E had responded to an increaseddemand for business, commercial and vocationalsubjects by increasing their supply and in the case ofSupplier F working with the government to improveprovision of these qualifications.

The experience in Zimbabwe for most suppliershas been in contrast to the success enjoyed inSri Lanka. Supplier A described demand as beingup in Zimbabwe although not always realised.Students were aspiring to this IT qualification butnot always able to achieve their aspirations. Thesupplier had problems with the high rate of inflationand the devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar. Likeother suppliers they were charging in sterling fortheir qualifications and this was very hard to obtainin the country, and like other suppliers they wereusing the British Council, who could accept thelocal currency and then remit to the supplier insterling. This supplier was limited in its tuitioncentres in Zimbabwe and continued its operationdespite the tuition centre having been targeted bywar veterans.

Supplier F had modified its arrangements inZimbabwe recently. As a not-for-profit educationalcharity it invests surpluses from its operation insome countries into countries where there is declineor difficulty. It had recently run into seriousdifficulties in Zimbabwe, where, with inflation

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running at more than 300%,2 the government hadmade it illegal for private education suppliers toincrease tuition fees. There were also difficultiesobtaining tuition fees in Sterling although theBritish Council had been assisting with this. Theexpressed reasons for closing were economic,although according to the BBC in May 2004, theZimbabwean education minister was preventingprivate schools and qualification providers fromraising fees because

They throw Africans out simply by hiking fees.We are dealing with racist schools. They are allformer white schools; all racist (http://news.-bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3689903 accessed on9th August 2005).

There may also have been political difficulties incontinuing the operation.

Supplier F had therefore reluctantly closed theirHarare operation although there is still someonethere unofficially to offer support. Nonetheless,demand is consistently high for their qualificationsand students are travelling to Botswana and Zambiato take exams. The respondent regretted that thelaw now appears to preclude the operation of a freemarket in Zimbabwe. According to the ZimbabweHerald (Friday, 5th August 2005) however, stateschool fees are to be increased by 1000% (onethousand per cent) backdated to January 2005.

Supplier B had extensively modified its arrange-ments to supply qualifications in Zimbabwe. At thetime of the original interview for this research inDecember 2001, the supplier was in a process oftransition having been the main provider of school-level exams like O levels, A levels and InternationalGCSEs.

Foreign currency in Zimbabwe was a constanttheme among suppliers in Zimbabwe. Foreignsuppliers tend to require their fees paid in theirown currency and on top of the difficulties infinding the fees in the first place this are anadditional burden for students and their parents.However, in Sri Lanka the possibility to obtainforeign qualifications without costly travel abroadwas welcomed by students and their families andthis affected the marketing of qualifications in SriLanka where suppliers also recognised the impor-

2The rate of inflation in Zimbabwe is continuously rising. No

figure included in this paper will be correct at the time of

publication.

tance of families in decision-making about qualifi-cations.

6. Conclusion

With the exception of Supplier D, UK-basedsuppliers of qualifications to Sri Lanka andZimbabwe interact with the demands and charac-teristics of the respective markets in which theyoperate. It is significant that Supplier D is exclu-sively a qualification supplier, rather than a supplierof courses and qualifications. The necessary invol-vement of domestic private suppliers in the deliveryof courses leading to Supplier D’s qualificationsmeans that the student experience varies across thetwo contexts.

Contemporary factors which appear to haveinfluenced the interaction in our two countrycontexts are the availability of foreign exchange(less available in Zimbabwe); legal frameworks andconstraints (more in Sri Lanka); the technologicaland economic development of the country (strongerin Sri Lanka); strength and orientation of externalpolitical relationships (weak and hostile to the Westin Zimbabwe); the availability of alternative quali-fication and course delivery systems, domestic andforeign; local, national and foreign labour marketopportunities (local and national opportunities inSri Lanka greater); and brain drain motivated byfrustration with the political and economic environ-ment (high from Zimbabwe). It is also clear thatdifferent UK-based qualification suppliers offeringsimilar levels and types of qualifications organisetheir operations differently even within the sameforeign context.

The interaction between global and national/localhistories is also illustrated by these cases. Whileboth countries have been subject to trends in theglobal economy and to policy prescriptions of aglobal nature over time (e.g. colonial exporteconomy, oil crises, externally prescribed policesof structural adjustment and liberalisation) thepoint in this global history at which each countrygained its political independence from the UKvaried by more than 30 years. Sri Lanka localisedexaminations, course content and medium ofinstruction at independence from 1948 at a timewhen global policy prescriptions were movingtowards inward-oriented import substitution andlocalisation, and when national political forces weremoving from the right to the left. Zimbabwe’seducation system is shifting in this same direction

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currently, over 20 years after independence andmore than 50 years after Sri Lanka. While many SriLankan students are now rather unprepared to takeadvantage of English-medium qualifications onoffer in international marketplace of qualifications,Zimbabwean students, because of their English-medium education, are much better placed. How-ever, the economic and political complexion ofZimbabwe means that those few students who canafford to gain foreign qualifications are likely to usethem to leave Zimbabwe.

This comparative study has at least four implica-tions for the study of education and qualifications inthe context of globalisation. First, and mostgenerally, the study confirms our initial hypothesisthat exogenous and endogenous factors interact togenerate both the demand for and supply of foreignqualifications. While this hypothesis is confirmed byour limited number of case studies in two countrycontexts, studies of non-UK suppliers in thesecontexts and of UK and non-UK suppliers in othercountries/contexts are needed to extend and chal-lenge the general proposition.

Second, our cases have suggested that foreigneducation suppliers are more likely to adapt theirbehaviour to national and local contexts when theysupply more than the examination and qualifica-tion. The award of a qualification is the end result ofa long chain of curriculum, pedagogic and assess-ment activities to which foreign and local supplierscontribute differentially. While some activities maybe standard across contexts (e.g. the content of thetext books and examination) others may varyconsiderably (e.g. the type of delivery as betweenface-to-face, on line, print at a distance, blended).We suggest that the more involved is the qualifica-tion supplier in all links in the curriculum–pedago-gy–assessment–qualification chain the less standardwill be its profile across contexts. The less involvedin pedagogy and curriculum, and the more focussedon assessment, examination and qualification alone,the more likely it is that operations will becomestandardised across contexts. These hypothesesrequire confirmation across a range of suppliersand contexts.

Third, on the basis of our two country contexts,we have identified a range of contemporary factorsthat appear to be influence the interaction betweenUK qualification suppliers, their perceptions oflocal markets and the needs and ambitions ofstudents, their consumers. These include the avail-ability of foreign exchange; legal frameworks and

constraints; the technological and economic devel-opment of the country; external political relation-ships; the availability of alternative qualificationand course delivery systems, domestic and foreign;and local, national and foreign labour marketopportunities. These factors differentiated the con-texts we studied. Future studies of relations betweenUK and non-UK suppliers across a range ofcontexts should draw on this list for purposes ofconfirmation—but should also seek to identifyadditional exogenous and endogenous factors atplay.

Finally, the interaction between global pressuresand national/local histories, illustrated by thesecases, deserves fuller exploration. Even wherecontemporary endogenous economic, political andeducation characteristics appear to be similar acrosscontexts and where a qualification supplier appearsto be acting in a standard, context-neutral way,differential education and qualification histories arelikely to influence the interaction between contem-porary exogenous and endogenous factors. Themarketplace for the global education business ishighly differentiated.

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