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T HE R IGHTS AND W RONGS OF E CONOMIC S CIENCE

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Page 1: The Rights and Wrongs of Economic Science (January 2017) › wp2 › wp-content › uploads › ...Economic models as … fables Fables • are simple dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd

THE RIGHTS AND WRONGS OF ECONOMIC SCIENCE

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What is the Nobel committee thinking?• What’s the big idea?

• Can they both possibly be right?

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In a nutshell…

“Economics is a science of thinking in terms of models joined to the art of choosing models which are relevant…”

Keynes (1938)

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In the land of the Econ …where “modls” rule

Axel Leijonhufvud, “Life Among the Econ,” Western Economic Journal, September 1973.

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… and determine attitudes towards other social sciences

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… though even the natives cannot agree which “modl” to use

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But why models: Borges on scientific method

http://www.sccs.swarthmore.edu/users/08/bblonder/phys120/docs/borges.pdf

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Argument• Models are key to the “scientific” nature of economics

• understand complex social reality by laying bare a very large variety of causal relationships, one at a time

• Economics advances not by settling on “the model,” but by generating useful collection of models • an inventory of partial explanations • non-universality and context-specificity

• This view of economics counters typical critiques of economics • as well as economists’ own description of their practice

• Economists are good at making models, but poor at navigating among them

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Models at work: what does economics have to say on the effects of

• minimum wages on employment? • expansionary fiscal policy on economic activity? • capital inflows on economic growth?

• trade liberalization on economic performance?

• ….

Different models, different results

(and empirical analysis rarely ever conclusive, often pointing to different outcomes for different places and times)

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Example: minimum wages• What are the employment consequences of a minimum

wage imposed by the government?

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Effects of minimum wage under two different kinds of market structure

L

w

D

S

A competitive market

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Effects of minimum wage under two different kinds of market structure

L

w

D

S

A competitive market

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Effects of minimum wage under two different kinds of market structure

L

w

D

MC

S

A competitive market A monopsonistic market

L

w

D

S

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Effects of minimum wage under two different kinds of market structure

A competitive market A monopsonistic market

L

D

MC

S

L

w

D

S

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Economic models as … fablesFables

• are simple dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd • are not real dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd • have clear storyline

dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd • have characters that can be

animals or objects dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd

• typically have a moral • provide interpretive short-cuts • are multiple, one for every situation

Economic models

• simplicity: ceteris paribus assumption

• reality: stylized abstractions, untrue assumptions

• storyline: clear cause-and-effect, if-then relationships

• characters: random shocks, exogenous structural parameters, “nature”…

• moral: policy implication • interpretation: analytic shortcut • multiplicity: context-specificity

(cf. Rubinstein 2006; Cartwright 2008)

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Economic models as … experimentsExperiments

• isolate effects of specific cause/intervention

• can be replicated by anyone

• experiments produce dissimilar results in diverse settings

• lab experiments do not pretend to represent “real world”

• field experiments need to be extrapolated to other settings

• in both cases, external validity not assured and has to be argued and supplied from outside

Economic models

• clarify causal links by simplifying gdfgdfgdfg

• can be reproduced by anyone

• different models for different contexts

• do not claim to be representations of real world

• relevance of a model depends on “extrapolation”

• additional techniques needed to sort out the usefulness/relevance of available models (see below)

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Note 1: the role of math in economic models

• Models do not require math, in principle • any causal statement contains an implicit model

• In practice, math often useful to • clarify (and make explicit) the nature of assumptions, relationships,

conclusions • ensure conclusions follow logically from assumptions

• “economists use math not because they are smart, but because they recognize they are not smart enough”

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Note 2: the role of rationality and self-interest in economic models• Rationality, self-interest, or material motives are not

essential, or required ingredients of models • though they are typically assumed

• Other variants can, and have been, accommodated in economic models • other-regarding behavior versus “self-interest” • considerations such as status versus “material motives” • endogenous preferences • behavioral economics versus “rationality”

• In real-world applications, the rationality postulate is as contestable as any other feature of an economic model

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Note 3: Unrealistic assumptions• Milton Friedman’s point: realism doesn’t matter … • Cannot be true • Critical assumptions do matter

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Note 4: Maintained assumptions in economics

• Are some assumptions (modeling conventions) so important that they always have to be preferred? • individual rationality – already talked about • “micro-foundations”

• methodological individualism a strength of economics, but can come at cost of introducing other, misleading simplifications • e.g., representative agent, infinite horizon, …

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What makes models “scientific”?• Clarifying nature of hypotheses: explicit causal chains

• simplification both a necessity and a virtue: isolation => what precisely does an explanation depend on?

• “a model is an experiment, and vice versa” (Mäki; Gilboa et al.) Model selection

after the fact in real time

A method for sorting out disagreements “arguments that can be shown to be wrong” vs. those that are “not even wrong” (W. Pauli) we can agree on what we disagree on, even when empirical evidence is too weak to discriminate among models

Accumulation of knowledge how economics advances (slide)

Nature of “authority” rests on “quality” of models (judged by principles widely shared by practitioners), not on reputation/status/network

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What makes models “scientific”?• Clarifying nature of hypotheses: explicit causal chains

• simplification both a necessity and a virtue: isolation => what precisely does an explanation depend on?

• “a model is an experiment, and vice versa” (Mäki; Gilboa et al.) • Model selection

• after the fact • statistical tools

• in real time • applied policy analysis (e.g., growth diagnostics)

Nature of “authority” rests on “quality” of models (judged by principles widely shared by practitioners), not on reputation/status/network

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What makes models “scientific”?• Clarifying nature of hypotheses: explicit causal chains

• simplification both a necessity and a virtue: isolation => what precisely does an explanation depend on?

• “a model is an experiment, and vice versa” (Mäki; Gilboa et al.) • Model selection

• after the fact • statistical tools

• in real time • applied policy analysis (e.g., growth diagnostics)

• A method for sorting out disagreements • “arguments that can be shown to be wrong” vs. those that are “not even wrong” (W.

Pauli) • we can agree on what we disagree on, even when empirical evidence is too weak to

discriminate among models

Nature of “authority” rests on “quality” of models (judged by principles widely shared by practitioners), not on reputation/status/network

Page 24: The Rights and Wrongs of Economic Science (January 2017) › wp2 › wp-content › uploads › ...Economic models as … fables Fables • are simple dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd dfgdfgdfgdfgdfgdfgd

What makes models “scientific”?• Clarifying nature of hypotheses: explicit causal chains

• simplification both a necessity and a virtue: isolation => what precisely does an explanation depend on?

• “a model is an experiment, and vice versa” (Mäki; Gilboa et al.) • Model selection

• after the fact • statistical tools

• in real time • applied policy analysis (e.g., growth diagnostics)

• A method for sorting out disagreements • “arguments that can be shown to be wrong” vs. those that are “not even wrong” (W.

Pauli) • we can agree on what we disagree on, even when empirical evidence is too weak to

discriminate among models • Accumulation of knowledge

• not by one model replacing another, but by richer set of models • and better understanding of where they apply

Nature of “authority” rests on “quality” of models (judged by principles widely shared by practitioners), not on reputation/status/network

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Can empirics do away with models?• “Let facts on the ground determine policy” • “We don’t need theory if we have good evidence”

• RCTs, especially • Big Data

• no need for theorizing any more • Counterarguments:

• every “fact” requires an interpretive frame • regularities versus causation

• evidence, even of the very strong kind, always needs interpretation and we use models as our interpretive frame

• RCTs require causal stories/extrapolation to be applicable, and we need models for that

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How to figure out the relevant model – the craft of economics• Verify direct implications • Verify critical assumptions (cf. M. Friedman) • Verify mechanisms • Verify incidental implications (comparative statics) • Note parallels with external validity in randomized

controlled trials

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Example: growth diagnostics as model selection

Why is growth low: • Neoclassical model: physical and human capital • “Endogenous” growth model: R&D and competition • Trade & growth model: trade policy, exports • Dual economy model: structural change/industrialization • “Chicago” model: too much government • Structuralist model: too little government • Institutionalist model: property right & contract

enforcement • …

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Re-evaluating critiques of economics• Simplistic/reductionist theories: a feature, not a bug • Inappropriate universalistic claims: a problem • Reification of markets and material incentives: do markets

promote social disorder by promoting selfishness or order by restraining passions?

• “Conservative bias”: not clear • Disregard of social/political embeddedness: not clear • Failure to predict: conditional predictions, at best • Methodological biases, that crowd out new ideas: perhaps, but a

feature of all scientific disciplines • Loss of ambition

• from a program to transform society to merely understanding how a particular form of market society works

• economists as dentists or plumbers

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Real failings originate from behavioral and sociological aspects of profession• Mistaking a model for the model

• expecting the same model works all the time • overlooking alternative models with different implications • over-confidence, hubris

• Categorical preference for certain axioms • assumption of rational, forward-looking individuals operating in perfectly competitive

markets • Preference for questions that are amenable to available tools of

analysis • substantive implications of common tractability assumptions • neglect of issues involving scale economies until analytical tools were developed

• Implicit political-economy theorizing in policy discussions • economists’ training endows them with no way to evaluate alternative social states

other than through lens of allocative efficiency • economists and the globalization backlash

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Final word

Recognition of economics as portfolio of models: • forces economists to be more humble about how much they really

know • enables greater understanding of the variety of social phenomena

• where such understanding is possible • closes some of the gap with other traditions in social sciences (critical,

cultural, humanist, constructivist, interpretive) • an economist’s answer to “what about x which you left out of your

model…?” is/should be “OK, let’s write down a model of it…”